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![[OPINION] In Defence of Kemi - Victor Ayeni](/media/k2/items/cache/f951ea3ca743ab246388b6c0c6f9d886_L.jpg)
I don't usually do this. The exchanges about Kemi speak so much about us as black people and I think we all should be reminded of this. Here's is a lady who has achieved what no black person, male or female, has EVER done: lead one of the oldest political parties in modern history and serve as a shadow Prime Minister of the UK. That position, among other things, gives her access to exclusively guarded information about one of the leading economies in the world. And to add, she has been in post longer than the last female leader. What do we do in response? We pick her faults and openly wish her to fail. What's wrong with us black people?
I have repeatedly reminded people who try to denigrate her and will say the same here: encourage your daughters and sons to learn the lessons of Kemi's success. She may not become the PM of the UK. However you cannot take away that she's made a mark in history. She is undoubtedly an inspiration for black young and up and coming. She came back to the UK at 16. She didn't attend a UK ivy league university. She had no godfather that we know of to push her up (compare with Kamala in the US or many of her compatriots back home). Before she turned 50, she is leading the UK Conservative Party. Let's get serious here: that's a great deal to have achieved. Just look around you and see how many Nigerians here in the UK are still struggling within a much longer time frame.
Now, let's look at some of the accusations. They say she's said bad things about her country, Nigeria. Who hasn't? And when did that become a problem? Many of those who say these things have themselves said worse things even on this forum. No, others have said, she should have used her influence to try to change rather than talk about them. Again, I don't know when influence became exclusive of talking. Donald Trump has said far more terrible things about America and built his MAGA movement on that. He got away with it. But oh, I forgot Kemi is black! Besides her achievements, Kemi is leading the Conservative Party at a most difficult time when its rating has seriously diminished and it faces an onslaught from the far right that's increasingly emboldened. That would be hard for anyone to handle. Why then should anyone mock her on that? Those who pick on her deliberately disparage the enormously difficult challenges she is up against. And do you think it would do her any good as leader to present a divided commitment to the country she aims to lead? No, she cannot be helped if she were to play up to Nigeria and her dubious governance record. She has to detach herself and show she mean it that she's undivided in her commitment to the UK and it's core values. In some sense, Nigerians who deride her, including the Vice-President, are doing her the favour she so requires.
Anyway, the truth in all these is that the issue those diminishing Kemi have is not about what she has said or not said. I think they all must be honest with themselves and admit that theirs is probably an extension of the low complex far too many black people carry about themselves. Fortunately, Kemi has proved the skeptics to be wrong: a black person can indeed do it. Our daughters and sons need more of such inspiration. Let's celebrate Kemi more, please.
Professor Victor Ayeni
London, United Kingdom
![[OPINION] The thing between Godswill and Natasha - Azu Ishiekwene](/media/k2/items/cache/11795134bb7a7cabf87466f951bedcd3_L.jpg)
Many years ago, when my teacher said nothing sells like sex, crime, and money, I didn’t fully understand what he meant. Yet, over the years, I’ve repeatedly seen that a judicious mix of these socio-economic ingredients is a spellbinder.
Apart from the tragic news about banditry, the suspense in Rivers State, and the heightened prostitution amongst politicians crossing carpet or finding new harems, nothing has hugged the headlines as relentlessly as the salacious tango between Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan.
After weeks of trying to see, hear, and say no evil, I’m compelled to overcome the temptation of abstaining by yielding. It’s not an easy road, believe me – not for those genuinely trying to make sense of it, not for the busybodies and certainly not for the parties involved.
Managing their libido
It’s heartbreaking that despite the perennial underperformance of the legislature, managing the libido of its menfolk has piled on the hazards we must endure.
But it’s not a Nigerian thing, if that is any comfort. A 2016 study by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) on sexism, harassment and violence against women parliamentarians indicates that 20 percent of women parliamentarians globally report sexual harassment during their terms. The hospitality and healthcare sectors follow the pecking order, with power relations influencing the trend in several industries, professions, and workspaces.
Allegations of sexual harassment or assault have indeed been weaponised in the past. From the Central Park Five in the US to Ivan Henry, and Perry Lott, exonerated only two years ago after serving 35 years for a rape conviction in Oklahoma, the literature is replete with cases of persons wrongfully convicted for sexual offences they did not commit. Lott won’t be the last.
What is behind seven…
Yet, Akpoti-Natasha’s allegation should be taken more seriously than just another regular nuisance from an under-performing legislative branch. The feedback from insiders has been puzzling. Akpabio and Akpoti-Natasha have been good friends, one source told me. In Akpabio’s Senate presidency, the source said, none of the other three female senators have enjoyed the privileges Akpoti-Uduaghan has, even though she is a first-timer.
Jealousy, I thought, especially when my source added that apart from her appointment as chairman of the juicy local content development committee, Akpoti-Natasha had been a part of the Senate president’s entourage on trips to several enchanting destinations before things fell apart. This source, I’ve known for years, is not given to flippancy. But I pressed for more.
Show me your friend…
The source added that Akpoti-Uduaghan’s husband, Emmanuel, a hard-working man, high chief, husband of one wife, and friend of the establishment but a non-legislator, had also executed several significant contracts for the National Assembly running into hundreds of millions of naira.
For anyone familiar with how things are done here, lavish travels and contracts for one’s buddies are only a tiny part of the fringe benefits. There is a common saying among Nigerian politicians that one does not give jobs to one’s enemies.
Yet, if it’s also true that one’s friends can sometimes tell a lot about who they are, then anyone who is Akpabio’s friend and gets special treatment cannot claim they’re strangers to his flippancy, a shortcoming for which he cannot help himself. Akpoti-Uduaghan should know him.
A lifestyle of rough jokes
As governor of Akwa Ibom State, he said before TV cameras at a zonal meeting in Port Harcourt that “hungry” state party chairmen of his former party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), should be given one million naira each for snacks at Mr. Biggs. Akpabio also famously said that whatever money cannot do, more money can do.
The bawdier variety range from telling young protesters last year that those who wanted to protest could do so “while the rest of us would be here eating.” Not to mention his off-colour quip about the Senate not being a night club or his pre-recess gaffe to “send prayers” (meaning money) to senators just before their holiday.
The man can’t help himself. He thinks the allegation against him is wokeism gone rogue and called it “a useless allegation of sexual harassment.” But the gravity goes beyond his insinuation that Akpoti-Uduaghan is fighting back for losing her “juicy” committee seat or his charge that she thinks of herself as finer than Snow White, a woman to kill for.
Under the rug
The point is that even though he has framed this dispute as a useless distraction, he should never have been the prosecutor and judge in his own case. Because he was involved – the second time in five years – the matter should have been referred to an independent panel or opened to the public.
Allegations of sexual harassment are often difficult to prove. Many incidents occur privately, leaving no direct witnesses or corroborative testimony. Claims usually rely on the complainant’s words, and documentation of circumstantial evidence is challenging.
Referring the matter to the Ethics and Privileges committee was supposed to create a veneer of impartiality. Still, Akpabio’s vindictiveness was apparent long before the committee returned the six-month suspension verdict on Akpoti-Uduaghan. The Senate president was pulling the strings.
It is not Akpoti-Uduaghan’s right to a fair, impartial hearing alone that was at stake, even though the absence of that should have been sufficient to discredit her punishment. Akpabio has also abridged the rights of the senator’s constituents in Kogi Central by this libidinous overreach.
He should have been more restrained.
A worrying record
Discipline of members shouldn’t be done lightly. Of eight senators suspended since 1999, three have been in the last two years under Akpabio’s presidency. In 236 years, the US Senate has censured nine members.
In South Africa, apart from the raft of parliamentarians who resigned after the so-called Travelgate scandal in the early 2000s, the most notable cases of censure since 1994 have been Julius Malema and Jacob Zuma, for different reasons.
Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele has said Akpoti-Uduaghan was not suspended for her allegation against the Senate president but for multiple breaches, from refusal to sit in her assigned seat, speaking without recognition, disruptive behaviour, and failure to appear before the Senate Ethics Committee, contrary to Senate Orders 2023 as amended.
With only four women out of 109 senators (both chambers of the National Assembly have eight of 490 members), this might sound like music to the ears of the male-dominated chamber. But in the hallways, just outside their gilded offices, the word is that after a previous sexual harassment allegation by Akpoti-Uduaghan against former presidential aide Reno Omokri, it’s time to teach her a lesson.
Spouses beware
Akpabio cannot come clean by asking his wife to tell us what a faithful husband he has been. Or telling us stories of how he spent the night at the Dangote Cement factory to make it to Akpoti-Uduaghan’s wedding. We have an idea what spouses would say in situations like this, and where he spent the night to attend his friend’s wedding is his business.
Enough of the salacious spellbinder. He should allow an independent investigation and publish the findings to bring closure to this sordid episode.
![[OPINION] Before Passing Judgment: Let Us Hear from Imasuen - John Egbeazien Oshodi](/media/k2/items/cache/75770f64ef6298785b89713dfc85d248_M.jpg)
The ongoing controversy surrounding Senator Neda Bernards Imasuen is a glaring reflection of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. A man disbarred by the New York State Supreme Court in 2010 for fraudulent activities now leads the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions. The irony is staggering—how does an individual deemed unfit to practice law in the U.S. assume responsibility for upholding ethical standards in Nigeria’s legislature? His role in dismissing Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s sexual harassment petition against Senate President Godswill Akpabio exposes deep-seated issues of power abuse, institutional corruption, and gender-based oppression.
But this is bigger than Imasuen or Akpabio—it speaks to the broader erosion of governance in a country that continues to recycle tainted individuals into positions of power. Nigeria’s democracy, already struggling against systemic corruption, is being steadily dismantled by those entrusted to protect it. Public trust is continually eroded, impunity is normalized, and disgraced figures are rewarded instead of held accountable. This is the slow poisoning of a nation.
The Ethical Contradiction: A Man Barred for Misconduct Overseeing Ethics
Despite Imasuen’s reckless declaration of Natasha’s petition as ‘dead on arrival,’ his blatant mistreatment of a female senator, and his disregard for a court order, I do not want to rush to judgment. He not only ignored judicial directives but proceeded to push a six-month suspension recommendation before the Senate—an act of defiance that speaks volumes about how power is wielded in Nigeria.
However, we should not crucify him just yet. He is a product of a system that has allowed corruption to fester at every level. The same Nigerians now condemning him are themselves trapped in institutions riddled with corruption, ethical decay, and abuse of power. That said, let us hear from him. Before passing full judgment, he might have insights Nigerians do not yet have, particularly concerning his New York disbarment and other unresolved aspects of his past. If there is any credibility left in him, he should step forward and explain himself.
Yes, he was disbarred. Yes, he concealed it. Yes, he mistreated Natasha. But let us give him a chance to speak. He might possess information that the Nigerian public lacks. He should return to Arise TV or another credible platform to offer his defense. Silence will only deepen suspicions. If he believes his actions are defensible, let him make his case publicly.
Yet no amount of justification can erase the glaring contradiction of his past. His misconduct is not speculation—it is documented. He abandoned a client, embezzled funds, refused to comply with disciplinary authorities, and fled justice in America. This is the man charged with overseeing ethical matters in Nigeria’s Senate. His disbarment was not a minor infraction—it was a judicial decision marking him unfit to practice law. And yet, in Nigeria, such a person is seen as worthy of enforcing accountability.
Democratic institutions thrive on transparency, accountability, and ethical integrity. The Nigerian media, as a watchdog, must balance due process with a refusal to let critical ethical concerns be swept aside. The dismissal of Natasha’s petition is not just about political maneuvering; it reflects deep psychological barriers to addressing gender-based violence within Nigeria’s power structures.
When a woman in power is silenced, when due process is manipulated to shield the powerful, and when institutions meant to provide justice instead suppress the vulnerable, democracy itself is under siege. Natasha’s suspension is not an isolated event—it is a warning of the continued weaponization of power against those who refuse to conform to corrupt political hierarchies.
