OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

The once-venerated tradition of awarding honorary doctorate degrees by Nigerian Universities has, unfortunately, become the exclusive preserve of the highest bidder. This is one of the casualties of the country's complex social and political dynamics. The prestigious accolades, meant to celebrate and acknowledge individuals whose exceptional achievements and significant contributions have demonstrably impacted various fields and contributed to nation-building, have been co-opted and distorted, often awarded for reasons far removed from genuine merit. 

What was intended as a symbol of excellence has been twisted into a tool for social climbing, political patronage, and shallow pursuit of status. The erosion of integrity surrounding honorary doctorate awards in Nigeria has reached a critical point, moving beyond mere misapplication and descending into a disturbing display of moral compromise and institutional decay. The once-prestigious recognition, intended to celebrate extraordinary achievements and contributions to society, has been so thoroughly debased that it now often serves as a badge of shallow status, a transactional commodity, and, alarmingly, a validation of individuals whose actions actively undermine societal values. 

This erosion of credibility is further compounded by the increasing lack of transparency surrounding the selection process. The criteria for awarding these honors have become so nebulous and subject to manipulation that it often appears that decisions are made based on personal connections and financial inducements rather than demonstrable merit. This lack of transparency breeds cynicism and casts doubt on the integrity of the institutions themselves. The absence of publicly available guidelines and the seemingly arbitrary selection of recipients have transformed what was meant to be a celebration of excellence into a source of public ridicule. Moreover, the abuse of honorary doctorates further entrenches existing social inequalities. 

By conferring prestige upon the already privileged, these awards inadvertently contribute to the marginalization of those who have dedicated their lives to genuinely impactful work but lack the means or connections to access such accolades. It reinforces a skewed perception of success, where hard work, intellectual pursuit, and genuine community service take a back seat to political connections, financial clout, and the flaunting of superficial accomplishments. This has a chilling effect on the aspirations of young people who aspire to make a real difference but lack the means to engage in transactional relationships. 

The proliferation of these awards, often bestowed upon individuals lacking any demonstrable connection to academic excellence, community service, or significant contributions to nation-building, has transformed the process into a charade. The public perception of these awards has understandably plummeted, with many now viewing them as little more than a transactional exchange, a means to boost personal prestige or to curry favor with powerful figures. 

The once revered symbol of academic accomplishment has been reduced to a mere bauble, a trinket devoid of genuine meaning or significance. The institutions, by their actions, have diminished themselves, eroding public trust in their judgment and commitment to genuine merit. The fundamental purpose of an honorary doctorate degree is to recognize extraordinary accomplishments that have fundamentally-materially benefited society. It is to shine a spotlight on those who have pushed the boundaries of knowledge, driven innovation, or made substantial contributions to the betterment of humanity. 

Historically, these awards were conferred on scholars, scientists, artists, and philanthropists whose legacies were clearly tied to positive national development. These honorees served as inspiration, their achievements are testament to the power of hard work, dedication, and intellectual prowess. However, this noble tradition has been significantly ridiculed in Nigeria. However, the current landscape awards are bedeviled by political maneuvering and the display of crass materialism. It is increasingly common to see politicians, regardless of their actual accomplishments, receiving such honors - often in what appears to be blatant quid pro quo scenarios. 

Similarly, wealthy individuals, many of whom have gained their fortune through questionable means, are routinely bestowed with these honors, ostensibly for their "philanthropy," though it is often a display of their financial might. Even popular musicians and entertainers, whose contributions, while valued in their respective fields, do not necessarily align with the intended purpose of the award, are now recipients of honorary doctorate degrees. The erosion of the criteria for these awards has effectively devalued their significance, rendering them little more than participation trophies for the powerful and privileged.

The ramifications of this perversion of the essence of honorary doctorate go beyond the simple devaluation of an academic honor. It creates a culture where true merit is often overshadowed by political connections and financial clout. By elevating individuals who have not necessarily achieved significant accomplishments to a level of academic reverence, it sends a dangerous message to the youth and upcoming generations.  It means hard work, intellectual pursuit, and genuine contribution are no longer valued or perceived as the primary paths to success and recognition. Instead, a narrative is being reinforced that influence and wealth are more powerful currencies than demonstrated competence and societal benefit. 

Moreover, the misuse of honorary doctorates, just like many other situations in the country, inadvertently fuels social stratification and marginalization. By showering accolades on those who already possess power and influence, it effectively further entrenches their dominance, leaving out those who have dedicated their lives to genuinely impactful work. Those individuals who might have made significant impact but lack the means to 'buy' their honors are made to feel valueless, further impacting their motivation and contribution to nation building.

Beyond the well-documented issues of political patronage and the rewarding of wealth irrespective of merit, a particularly concerning trend is the bestowal of these honorary degrees upon individuals who openly promote immorality and unethical behavior. We now see figures who glorify materialism, promote hedonistic lifestyles, or engage in activities that are antithetical to the nation's ethical and moral fabric being lauded with these academic honors. 

This normalization of questionable behavior by academic institutions sends a chilling message to young people, implying that success, however achieved, is worthy of praise, even when it flies in the face of established values and responsible citizenship. By bestowing these awards on individuals who often actively contribute to societal breakdown, institutions betray their responsibility to uphold moral standards and instead become complicit in the promotion of detrimental behavior. This not only dilutes the prestige of the award, but also undermines the moral compass of society itself.

The Nigerian academic community must take a critical look at the state of awards of honorary doctorate degrees. A comprehensive overhaul of the process is urgently needed, one that prioritizes merit, demonstrable societal impact, and a commitment to upholding ethical standards. This requires a rigorous review of the criteria for these awards, a transparent selection process, and a firm commitment to preserving the integrity of academic recognition. Until these fundamental changes are made, the honorary doctorate degrees will continue to assume a symbol of institutional decay and a testament to the troubling prevalence of moral compromise within the Nigerian system.

What should be a beacon of excellence has, through abuse, become a marker of questionable values. The award process must be free from political influence and based solely on demonstrable merit and significant societal impact. It is time to reverse this disturbing trend and restore the honorary doctorate to its intended purpose: a prestigious recognition of true excellence and a catalyst for positive change, not a validation of dominance and an instrument of marginalization. Only then can it serve as a genuine beacon of inspiration for future generations. 

 

 

The news of 2Face Idibia’s divorce from Annie Idibia has sent shockwaves across Nigeria and beyond. For years, they were not just a couple but a symbol of enduring love amidst the turbulence of the Nigerian entertainment industry. Their separation is a stark reminder that even the most celebrated unions are not immune to challenges, and it has left many who saw them as a beacon of hope feeling deeply disappointed.

Aptly put, their marriage was a demonstration of a love story that inspired many.  In a world where celebrity marriages are often fleeting, 2Face and Annie Idibia stood out. Their love story seemed like the stuff of fairy tales, a tale of perseverance, commitment, and triumph over adversity. Annie first met 2Face when they were both teenagers. Despite the ups and downs that life threw at them, including 2Face’s well-publicized relationships with other women, Annie’s love and loyalty never wavered.

Their 2013 wedding in Dubai was a grand affair that captured the imagination of fans and the media. It was not just a wedding; it was a declaration of love that had withstood trials, a testament to the fact that love can conquer all. Annie’s steadfastness in the face of adversity earned her admiration, while 2Face’s eventual decision to make her his wife was seen as a triumph of true love.

 

For many, the Idibias’ marriage represented the possibility of stability and happiness in an industry often characterized by scandal and instability. In an era where divorce and separations among celebrities were becoming the norm, 2Face and Annie’s union stood as a counter-narrative, a proof that love could indeed endure.

