The journey started with being born to Chief Oduola Osuntokun, cabinet minister, Western regional government from 1955 to 1966 straddling the government of Chiefs Obafemi Awolowo  and Ladoke Akintola. This biological fact was reinforced with being portentously named Akintola. There was absolutely nothing wrong with this name until the Action Group, AG, crisis broke out in 1962 and rapidly degenerated into a supremacist struggle between Awolowo and Akintola. It subsequently skyrocketed into the January 15th 1966 coup and the breakdown of the first republic. Thus a four years old innocent was thrust into the vortex of a political crisis.

At the break out of the AG crisis my dad cast his lot with Akintola (who won his sympathy on account of the ridicule Akintola endured in apologising to Awolowo flat on his belly). The top Nigerian media figure Lade Bonuola is alive so he can verify what I’m about to say. He told me that in his last encounter with Awolowo (with whom he enjoyed a close relationship) in which the latter expressed regrets that he didn’t forgive Akintola. He said they were age mates and Akintola prostrated before him seeking forgiveness and wondered aloud what more could Akintola have done.

Some years ago I chanced upon the account of the eulogy the latter paid his principal when he turned fifty years old in 1959. “As a political leader, Chief Awolowo is miles ahead of his colleagues. His sincerity of purpose, his democratic leadership and inspiring example are yet to be equaled by any of the leaders of other major political parties in the country…Awolowo is the nearest approximation to Mahatma Gandhi. He is a good blend of Gandhi’s philosophy and Nehru’s dynamism and the only hope for democracy in Africa”.. After making allowance for the obligatory flattery, it was still a measure of the cordial relationship between the two political juggernauts.

Akintola’s first son, Yomi Akintola recalled “I went to England for a course, when I came back, I was informed that Olusegun Awolowo had died. For you to know how close Olusegun and I were, Segun, may his soul rest in peace, and I did spend our holidays together. Also, his immediate younger sister (Mrs. Tola Oyediran), was also very friendly, and did come to Dublin to also study, met her husband, Prof. Oyeniran in my house”.

I forwarded a copy of the Akintola eulogy to Dr Tokunbo Awolowo Dosunmu. She expressed a deep regret that the great prospect and promise of the partnership between the two political giants was cut short in such a brutal manner.

The biggest contradiction of my father’s life was that he was a model public servant whose exemplary accomplishment in office would be dwarfed by the politics of his bitter fallout with Awolowo.

In the words of a leading Nigerian journalist, Dare Babarinsa ‘Chief Osuntokun was the Minister of Works and Housing in the old Western Region (which is now Ekiti, Ondo, Osun, Oyo, Ogun, Lagos, Edo and Delta states). It was under Osuntokun that the Ikeja GRA, Ilupeju Industrial and residential housing estate and the Bodija Estates were created among other landmarks. He was minister for 11 years until the military seized power in 1966. Then he went back to his teaching job and was appointed Principal of Amoye Grammar School, Ikere-Ekiti”.

At his departure from Amoye Grammar School in 1973, the students said this of him

“’You did not only succeed in inculcating in us the peerless habits of honesty, dedication, charity towards others, you provided us all the gadgets with which we could reach the almighty God and be at peace with him. The physical structure of the school was transformed by you..You built both hostels for students and houses for masters. Academically, you did not leave us in the wilderness. It was a two stream school on your arrival but at your departure it had become a well blended three stream school. All the excellent contributions you made toward the growth of this school will stand as monuments of pride to you”

In the funeral oration for his brother, Professor Akinjide Osuntokun noted ‘If the First Republic Politicians were corrupt there certainly were a few whose honesty and integrity were transparent. Osuntokun was one and stood apart like a beacon of hope.

Most significant of all was his (singular) judicial gazetted exoneration by the Justice Kayode Eso panel established by the reformist first military Governor of the Western region, late Adekunle Fajuyi to probe the preceding leadership of the government in 1966.

Yet, at the age of four years, the first lesson I was made to learn of Nigerian politics was the horrific spectacle of arsonists putting our residence to the torch by a wetie mob for standing against Awolowo.

Our residence consisted of two big storey buildings which brimmed with nuclear and extended family members, family friends, political associates and sundry drifters all day and all night long; It was the melting pot for social and political activities in the small town, Okemesi and the larger Ekiti district.

Located on the outskirts of the town, the hurly-burly atmosphere increasingly gave way to desertion and desolation as the Western regional political crisis gathered momentum. It ultimately culminated in the arrival of the day we all knew and feared was coming.The peculiarity to our experience though, was that the arson attack was choreographed and led by a friend and protege of my father, a man named Ayeni Bata from Ado-Ekiti.