The Political Class: A System That Enables Corruption
The Nigerian political class has perfected the art of concealing scandals under the cover of new appointments. Those who should be facing consequences for their past misdeeds are instead elevated to higher offices. Imasuen is not an anomaly—he is a reflection of a system that thrives on impunity. Politicians with criminal backgrounds, unresolved fraud cases, and ethical stains continue to occupy powerful positions. Figures like Akpabio, with alleged unresolved cases with law enforcement, remain untouchable, shielded by institutional control over the media, police, and judiciary. But I say to them: time will catch up with you.
Nigeria has become a refuge for individuals who cannot survive in functional democracies due to their past crimes. They return, rebrand themselves, and flourish in a system that rewards rather than punishes corruption. The difference between Imasuen and other political figures is that he was reportedly barred for life. That he now chairs the Ethics Committee in the Senate—an institution meant to uphold accountability—is not just hypocrisy; it is an insult to governance.
The Call for Dignity
Stepping Aside for the Nation’s SakeI take no joy in saying this—but both Imasuen and Akpabio should temporarily step aside. They might believe that anything goes in Nigeria, that this too shall pass, but I implore them: have some dignity. If they fail to act with honor, the way global legal systems are evolving, they may eventually find themselves disgraced beyond repair. The honorable step for them is to resign—now, before the walls close in.
A Test for Nigeria’s Democratic Future
Nigeria’s democracy must rise above legal technicalities that allow ethically compromised individuals to infiltrate its highest offices. The unchecked abuse of power is a disease—one that spreads, corrodes, and ultimately dismantles any hope for justice and governance. The media, civil society, and political stakeholders must push for structural reforms that prioritize accountability, gender equity, and psychological fairness in addressing misconduct allegations.
This moment is a defining test for Nigeria’s democratic future. The world is watching, history is recording, and the window for impunity is closing. The question remains—will Nigeria finally hold its leaders accountable, or will it continue to enable the very forces that undermine its progress?
![[OPINION] Women too should speak like men - Abimbola Adelakun](/media/k2/items/cache/983a576b553918c52ca029b74b4c7ba6_M.jpg)
In the latest plot twist in the case involving Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Senate President Godswill Akpabio, it turned out that the head of the Ethics Committee, Senator Neda Imasuen, who read out the punitive statement against Akpoti-Uduaghan has a soiled professional record. Yes, the man who claimed a woman had to be punished for “bringing the Senate’s presiding office and the entire Senate into public opprobrium” is a walking bag of ethical violations, alleged fraud, and fugitive? Who could have thought?
First, I must confess a grudging admiration for Imasuen. It takes chutzpah to speak so self-righteously about a colleague whose supposed sins pale beside yours. The confidence with which he read the statement shows he has learned that the best way to deflect from the log in one’s eye is to shout the loudest at the appearance of a speck in another’s eye. We must thank him for exposing himself. If he had managed to keep his head down and his mouth shut, perhaps the can of worms spilling out of his orifices would have stayed within. It is bad enough that a character like that was elected a senator, but it is far worse that he also heads the ethics committee! Is it not too much of an irony that the sundry allegations against him were also about ethical violation—first disbarred for professional misconduct and absconded from the USA shortly after the FBI linked him to a multi-million dollar fraud? And only God knows what other scandal will come out of him if you keep shaking!
It would have been shocking if this was an isolated case, but no, the Senate that threw a fit over Akpoti-Uduaghan’s supposedly bringing them to disrepute is full of unsavoury characters like Imasuen. Even Akpabio himself has an extended record of corruption allegations that have been put in abeyance. As long as he continues to play the obsequious politics his handlers need him for, his case with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission remains frozen. His status and influence are tied to his serving the President rather than democracy.
Imasuen’s case is, of course, also similar to that of former Speaker of the House of Representatives and current Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila. He too was a lawyer in the USA suspended (and later disbarred) for violating professional trust. The decision to permanently terminate his law license was ratified the same year he became the chief of staff. Nobody, of course, is naïve enough to wonder for even a minute why the President would keep someone so tainted that close. The reason birds of the same disreputable feather must flock together is self-evident.
Imasuen knew who he was and what he had to hide, and that was why he could proclaim that the petition accusing Akpabio of sexual harassment was “dead on arrival”. To scrutinise the conduct of the Senate’s presiding officer was to risk exposing his unflattering flank. Despite the precedents that should have instructed the committee that suspending a senator for six months is unconstitutional, they insisted on towing a discredit path. Rather than at least giving Akpoti-Uduaghan a fair hearing, he pronounced an unnecessarily harsh punishment. He is another legislative officer merely playing quid pro quo with the tools of the institution.
Now that Imasuen had no moral standing to either sit on a committee regulating the ethics of the National Assembly or pronounce judgment on a colleague, can the decision on Akpoti-Uduaghan now be rescinded? That will be the fair thing to do in the light of developments.
It will be too complicated to get him out of the Senate based on the allegations of the crime committed elsewhere (which should have been raised before his election), but someone that ethically tainted is too unfit to have the privilege of regulating the ethics of an institution like the Senate. He should be removed from leadership positions and consigned to being just a floor member. If the concerns that certain actions by lawmakers can bring the Senate to disrepute are sincere, then Imasuen should be yanked from every position of responsibility. If the Senator’s case against Akpoti-Uduaghan was truly about instituting the rules she supposedly violated and not a personal attack on her, then the Senate should immediately move to relieve Imasuen of his position and recall every decision he made as the ethics committee leader.
That brings me to another point about the misogyny that has attended the Akpoti-Uduaghan case. I never knew so many bad-mannered and uncouth men could still appear on television in 2025 until recently. Under the pretext of commenting on legislative issues, all manner of scum bags went on TV to pour their misogynistic innards into the public space. It was a shame to see.
The most irritating commenter of the misogynistic lot is Mrs Oluremi Tinubu who thinks women suffer sexual harassment because they invite it. But when she had an altercation with fellow Senator Dino Melaye in 2017, and he made some demeaning comments bordering on sexual assault about her, was it also because she failed to set boundaries with him? Women like Mrs Tinubu are the exact reason I do not believe that pushing more women to occupy leadership positions will necessarily lead to female progress in the country. Those kinds of women play identity politics just to get into places of power only for their politics to pander to oppressive norms rather than disrupt them. Their understanding of “gender empowerment” never goes beyond the rudimentary idea of gifting women money and a few household items. Advocacy for women would be better off soliciting reasonable men than relying on these “pick me” women whose ideological incoherence set the course of feminine progress back by a century.
She is not the only woman whose intervention on this issue has been more of indulging male sensibilities than offering insights. I wished the women who appeared on television to speak on this issue had spoken the way some of the men did rather than merely pander. When men have gone on television to talk about this issue, some of them said the worst things and with utmost confidence too. I wish the women who got a chance did the same. Those men could say misogynistic things on television because they have never heard their stupidity echoed back at them. Women need to speak like them for them to get it.
For instance, if a man can say a woman’s beauty is a problem for her, then women too should point out how a man’s ugliness can also be a source of his problem! Another moron, seeking to delegitimise Akpoti-Uduaghan, blatantly lied that she has had six children by six men. Akpabio also once pulled that card on television when talking about a woman. If men can be so confidently coarse, women should be able to mirror their words back to them rather than being apologetic. Talk about the number of children the man has out of wedlock; ask him if he has stopped cheating on his wife. When they go low, do not go high; kick them in the face like rabid dogs.
One simpleton said this issue of sexual harassment undermines the credibility of women in politics, and it might get to a point where they ought to be tested for emotional stability to qualify for leadership. But does Imasuen’s case also not prove that men are professionally and ethically unqualified? From Bola Tinubu to Akpabio to Gbajabiamila, there is far more evidence to prove that men are too unscrupulous, venal and felonious to be leaders. It is not women who should be examined for mental stability before they are elected; it is men who should be made to undergo a virtue test with a psychiatrist to determine if there is something about their male hormones that predisposes them to avarice.
If women talk about men the way men talk about women, it will get to a point where obtuse men will finally begin to realise how ridiculous they sound when they talk about women.
![[OPINION] Natasha, as ‘The Headliner’ - Olusegun Adeniyi](/media/k2/items/cache/1416927ac16ab1933f0ff4e99b88f5a4_M.jpg)
Last Thursday, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan was suspended for six months by the Senate for violating its rules. But with the disciplinary action coming after she had formally submitted a petition alleging sexual harassment against the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, it is the chambers that is now on the defensive. The highest legislative body in the country is being inadvertently perceived as aiding and abetting predatory behaviour against women, even among its own members. It is a self-inflicted problem. A more circumspect Senate would have put the disciplinary matter against Akpoti-Uduaghan in temporary abeyance by first dealing with the sexual harassment allegation against its presiding officer; after all, as a Yoruba adage says, if tree falls on tree, conventional wisdom teaches that you start the clearing process from the top.
At the Women in Parliament session held at the Inter-Parliamentary Union Meeting (IPU) in New York, United States, on Tuesday, Akpoti-Uduaghan internationalised not only her ordeal but also used the platform to speak for Nigerian women. “I was suspended illegally because I submitted a petition for sexual harassment against the President of the Nigerian Senate, Senator Godswill Akpabio,” Akpoti-Uduaghan said. “I thought that by submitting the petition, he would recuse himself and both of us would submit ourselves to the Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions for a fair, transparent investigation. But unfortunately, I was silenced, and I was suspended,” she told the gathering. “That means I’m here illegally…It depicts the crisis of women’s political representation. My suspension is not just about me. It’s about the systemic exclusion of women from political leadership in Nigeria.”
Considering what many of the male Senators have been saying on this crisis, it is almost difficult to fault Akpoti-Uduaghan’s claim that her ordeal has to do with her gender—regardless of whether her allegation against Akpabio is true or false. In asking that the suspension be reduced from six to three months, Senate Minority Leader, Abba Moro—leader of her own party, the main Opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that ought to be in her corner—compared Akpoti-Uduaghan to a ‘recalcitrant child’ that you sometimes ‘beat’ when they misbehave. The Deputy Chief Whip, Senator Onyekachi Peter Nwebonyi made matters worse by going on air to retort that Akpoti-Uduaghan has “six kids from six different men”, a false claim; and that her “lifestyle is blocking the chances of other women who want to enter politics.”
I wonder why the Senate cannot understand that the entire saga has gone beyond the person of Akpoti-Uduaghan or the veracity of her allegation. It is not for nothing that the United Nations has devoted several days in a year to remind the world of impediments against the female gender. The last four months provide a ready example. Between 25th November and 10th December 2024, we had the annual global 16 days of activism which basically just called for an end to violence against women and girls. Then on 6th February this year, we had the International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation. Five days later, on 11th February, was the International Day of Women and Girls in Science. Of course, we were all aware that last Saturday, 8th March, was 2025 International Women’s Day. But I doubt if many were aware that Monday, 10th March was also the International Day of Women Judges.
To mark the event, the United Nations Office for Drug and Crimes (UNODC) published a feature story on a female judicial officer in Kenya, Christine Njagi with the headline, “‘Be the headliner, not the footnote’: Women in Justice/for Justice.” While sharing her experiences on the challenges women and girls face in Kenya, Njagi said in whatever situation women find themselves, they should strive to be the headliner and not the footnote. “Don’t be afraid at times to swim against the current—you might be the one who will change the flow of the river,” Njagi admonished. That appears to be the manual from which Akpoti-Uduaghan draws her inspiration. Whatever may be her motivation, the moment she was shut down by Akpabio while protesting the seat-change, she had elected to be the headliner rather than the footnote in the battle she knew was coming. By suspending her, after she had formally submitted her petition on sexual harassment, the Senate has only played into Akpoti-Uduaghan’s hands.