Without a doubt, the divorce is a disappointment. In fact, news of their divorce has left fans and admirers grappling with a mixture of disbelief and disappointment. For years, the Idibias were not just a couple but an institution, a template for young couples and even older ones to emulate. Their public displays of affection and Annie’s unwavering support for 2Face through thick and thin were inspiring. Many Nigerians, tired of the frequent breakup stories in the entertainment industry, held onto the Idibias as an example of what could go right.

The divorce is particularly painful because it comes in an industry that has often been criticized for its lack of enduring marriages. From Tiwa Savage and Tee Billz to Funke Akindele and JJC Skillz, the list of high-profile separations is long and disheartening. 2Face and Annie’s split adds to this growing list and reinforces the perception that marriages in the entertainment world are not built to last.

 

At the moment, tongues are wagging, “What went wrong?” While the exact reasons for their separation remain private, there is no denying that the Idibias’ marriage faced its share of challenges. From rumors of infidelity to public spats, their relationship was not without its struggles. Annie herself has spoken publicly about the emotional toll of dealing with 2Face’s past relationships and the children he had with other women. Despite these challenges, they seemed to always find their way back to each other, making their divorce all the more surprising.

It is important to note that marriage is a deeply personal journey, and no one outside the relationship can fully understand the dynamics at play. While fans may feel disappointed, it is crucial to approach the situation with empathy and avoid casting blame. Both 2Face and Annie are human beings who deserve understanding and respect as they navigate this difficult phase of their lives.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “Does their divorce has negative impact on fans and society.  Yes! The reason for sounding affirmative in this context cannot be farfetched as the Idibias’ divorce is not just a personal matter; it has broader implications for fans and society at large. For years, their marriage served as a counterbalance to the cynicism that often surrounds celebrity unions. It offered a glimmer of hope that love could survive fame, wealth, and the pressures of the entertainment industry. Their separation has left a void and has forced many to confront the realities of relationships, even those that seem perfect from the outside.

 

For young people who looked up to the Idibias as role models, the divorce is a sobering reminder that love alone is not always enough to sustain a marriage. It underscores the importance of communication, compromise, and mutual respect in building a lasting union. While the Idibias’ story may no longer serve as a template for marital success, it can still offer valuable lessons about resilience and the complexities of human relationships.

Given the Idibia’s divorce saga, it is not a misnomer to opine at this juncture that celebrity marriages have become a case study in pressure.  This is as the entertainment industry is notorious for its high divorce rates, and for good reason. In fact, celebrity marriages are often subjected to immense pressure, from the relentless scrutiny of the media to the challenges of balancing demanding careers with family life. Add to this the temptations and distractions that come with fame, and it’s easy to see why many celebrity unions struggle to survive.

The Idibias’ marriage was no exception. The constant public attention, coupled with the challenges of blending families and managing past relationships, created a unique set of pressures. While their ability to navigate these challenges for so long is commendable, it also highlights the immense toll that such pressures can take on a relationship.

 

Moving forward, it is expedient to opine that as fans come to terms with the news of 2Face and Annie’s divorce that it is important to remember that their story is not over. Both individuals have contributed significantly to the entertainment industry and have inspired millions with their talents and resilience. Their separation does not erase the love and happiness they shared, nor does it diminish their individual achievements.

For the Idibias, this is an opportunity to find healing and happiness in their own ways. For fans, it is a reminder to approach relationships with realism and to understand that even the most inspiring love stories can face challenges.

Without any scintilla of exaggeration, 2Face and Annie Idibia’s divorce is undoubtedly a disappointing development for those who saw them as a symbol of enduring love. However, it also serves as a poignant reminder of the complexities of marriage and the importance of empathy and understanding. While their union may have come to an end, the lessons from their journey remain. As fans, the best we can do is to respect their privacy, celebrate their contributions, and learn from their experiences. Life, after all, is a journey of highs and lows, and the Idibias’ story is no exception.

 

The allure of journalism is undeniable. From the outside, it is a profession often seen as glamorous, replete with perks, fame, and a seemingly unending stream of exclusive invitations to high-profile events. Many believe that journalists enjoy a front-row seat to the world’s most significant happenings, rubbing shoulders with the powerful, and living a life of privilege.

Permit me to confess at this seeming embryonic stage of this piece that I was inspired to express this view as a way of achieving ‘emotional catharsis’ in order not to become a victim of depression as a result of pondering over the profession I am so passionately affiliated with. Reflecting on the weight of constant deadlines, the relentless pursuit of truth, and the personal sacrifices often overlooked by society, I realized the need to give voice to the untold stories of journalists who carry the burden of public trust while silently navigating their own struggles.

But beneath the surface lies a starkly different reality, one that is far from the romanticized notions often held by the public. The truth is that being a journalist, particularly in Nigeria, is a daily battle riddled with frustrations. When the layers are peeled back, it becomes evident that many journalists are overworked, underpaid, and perpetually misunderstood.

 

Against the backdrop of the foregoing facts, it is germane to opine that Journalism thrives on activity. Events, press conferences, breaking news, and interviews are the lifeblood of the profession. However, there are days, sometimes weeks, when nothing significant happens, no events to cover, no exclusive stories to chase, and no press invitations to attend.

During these lulls, a journalist’s life becomes an existential challenge. Without events, there is often no content to file, and without content, there is no justification for income. This “dry spell” is a common source of anxiety for journalists, especially freelancers, who rely on events and stories for their livelihood. The glamour fades quickly when you are left staring at an empty calendar, wondering how to make ends meet.

The financial frustrations of journalism cannot be overstated. Many people assume that journalists swim in money simply because their bylines appear in newspapers or their faces are seen on television. This assumption could not be further from the truth.

 

The harsh reality is that a significant number of journalists in Nigeria, especially those working for smaller or struggling media houses, are owed salaries for months on end. Some are not even on a salary at all, relying solely on commissions or allowances that are often irregular and insufficient. For others, the meager wages they earn are barely enough to cover transportation and basic living expenses.

The lack of advert revenue compounds the problem. In an industry heavily reliant on advertising to stay afloat, the dwindling budgets of advertisers leave media houses gasping for survival. The result? Layoffs, salary cuts, and an increased expectation for journalists to “hustle” for their survival.

Compounding these issues is the glaring lack of support from the government for the journalism sector. Over the years, the government has extended lifelines to various industries, agriculture, banking, aviation and even the entertainment sector. These interventions, often in the form of bailout funds, grants, or tax incentives, aim to revive struggling sectors and ensure their sustainability.

 

Yet, journalism, a profession that serves as the watchdog of democracy and a critical pillar of society, has been left to fend for itself. The sector has not received any meaningful government intervention, despite its crucial role in holding power to account and educating the public.

Instead, journalists often find themselves at odds with the government, battling censorship, harassment, and outright hostility. Rather than supporting the sector, authorities frequently view journalism as a threat to their power and work to undermine it. This lack of support leaves journalists and media organizations vulnerable, further compounding the financial and operational challenges they face.

One of the most heartbreaking aspects of journalism is the lack of prospects for a fulfilling retirement. Unlike other professions where workers can look forward to pensions, gratuities, or even personal savings, most journalists face old age with uncertainty and anxiety.

 

The absence of financial security means many journalists cannot afford to retire, even when their health or age demands it. This has given rise to the phrase “Old soldier never die,” as journalists, much like retired soldiers, find themselves unable to leave the battlefield. They continue to write, report, and hustle for a living long after their peers in other professions have retired to a life of comfort.

This grim reality is not a result of poor planning or financial irresponsibility on the part of journalists but of systemic failures that leave them perpetually underpaid and unsupported. The profession, as noble as it is, does not guarantee a safety net for those who dedicate their lives to it.