“It was the second day the Army took over power, January 17th, that both my houses, one built in 1954 before I became a Minister and the other in 1960-were attacked by the A.G arsonists, led by my erstwhile friend, Ayeni Bata”

Willy nilly, I became a student of Nigerian politics but not at a time and circumstances of my choosing. It was not really a choice. It was the story of how my childhood was stolen from me by events beyond my comprehension.

Given the encumbrance of this heritage, I had to grow up fast and develop a healthy skepticism towards the conflicting narratives I was provided. I readily challenged received wisdom and sundry distortions of history. It was no surprise that I was drawn to a political science course of study at the University and a rich career in journalism. With this pedigree and training, I came prepared. 

I was privileged to write a newspaper column for more than thirty years and thereby afforded the latitude and opportunity to put my understanding of Nigerian politics in a broader perspective.

As a full-time occupation, my last station in journalism was the Guardian newspaper from 1996 to 1998. Anyone who knew my father would not be surprised at the way I write-the audacity, objectivity and truthfulness. I inherited his flair for writing. He once wrote to me when I sat for my A level examination and said “read as if you are going to live forever. But when you reach the saturation point (in geographical parlance) or diminishing returns (in economic parlance) take out time to refresh yourself”.

At the peak of the Sani Abacha murderous dictatorship in 1997, the Newswatch magazine ran a cover story on the most iconic figures standing against the Abacha dictatorship. I made the list of the ‘notorious’ thirteen categorised as such.

On the occasion of my uncle’s 80th birthday, Babarinsa wrote him a tribute including the acknowledgement that “At the home front, one of Osuntokun’s nephews, Akin, had become a member of the Editorial Board of the prestigious The Guardian newspaper, where he maintained a weekly column churning out regularly bristling criticism of the military regime”.

A few days ago, my egbon, Supo Shonibare repeated his admiration once again: “Waaaow, this fellow sha (Lasisi Olagunju). Always has the most apt treatise to meet live issues. That was how we used to look forward to so many known columnists on a weekly basis during the Military; particularly during the Abacha regime when many were fearful. Although these fellows were not physically with us in the struggle, we felt they were comrades in arms, as they always reflected the demands contained in our agitations in their weekly columns. That was why one of them was on our list for the Senatorial seat in Ekiti. When I was asked by 2 of the Leaders what I thought of him, although I had never met him, his reputation as reflected by his writings had preceded him & had for me, attested to his being deserving of the position, although was not an Afenifere card carrying member. I hold this Olagunji fellow in very high esteem too”. (Supo Shonibare). I suspect I was the one ‘on the Afenifere list for the Senatorial seat in Ekiti’

 As the leader and driver of Afenifere, they don’t come better than Chief Ayo Adebanjo. One of his predecessors, Senator Abraham Adesanya used to counsel “iwa buburu koni ka ma d’agba ka d’arugbo, sugbon ojo a ti sun lebo” (you may evade accountability on your misdeeds while alive. The day of reckoning dawns at your departure from this world). It is the day your true measure will be brought to light.

Pa Adebanjo didnt know how to do things in half measure, he goes all the way. He would not just accept an invitation, you can easily mistake him for the celebrant in some occasions.

I invited him to the ceremony of my induction into the Nigeria Academy of letters, FNAL. After the ceremony, he overheard me whispering about an after-event nighttime gathering of the ‘boys’ (if you know what I mean).

I was mortified when he suddenly moved nearer and asked for the venue. I tried to explain the nature of this thing to him. He cut me off and angrily asked if I want him to attend or not? That was how baba came to partake of the ‘disco’!

Before I got to know him and while still at the Guardian, I wrote a saucy piece titled ‘the young shall grow’ to criticise the gerontocracy proclivity of the Afenifere. Surprisingly, I received an emissary from him the following day summoning me to come and help in the remedy of the tendency I had identified

Taking cognisance of the effusive and widespread goodwill and identification attendant on the announcement of his transition to immortality (including the high and mighty, friends and foes) we can unequivocally assert: he has fought the good fight, he has finished the race and has kept the faith and the crown of glory awaits him in heaven.

For several years, I wondered whether General Ibrahim Babangida would go to his grave without writing his memoir. He played such epochal roles in Nigeria’s history that he would have done a great disservice to this country had he died without writing his biography and documenting those seismic roles. So, you will understand why I was excited when General Babangida recently published his memoir, and why I have read the entire 420-page book. 

Whatever anyone may say about the memoir, titled A Journey in Service: An Autobiography, the truth is that General Babangida has enriched Nigerian history by making significant contributions to the body of knowledge about Nigeria’s historical evolution. Babangida truly deserves kudos for not going to his grave with the rich narratives, disputed or not, that he provides in the book. Warts and all, Babangida’s memoir is a collector’s item. 