It is possible, as Senator Nwebonyi said, that Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegation against Akpabio “is a case of personal, unsubstantiated, and conveniently timed accusations—claims of sexual harassment that supposedly took place over a year ago but surfaced only after the accuser was summoned for disciplinary action.” But not many people really care anymore, perhaps because of the way the Senate handled the issue. When the holder of a superior power position is accused of sexual exploitation, intimidation, or implicit threat, there is an obligation on that institution to treat such allegation, especially coming from a member, with seriousness. That perhaps explains why for many, the real issue is no longer whether Akpoti-Uduaghan’s sexual harassment allegation against Akpabio is true but rather that the Senate, in suspending her—even if for another ‘offense’—has denied her the opportunity of a fair hearing.
My position on the former ‘uncommon transformer’ of Akwa Ibom State is well-documented on this page, and one of my recent columns on him, ‘Akpabio: A Man for Every New Season’ has been trending on WhatsApp since this crisis started. I have also received suggestive messages from readers about what I should ‘write on Akpabio’. But that is not my way. I have nothing personal against the senate president. No matter what some of us may think of Akpabio, it would be unfair to jump to any hasty conclusions based on a claim that has not been proved to be true. Besides, removing Akpabio as Senate President will not resolve a problem that is institutional. What we must ensure is that women and girls who find the courage to raise an alarm relating to sexual harassment are respectfully listened to and not intimidated into silence. We must find a way of supporting a fair and discreet interrogation of such issues, without humiliating either party. This is because we live in a patriarchal society where women who refuse to accede to sexual demands from their superiors could easily have their careers delayed or truncated with irreparable damage done to their self-worth, sometimes for life.
To mark the 2025 International Women’s Day last Saturday, platitudes eulogising women in Nigeria were offered by our men in positions of power. But the reality is that we operate a system patently skewed against women. At the Women in Parliament session attended by Akpoti-Uduaghan on Tuesday, a new IPU report, ‘Women in Parliament, 1995-2025’ was released to commemorate 30 years since the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The report reveals that the percentage of seats held by women in national parliaments has risen from 11.3% in 1995 to 27.2% in 2025. Meanwhile, in 15 States Houses of Assemblies across Nigeria today, there is not a single female lawmaker! Let’s not even talk about how a female lawmaker who was elected Speaker by 90 percent of the membership in a State House of Assembly was arm-twisted to surrender the gavel to the unpopular man she displaced. Even if the decision was not taken because she is a woman, the signaling was bad considering the overwhelming support she enjoyed from her colleagues.
The situation is only slightly better at the centre. In the current Senate, there are only four members among 108 Senators. Among the 360 lawmakers in the House of Representatives, there are only 16 female members. But the real problem is that even those few members are most often treated with disrespect. Exactly nine years ago, I wrote about this in a column titled, ‘In Defence of Nigerian Women.’ Interestingly, it is the current First Lady of Nigeria, Mrs Oluremi Tinubu who provoked my column at the time.
Presenting a motion to mark the 2016 International Women’s Day with the theme, ‘Planet 50-50 by 2030: Step It Up for Gender Equality’, Senator Tinubu (as she then was) had argued, “We represent courage and resilience; without us (Nigerian women) I don’t think this country will move forward.” The contributions that followed from some of the male senators were, to put it mildly, reckless. Eight months ago, I rehashed most of my arguments in another column, ‘For Akpabio, A Teachable Moment’, after he tendered a public apology to Akpoti-Uduaghan on the floor of the senate for demeaning her with a biting remark that the Senate is not a “nightclub”. What that episode and the earlier one that elicited my column nine years ago reveal is that when those who make laws for society act in ways that suggest a lack of respect for women, there is a problem.
That precisely is why many women, including those who may habour doubts about Akpoti-Uduaghan’s claim against Akpabio, are angry about the way the Senate has handled the matter. But it is not too late to make amends. The suspension of Akpoti-Uduaghan should be lifted. She should also be availed the opportunity to prove her sexual harassment allegation against Akpabio before the Senate Committee on Ethics. If she cannot provide evidence, Akpabio reserves the right to sue for damages. For any family man, the psychological wound of being falsely accused of sexual offense is deep and it is not something that should be taken lightly. For that reason, I am delighted by the way the IPU President, Ms Tulia Ackson, who is also the Speaker of the Tanzania National Assembly, handled Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegation. She said they have only heard one side (from Akpoti-Uduaghan) hence would also need to hear the other side (from Akpabio and Nigerian Senate) before they could draw any conclusion. Keeping an open mind is exactly what is required on such an allegation until all sides are heard and the person who asserts can prove.
Meanwhile, my counsel for Akpoti-Udughan is to return home for the new battle ahead. All the white, black and red lions she defeated to get to the Senate have launched a subterranean but well-funded campaign for her recall. However, since the larger issue that has been thrown up is about gender inclusion in Nigeria, let me also conclude with the last paragraph of my 2016 column which still resonates, especially for our lawmakers. It will serve the Senate and also the larger Nigerian society: The recent obsession of some senators with the denigration of a vital segment of our populace indicates something more sinister about the state of our legislature. In a country beset with so many pressing existential issues requiring legislative intervention, it is a negative testimonial that some of our lawmakers can only find relevance in denigrating women. I therefore do not hesitate to say to the unrepentant chauvinists in our midst: Next time you think about Nigerian women, think of your mother and please mind your language!
Adieu Dubem Onyia
It was a sobering moment for us on Monday afternoon at the General Hospital in Maitama, Abuja, as we watched the body of the late former Minister of State, Foreign Affairs, Chief Dubem Onyia, being wheeled to the morgue. Only two hours earlier, the Director, Programmes and Administration at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, Mrs Vivian Emehelu, had left the office abruptly after receiving the sad news about her father’s passing. So, I joined the Centre’s Director, Partnerships and Development, Amara Nwankpa and Director, Finance, Babatunde Ahmadu, to support Vivian and her family through the initial post-mortem procedures at the hospital. Yesterday, I also joined members of the Centre’s Board led by its chairman, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar to visit the bereaved family. Onyia was a very pleasant man with whom I related very well for almost two decades. He was also a strong advocate for peace, cooperation, and African self-determination both at home and abroad. May God comfort the family he left behind.
[OPINION] Bayo Okunade, Leadership Question and Political Science Scholarship at Ibadan - Tunji Olaopa
Admin![[OPINION] Bayo Okunade, Leadership Question and Political Science Scholarship at Ibadan - Tunji Olaopa](/media/k2/items/cache/b428374a5490a3beee3e07cf6104687f_M.jpg)
(Being Prof. Adebayo Okunade’s 70th Birthday Anniversary and Valedictory Lecture Delivered at the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan, on Wednesday, 12th of March, 2025)
Professor Bayo Okunade has crossed into the seventh bracket; he is now effectively a septuagenarian—that state of hoariness where he joins the gang of the sages who have been given the capacity to connect divinity with humanity in terms of wholeness. Seventy is a weighty number in spiritual and cultural terms. In spiritual terms, seven and ten elevates sacredness in numerical reckoning both for the Israelites, the ancient Egyptians and the Yoruba. Seven indicates perfection and ten signals completeness. Must be the reason why Psalms 90 says “The years of our life are seventy.” This makes seventy years a most notable year that represent fullness—the time of reckoning and deep reflection and appreciation. And yet, for the Yorùbá, in terms of the chronological reckoning as àgbà, àgbàlagbà, arúgbó, we also see why seventy is just another chance at consolidating a life well-spent.
That he would eventually become a teacher was something that was almost inevitable. Being born to parents who were teachers could not possibly have been rosy for any young child. Teachers, especially those who have strong cultural knowledge about parenting and child upbringing, could only be seen back then as efficient taskmasters. They are those who were already seen as exemplary and who, by the force of societal expectations, also expect their children to take after them exemplarily. So, when he resumed his teaching trajectory at the Olivet Baptist High School, Oyo, it was a critical juncture that would not only lay the foundation of his political science teaching and scholarship—he was the Government teacher. It was also the point at which a young, suave and brilliant Government teacher began to enlighten me particularly as a green-eye Aáwé lad about a possible future in political science tutelage.
This is why, on this occasion, I am celebrating Prof. Okunade’s in terms of the consummation of his stature in the political science scholarship in Nigeria. A brief historical note will serve the purpose of properly situating the significance of Okunade. The emergence of political science in Nigeria was chequered by two significant issues. The first was the colonial administration and its fear of a possible emergence of an ideologically sophisticated student body. The second reason for the delay in the establishment of political science as a discipline was a similar fear by the nationalist elite who suspected that political science will radicalize the Nigerian masses and expose the elite’s standpoint.
By the time Okunade would be completing his undergraduate and graduate studies, he was already getting drawn into the foundational curriculum and pedagogical issues that would shape the political science teaching orientation and scholarship at Ibadan, and provide the stimulus for redirection. From independence to the Nigerian civil war and the aftermath of military incursion into politics, Nigeria was already going through a flood of postcolonial national issues, replicated across Africa, that demanded that political science needed to be taught differently. Bayo Okunade the student was a witness to these curricular unfolding and growth. And Bayo Okunade the teacher was eminently situated at the preeminent citadel at the University of Ibadan, that was to serve as the bastion of the political science education in Nigeria, as part of a critical mass of change agents who had been saddled with the responsibility of bringing political science theorization to bear on the sociopolitical and national experiences of the postcolonial Nigerian state.
This scholarly enthusiasm attending the deployment of social science scholarship to the understanding of the Nigerian national experiences is demonstrated in his first set of over fifty publications, from 1985 to 2010, and the legion of others thereafter. These publications range from local government structure, public policy, public bureaucracies and human rights to foreign relations, electoral processes, constitutionalism, democracy and democratization. This entire corpus signals the urgency of mastering the conceptual, intellectual and empirical bases of the symptoms and morbidities of the Nigerian state and its multiple consequences on and for Nigerians. It was inevitable that the Department of Political Science would be at the forefront of the radical discourse on revolutionary possibilities that ensured. For instance, that a staple of our intellectual and academic learning was the Marxian political economy perspectives on the postcolonial frameworks and trajectories of the Nigerian state was inevitable. Dependency and World System theories and its centre-periphery structure made strenuous efforts that provided the basis for a class analysis of the Nigerian society, especially given the capitalist accumulation enabled by colonialism and its deepening by the postcolonial comprador elements. As the radical fervour of the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary scholarship started to wane on the rubbles of the collapse of the communist Soviet Union, it became increasingly important that political philosophers, political scientists and other committed scholars began to explore alternative theoretical resources and praxis that could facilitate a critical understanding of the structural, institutional and historical bases of Nigeria’s federal system and its hobbled economic development which had from then till now made national development a mirage.
This is the critical defining juncture that opens up the fundamental significance of Prof. Okunade’s social constructivist theoretical framework which enabled a formidable research contribution to the body of scholarly knowledge about political engineering as it relates to Nigeria’s sociopolitical dynamics. With Naija Marxism and the Nigerian Left floundering, and the Nigerian federalism in a lopsided constitutional mire, the next best thing on the table was the idea of restructuring. In the absence of the possibility of a revolution, how do we restructure the political structure of the postcolonial Nigerian state that has been hobbling national development, nation-building and democratic governance for more than six decades since independence? Prof. Okunade has not minced words on this issue: it cannot work. According to him, “any system that is not totally off the mark can work. It takes people for a system to work. For a system to work, there has to be consistency with the construed norms and supportive ethos that will make it work. If we change the system, even with restructuring or whatever, how much of what were on ground are we substantially complying with? And then we change to another system. They are the same thing.”