One of the most painful misconceptions about journalism is the assumption that journalists are perpetual beggars. This perception stems from the unfortunate reality that many journalists, out of sheer necessity, must engage in practices that could be construed as beggarly.

 

In the absence of fair remuneration, some resort to collecting “brown envelopes” at events, a euphemism for monetary gifts given to journalists in exchange for favorable coverage. Others rely on freebies, patronage, or stipends from event organizers to cover basic expenses.

While these practices are far from ideal, they are often the result of a system that has failed its practitioners. The journalist who accepts a “transport allowance” after covering an event is not doing so out of greed or a lack of ethics but out of desperation. The system pushes them into a corner where survival becomes the primary goal, and professional ideals take a backseat. After all, it is a disservice to a Lagos-based Journalists who covered an event at Lekki in Victoria Island to trek back to his office in Ogba, Ikeja all in the name of being ethical. 

Another myth about journalism is the idea that it brings fame, and with fame, fortune. While it is true that some journalists achieve a level of recognition, it is often fleeting and rarely translates into financial security.

 

Fame in journalism is a double-edged sword. The recognition may open doors to certain opportunities, but it also exposes journalists to scrutiny, criticism, and sometimes even danger. Moreover, for every journalist who becomes a household name, there are hundreds who work tirelessly behind the scenes, unnoticed and uncelebrated.

Beyond the financial struggles, journalism takes a significant emotional toll on its practitioners. The constant pressure to break stories, meet deadlines, and deliver engaging content can lead to burnout. Coupled with the lack of appreciation and understanding from the public, it is no wonder many journalists feel disillusioned with the profession.

The frustration is exacerbated when journalists are criticized for doing their jobs. Accusations of bias, sensationalism, or incompetence often fly from all corners, even when the journalist has acted in good faith. It is a thankless job where the mistakes of a few tarnish the reputation of the many.

 

Given the foregoing, it is germane to opine that for journalism to regain its dignity, systemic changes are necessary. Media organizations must prioritize fair wages and timely payment of salaries. Advertisers should recognize the critical role of journalism in society and support it accordingly. Most importantly, the government must extend a lifeline to the sector, recognizing its indispensable role in the nation’s democratic framework. Policies to protect journalists from exploitation and harassment must be implemented and enforced.

Journalists, too, must embrace financial literacy and diversify their income streams to reduce dependence on media houses that fail to meet their needs.

Despite its many frustrations, journalism remains a noble profession, one that is indispensable to the functioning of any society. It is through the work of journalists that injustices are exposed, voices are amplified, and truths are brought to light.

 

But the profession cannot thrive on passion alone. It needs support, from the government, advertisers, media houses, and the public. It is time to dismantle the myths surrounding journalism and work collectively to restore its dignity. Only then can we ensure that the watchdogs of our democracy are not left to suffer in silence.

Anambra State Governor Charles Chukwuma Soludo in a Trumpian manner, made several fallacious and specious statements at the December 2024 dedication of a new church building in Onitsha. For example, the press quoted him as saying: “Since the inception of my administration, we have declared war on criminals, their shrines, priests and burnt down their idols.”   

In this claim, he tries to present non-Christians and non-Muslims as the criminals in the state. This is a fallacy. Criminals including elites looting our common patrimony, cut across all religions. In fact, many    criminals who claim adherence to foreign religions, use the proceeds of their crime to go on pilgrimages.When he talked about declaring war    on “their shrines” Soludo exhibits his    severe limitation of the English language.

The Oxford Dictionary explains that a shrine is: “a place regarded as holy because of its associations with a divinity or a sacred person or relic, marked by a building or other construction.” So, the building he went to open in Onitsha, is nothing but a shrine.

Then he mentioned priests; but it is not traditional religion alone that has priests, all major religions I know including Christianity which he claims to practice, also have priests. Soludo proudly proclaims that he has: “ burnt down their idols.” An idol is an image or representation of the Almighty. The fact that churches have the images of the cross, Jesus or    Mary, does not mean those are what Christians worship, it simply means that they are images or some representation or symbol.   

So, if Soludo has been involved in burning idols, then he is publicly confessing to criminality and deserves to be tried and imprisoned once he ceases to be governor and   loses his immunity. He wails that: “”Idolatry is the fastest growing religion in the state.”    As I explained earlier, traditional religion adherents, at least in Nigeria, do not worship idols; these are mere representations.   

Rather, they believe in God, and this has been so for thousands of years before Christianity.    So, it was not foreigners    who taught    Africans about God.    Thousands of years before Abraham was reportedly called from Ur of the Chaldees, the Yorubas knew God as Olorun or Olodumare, the Hausas call him Ubangiji while the Igbos call him Chineke, Olisa or Chukwu, which is the governor’s middle name.    

In any case, how can it be a state      matter that a particular religion is allegedly winning more adherents? How does such concern put food on the table of the Anambra people? How does it lead to the provision of more schools, hospitals, houses or jobs? Is Governor Soludo in reality such a jobless man? In addressing imaginary enemies, Soludo said:  “They can come with whatever they want to but with the Bible in our right hand, we shall prevail.” Wrong! What the Governor as the chief security officer of Anambra State    needs to wield in his right hand is not the Bible, but the law, and in his left hand, the sword of justice. He was not elected into office as a priest, but to govern in accordance with the constitution.

Soludo in a self-righteous manner proclaimed on the rooftops: “We must not take it for granted. Pope Francis preaches ecumenism. I just don’t preach it, I try to live it out.”    Such claims of piety, cut no ice. Religion is an issue between a person and God and, only God knows who truly worships him.    Jesus Christ had settled such matters thousands of years ago when he was quoted in Mathew 7: 21-23 as saying: “Not everyone who says to me ‘Lord, Lord’ will enter the kingdom of heaven, but only the one who does the will of my Father in heaven” What is expected of Soludo as a Governor is not to shout around about ecumenism, but to promote the unity of    all Nigerians irrespective of religion, ethnic nationality, regionalism and political affiliation.

Soludo at the ceremony, proclaimed    Anambra    a Christian State.    This, like most Soludo talks and programmes, is empty talk. Was this a proclamation of the State Assembly, or the product of a referendum? This false claim is an impeachable offence as it is a blatant violation of the constitution. Section 10 states in simple English: “The Government of the Federation or State shall not adopt any religion as State religion.” If Soludo were a man of honour, based on this his patently false claim, should have  resigned and returned to his profession of economic speculation and preaching the discredited gospel of the Western Structural Adjustment Programme, SAP which ruined most African countries including Nigeria.

This Soludo declaration which is part of the strategy of causing confusion and disunity amongst the Nigeria people, is an old discredited one. This dates back to colonial times when the colonialists championed the divisive politics and slogan of ‘Muslim North’ in reference to Northern Nigeria which in reality, was, and remains, a multi-religious, multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-cultural society.    The British colonialists were so vicious, and that in order to sponsor religious divide in Northern Nigeria, it consciously excluded Christians from being admitted into Katsina College, the only school in the 1920s providing high school education in the North. 

Some years ago, some state Governors imposed Sharia based on claims that the states they ruled were Muslim States. Those governors succeeded so well that when the extremist fruits they planted sprouted into Boko Haram and bandits, even they themselves cannot comfortably live    in their states. They became muffled choristers of religious de-radicalization in Northern Nigeria. Today, there is a similar retrogressive movement in Western Nigeria. There are now traditional rulers who want to ban    traditional religion in favour    of their own private religion. There are also those who are obviously profiting from a campaign to introduce Sharia in the area. When such campaigns bear fruits as they did in the North, such characters will flee the land.

Promotion of religious extremism continues in various forms. For instance, while Jesus Christ fasted for forty days, a leading Nigerian church, obviously in order to get ahead of its rivals,    has in 2025 decreed 100 days of fasting. Apart from the health of the adherents who are engaged in these marathon fast, what sense does it make to get a people to fast for 100 of the 355    days in a year?    So while serious countries like the United States and China will be at work, producing, some Nigerians will be spending about one third of a year fasting and praying.

We need to call to order, people misusing religion for divisive politics and private gains; violating the secular provisions of the constitution and generally, luring Nigerians into lethargy when they should be productive. 

“An institution is the lengthened shadow of one man”- Emerson, 1803-1882, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ p 105

“Every great enterprise starts off with enthusiasm for an exalted aim; and ends up bogged down in petty politics” – Charles Peguy, 1873-1914, VBQ p 49

 
Paralympian Amon Abraham Okechukwu from jumping over cars for money to Paris Olympics
 

The Assets Management Corporation of Nigeria, AMCON, is one of those institutions created in Nigeria with all the enthusiasm in the world to solve a critical problem, like its counterparts elsewhere globally; which not only failed woefully, but made the situation worse. AMCON, like a few of the consolidated banks licenced by Professor Soludo, Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, in 2006, was handed to individuals who cast their shadows on the organisations they led as Chief Executive Officer, CEO.

“Haste makes waste.”

AMCON should never have been necessary. It was the lasting monument to the failure of Soludo’s bank consolidation policy which reduced the number of banks operating in Nigeria in 2005 from 73 to 25 in 2006. Banks were ordered to increase capitalisation to N25 billion or merge or close shop – all within seven months. At the time of the announcement, only three banks were within touching distance of N25 billion – First Bank, Union Bank and UBA. Most of the rest were so far off that it was obvious to objective observers that Soludo, not a banker and lacking banking experience, had jumped headfirst into consolidation only as an academic concept.

 The decision which was unveiled in Lagos was attended by bankers, financial experts and media. I was there 20 years ago. I recollect quite vividly, Mr Atedo Peterside, during the question and answer period, making two points. While agreeing with Soludo about the need for bigger and stronger banks in Nigeria, he pleaded for timeline extension to enable the banking sector to get prepared for the new regime. Second, he argued that a banking sector consisting of only “megabanks” was not a healthy situation. Instead, he urged the CBN to consider categorising banks into three groups – national/international, regional and local – each group operating with its own share capital requirements. All the suggestions were rejected. In fact, every alternative idea was turned down.

 I wrote nothing less than six articles on these pages predicting the eventual collapse of some of the “megabanks” which emerged from the banking consolidation programme. For instance, when in 2008, the global banking crisis started in the US and Europe, Soludo assured Nigerians that our banking sector was “insulated” from contagion by the global crisis. I disagreed. By then, evidence available to me had already proved beyond reasonable doubt that we could no longer put our money – in any form – in the banks and “go to sleep with two eyes closed”; as Soludo promised us in 2005.

 In August 2008, I published an article on this page urging our readers to dump their bank shares. It was obvious to me that a major banking crash was coming.  From information available to me (and I don’t know why they were unknown to CBN, there was clear evidence that at least eight of the banks were being steadily and mindlessly looted by their directors – especially Managing Directors. Furthermore, there was a great deal of mutual contagion. Friends and relatives of the directors of one bank accumulated non-performing loans in other cooperating banks. At the time my article was written, which was indirectly rebutted by CBN, First Bank shares were selling for over N50 per share; Intercontinental, N35 per share and Oceanic Bank about N28 per share and still going up. I sold all my shares except a few against the advice of my stockbroker. By December 2008, bank shares were in a free fall. Till today, no bank has come close to the August 2008 price; millions of Nigerians who borrowed to purchase bank shares were ruined for life.

How and why AMCON was created

“The evil that men do lives after them….” William Shakespeare, 1564-1616.

Every big lie eventually has an expiry date. Soludo’s illusion about creating a stronger banking sector was inevitably exposed by facts which could no longer be denied. It became inescapably clear that the banks had been publishing falsified Annual Accounts and Reports; declaring fictitious revenue and profits; paying unearned dividends (mostly to the major shareholders) until 2008. By 2009, the CBN was forced to admit, however reluctantly, that the dream had become a nightmare.

 The AMCON Act which was passed into law by the National Assembly, NASS in 2010 was the final admission by the CBN that banking consolidation has failed. Without it, all the banks approved for operations by Soludo in 2006 would have been swept away by their own recklessness and fraudulent practices. Every country had to introduce one form of the rescue plan or another; but, the Nigerian AMCON Act was based on the models adopted in Ireland and Malaysia. The banks were allowed to dump their toxic or non-performing loans on the federal government under stated conditions; but, on the understanding that the loans will eventually be repaid. It is to AMCON’s everlasting shame that all the other national institutions established for this purpose had folded up because the loans had been repaid; while Nigeria remains the only nation which is still grappling with the consequences of the banking crisis of 2008.

 The Act has been amended twice since its inception, but, the payback has not improved significantly. Several reasons account for this. The Nigerian law left too many loopholes for lawyers to exploit. Some of the more powerful lawmakers in Abuja were/are among the largest loan delinquents. Influential Senior Advocates of Nigeria, SANs, colluding with complaisant Justices in courts have frustrated all the efforts aimed at loan recovery. But, lately, we are finding out that whereas borrowers were assisted in other countries to restructure and repay the loans, AMCON might actually be the stumbling block in some cases.

Today, Intercontinental and Oceanic have faded into history; along with other banks – Skye, BankPH etc. But, the liquidated banks and virtually all the survivors from the tsunami which swept others away still left about N4 trillion loans outstanding almost fifteen years after. AMCON has been mostly responsible. For four years under Jonathan and eight years, under President Buhari, AMCON has been sabotaging the intentions of those who established the institution without being called to order by the FG which condoned every wrong-doing as long as the perpetrators were in the corridors of power. For the sake of those who might think that this is an intervention in support of any party now in dispute with AMCON, permit me to refer to two, out of four articles, published on this page which call into question the integrity of its Directors as well as its spokespersons.

 Right now, a former Managing Director/CEO of AMCON has been charged to court by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, for fraudulently mismanaging the assets of one of the companies handed to the corporation. He had accomplices. That, obviously, was not the intention of the framers of the AMCON Act. The institution was supposed to try to manage the affairs of the companies whose toxic debts were handed to it professionally….

To be continued

There are usually multiple categories of diasporic citizens. Three are, however, easier to identify. The first are those who express love for their origin, are concerned about its well-being, and directly or indirectly participate in peace, stability, and progress matters. The second group is those indifferent, perhaps because they have integrated into the host society, hardly imagining returning, and are only concerned with looking forward to their place of residence. The third are those who have also successfully integrated and resent their origin. British Conservative Party leader, Mrs. Kemi Badenoch is an obvious example. She has consistently pilloried Nigeria, her original country, using extreme words, running against the traditional diplomatic practice of respect for peoples and sovereignties. It is also against a traditional British culture of decorum and reverence for the other.

She is not, however, the first to be unkind to origin. Russian Alexander Pushkin reportedly had a maternal African ancestry, but the poet and his family hate to be associated with that heritage. US Ralph Ellison also did not fancy his African lineage, just as his compatriot, Langston Hughes, once preferred the status of a Mexican immigrant to an African connection. Haiti’s Jean-Jacques Dessalines preferred the Western Culture far more than his African extraction. Legendary author, psychiatrist, and nationalist writer Franz Fanon once thought the French culture deserved prioritisation above that of his Martinique, Caribbean source. How about the legendary singer, Micheal Jackson? Part of the controversies he courted was the alteration of his sheath to distance himself from Blackness.