On the contrary, a much more fruitful course of discourse should be on leadership, and how it could be deployed in facilitating the emergence of a well-ordered society in Nigeria. For sixty-four years, it would seem that Nigeria has been locked in a national question that has not produced any significant governance and development answer by which the lives of Nigerians could be transformed. And, to quote Albert Einstein, insanity is precisely to keep doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different result. And such a society, for Okunade, would revolve around the critical variables like the rule of law, constitutionalism, human rights and local governance. These requisite institutions and their fundamental ethos make for an efficient public administration that backstop good governance and our idea of a society that functions efficiently for the betterment of the citizens. The responsibility to pull all these variables together in the service of a vision of a society that governs for her citizens rests squarely on the shoulders of a good political leadership. Such a leadership must be, on the one hand, morally and technically good; and on the other, effective in terms of governance programmes and policies.
Beyond Chinua Achebe’s announcement and analysis of the leadership predicament, Prof. Okunade provided a fundamental iteration of the political leadership as a “big challenge.” This challenge is grounded on a more empirically sophisticated frameworks of the variables involved in bad leadership and the consequences that have kept Nigerians impoverished since independence. And that empirical political analysis has been further demonstrated by the inability of the continent itself to throw up a critical mass of leadership figures that is able to win the Mo Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership for four consecutive years. The transformational qualities that the Mo Ibrahim Award requires of the recipient is what Prof. Okunade infuses into his own deep analysis of what leadership requires. The worth of a leadership, as Daren Acemoglu and James Robinson demonstrates, in Why Nations Fail (2012), derives from whether their decision facilitates the emergence of extractive or participatory institutions. The issue is critically about “how decisions actually get made, who gets to make them, and why those people decide to do what they do.” And then, there is the equally fundamental issue of how these decision aggregate in the design and operational function and optimality of public institutions.
What we see, between Okunade’s concession to political leadership, and Acemoglu and Robinson’s concession to institutionalism, is the agelong discourse on the relationship between agency and structure. Yet, both are caught in an empirical grip of counterexamples that undermine their theses. On the one hand, the authors of Why Nations Fail are hard-pressed to explain why China has kept progressing economically under successive authoritarian regimes (same can be said about Singapore under Lee Kuan Yew, as well as other Asian Tigers) while India’s progress might be hard to attribute to its putative democratic leaders. On the other hand, Prof. Okunade’s thesis also need to explain the successes of China and Singapore whose leadership demonstrated governance effectiveness without the accompanying ethical imperative.
To rehabilitate Prof. Okunade’s theory of leadership out of this quandary requires first that we undermine the intrinsic assumption in Okunade’s theory, about the leader as a change agent with singular capacity to make people do what is needed. This is evident, in Okunade’s inaugural lecture, from his assessment of leadership activities from Tony Blair and George Bush to Olusegun Obasanjo and Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. I think that this understanding of political leadership stifles the significance of the relationship between leadership, social change and infrastructural development. Indeed, it puts a lot of over-extended pressure on a political leader in terms of the expectation of magical transformation by a wave of the leader’s wand that turns poverty to prosperity. We must therefore ask, legitimately, if this understanding of political leadership is sufficient for national transformation. This question is justified when we take cognisance of Nigeria’s unique political sociology and how it throws up compromised leaders who are forced to play bad politics with the commonwealth to hold on to power. There is a one-to-one relationship between this skewed political sociology and the construction of elite nationalism in Nigeria.
An alternative articulation of the nature and role of leadership can be found in the change space model of leadership. The change space model is meant to facilitate the capability of the institutions and systems of government to encounter and engage changes while factoring in contextual pressures and circumstances. It therefore depends on a distributed and multilevel understanding of leadership that requires, (a) a political leader as the lead change agent, and (b) a critical mass of change agents who can bring abilities/competences, resources and context together in facilitating genuine and transformational change through a problem-solving approach.
Apart from helping us move away from the idea of a leader as a change agent with a singular capacity, it also proposes the understanding of leadership as what influences the difference between a change that is intended for development, and the one that is actualized through infrastructural development. A change leadership is the one that initiate the change space and motivates it efficiently to achieve desired transformation. With this model, therefore, we have a conceptual framework to make sense of the relationship between “leader” and “leadership” in understanding how the change space through leaders and the leadership dynamics that mobilize people, ideas, resources and infrastructures in order to be able to catalyze change. The leadership is therefore expected to: (a) build coalition for change; (b) assemble a team with sufficient IQ, wisdom and commitment to initiate, implement and deliver the change; and (c) grant required authority, incentive and support, with accountability, to these team of leaders in their own right, so they could achieve optimal productivity, performance and impact, that will deliver the change.
It would be interesting to see what a change space model of Nigeria’s political trajectory would have yielded if interjected into Prof. Okunade’s analysis of leadership. More worthwhile is what the idea of distributed and multilevel leadership framework could mean for our understanding of impactful politics and national development. This in my assessment of Prof. Okunade’s “big challenge” of the political leadership in Nigeria—a leader who has the capacity to build and motivate a change space populated by different levels of leadership frameworks, political, religious, social, bureaucratic and civil. It is therefore safe to hypothesize that while a leader is a key and critical factor in transforming a state, it does not by itself resolve the myriads of predicaments and problems that bedevil the Nigerian state and society.
To conclude: Prof. Bayo Okunade stands in a continuum of scholarly excellence that has at one end the scholarly genius of Billy Dudley, E. U. Essien-Udom, Peter Ekeh, Bayo Adekanye, John Ayoade, Tunde Adeniran, Busari Adebisi, Larry Ekpebu, Alex Gboyega, Femi Otubanjo, Fred Onyeoziri, Jimi Adisa, Kunle Amuwo, Eghosa Osaghae, Adigun Agbaje, OBC Nwolise, Rotimi Suberu, and the host of other stellar personalities and scholars that lit up the credentials of the Department of Political Science. Prof. Bayo Okunade’s theory of political leadership—a systematic and empirically sophisticated articulation of Chinua Achebe’s diagnosis of the Nigeria problem—unarguably presents a research outline that speaks to the need for more theoretical and practical engagement with the leadership phenomenon in a postcolonial context like Nigeria. I see this as a critical challenge to the political science scholarship in Nigeria; the challenge of articulating theoretically feasible and nuanced understanding of what ails the Nigerian state, her leaders and leadership and her citizens.
![[OPINION] Akpabio, Natasha: Who's the victim, who's the villain? - Bola Bolawole](/media/k2/items/cache/07fbf595ca6e64388b492a7d7a2be622_S.jpg)
The sex-for-favour tango between the Senate President, Mr. Godswill Akpabio, and another senator, Mrs. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, is the latest scandal in town. Nigeria is a country of one scandal, one moment. So, expect the wind to blow over this scandal quickly. The heat generated may soon get too much for the members of the ruling class to bear and they - all of them, both the victim and the villain, since they both share the same class interest - may conclude that it is in their class interest to sheathe the sword, reach some accommodation and find an excuse to sweep the scandal under Nigeria’s bourgeoning carpet of iniquity.
Another thing that can happen is that another scandal will break before we say “Jack Robinson” and the media will move on to the new scandal and Nigerians will tag along. We are sprinters here and not long-distance runners. We quickly lose steam and our follow-up is miserable. Yet, the wisdom of our people is that the hunter who neglects to trace the game he shoots in the forest often fails to cart it home.
When members of the ruling class fight, it makes no sense to take sides because none of the fights, most times, concern the poor. It is usually intra-class squabbles over privileges and the sharing or allocation of resources amongst themselves that have little or no bearing on the welfare and well-being of the suffering masses. When things are okay among them, when they are all busy “eating”, we hardly hear grumblings. You would think they all belong to the same political party, the same ethnicity, the same religion, and the same sex! It is only when disagreements arise over sharing formulas that allegations begin to fly all over the place!
In the spat between Akpabio and Natasha, both fighters have their past, which has further compounded issues. In “Cockcrow at dawn”, popular artiste, Bongos Ikwue, described how futile it is to look for a virgin in a maternity ward. Searching for a saint in Nigeria's National Assembly is no less elusive. It is a place notorious for turning fire-eating radicals into despicable rascals.
To make sense out of the senseless in-fighting in the Senate, I will act upon four sources; the first being the statement made by the Senate Leader, Mr. Opeyemi Bamidele, on why the senate suspended Natasha for six months, in which he “clarified” that the senator was suspended for gross misconduct and not because of the sexual harassment allegation she made against Senate President, Godswill Akpabio.
Opeyemi stressed that Akpoti-Uduaghan was suspended solely for her persistent acts of misconduct, blatant disregard for the provisions of the Senate Standing Orders 2023 and gross indiscipline. He listed the “persistent acts of misconduct”, “blatant disregard for the provisions of the Senate Standing Orders 2023” and “gross misconduct” as refusal to sit in her assigned seat during plenary on 25th February, 2025; speaking without being recognised by the presiding officer; engaging in unruly and disruptive behavior, obstructing the orderly conduct of Senate proceedings; making abusive and disrespectful remarks against the leadership of the Senate; and defying and refusing to comply with the summons of the Senate Committee on Ethics and Privileges mandated to investigate cases of misconduct.
My second source is the intervention by a doyen of the media, Mr. Tony Iredia. Titled “Senate shouldn’t have suspended Natasha Uduaghan”, Iredia argued thus: “… The senate relied heavily on the Legislative Houses (Powers and Privileges) Act of 2018 which, among other things, regulates the conduct of members and other persons connected with the proceedings of the Legislative House. Of particular importance is Section 21(2) of the Act which provides that ‘where any member is guilty of contempt of a Legislative House, the House may, by resolution, reprimand such member or suspend him from the service of the House for such period as it may determine’…
“A body such as the senate which does not have the power to make a senator, cannot give itself the power to unmake any senator. There are only two authorities that our constitution empowers to remove a legislator from office. These are: an election tribunal and the people that elected the legislator to represent them in the legislature. If an authority has no legal powers to remove a person from office, such an authority cannot validly exercise the illegal power by making the removal a short-term matter. Removal by one day in the name of suspension is a removal, it is irrelevant that the length of time of the removal is long or short because, as the saying goes, no person, group or authority can give what it does not have.
“The senate or any group or organization is no doubt entitled to making its own rules for the smooth running of the body. It is, therefore, in order for the senate to make rules to penalize its members for any infraction, but such punishment must be within its powers. If the senate is satisfied that Senator Natasha Uduaghan breached any of its rules, it can remove her from a chairmanship position of a committee or any other privileges hitherto bestowed on her by the senate. It can, however, not extend the punishment beyond its own power. This point has been repeatedly made and one wonders why our Legislative Houses have continued with the illegality of purporting to have the power to suspend one of its own.
“If they really don’t know, the courts have since severally said so. First, Femi Okurounmu, (Ogun Central) was suspended in 1999. This was followed by Joseph Waku, a senator from Benue State who was suspended in 2000. Senator Arthur Nzeribe from Imo state was suspended in 2002. Senator Ali Ndume, a former Senate leader, was suspended in 2017. Next was Senator Ovie Omo-Agege from Delta state who was suspended in 2018… Senator Abdul Ningi from Bauchi state was suspended in 2024. Interestingly, the Judiciary quashed all the suspensions, declaring them as illegal and unconstitutional...
“The House of Representatives has also had its own string of illegal suspensions that have similarly been quashed by the Judiciary. One would have thought that the National Assembly should have by now realized that it has no powers to suspend its legislators. But that has not been so. Instead, there have been reports of how some State Houses of Assembly have also followed the same line as their federal colleagues… (One such) celebrated case involved Rifkatu Samson Dannas who was suspended in 2012 by the Bauchi State House of Assembly.
“The offence of Dannas, the then only female and Christian member of the House, was her objection to the proposed relocation of Tafawa Balewa Local Government headquarters from Tafawa Balewa to Bununu - a location heavily populated by Muslims… She went to court to challenge her suspension, which the court declared as illegal and unconstitutional… Aptly put, therefore, the state of the law in Nigeria today is that it is illegal for a legislative House to suspend any member…
“Again, the posture that the legislature cannot be stopped from doing its job appears misconstrued because legislative functions are, in the words of our constitution, subject to judicial review (according to) the relevant provisions of Section 4(8) of our constitution... For this reason, the courts have continued to insist that “access to court is a fundamental right in the Constitution, which cannot be taken away by force or intimidation from any organ… it is unimaginable, as one lawyer suggested the other day, that although Order 67(4) of its own rules limits the suspension of a member of the upper chamber to a maximum of 14 days, the senate went ahead to violate such rules by suspending Uduaghan not for 14 days but for 6 months!”