Badenoch is, therefore, simply enlisting her name on this list further to the constant contestation, construction, and communication of diasporic identities. These identities are repetitively in flux, mutating over time across spaces and in paces determined by individual citizens or circumstances. These circumstances are often liminal, one of being neither here nor there, described by Paul Gilroy as “double consciousness” Sitting in the middle, the first category of citizens is graceful, looking backwards with regrets and deliberately concerned about improving origin through remittances, advocacy, and transference of knowledge, considering the new exposures they would have learned.

From this liminal, threshold, or transitory space, the indifferent citizens keep cool in the comfort of relative stability, hardly looking backwards or forward like the famed Greek Idol, Janus. Badenoch’s class of diasporic citizens would have integrated, are now resentful of origin, and are open about it. Nevertheless, the challenge for them is the mathematics of history and biology. This mathematics is stubborn, organic, and hardly alterable. They are reflected in the changelessness of their roots and routes, their phenotype and preliminary associations, which are irreconstructible.

 

Provocative as their tirades on origin might be, they often should not be blamed, even though the temptation to do so is high. First, the average citizen living in the distance and resenting origin is hardly a migrant. They are not those who moved to look towards economic benefits, hoping to leverage the relative prosperity in the host society and then return to improved living with proceeds from abroad.

Those who usually resent their origin are often diasporic, involving the more settled community of people in a different society, as opposed to those resettling for temporary reasons, primarily economic, with less sense of integration. Many diasporic citizens, therefore, suffer from a complex sense of belonging, including the implausibility of return and/or the overt or covert challenges of integration despite portrayals to the contrary. Resentment becomes a mechanism for coping, maintaining emotional stability, and enhancing sustainability. Feeling absent from origin and undergoing subtle exclusion from the host society (which might be open depending on the system’s disposition to multiculturalism), some individuals consciously or unconsciously evolved mechanisms to deal with the stress of reductive recognitions, which patriots or nationalists in origin might consider offensive.

Second, diasporic citizens are constantly in a crisis of identity, a transformative process trending over interactions with different cultures, possibly leading to the pressure to stick to the one at hand at the expense of the one before. Third is misplaced guilt through the frustration of watching origin’s continuous incompatibility with the host society and the slew of disappointing actions of leaders, now resulting in outright, outward bitterness. Fourth, resentment is arguably helpful in managing the strain, stress, and trauma of dislocation, as well as the continuous negative portrayal of origin on the global stage, given the quest of some affected citizens for emotional and psychological restitution.

 

Fifth is the question of pride and prestige, leading resenting citizens to think they should not be associated with a past dominated by narratives of oppression and a disillusioning present, where anxiety fills the imagination of the future.  There could be many more reasons, like the quest for personal growth, where the citizens think associating with origin will be an obstacle; limited help from origin, making them think it is of no value and should not be honoured in any way; and of course, the question of choice, an individuated inclination to create own pathway.

Whatever the cause, and as painful as their actions might be, Governments worldwide have adopted a slew of methods to manage resentment. Resentments are, therefore, not to be resolved through aggression or confrontation. Granted that private citizens or civil society members have the liberty to respond how they want, governments should be elevated in their response, if at all.

Seeking engagement, reassurance of love towards engendering belonging, given the diasporic state of longing, and direct measures at resolving criticisms are often more helpful. If possible, diasporic citizens are to be courted for being dislocated in the first instance and for not being classed as expatriates, investors, foreign partners, and discoverers like the many Westerners populating and sometimes exploiting nations of the South. Nigerian government thought rightly in the direction of benefiting from them, setting up the Nigerian in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM), but the poorly funded organisation, with disjointed office space, mainly surviving because of the charisma of its present chairman, Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, can hardly compare with the feats of the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs-an opposite number.

We have also seen reconciliation with diasporic citizens in Chile, South Korea, Ireland, and Rwanda, while the Philippines has been directly concerned about their welfare. Kenya is interested in growing their voting rights, while Ghana rekindled their imaginations with the Year of Return in 2019. The Israeli law of Return is more compelling, exemplifying their status as a classical diaspora. At the same time, Ethiopia has worked on its diasporas through investment initiatives, in addition to the example of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), which emphasises reintegration and healing. Italy was once generous with its citizenship to several generations of absent citizens, just as South Korea, Mexico, and Senegal have been concerted to woo diasporas.

 

Governments have also been known to identify outstanding diasporic citizens for one-on-one consultation, given their substantial influence. While the achievements of these few could make them outspokenly critical, governments would instead tow the diplomatic part as the bigger party in a presumed duel. Granted that Nigeria has, through NIDCOM, registered some presence, more is still to be done, now that Badenoch is still knocking on the nation’s past if to negotiate her present path, further to the hyper-activity of the diasporic being and becoming.

Adeniyi, a professor of diasporic communication, is the Dean of the School of Postgraduate Studies at Baze University in Abuja.

Two major projects were announced in Abuja last week: a polytechnic and a military barracks. Both were named after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. I thought the president would say no to such fawning sycophancy. But no. He appears to love it. He actually sat and presided over the inauguration and naming of the barracks.

A man goes to the stream to bathe and all maidens of the village struggle to be his wife or at least his mistress. That is the fortune of our president today; every loin scrambles for his hood. A sycophancy championship is afoot. If I were the president, I would be afraid and worried. Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar was offered the crown three times, and three times he rejected it. Yet, that gesture was used to consummate a conspiracy against him.

Niger State governor, Mohammed Umaru Bago, about this time last year, was overwhelmed by his love for our president. The governor looked up, he looked down, he thought of how best to sujada to the father of the nation. He raced to the airport in Minna and yanked off its recently printed name. The airport belongs to the Federal Government but the Niger governor told Tinubu’s TVC that in appreciation of the president’s magnanimity, he thought the only way his state could celebrate him (Tinubu) “for now” was to name that airport after him. Governor Bago said: “I sat down with my stakeholders, we got his (Tinubu’s) consent and his approval and here we are.”

 

Just nine months earlier, the place was named Dr Abubakar Imam Kagara International Airport. Abubakar Imam (1911-1981) was a writer and pioneer in journalism in Nigeria. He edited Nigeria’s first Hausa language newspaper, Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo in 1939. Naming the airport after him in June 2023 was thought appropriate and fit. But by March 2024, the airport had another naming ceremony. It became Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Airport. Bago said Imam’s name had been given to a polytechnic since he was more a scholar. If I would be a bad boy, I would have used that point to ask Bago if he renamed the airport after the president as a confirmation that he is a frequent traveller. The president did not see anything wrong in his name being connected with such a change with such an argument. He was at the unveiling event in Minna to “commission the remodeled and upgraded terminal.” Tinubu was less than ten months in power when that honour fell on his shoulders. A commenter told BBC pidgin that time: “If na me be President Tinubu, I no go even accept di change of name.” Fortunately for Governor Bago and his stakeholders, Tinubu wasn’t that person.

Many more of such ‘recognitions’ will roll in for our president now that the world knows what tickles our Daddy.

Someone looked at all the frenzy and ‘feverity’ of last week in Abuja, and combined them with last year’s one in Minna, and suggested that we do something more monumental: we should change the name of our country to Tinubu Kingdom. Another suggested that ‘empire’ would be more appropriate. An emperor presides over an empire.

They may be right. If IBB, the man who built Abuja, had been as smart and quick and alert as this president, the Presidential Villa would by now be called Ibrahim Babangida House; or the city itself named IBB City. But the smart General was slack; he missed that opportunity to house every subsequent president in his ‘house’ and city. And if each of Tinubu’s other predecessors had been as alive as the incumbent, the FCT and the 36 state capitals would by now be galleries of their names and labels. But they were all like Babangida – too shy, or too careful – to do what Napoleon now does.

And, why not change Abuja, our federal capital’s name to Tinubu? After all, the Liberian capital, Monrovia, is named after James Monroe, America’s fifth president who pioneered the creation and colonization of Liberia. Monrovia, until 1824, was known as Christopolis. It was originally created in 1822 by Monroe and his friends as a solution to the problem of having too many blacks in their United States. We have a local example. Port Harcourt, our garden city, owes its identity to the name of Sir Lewis Harcourt, the British Secretary of State for the colonies who approved and supervised the amalgamation that birthed Nigeria.

There are more ancient local examples that will strengthen our argument for a total, comprehensive and permanent immortalisation of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. And it is significant that these positive vibrations are coming from northern Nigeria where there are plenty of points to pick from history. History says Daura, the spiritual home of Hausa people, is named after a woman, Magajiya Daurama, the ninth queen of that town. History adds that even the city called Katsina is named after a princess of Daura named Kacinna. There is a major town in Jigawa State called Hadejia. Hadejia is a toponym derived from the names of a hunter and his wife who founded the town. Their respective names were Hade and Jiya. We can use these examples to promote our next motion that the FCT should become the next addition to our president’s honour. For regional balancing, I wanted similar examples from Yorubaland to bolster our argument but I spent the whole of yesterday asking around if there was a traditional Yoruba town named after a human being, living or dead. I am still searching.

Tinubu as governor of Lagos State did not do these things for himself or for those who made him. Those he made have not done so too. So, he is lucky Nigeria is bigger, more generous, more appreciative.

It is true that Abuja is not Lagos. The demons controlling the aura of both places are different in the virulence of their demands and expectations.

In ‘The Art of War’, Sun Tzu says “the superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone.” Tinubu is the superior man here. You would think he would be “watchful over himself” from the assaults of sycophants and parasites. But no. He enjoys every bit of the game. He is too big to be bothered about external corruption and internal corruptive tendencies. A large mirror is placed before him everywhere he goes, and he loves the big, ‘beautyful’ something he sees in that mirror. So, why risk his anger by warning him about his nakedness? I also join my voice to the voices of his worshippers and adherents, people who say he is an idol.

If a man would be blind, my people warn such a person to be completely blind. Half-blind persons are perfect mongers of trouble. We can’t copy America’s presidential democracy without copying everything in and about it. The United States is currently savouring the sweetness in our sour soup: a lawmaker is proposing a third term for Donald Trump who started his second term just last week. America is fated to fall in love with the content of our shithole. We should reciprocate that love.

Give-me-I-give-you is what the toad croaks at the river bank. We should also go the American way by making idols of our presidents, past and present – particularly the present. Let us name our country and its capital, Abuja, after this hardworking Tinubu. Washington State and Washington DC in the United States are named after America’s first president, George Washington. Many of his worthy successors were similarly honoured with cities created in their names: There is the city of Lincoln in Nebraska named after Abraham Lincoln; There is Jackson in Mississippi named after Andrew Jackson; Jefferson City is in Missouri, the name honours Thomas Jefferson. There is also Madison in Wisconsin; it is named after President James Madison. We should not ask if these presidents did all these for themselves during the lives of their presidency. Except we are an ungrateful lot, our own president deserves honours as those that are sure to last beyond the end of the world. That is what an appreciative nation does.

An airport, a polytechnic and a barracks wearing the name of an incumbent president who is less than two years old in office is nothing. Those who did it have not done a tenth of what obtains in other countries of this continent. Hastings Kamuzu Banda was president of Malawi from 1964 to 1994 – thirty short years. I first came in contact with him and his ways in Jack Mapanje’s ‘Of Chameleons and the Gods’ taught me by Funsho Aiyejina (God repose his soul). While he was alive, Banda got his name inscribed on everything he touched: roads, hospitals and schools and everything that would make him live forever. At his death, 14 May of every year was declared ‘Kamuzu Day’ in celebration of the life of the father of the nation. An attempt to denigrate his memory surfaced soon after his exit. A succeeding president, in a fit of madness, declared 14 June as ‘Freedom Day’ to mark the end of Banda’s dictatorship. That insult did not last beyond the next election. Banda’s spirit moved against that president and his place another took. Another president soon came to sanitise the memory of their lord and saviour. He cancelled the dirty ‘Freedom Day’. Banda’s name is on an international airport and on other national monuments. That is how countries show gratitude to their fathers.

Literature scholar, Reuben Makayiko Chirambo, in 2010 wrote a piece in ‘Africa Today’ on the memories “of the Father and Founder of the Malawi Nation, Dr. H. K. Banda.” He wrote that some of Banda’s supporters hailed him as Ngwazi which means ‘Conqueror’. Some others called him Nkhoswe – ‘guardian’, ‘protector’, ‘provider’. Yet, to a large number of others, he was simply “savior, messiah, father and founder of the nation.” Banda’s fanatics pronounced him Wamuyaya – meaning, president for life. When I read that, I wanted to say may that not be our portion in Nigeria. But I cautioned myself. That would have been a very subversive prayer. May my mouth not kill me.

For those who say that it is too early for Tinubu to start inscribing his name on our breasts and buttocks, they should go check Banda’s records. It is from Chirambo that we read that in 1963, one full year before Malawi got independence, Kamuzu Banda had already boasted that: “I am dictator of the people by consent . . . by permission.” He was that open and transparent even before he took full control of the country. Leaders who would be ‘father’ and ‘saviour’ of their nation don’t sneak in their dagger under their tunic. They come early in broad daylight clutching the flashing torch of narcissism. Banda did his dictatorship so well that a cowardly Malawian poet, Frank Chipasula, in 1981 wrote a poem from exile in celebration of the president. The title: ‘A Monument to a Tyrant’.” If we work hard enough, Banda can be our model. We will benefit from his memory.

But why are the president’s friends and fans making a Banda out of him? The old man can still get all the honour being dashed him later when he is done and is found to have done well with the power he has. Obafemi Awolowo, Murtala Muhammed, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Tafawa Balewa are some of the examples he can copy. But he is not looking the way of those legends. He has not done well by not stopping all sycophantic drooling around him. He is an elder who ought to know that there are implications and consequences for the wealthy who choose to eat salt according to the size of their wealth. The president’s morsel is in improper dalliance with soup that draws and soils the breast embroidery.

When a democracy grows old and wrong, it becomes an oligarchy. Someone said that in a democracy, the key actors are idolators; in an oligarchy, they are idols. I know that in vain are all these lines and calls for sanity and moderation. Idolators must worship their idols. So, I plead that if we all want to survive the courtiers of this president, all of us – journalists, lawyers, judges, lawmakers, law breakers and law enforcers – will perform one last duty. We should join voices and forces, rename our country, rebuild the Presidential Villa and the FCT and make all of them bear the name and logo of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He deserves the honour.

The global race for artificial intelligence (AI) supremacy is swiftly redrawing the contours of economic and technological power, ushering in a new era that rivals the Industrial Revolution in its transformative potential. At the forefront of this seismic shift are nations like the United States and China, harnessing the boundless possibilities of AI to reshape industries, redefine societies, and propel their economies into uncharted realms of innovation. Projections by PwC forecast AI’s contribution to the global economy to soar to an astounding $4.4 trillion by 2030—a testament to its role as the cornerstone of future prosperity.

Yet, as the world hurtles toward this brave new frontier, Nigeria stands at a perilous crossroads. Ill-prepared, burdened by insufficient infrastructure, and hindered by a tepid political commitment to technological advancement, the nation risks being left adrift in this age of digital transformation. The urgency is palpable; the call to action resounds not in some distant horizon, but in the present moment. To secure its place in the unfolding narrative of AI-driven progress, Nigeria must rise now, embracing bold policies, fostering innovation, and building the foundations for a future that refuses to be defined by obsolescence.