My third source said “the real reason” Natasha was suspended was her insistence to have the moribund Ajaokuta steel complex investigated. Ajaokuta and the refineries are projects that have gulped, and are still gulping, billions of dollars without any respite or solution in sight. Natasha is said to have a motion crying for investigations. When will the motion see the light of day?
My fourth and final source is a social media post which showed Akpabio as a senator committing the same offence that Natasha is being punished for, against Bukola Saraki as senate president, and he was not given the Natasha treatment! Social media, they say, never forgets! What goes around comes around! He who comes to equity must come with clean hands! And if you live in a glass house, don’t throw stones!
To conclude: Was it the importance of this dog-fight that made the Senate Leader, and not the senate spokesperson, to address the media on the matter while the Senate President himself acted as the accuser and judge in his own case? Why was the latter's incongruity lost on a senate brimming with lawyers?
I believe, with the above, you are able to form your own reasonable opinion on the Akpabio-Natasha face-off!
[OPINION] CBN’s Transparent Recruitment of 16 Directors Signals Cardoso’s Break From The Past - Tajudeen Suleiman
Admin![[OPINION] CBN’s Transparent Recruitment of 16 Directors Signals Cardoso’s Break From The Past - Tajudeen Suleiman](/media/k2/items/cache/a4897f2cf3003dec07d6610230822de0_S.jpg)
The central bank of any country is a uniquely influential institution. Due to its mandate of maintaining monetary and financial stability in line with the economic vision of the government, everything it does can impact everyone. That is why PhD. economists and experienced bankers are the top picks for heading the banks.
This is why appointments at the central banks are always of interest to institutions, groups, and individuals. In Nigeria of today, the Central Bank of Nigeria is an institution of utmost public interest due to the state of the economy and the ongoing economic and financial reforms of the President Bola Tinubu administration.
But sadly, in Nigeria, appointments into the CBN are not seen as part of the building block for the country’s economic rejuvenation. The CBN is seen only as a juicy institution where the elites scramble for a seat at the table and where politicians invoke Federal Character provisions of the Nigerian Constitution to put their cronies in positions to access the wealth of the nation.
Whereas, in other times, where economic engineering is taken seriously, only the most talented look forward to a career in the institution. A statement about recruitment into the Bank of England (similar to that of the US Federal Reserve) describes the bank as an “intellectually stimulating” environment that is “highly professional.”
It further states that “While organisations in the private sector are focused primarily on profits, the ultimate objectives for us are always the quality of our thinking, the rigour of our analysis and the overall deliverables in line with our vision of promoting the good of the people of the United Kingdom by maintaining monetary and financial stability.”
Emphasising the importance of competence and professionalism for the bank, it says, “The issues we deal with on a daily basis have implications for everyone in the country.” This statement is as true for the United Kingdom as it is true for Nigeria today.
This is why the Central Bank of Nigeria under Governor Yemi Cardoso has broken with past tradition. Cardoso, like his counterpart at the US Federal Reserve, Jerome H. Powell is confronted by an economic reform that has brought financial hardship to the majority of citizens due to rising inflation.
But Cardoso’s reforms at the CBN portray a governor who takes his job seriously and is determined to deliver for the good of the country.
Aside from the monetary policy reforms of the CBN, many will welcome the thrilling news that the CBN recently recruited 16 new directors through a highly competitive process and not through arbitrary promotion. These appointments, which was more of internal promotion exercise, took effect from March 3, and it affects critical departments of the apex bank such as Monetary Policy; Trade and Exchange; Banking Supervision; Payment Systems and Consumer Protection among others.
The CBN reportedly engaged the global consultancy firm PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) to conduct the selection process for the directors from among top officials of the bank who applied, following an internal advertisement, to ensure only the most competent are elevated. It is highly commendable and in line with global best practices for central banks. It is certainly the type of promotion process needed by the CBN at this time.
Reports indicate that the PwC conducted a two-phase appointment process designed to eliminate bias in the recruitment and ensure the process is transparent. Many would wish that all critical national institutions in the country can also conduct their recruitments in this manner to ensure the right persons, no matter their ethnicity or religion, are put in charge.
Usually, for central banks, the recruitment process will include competency-based interviews, ability testing, occupational or motivational questionnaires, written assessments, case studies, and/or presentations. Anyone who scales through all these is an asset to the institution and must not be denied the chance to help the country because of their religion or where they come from as long as they’re Nigerians.
No one will be surprised by reports that staff of the bank commended the selection process as objective, transparent, and merit based. It is a far cry from past tradition where directors are arbitrarily selected because of their connections with VIPs or they’re favored by the CBN governor.
This break with tradition is widely seen in economic and financial circles as a step towards strengthening governance and operational efficiency of the apex bank. It signals a significant internal restructuring aimed at enhancing the bank’s operational efficiency and regulatory oversight. An internal memo quoted by Premium Times said the appointments were aimed at “achieving the Bank’s vision and mission for long-term success.”
A look at some of the new appointees also shows that diversity was one of the selection criteria – a point that can never be over-emphasise in a diverse country as Nigeria. While economic policy should be driven by capacity rather than regional or ethnic consideration, inclusivity is essential in a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country like Nigeria,
Mallam Abdullahi Hamisu, the newly appointed director of Banking Services, is from the north of the country. Before his appointment, he served as coordinator, banking services under the Operations Directorate. He now occupies a position that is pivotal to ensuring smooth banking operations across the nation.
Sike Rita Ijeoma, one of the appointees from the South East, is the director of the Financial Policy and Regulation Department. She was formerly the director of the Banking Supervision of CBN. Her expertise and leadership earned her the new position where she is expected to significantly push the CBN’s mission of maintaining a stable and efficient financial system in Nigeria.
Akinwunmi Olubukola Akinniyi, from the southwest, is the director, Banking Supervision Department. He was an assistant director in the Payments System Management Department of the CBN before his new appointment. He is credited with leading the team responsible for formulation of payment system policies and facilitating stakeholder consensus on payments system development strategy in Nigeria. He also participated in major reforms in the Nigerian Payments System, including the implementation of the Nigeria Central Switch, Cash-less Policy, and the Payments System Vision 2020.
Oboh Victor Ugbem, a senior development economist, is the new director, Monetary Policy Department. Victor, who is from the South-south of the country, has over 20 years experience in the areas of monetary, financial, and agricultural policies as well as private sector development.
He was formerly an assistant director in the CBN, providing technical support to the design and implementation of the Bank’s policies.
In what appears a reflection of the prominent role women now play in the board rooms of commercial banks in the country, the CBN has promoted six women to the position of directors in charge of crucial departments. They are: Yusuf Rakiya Opeyemi – Director, Payment System Supervision: Mrs. Jide-Samuel Omoyemen Avbasowamen – Director, Information Technology: Aisha Isa-Olatinwo – Director, Consumer Protection: Mrs. Sike Rita Ijeoma – Director, Financial Policy and Regulation: Mrs. Monsurat Vincent (Strategy Management and Innovation and Dr. Adenike Olubunmi Ojumu (Medical Services).
Other directors named in the appointment are Dr. Usman Moses Okpanachi (Statistics), Mr. Farouk Mujtaba Muhammad (Reserve Management), Dr. Adetona Sikiru Adedeji, (Currency Operation and Branch Management Department), Mr. Mohammed-Jamiu Olayemi Solaja,(Other Financial Institutions Supervision Department) and Mr. Musa Nakorji (Trade and Exchange Department).
Analysts of the CBN reforms have commended the inclusivity of the appointments despite being merit based as proof of its objectivity and transparency. It kudos to the CBN Governor for navigating the vexing challenge of federal character while searching for the brightest minds within the system.
It is only when we put people in position where their skills and qualifications are best suited that we can get positive results. This is what the US Federal Reserve, the Bank of England, and other central banks do to be at the top of their game.
It is hoped that the processes leading to the appointments of these 16 directors would become a tradition to ensure that only bright minds are put in charge of executing the mandates of the apex bank. For the sake of Nigeria and Nigerians.
Cardoso has raised the bar and blazed the trail. He would be judged by the success or failure of his reforms and innovations. On the economic horizon, the weather is getting brighter, and there are reasons to be optimistic.
Nigeria’s economy is recovering faster than anticipated. Inflation eased to 24.5% in January, while Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows are rising, and the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is expanding.
The BusinessDay reported over the weekend that the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN)-led Monetary Policy Committee’s decision to maintain interest rates at its last meeting has fuelled a rally in Nigeria’s Eurobond market, reinforcing foreign investors’ confidence in the domestic economy.
The paper wrote that the investment report shows that Nigeria’s Eurobond market closed the month of February in positive territory, signaling sustained foreign investor confidence. Quoting data from the Debt Management Office (DMO), it said the average yield on Nigeria’s Eurobonds closed at 8.80 per cent, 41 basis points down from 9.21 per cent at the beginning of February, signalling “strong investor appetite.”
The CBN is proving doubters of its reforms wrong. Cardoso and his team of brilliant deputy governors are doing a good job of brainstorming for the public good. They are showing that the central bank is a laboratory of ideas and not a casino for sleazy men in suit. They deserve the support of all Nigerians to rescue the country from economic abyss that years of thoughtless leadership have plunged it.
But no doubt critics would continue to analyse every action of the CBN because of what the organisation represents. So, just as several economic analysts have done, this purpose of this write-up is to urge the team not to rest on its oars.
[OPINION] Anambra’s Security Experiment: A Model for Nigeria or Just Another Policy Gimmick? - Osita Chidoka
Admin![[OPINION] Anambra’s Security Experiment: A Model for Nigeria or Just Another Policy Gimmick? - Osita Chidoka](/media/k2/items/cache/09eeb6d8298ca344bb382cb430a490ae_S.jpg)
Security is the foundation of economic growth and societal stability. Without it, commerce falters, trust erodes, and communities disintegrate. In Nigeria, where kidnapping has become an industry, the search for a sustainable security model is urgent.
According to SBM Intelligence, between July 2023 and June 2024, Nigeria recorded 1,130 kidnapping incidents, with 7,568 victims. Kidnappers demanded a staggering N10.99 billion in ransom but received N1.05 billion—a fraction of their demands, highlighting the growing desperation of criminal networks.
While the Northwest remains the epicentre of Nigeria’s kidnapping crisis, the Southeast recorded 240 kidnapping incidents, the lowest of any region in Nigeria, as reported by the NBS Crime Survey, 2024. Anambra state accounted for 29 of these incidents, with 46 victims, placing it among the states with lower overall cases in Nigeria.
However, despite its relative safety, Anambra has become a prime target for criminals due to the high success rate of ransom payments. In one striking case, abductors demanded N300 million but ultimately received N350 million. This paradox presents a harsh reality: criminals go where the money flows.
Nigeria’s security challenge is exacerbated by chronic underfunding of law enforcement. The country’s 2025 police budget translates to $3.43 per capita, rising from $2.60 in 2024. Nigeria’s police budget, compared to South Africa’s $100.12 per person, is 28 times more, while Egypt’s $16.60 per capita is five times more than Nigeria’s police spend. This comparison tells a disturbing story and reveals a deep funding problem. Nigeria’s police force is severely under-resourced compared to global standards. The inadequacy of conventional policing necessitates an urgent rethink.
Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra State, a former central bank governor and renowned economist, has introduced a bold and controversial response. The Homeland Security Law 2025 is a radical shift from conventional policing, embedding security within governance, morality, and civic duty. Unlike Nigeria’s traditional approach, which places the entire burden on the police and military, Soludo’s model extends responsibility to landlords, town unions, businesses, and religious institutions.