With over 60% of Nigeria’s population under 25 years old, the potential for technological advancement is immense. These young minds, if nurtured and guided, could be the driving force that propels Nigeria into the AI era. However, the nation could miss opportunities for an AI-driven future without strategic action. We must examine the implications of America’s AI revolution for Nigeria, the nation’s current deficiencies in the AI economy, and the urgent steps needed to build a future-ready, tech-driven economy. There is hope in Nigeria’s youth and their potential to lead the country into the AI era.

The United States has positioned itself as a global leader in AI, partly driven by competition with China. The fear of China’s rapid advancements in AI technology has catalysed America’s efforts to solidify its dominance in this field. AI is not only seen as an economic tool but also as a matter of national security and global influence.

Donald Trump’s administration recognised the importance of AI early on. On his first day in office during his second term, Trump announced the $500 billion Stargate Project, a monumental investment in AI infrastructure, research, and education. This project, named after the science fiction device that enables instantaneous travel across the galaxy, aimed to catapult the US into a leading position in AI. His administration also repealed restrictive ethical AI policies to accelerate innovation and supported using public lands to construct AI data centres. These measures underscored the critical role of AI infrastructure and its reliance on energy, prompting the US to adopt ambitious energy policies to support its AI capabilities. For example, US energy consumption attributed to data centres alone accounts for nearly 2% of the country’s total electricity usage, a figure projected to grow as AI adoption expands.

AI’s impact is not confined to technology alone; it has implications for military power, healthcare, finance, and governance. For instance, the US Department of Defence invested $1.7 billion in AI-focused initiatives between 2020 and 2023 to maintain a strategic edge. Similarly, AI applications in healthcare, such as IBM’s Watson, have demonstrated capabilities to analyse patient data and recommend personalised treatments, potentially reducing diagnostic errors by up to 30%. By harnessing these technologies, the US aims to lead economically and shape the global norms of AI development and usage.

America’s ambitious AI agenda has far-reaching implications for countries like Nigeria. First, the economic implications are profound. AI is projected to add trillions of Dollars to the global economy by 2030, but Nigeria risks being excluded from these benefits due to its lack of technological readiness and economic diversification. The country’s overreliance on oil exports—which accounted for 90% of export revenue in 2022—further compounds this vulnerability. 

Second, the energy implications are equally significant. AI infrastructure is energy-intensive, and the US has adopted policies to achieve energy sufficiency and increase fossil fuel exports. This shift could reduce global demand for Nigerian oil, resulting in lower prices and economic instability for the oil-dependent nation. 

Third, the employment landscape is set to change drastically. AI is automating jobs across industries, creating a demand for AI-ready skills. According to the World Economic Forum, 85 million jobs globally could be displaced by AI by 2025, while 97 million new roles may emerge that require advanced digital skills. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s workforce is largely unprepared for this shift, increasing the risk of widespread unemployment and economic displacement. For example, only 22% of Nigerian graduates in 2022 pursued degrees in STEM fields, a critical area for AI readiness.

Nigeria’s inability to adapt to the global AI revolution stems from several systemic issues. The absence of a national AI strategy is a glaring gap. Unlike other nations that have developed coordinated policies to guide AI development, Nigeria has yet to articulate a vision for integrating AI into its economy. This lack of direction is a critical issue that needs to be addressed, as it has resulted in missed opportunities to collaborate with global AI leaders or participate in AI-driven economic initiatives.

Investing in STEM education and digital literacy is crucial to prepare Nigeria’s workforce for the AI-driven future. However, the poor integration of STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics) education into Nigeria’s curriculum limits the country’s ability to prepare a tech-savvy workforce. Addressing these educational deficits is key to ensuring Nigeria’s readiness for the AI revolution.

However, there are glimmers of hope. Enugu State’s Smart School Project, launched by Governor Peter Mbah in June 2024, aims to revolutionise education and prepare young people for a tech-driven economy. This initiative, planned to equip 260 schools with digital classrooms and AI-driven learning platforms, is a step in the right direction, demonstrating that subnational governments can take proactive measures. Already, 50 schools have been equipped. Yet, such efforts are insufficient without scaling similar programmes nationwide.

Leadership challenges also play a significant role. Many of Nigeria’s policymakers do not understand AI’s importance, focusing instead on short-term political gains and outdated economic models. This ignorance hampers the nation’s ability to make informed decisions about its technological future. Furthermore, the private sector’s limited involvement in AI research and development reduces Nigeria’s global competitiveness. For instance, while India has over 400 AI startups, Nigeria has fewer than 50, reflecting the stark difference in private-sector engagement.

AI is transforming the global economy, with industries ranging from healthcare and agriculture to finance and transportation leveraging its capabilities. Countries that have invested in AI are already reaping its economic benefits, further widening the gap between technological leaders and laggards. In agriculture, for example, AI-powered tools have increased crop yields by up to 20% in countries like India and Brazil, demonstrating its transformative potential for developing economies.

The energy equation is also being redefined. As nations prioritise renewable energy to sustain their AI infrastructure, fossil fuel-exporting countries like Nigeria face declining demand and revenue. This shift underscores the urgent need for Nigeria to diversify its economy and reduce its reliance on oil exports.

Technological disparities between AI leaders and nations like Nigeria are becoming increasingly apparent. Without proactive measures, Nigeria risks being relegated to the periphery of the global economy, exacerbating inequality and economic dependency. The lack of a competitive technological ecosystem will further isolate Nigeria from the industries of the future, making it difficult to attract foreign investment or participate meaningfully in global trade networks.

To avoid being left behind in the AI revolution, Nigeria must take decisive action to build its AI readiness. Five key prerequisites are essential: First, massive investment in reliable, affordable, and sustainable energy sources is critical to supporting AI infrastructure. We should prioritise renewable energy projects and modernise the national grid. Second, developing data centres, cloud storage, and high-speed internet access is crucial for fostering AI development. Public-private partnerships can accelerate the creation of these infrastructures. 

Third, overhauling the education system to prioritise technology-driven learning is imperative. Enugu’s Smart School Project should serve as a model, with similar programmes scaled nationwide. Schools and universities must integrate AI and coding into their curricula to prepare students for the jobs of the future. Fourth, increased funding for AI research and partnerships with global tech leaders are essential to drive innovation. Nigeria must incentivise local tech companies and startups to focus on AI applications tailored to local challenges. And finally, implementing policies to guide AI ethics, usage, and innovation is necessary for sustainable growth. Regulatory bodies must ensure that AI technologies are deployed responsibly and inclusively.

Nigeria’s readiness scorecard is dismal, with significant gaps in all these areas. Nigerian federal and state leadership must think outside the box and rise to America’s $500 billion stargate challenge because it would pressure Nigeria’s economic calculations. AI is essential to Nigeria’s economy since it presents game-changing possibilities in several industries. It can boost healthcare, education, and agricultural productivity, diversifying the economy and creating jobs. To address the AI rookie status, the federal and state governments must establish a national AI council, partner with international organisations and tech firms, and launch initiatives to educate and train the workforce in AI technologies. The private sector and academia must also invest in AI research and foster public-private partnerships to accelerate development.

The world is entering a new industrial era driven by AI, and nations that fail to adapt risk being left behind. For Nigeria, the stakes are high: economic marginalisation, job losses, and dwindling relevance on the global stage. The time to act is now. Nigeria can position itself as a competitive player in the AI economy by investing in energy, education, and infrastructure and developing a cohesive national AI strategy. Without these efforts, the country’s future in the global technological landscape remains uncertain. However, with visionary leadership, strategic investments, and collective efforts, Nigeria can overcome its challenges and secure a place in the age of artificial intelligence. AI holds the potential to redefine Nigeria’s trajectory, turning obstacles into opportunities and propelling the nation into a future where innovation and progress lead the way.

A friend sent the following to me last night. He wrote: “No to the evacuation of Palestinians. They will never be allowed to return once they vacate Gaza. That’s what happened to their grandparents, expelled forcibly from Jaffa, Tel Aviv and over 700 other Palestinian towns, villages and settlements. Any Palestinian leader who even thinks in this manner of collaboration with the United States, the greatest facilitator of Israeli atrocities, would need to have his head examined. Yahya Sinwar, Ismail Haniye and other martyrs didn’t give their lives for the Palestinians to be evacuated to Egypt or Jordan”.

My friend got it right. The suggestion that the people of Gaza should be relocated to Jordan and Egypt in order to “clean the place up” is asinine, absurd and unacceptable and thankfully both the Egyptians and the Jordanians have formally rejected it.

The Lord did not save Trump’s life and make him President of the most powerful nation on earth for him to indulge in ethnic cleansing and take the lives of others.

As believers in God we are called to help and support the persecuted, the poor, the weak, the vulnerable and the brokenhearted.

We are not called to kill and displace them or to join hands with their violent and savage oppressors.

Biden and Harris have suffered humiliation and the judgement of God due to the shedding of the blood of the women and children of Gaza.

President Donald Trump, a man who I have tremendous respect and affection for and who I believe was called by God, should not make the same mistake lest he suffers an even worse fate.

He was lifted by God to bring peace, liberty, light and justice to the world and not to bring war, destruction, bloodshed, misery, injustice and darkness.

He was lifted to save lives and not to destroy them. He was lifted to crush the genocidal maniacs and barbarians that call themselves Zionists and not to assist them. He was lifted to deliver and liberate nations and not to conquer and divide them.

He was lifted to save the women and children of Gaza and not to eat their flesh and drink their blood.

•Fani-Kayode is former Nigeria’s Minister of Aviation

Not a few people have been taken aback by the recent claim of Mr. Mudashiru Obasa, the immediate past Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, that his impeachment and the election of Mrs. Mojisola Meranda as Speaker did not follow due process. Addressing a gathering of APC members, Obasa alleged the use of a fake mace, the invasion of the House by policemen to intimidate his loyalists, and a siege on his residence on the day of his removal. He described the actions as illegal and vowed to challenge his impeachment in court while maintaining that he remains the Speaker until due process is followed. His statements, coupled with his insistence on the procedural integrity of the Assembly and dismissal of financial misconduct allegations, have added a new twist to the unfolding political drama in Lagos State.

In politics, as in life, the only constant is change. For Mudashiru Obasa, the erstwhile Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, this reality hit hard when he was impeached on January 13 over allegations of gross misconduct and abuse of office. While his insistence on remaining the Speaker until “the right thing is done” projects an air of defiance, it also raises important questions about accountability, leadership, and the delicate balance of power in governance.

Obasa’s fall from grace is neither unique nor unprecedented in Nigeria’s political history. However, the circumstances surrounding his impeachment, centered on accusations of financial impropriety, including an eyebrow-raising expenditure of ₦17 billion on a gate to the assembly complex, cast a long shadow on his tenure. Regardless of his claims of procedural impropriety, Obasa would do well to reflect on his leadership and why he should avoid crying over spilt milk.

 

Leadership is a privilege that comes with immense responsibilities, the most critical being accountability. A leader must be above reproach, not just in action but in perception. When allegations of corruption or abuse of office emerge, they erode public trust, regardless of their veracity. For Obasa, the optics of spending ₦17 billion on a gate, an expense that seems disproportionate by any metric, cannot be ignored. Whether or not the expenditure was justified, the perception of fiscal recklessness undermined his credibility.

In such situations, clinging to power, as Obasa appears to be doing, rarely serves to restore trust. Instead, it often deepens the public’s cynicism about the political class. By refusing to gracefully step aside, he risks being seen as prioritizing personal ambition over institutional integrity, a perception that could further tarnish his legacy.

The Lagos State House of Assembly, like any legislative body, is a vital institution in Nigeria’s democracy. It is tasked with lawmaking, oversight, and ensuring checks and balances in governance. However, when the Speaker of such an institution becomes the subject of corruption allegations, it weakens the institution’s credibility and effectiveness.

 

Obasa’s impeachment should be seen as an opportunity for the Assembly to restore its integrity. While the process of his removal may not have met his expectations, the collective decision of the lawmakers reflects their judgment on his ability to lead. His insistence on retaining the Speaker’s seat, even after being unanimously removed, risks turning the Assembly into a battleground for personal interests rather than a forum for public service.

Political leaders who fail to read the writing on the wall often find themselves on the wrong side of history. From Brazil’s Dilma Rousseff to South Africa’s Jacob Zuma, examples abound of leaders who clung to power amid scandals, only to face ignominious exits. Closer to home, Nigeria has witnessed similar dramas. Whether it was Patricia Etteh, the first female Speaker of Nigeria’s House of Representatives, who resigned amid allegations of financial misconduct, or some politicians who faced corruption charges but navigated the political minefield with strategic acumen, these cases underscore the importance of humility and strategy in the face of adversity.

In fact, Obasa’s insistence on staying put does little to endear him to the public or his colleagues. Instead, it risks painting him as a leader who is out of touch with the political realities around him.

 

Obasa’s statement that he is a Muslim who believes in fate is noteworthy. Faith can provide solace in challenging times, but it should not be a substitute for accountability. True faith requires introspection, humility, and a willingness to accept the consequences of one’s actions. Rather than attributing his predicament to fate, Obasa should take responsibility for the decisions and actions that led to his impeachment.

As he contemplates his next steps, Obasa should consider how his actions will affect his political career, the Assembly, and the broader democratic process. A protracted legal battle or an obstinate refusal to accept his removal could alienate his supporters and diminish his political relevance.

Moving forward in this context, there is no denying the fact that redemption could be obtained through service. This is as every political setback presents an opportunity for redemption. Obasa’s impeachment, while a significant blow, does not have to mark the end of his political career. Many politicians have used periods of adversity to reflect, rebuild, and reemerge stronger. However, this requires humility, a willingness to accept responsibility, and a commitment to public service.

 

Instead of clinging to power, Obasa should focus on clearing his name and rebuilding his reputation. This might involve cooperating fully with any investigations into the allegations against him and demonstrating transparency in his financial dealings. By doing so, he can begin to repair the damage to his public image and perhaps regain the trust of his constituents.

Without a doubt, Obasa’s predicament serves as a cautionary tale for other political leaders. Power is fleeting, and the actions taken while in office often determine the legacy one leaves behind. Leaders must prioritize the public good over personal gain and ensure that their actions stand up to scrutiny. They must also remember that no position is permanent, and the ultimate measure of a leader is how they respond to adversity.

In fact, Mudashiru Obasa’s fall from grace is a reminder that leadership is both a privilege and a responsibility. While he has the right to contest his impeachment through legal channels, he must also recognize the damage that prolonged resistance could do to his reputation and the institution he once led. Instead of crying over spilt milk, Obasa should focus on rebuilding his legacy through accountability, humility, and a renewed commitment to public service.

 

In the end, the true measure of a leader is not how long they hold power but how they use it, and how they respond when it is taken away. Obasa has a choice to make. Will he continue to fight a battle that may further erode his credibility, or will he seize this moment as an opportunity for redemption? Time, and his actions, will tell.