The law mandates tenant registration, requiring landlords to document and report the identities of those living on their properties. Town unions must submit monthly security reports or risk losing government recognition, effectively making communities accountable for tracking suspicious activities. Hotels and short-let apartments must register all guests and install surveillance systems. Religious institutions found complicit in criminal activities face closure, while properties used for crime will be seized, with their owners facing up to 25 years in prison. Even supernatural fraud—money rituals and charms for wealth—is now a criminal offence, carrying a six-year prison sentence and a hefty fine.
This approach represents a fundamental departure from Nigeria’s historically reactive security framework. It acknowledges that policing alone cannot solve a problem rooted in cultural, economic, and social dysfunction. Soludo’s security doctrine argues that crime thrives because of weak law enforcement and a more profound moral crisis. He has identified three corrosive forces driving crime: a culture that glorifies instant wealth (‘something for nothing’), a societal shift toward materialism at the expense of integrity, and the moral ambivalence of institutions that should serve as society’s ethical compass.
His argument is difficult to ignore. In a society where fraudsters are celebrated, religious institutions bless unexplained wealth, and communities embrace criminals as benefactors, no surveillance cameras or artificial intelligence-driven crime mapping can ensure security. No police force, no matter how well-equipped, can protect a people who refuse to hold themselves accountable. Security, Gov. Soludo insists, is as much a question of values as enforcement.
History provides valuable lessons. Once plagued by crime and corruption, Singapore became one of the safest countries in the world through strict law enforcement, economic opportunity, and a societal commitment to order. At independence, the city-state was overrun with gangs and illicit trade, much like parts of Nigeria today. The government’s response was swift and uncompromising: it introduced zero tolerance for economic and violent crimes, embedded discipline into governance, and institutionalised community-driven security efforts. The result was a nation where crime is neither tolerated nor excused.
The message is clear: crime is not an inevitability but a policy choice. Societies that tolerate minor infractions create an environment where larger crimes flourish. Fraud fuels impunity. Kidnapping finances more sophisticated criminal enterprises. The failure to enforce laws consistently weakens the legitimacy of the state. The principle is well known in criminology—the Broken Windows Theory argues that ignoring minor crimes signals permissiveness, encouraging greater lawlessness. Anambra must not repeat that mistake.
The most significant test for Soludo’s security vision will be public buy-in. A law is only as strong as the willingness of the people to uphold it. The success of this security model depends on a cultural shift—one where communities stop legitimising criminal wealth, where town unions actively engage in crime prevention, and where the government prosecutes offenders without fear or favour. The government must be transparent in reporting activities, respect human rights, and provide a strong governance and redress mechanism for implementing the law.
Nigeria cannot afford to rely solely on kinetic security measures. A non-kinetic approach—one that emphasises citizen participation, intelligence gathering, and preventive security measures—is critical. Soludo’s security vision prioritises prevention over reaction, making security a shared civic responsibility rather than the sole burden of an overstretched police force.
As a nation, we can continue on our current path, tolerating crime and living in fear, or we can embrace a new model of accountability, where security is a collective duty. Anambra has taken the first step; while we wait for the outcomes, other states and Nigeria may consider following the example.
•An excerpt of a speech presented to the Anambra League of Professionals by Osita Chidoka, former Minister of Aviation and the Chancellor Athena Centre for Policy and Leadership
![[OPINION] El-Rufai and his 2027 calculations - Emmanuel Oladesu](/media/k2/items/cache/67c580c677b2202b62cd6ee98b1eef92_S.jpg)
Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, ‘accidental’ civil servant, vocal politician and former governor of Kaduna State, has carried out his threat to defect from the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Social Democratic Party (SDP).
The defector is not an ideologue, and his defection was not based on ideological consideration. He is rich, but his wealth cannot match the quantum of human and material resources available to his former party. He left a big party for a smaller and struggling platform with limited prospects.
His departure from the ruling party was not beyond expectation. He had complained about some policies of the party on the pages of newspapers. “APC has left me,” he declared a month ago, hinting about his next move.” Apart from arrogating an exclusive numerical voting power and strength to the North during elections, he also tried to pose as the leader of an impending northern onslaught, warning that in two years time, the North will not vote for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for a second term.
But, other nothern leading lights from the region disagreed, saying that he only expressed a personal opinion. APC National Chairman Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje rejected El-Rufai’s allegation that the North was neglected, describing it as a figment of imagination. He said the president, through his inclusive policies, have given northerners a sense of belonging.
Having been left in the cold during the inauguration of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) by President Tinubu, the former Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister has not adjusted to life outside power.
As a founding member of APC, the turn of events is worrisome to some of his supporters, who are not likely to jump ship like him. El-Rufai had blamed his exclusion, more from the government, but less from the party, to the alleged plot hatched by the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, his Fulani kinsman from Adamawa State, who arguably became more influential than him after the 2023 polls.
When it was evident that he had lost the nomination for a ministerial slot in the administration, he was worried. His ego was deflated. He attracted public sympathy. The feeling was that after he had said that he was not interested in serving as a minister, he was persuaded to accept nomination by the party leader and he actually showed up for screening at the Senate. Many thought the Power portfolio was for him.
However, 24 days is a long time in politics. The table turned against him on the slippery political field. Sources said El-Rufai was consequently asked to nominate another person for the slot. Yet, in his diminishing camp of supporters in Kaduna and other places, the missed opportunity was a big blow and a sort of dashed hope for cronies who had wished to make an in-road into the administration.
Mixed reactions have trailed his defection to the SDP, a party that came fourth in the last presidential election. It could not be ascertained whether he discussed his move with his former leader, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, and colleagues in the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). Analysts have pointed out that he left APC to galvanise the opposition and align interest with previous political foes who are united by the motive to work against President Tinubu in 2027.
El-Rufai has been described as a clever and controversial actor, whose political life had reflected a focus and resolve to succeed as an exponent of conditional loyalty and symbol of ethnic bullying.
To the SDP, El-Rufai is a big catch. He is a household name in political circles associated with some past political battles. But his new party is not a formidable platform, although it has two senators who borrowed it during the 2023 polls.
SDP presidential candidate in the last general election, Adebayo Adewole, who once castigated him as a symbol of ethnic and religious bigotry in a plural country thirsty for unity in diversity, acknowledged his strengths and weaknesses. He said El-Rufai would need to work on those weaknesses.
Adewole, a lawyer and businessman, described the former governor as a competent and hardworking public servant, whose skills, experience and energy are needed for effective governance. He said the defection has met the expectation of the SDP, whose strategy is to woo popular politicians into the fold as it prepares to tackle Tinubu in the next election. To him, El-Rufai is an asset to the opposition.
Some politicians and commentators do not share these views. Sheu Sani, a human rights activist and a senator from Kaduna in the first term of El-Rufai as governor, described the defection as a good radiance to a bad rubbish. He described the venerable defector as a civilian dictator, who is guilty of his allegations against the APC.
Sani said El-Rufai has no respect for internal democracy, recalling that when he was governor, the party chairman, secretary, elected local government chairmen and most of the elected public officials were handpicked by him.
“I left APC because of him. If he returns to the APC, I will leave again,” he added.
Sani predicted that El-Rufai will become a divisive factor in his new abode because of his domineering nature.
Kaduna APC welcomed the defection with a sense of relief. Its Secretary, Yahaya Pate, said: “We are unperturbed by former governor Nasir El-Rufai’s defection to another party. Our focus in Kaduna is on how to deliver the state to both President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Uba Sani come 2027.”
A political scientist, Prof. Jideofor Adibe of Nasarawa State University, Nasarawa, said El-Rufai has achieved a motive, adding that his goal is relevance, which he believes SDP can guarantee. But he pointed out that many percieved him as a polarising force in the polity.
Critics also doubted if his defection would have much negative impact on the APC, which is waxing strong. He condemned transactional ambition. The Professor contented that instead of solo efforts, mergers are better.
To many observers, El-Rufai is a complex personality; in a breath very principled, and in another dimension politically unstable. He is an arrogant, clever and an aggressive operator, blessed with persuasive talents and organisational ability crucial for mobilisation under a virile leadership.
Eminent scholar, the late Prof. Oladipo Akinkugbe, who sighted El-Rufai at a function in Lagos, said he suspected that the first class graduate of Quantity Surveying from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, was one of his troublesome students on rampange when he was ‘stoned’ as vice chancellor with pure water. He insisted that El-Rufai was at the forefront. The claim could not be ascertained. At the event, El-Rufai just smiled.
Outside school, El-Rufai has not been dumb. In public life, he has really excelled.
El-Rufai first tasted power when former military Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar appointed him as as an economic advisor in 1998.
His successor, President Olusegun Obasanjo later appointed El-Rufai as the inaugural director of the Bureau of Public Enterprises and Secretary of the National Council of Privatisation where he spearheaded the privatisation of government owned corporations under the supervision of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar.
In July 2003, he was appointed the FCT Minister. He insisted on the implementation of the original masterplan. With the establishment of the Abuja Geographic Information System, the federal capital became the first municipality in Nigeria with a computerised land register and information system.
After El-Rufai’s appointment was approved by the Senate, he alleged that former Deputy Senate President Ibrahim Mantu and Senator Jonathan Zwingina asked for $414,000 bribe before his nomination as a minister was approved. Both senators denied the accusation.
The Senate Public Accounts Committee accused him of paying exorbitant salaries to staff without proper approval. El-Rufai retorted: “Silence is the best answer to a fool.” The Senate was enraged. Obasanjo apologised on his behalf. When it was rejected, he had to go to the Senate to tender a personal apology.
As FCT Minister, El-Rufai demolished 945 buildings and settlements in a bid to sanitise the territory. The residence of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)National Chairman, Senator Ahmadu Ali, in Asokoro, built over a water trunk line, was not spared.
At the twilight of the administration El-Rufai presided over a ministerial/administrative panel which indicted his former boss, Atiku.
In 2008, he travelled abroad. When he came back, he enlisted in the CPC, serving as its secretary. When CPC fused with other parties to form APC, he became a legacy member. In 2015, he became governor, defeating former Governor Mukhtar Ramalan Yero of the PDP. He was reelected in 2019.
As governor, he embarked on the reforms of the civil service, reduced the number of ministries and departments, implemented free education at primary and secondary school levels, and blocked financial leakages. His decision to confuct test for teachers sparked a row between him and the teachers’ union.
El-Rufai rendered a vital service to APC and Nigeria when the committee he chaired recommended the restructuring of the polity. The report was dumped into the dustbin.
As governor, he often stormed Lagos to fire salvos at the APC National Leader, who he accused of domineering influence. He decried what he described as monopolisation of power and lack of internal democracy. Party loyalists and other Lagosians ignored the partisan incitement.
Those who decribed him as a Fulani irredentist loathed his statement in defence of tribal interest, when he warned soldiers in the line of duty to know their limitations.
“We will write this for all to read. Anyone, soldier or not that kills the Fulani takes a loan payable one day no matter how long it takes,” he tweeted.
His remarks on religion were also labelled by christian bodies as a “divisive, bigoted, hateful and completely unstatesmanlike declaration of Islamic political supremacism in Kaduna State and Nigeria.”
Around 2017, El-Rufai, accompanied by Rotimi Amaechi, former Transportation minister, held a parley with reporters at Eko Hotels, Victoria Island, to collate facts on Buhari’s popularity in the Southwest. To their surprise, they found out that the key and gate to the Southwest remained Asiwaju Tinubu. In fact, a reporter retorted: “Why are you coming to us to ask questions about the strength of Buhari in the Southwest,or whether the people of the zone will vote for him in 2019? In 2014/15, you people went to Bourdillion to see Asiwaju. Why are you coming to us instead of going to meet your National Leader?” Amaechi kicked at the comment. But, El-Rufai was jotting down the observations. During the Tinubu birthday that followed in 2018, Buhari stormed Lagos, proclaiming Tinubu as master strategist.
There was no evidence to suggest that El-Rufai was rooting for Tinubu ahead of the presidential primary. But, when certain elements in the party claimed that Buhari had anointed Senator Ahmed Lawan, El-Rufai led some governors to the former president to affirm support for zoning.
A predecessor-successor crisis broke out in Kaduna, shortly after El-Rufai left office. Today, he and his sucessor do not see eye to eye.
What difference can he now make in SDP, having left APC, his natural habitat, which he would be attacking as the polity warms up for 2027?
SDP is a small party, and it is wrong to describe the current SDP as the incarnate of the Moshood Abiola’s SDP of the Third Republic.
The party has limited tentacles, being majorly a borrowed platform, like the Labour Party (LP), and place of temporary refuge for aggrieved chieftains from the APC and PDP. In the National Assembly and across the states, SDP is a minority of minorities.
What is El-Rufai’s future ambition? President or Vice president?
More...
![[OPINION] CBN’s 16 new directors and the parochial jeremiad - Toni Kan](/media/k2/items/cache/162b03e7a848f1eab558d34ff82b6f0b_XS.jpg)
Competence should be agnostic.
This was the thought that occurred to me as I read a piece referencing the recent appointment of 16 directors by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) in what has been described as a rigorous, thorough and well-organised “two-phase appointment process.”
And in considering the furore that has erupted in the wake of the conclusion of the recruitment exercise with commentators from a section of the country alleging ethnic bias, I recalled a story I was told at a party years ago in Atlanta.
An old southern lady was rushed to the ER by ambulance. She presented with abdominal pain. Tests showed that she had a ruptured appendix and she was rushed to the theatre for an emergency appendectomy.
But when a black surgeon came in to operate on her she screamed. “I ain’t letting that N!gg@r touch me!”
It was her daughter who had come with her in the ambulance who gave her a hot slap which, as we say in Nigeria, reset her brain.
When I heard that story I remember saying to my American host, “Dana, in Africa we don’t slap our parents”
Dana’s answer was a simple, “Toni Kan, you are missing the point.”
The Nigerian economy is like that old southern lady; it is in dire straits and while the financial and fiscal authorities are working hard to get it on an even keel people are focusing on the tribes of the surgeons assembled to perform life-saving surgery.
A month ago the attack was against three women. Luckily, in that instant, all three women hailed from various parts of the country so tribal bias was not invoked as it is being done now.
In this case, with ethnic bias being alleged in the emergence of the 16 newly appointed directors, one is constrained to ask; when will it end, these irksome microscopic examinations of the Central Bank of Nigeria’s hiring practices.
It should be simple to understand that when it comes to picking the best to do a critical and intensive job we must look past tribe, religion and creed. Yes, there is the principle of federal character – which we are quick to invoke when things don’t go our way – but some national assignments demand the consideration of a different approach; one whose focus on competence, qualification, experience and merit should trump any other consideration.
How did we get here?
The CBN advertised, internally, for eligible deputy directors to apply for vacant director positions. Applications were received and vetted. The first round of interviews was conducted by human Resources and Director Generals before the next round which now had the CBN governor, Yemi Cardoso involved. The process was overseen from beginning to end by world renowned consultancy firm, PriceWaterHouseCoopers in order to ensure not just transparency but alignment with global best practice.
At the end of the exercise 16 new directors were appointed on March 3, 2025 and they include: Dr. Rakiya Opemi Yusuf (Payment System Supervision Department), Dr. Adenike Olubunmi Ojumu (Medical Services Department), Dr. Aisha Isa-Olatinwo (Consumer Protection Department), Mrs. Rita Ijeoma Sike (Financial Policy and Regulation Department), Mrs. Monsurat Vincent (Strategy Management and Innovation Department), and Mrs. Omoyemen Avbasowamen Jide-Samuel from the Information Technology Department), Mr. Hamisu Abdullahi (Banking Services Department), Dr. Usman Moses Okpanachi (Statistics); Dr. Oboh Victor Ugbem (Monetary Policy); and Mr. Farouk Mujtaba Muhammad, (Reserve Management.), Mr. Olubukola Akinniyi Akinwumi (Banking Supervision), Hassan Ibrahim Umar (Development and Finance Institutions)
The rest are Dr. Adetona Sikiru Adedeji, ( Currency Operation and Branch), Mr. Mohammed-Jamiu Olayemi Solaja, (Other Financial Institutions Supervision), Mr. Musa Nakorji (Trade and Exchange Department) and Mr. Kayode Olarewaju Makinde ( Procurement and Support Services).
The appointment of the 16 new directors with a 35% female representation brings to 27 the total number of substantive directors at the apex bank. At the conclusion of the exercise only the Corporate Communications department had an acting director.
The delay many not be unconnected with the merging of the newly created Investor Relations Department with the Corporate Communications Department in what a source described as “part of the Bank’s strategic efforts to enhance stakeholder engagement, optimize resources, and ensure a more coordinated approach to communication.”
The new directors have been described as “best-in-class” and “distinguished individuals who have demonstrated exceptional expertise, leadership, and commitment” to lead the Bank into the future.
While the process that led to the emergence of these new directors went smoothly, the reception has been anything but. Scathing commentaries in the papers and blogosphere have alleged an ethnic slant in the appointments while also purporting that deputy directors from a particular part of Nigeria were shortchanged.
Phrases like “regional favoritism”, glaring marginalistion”, “regional sentiments” have been bandied around to justify the supposed “unprecedented imbalance” and what one of the commentators described as “serious concerns about fairness, inclusivity and the credibility of the apex bank.”
But the fact to take away from all this especially as the CBN’s policies are beginning to impact the economy positively is a simple one; when it comes to dealing with the financial health of our nation, we must rise above atavistic parochialism.
A man laid out on the operating table does not worry about the race or religion or tribe of his surgeon. His major concern is whether the surgeon is capable, competent and experienced.
We must teach ourselves to take the same approach when it comes to working on the financial health of the nation by looking for the best hands within the system to lead the CBN into a new era.
That is what I think the bank has done and as staffers attest the exercise produced the right, experienced and qualified candidates but as Dana, my American friend told me many years ago, tribal irredentists “are missing the point” as usual.
Kan is a PR expert, financial analyst and biographer.
![[OPINION] How Nigeria can benefit from $11 trillion mobile industry - Okoh Aihe](/media/k2/items/cache/9905a167850ea85c86d28c36e976a731_XS.jpg)
The mobile industry will post nearly $11 trillion in economic value by 2030 or 8.4 percent of GDP. Last year, 2024, mobile technology and services generated 5.8 percent of global GDP, which is equivalent to $6.5 trillion of economic value. This was part of the highlights of the annual Mobile Economy Report 2025 launched by the GSMA at the Mobile World Congress (MWC25) which was held in Barcelona last week.
Much of this will be driven by countries around the world increasingly benefiting from the improvements in productivity and efficiency brought about by the increased take-up of mobile services and digital technologies, including 5G, IOT and AI, the report informed.
Mats Granryd, Director General of the GSMA sketched the scope of the industry when he said, “Our industry connects nearly six billion people, and powers economies worldwide. And, at MWC, over 50 percent of attendees come from outside the Mobile ecosystem, a clear signal that industries recognise the vast opportunities our networks create. This week will shine a light on those opportunities – from 5G to AI and many more – and their role in helping us to unlock new markets, drive innovation and shape the future of the mobile digital economy.”
No doubt the market is huge and there is so much money to be made from the industry and ancillary sectors by those who are bold and creative enough to invest their energy, resources and expertise in the components parts of the industry. Those who gathered in Barcelona last week would be interested in how much comes to their organisation, their sector and. above all, their country.
That is the question every sane person should ask and, without doubt, it won’t be a question for Nigeria but a matter of humility to admit that our country at this time really needs a heavy dose of fund injection from that mind-blowing projection. But we don’t have to wave a magic wand to attract it but a lot of hard work based on the gaps that are noticeable in the research details. So, what is going to be Nigeria’s share of this money?
Let’s take a look at the report. 5G enjoyed a lot of attention at the Mobile World Congress. The report also focussed attention on 5G as it periscopes trends that will affect the industry well into the future, and also marks it out as the technology that will dominate, being able to inspire other technologies to instigate growth. According to the report, 58 percent of the world’s population were using mobile internet at the end of 2024, representing 4.7 billion users – a number expected to rise to 5.5 billion users (65%) by 2030.
It also says that 5G connections worldwide surpassed two billion at the end of 2024 and will account for over half (57%) of total mobile connections in 2030, overtaking 4G adoption by 2028.
Here is another interesting observation which interpretation may translate to wealth for the industry and even nations. “With 2G and 3G networks accounting for less than 20 percent of mobile connectivity worldwide, legacy networks are being phased out in many regions. By the end of November 2024, a total of 152 networks had been shut down and another 131 networks were planned to be shut down by 2030. Asia Pacific and Europe lead the way, accounting for around 70 percent of networks sunsets to date. Network sunsets enable more efficient spectrum use while also reducing energy consumption,” the report stated.
But while legacy technologies are facing deserved sunset in the developed world, they remain very strong in Sub-Saharan Africa, including Nigeria. For instance, 2G still controls 41.63 percent of network buildout in Nigeria while 3G has .8.60 per cent, and 4G, 47.23 percent. 5G has less than 3 percent.
The GSMA sees the world moving into the future with 5G, observing that Sub-Saharan Africa will contribute to strong Mobile connectivity growth before 2030. Between 2024 and 2030, operators will spend a whopping $1.5 trillion on their mobile networks. Nigerian operators will do part of this spending to expand services and aggressively pursue 5G deployment.
“This trend will not be uniform across all markets; in emerging 5G markets, CapEx will continue to accelerate over the forecast period on 5G network rollout. Overall, 92 percent of operators’ CapEx between 2023 and 2030 will be spent on 5G network deployment,” the report stated.
There are three 5G operators in Nigeria with a fourth license waiting to be issued at the right price. Rollout efforts of the three operators – MTN, Mafab and Airtel, could only yield less than 3 percent coverage. But the GSMA report gives Sub-Saharan Africa an interesting 2024 Technology mix which presents the following picture: 2G – 11 percent; 3G – 49 percent; 4G – 38 percent; and 5G – 3 percent.
However, by 2030, the picture will be progressively different: 2G – 2 percent; 3G – 28 percent; 4G – 52 percent; and 5G – 17 percent. It is not just a different picture but an entirely different game in terms of network deployment, service rollout and other industry support services that will be provided. Within the period, 2024 to 2030, smartphones will grow from 54 percent to 81 percent.
This is why the report notes that despite increasing mobile saturation in developed regions, there remains room for growth in many large, underpenetrated markets in developing regions. For example, India and Sub-Saharan Africa will account for around half of new mobile subscribers globally over 2022 to 2030.
Although the GSMA annual Mobile Economy Report 2025 paints Sub-Saharan Africa, including Nigeria, as a developing market for the mobile industry, a little analysis shows that countries in the region can make so much money only if they can achieve the projections that look very humble. For instance, 17 percent of the 5G market in Sub-Saharan Africa is pegged at 247 million lines.
It means that the regulator must create the right ecosystem to encourage operators’ activities that can directly and indirectly affect the market to create needed returns to both industry and the public, which includes the government.
For instance, in 2024, the mobile sector made a substantial contribution to the funding of the public sector with around $600 billion raised through taxes on the sector. The industry also directly created 24 million jobs while supporting another 16 million, bringing it to a total of 40 million. It is the responsibility of the regulator, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), to ensure that Nigerian operators are spruced up to enable them. contribute their share of these global projections.
Through proper regulation and other interventions, there is much benefit that can accrue to the nation from the mobile industry. The report also harped on creative regulatory processes. My humble suggestion is for the regulator to encourage operators to offer good services, make more money and be able to support the government through tax remittances and other channels. The regulator must work hard to give Nigeria a decent share of that $30 trillion by 2030.
![[OPINION] Nigeria needs census at all costs in 2025 - Jide Ojo](/media/k2/items/cache/01ee68a24070197f37287c5ff704dc4c_XS.jpg)
“We must ascertain who we are, how many we are, and how to manage our data. Without an accurate census, we can’t successfully plan for employment, agriculture, and food sovereignty. So many problems come up without accurate data.” – President Bola Tinubu on February 24, 2025.
How many are we in Nigeria? Sincerely, there is no reliable data to back up claims that Nigeria has a population of 220 million. It has all been unreliable estimates. According to the National Population Commission, a census was first conducted in the area known today as Nigeria in the year 1866 by the British colonial government within the Colony of Lagos. There were also decennial censuses conducted only for the Lagos Colony in the years 1871, 1881 and 1901, respectively. 10 years later, in the year 1911, the census exercise covered the Southern Protectorate, including Lagos and the Northern Protectorate. Thereafter, there had been a census in 1921, 1931, 1951/53, 1962, 1963, 1973, 1991 and 2006.
The importance of the national population and housing census cannot be overemphasised or underestimated. NPC listed 13 benefits of having this exercise at regular intervals. It says that accurate census data are critical for developing accurate assessments of economic well-being for the nation as a whole and helping the government in proper economic planning. Data from the census will help the government identify the special population, e.g. people living with disabilities and how the government can be of help to them. Census data also helps the government in designing programmes that aim to identify areas eligible for housing conditions, assistance and rehabilitation.
The data from the census helps in the allocation of funding for numerous educational programmes, such as vocational and adult education and provides data that can help estimate or even forecast the number of schools required, out-of-school children, percentage of literacy in the country, quality of the educational curriculum, et cetera. Census helps generate data that will help business forecasting. That is, identifying areas where businesses can thrive using the population size as an advantage. The resultant profit from this will enhance improvement in the amount of tax that will be generated by the government. Accurate census information helps the government plan disaster recovery and contingency initiatives. The census also provides information on the healthcare needs of the population.
Census data can help formulate, evaluate, change, and propose policies and programmes that help farmers. A population census can provide data that can help the government to be aware of the ratio of security officers to be proportionate to the nation’s population, which can help in improving the security of lives and properties in the country. Census data also assists in the determination of the standard of living of the people. The number of people in a country is used to formulate policies for development.
A population census gives the government an idea of the different demographics in different parts of the country, which will in turn aid the government in the adequate provision of social amenities like water, electricity, roads, and hospitals, which are beneficial to the citizens of the country. Lastly, the census will provide reliable and evidence-based data for the implementation of the revised National Policy on Population for Sustainable Development and the realisation of the SDGs.
It is very heartwarming that President Bola Tinubu has shown renewed interest in conducting a fresh national population and housing census for Nigeria after 19 years. Recall that the last one was held in November 2006. It is also gratifying that the President wants the national population and housing census with biometric and digital components. Tinubu, at the February 24, 2025, meeting with officials of the National Population Commission at the Statehouse, said he would set up a committee to align the census budget to the government’s present financial realities. He said the National Identity Management Commission must be part of the review. The President told the delegation that biometric capturing should be central to the process, with multiple identification features, including facial and voice recognition.
The Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Senator Abubakar Bagudu, said the census data would be central to future planning and resource distribution. He was quoted as saying, “Mr President, we have been having ecosystem meetings to link the identity agencies, even the geo-spatial chaired by the ministry, because of our mandate as the supervising ministry of the National Bureau of Statistics. So, the NPC, NBS, NIMC, Ministry of Digital Economy, passport, social register, voter register, and even telecoms data have been meeting with the National Space Research and Development Agency to see how much is available to the government regarding data and how much optimisation can take place.”
At the February meeting, the NPC Chairman, Nasir Kwarra, said 760,000 tablets had been acquired and stored with the Central Bank of Nigeria, promising that the commission would engage with development partners to seek support whenever President Tinubu proclaimed the new census date. It was reliably learnt that the development partners bore 40 per cent of the costs of the last census exercise. With the mopping up of funds and foreign aid freeze by different countries, it is doubtful if Nigeria can rely much on international development assistance for its national census exercise.
It will be recalled that the immediate past administration of President Muhammadu Buhari had planned to hold the national population and housing census in 2023, but the wrong timing did not allow it to sail through. Historically, it is dangerous to hold a census close to an election year. Not only are the two—election and census—capital intensive, but political interference will most likely not make the census credible. This is why the Tinubu administration must strive to have the census in 2025 because next year will be suffused with preparations for the 2027 general elections.
When the census was to be held in 2023, the cost was estimated at N400bn. However, information in the news media over the weekend shows that the National Population Commission has submitted a bill of N942bn for the 2025 exercise. Now, a lot of people are shouting that it is a padded budget. However, I do not think so. As the saying goes, the best time to buy anything in economics is yesterday. With the devaluation of the naira and the floating of the currency, prices of commodities now cost three or four times their cost in 2023. That is why it is popularly said that “delay is dangerous”. If Nigeria fails to have the census this year, we may have to be looking for trillions by the next time we want to have it done.
The Yorubas say, “A sweet soup costs a lot of money to prepare.” To have a digitised census will cost a fortune more because many of the hardware and software equipment are not manufactured locally and have to be imported using foreign exchange. If the Federal Government can award N15tn Lagos-Calabar Super Highway, we can also source for whatever financial resources will be needed for a long overdue national population and housing census. The funding for the census could come from the federation account since it is a national exercise; states and LGAs should share the cost of the exercise. The critical factor should not just be the cost but how to have credible, reliable, usable, and acceptable exercise. I do not need to remind readers that previous exercises have been enmeshed in controversies and litigations. I fully endorse all cost-cutting measures the Federal Government may want to take, including using youth corps members as enumerators. However, the standard should not be compromised so that the outcome can be fully endorsed by all sections of the country.
![[OPINION] Senate house of commotion - Lekan Sote](/media/k2/items/cache/fd3d599e818d9c1145b55e61a41e53e3_XS.jpg)
To be discussing inappropriate, unrequited and not too clear love tangos between Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan of Kogi State Central Senatorial District and the raucous session in the Senate is a waste of precious time.
Except for the need to look out for the interests of females in Nigeria’s political and corporate “jungle”. Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan was once reported to have told whoever to “Please stop turning off my microphone. I represent people, including women who have been silenced.”
The nonsense going on in the Nigerian Senate makes one wish that Amaka Igwe would resurrect, write a script and gather Kunle Bamtefa and the cast of “Fuji House of Commotion” for another sitcom, “Senate House of Commotion”.
How else, other than comedy, should one describe the abandonment of serious affairs of state for frivolities by the Senate President, Nigeria’s number three citizen, and a senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, engaging in fare other than the serious affairs of state for which senators are rumoured to be paid about N353m per annum.
How what the Yoruba describe as, “Aa yan ore, aa yan ore,” or the tango over whether people want to date each other or not, has become a matter that is engaging the entire attention of the Nigerian Senate, and almost grinding serious legislative work to a halt, is baffling and regrettable.
Order 11(1,2) of the Senate Standing Orders 2015 (as amended) provides in plain English, “The President of the Senate shall allocate a seat to each Senator (and) a Senator may only speak from the seat allocated to him (or her), provided that the President of the Senate may change the allocation from time to time.”
Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan, who was obviously uncomfortable because the new seating arrangement that arose due to new party realignments was not communicated to her, naturally made her feelings known to the Senate President.
But when she did not get what she would consider to be an appropriate response, she took the matter to Gear 5. She submitted a petition, “directed at… Senator Akpabio… requesting the (Senate) distinguished redress on the matter”, to the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions.
The grounds of the petition were “Reprehensible acts of sexual harassment… (and) deliberate obstruction of legislative efforts”. She listed two occasions, one in Akwa Ibom, when Akpabio allegedly asked her for “quality moments”, and the other, in Abuja, when he allegedly told her he would give her whatever she wanted and all she had to do was to “make me happy”.
The only person who could substantiate at least the Akwa Ibom incident was Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s husband, Emmanuel Uduaghan. But she admitted to having deflected her husband’s request to know what Senator Akpabio said to her.
She added, “During a debate in the Senate, (Akpabio) maliciously addressed me inappropriately, referring to me as a nightclub girl.” She prayed the committee to “request a comprehensive investigation into the actions of (Akpabio)”.
However, Senate Deputy Chief Whip, Senator Peter Nwanonyi, thought that the beef of Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan, who worked in Brass LNG, by the way, stemmed from her removal from the Senate Committee on Oil & Gas.
Well, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition includes allegations that Senator Akpabio “abruptly removed me as chairperson of the Senate Committee on Local Content… limiting my involvement in the LNG project” in Ajaokuta, in her home state, Kogi.
Rather than address the issues raised by Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan, the committee stood on the technical grounds that the way she handled the petition did not conform with the rules of the Nigerian Senate.
According to the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions, Senator Neda Imasuen, the petition was “dead on arrival” because Order 41(b) says, “No Senator may present to the Senate a petition signed by himself (or herself).” Also, Section 41(7) provides that “The Senate shall not receive any petition on any matter for which there is a judicial remedy.”
But Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan stood on Order 41(1) which enables a petition “to be presented to the Senate by a senator, who shall affix his (or her) name at the beginning thereof,” and got a six-month suspension from a Senate plenary.
The Senate plenary, inappropriately chaired by the Senate President, who is the defendant, chose to discuss the matter after an unconvincing debate, probably stage-managed to make the Senate appear to be liberal and unperturbed by the grave allegations.
Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan had taken the matter to the law courts that seem to be on a recess from taking up the responsibilities of the Independent National Electoral Commission to declare who won or lost elections in Nigeria.
But she is not suing Senator Akpabio based on the content of her petition, but for statements allegedly made on Facebook by his legislative aide, Mfon Patrick, to wit, “Is Local Content Committee of the Senate Natasha’s birthright?”
Patrick allegedly added, “It is bottled anger of the Kogi lawmaker, who knows nothing about legislative rules. She thinks being a lawmaker is all about pancaking her face and wearing transparent outfits to the chambers.”
Only the courts can determine if this amounts to defamation and intent to cause Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan public opprobrium. But whatever cosmetics or garments Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan adorns her body with is not the business of Patrick.
The court should answer her prayer by issuing “an order of perpetual injunction restraining the defendants (or anyone else)… from further publishing, or cause to be published, the said defamatory words… about (her) on the social media platform, or in any other manner, which is capable of defaming (her).” Maybe she should also sue Patrick on relevant cybercrime grounds.
Senator Akpabio’s wife, Ekaete, has gone to court to sue Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan for N350bn on the grounds that the allegation of sexual harassment made against her husband amounted to emotional and psychological abuse of her children and herself. Only the courts can determine if this is frivolous.
And what looks like opposing rented crowds stormed the streets of Abuja in support of one or the other senator. When interviewed by pressmen, some of the ignorant protesters could not even correctly articulate the issues.
Those who wonder if Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan, a lawyer, is conversant with the rules of the Senate, should remember the Rivonia Trials, where Nelson Mandela, also a lawyer, chose to put South Africa’s apartheid regime on trial in the court of public opinion rather than defend himself.
But those stretching the matter of reallocation of Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s seat to Rosa Parks proportions are probably not quite accurate, though Senator Ireti Kingibe has pointed out that the Nigerian Senate is not exactly gender-sensitive.
Those who wonder why it appears as if issues of sexual harassment seem to be revolving around these two senators deserve answers. Senator Akpabio was once accused of sexually harassing a former managing director of the Niger Delta Development Commission.
On the other hand, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan is said to have previously accused three other men, a former state governor, a former sitting senator from her state, and a former presidential aide from her husband’s state, of sexually harassing her.
Both must extricate themselves and the Senate from this web of scandals and concentrate on the urgent and grave matters of state.