The issues General Babangida covers in the book are so significant that one can’t discuss them in one column. So, I’ll focus here on his take on the chain of events that led to the Nigerian Civil War, a monumentally devastating war that claimed the lives of nearly 100,000 combatants; took the lives of over two million civilians, with about five million people displaced; and, of course, left indelible scars on Nigeria’s psyche and internal wounds on its conscience. Inevitably, the question is: Was the war avoidable? 

To answer to that question, one must start with Babangida’s take on whether the January 15, 1966 coup was an “Igbo” coup. This is important because if it was an “Igbo” coup, then history must record that the coup took the genie out of the bottle and led inexorably to the civil war. However, if it was not an “Igbo” coup, then the blame for the devastating war lies somewhere else. General Babangida argued both sides. Unfortunately, that equivocation gave ammunitions to some people to push their preferred narrative. For instance, social media was awash with uncontrolled elation by those who claimed Babangida said the January 15 coup “was not” an “Igbo” coup. Yet, there are people like Femi Fani-Kayode who assert that Babangida called the coup an “Igbo” coup. Fani-Kayode tweeted: “The truth is that the January 15th 1966 coup WAS an Igbo one and I am glad to say that IBB has confirmed it.” He added: “The coup was an ethnic one and that ethnicity were the Igbos.”

But Babangida did not say categorically that it was an “Igbo” coup. True, he said on page 39 that the handling of the coup gave it “an unmistakeably ethnic coloration”, especially with the “heinously callous” murder of Sir Ahmadu Bello and his wife, Hafsatu, “compounded by the fact that there were no related coup activities in the Eastern region.” However, Babangida also said earlier on the same page: “Ethnic sentiments did not drive the original objective of the coup plotters.” For evidence, he cited the following facts:  a) the coup plotters had wanted to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a Yoruba, from prison and make him “the executive provisional President of Nigeria”, which would be strange if the coup was Igbo-centric; b) some non-Igbo officers, such as Major Adewale Ademoyega, a Yoruba, took part in the coup; c) some senior officers of Igbo extraction were also victims of the coup; and d) it was an Igbo officer, Major John Obiena, who crushed the coup. Babangida concluded by saying: “I admit that my position here may be the naïve insights of an unsuspecting young officer who viewed events from a distance!” 

In truth, the “ethnic colouration” was one of perception than reality. A professional psychoanalysis of the coup plotters would probably show that they were idealistic young officers who were fed up with the status quo in Nigeria and genuinely wanted to bring about a change and were not motivated by ethnicity. Most educated young officers in those days were ideological. They probably shared Chief Awolowo’s welfarist ideology and were impressed with how he governed Western Region and wanted him to govern Nigeria. But Awolowo later made it clear that he would not have agreed to be a military-imposed leader of Nigeria. Unfortunately, in the aftermath of the January 15 coup, no Northerner was willing to contemplate that the coup was not ethnic, not Igbo!

General Babangida went to great lengths to describe, with impressive details, the pressure that Northern officers faced from the Northern politicians, and even the Northern populace, to retaliate against the January 15 killings. The officers were publicly ridiculed, called “big fools and cowards” and even reportedly denied “conjugal benefits” by their wives! Their response was brutal. On July 28, 1966, at Abeokuta Garrison, junior Northern officers killed several Igbo officers. The next day, on July 29, the actual countercoup took place as Northern officers killed the head of state, General Johnson Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, and the military governor of Western Region, Lt-Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, among others. 

But here’s the point. The conventional wisdom says that the January 15 coup and the July 29 countercoup led to the civil war. Yet, that’s not exactly true. Lt-Col. Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, the governor of Eastern Nigeria, did not declare secession because Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo, was killed. In fact, Ojukwu moved on from Aguiyi-Ironsi’s assassination when he said that Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, the most senior Army officer, should succeed him as head of state. That was not the mindset of someone who wanted to secede. But here’s the truth: the North wanted a revenge so badly and had it in the Abeokuta killings of Igbo officers and in the July 29 countercoup. Yet, that did not appease them. Why?

General Babangida described in gory details the events between May 29 and September 29, 1966, when, according to Official Army Records, more than 213 predominantly Igbo officers and other ranks were killed. In what was described as a “pogrom”, over 30,000 Igbos were massacred and several thousand wounded in the North, while some 50,000 Igbos were forced to flee Northern Nigeria for the East by the end of July 1966. Babangida blamed General Yakubu Gowon, then head of state, for failing to protect the Igbos in the North, adding: “Faced with this intolerable situation, Ojukwu, understandably”, felt Igbos were unsafe in Nigeria. That triggered the secession and the war!

True, the 1966 coup and countercoup were dreadful. But those events were not the proximate cause of the civil war. It was the then Northern politicians’ insatiable braying for revenge against the Igbos, and Gowon’s failure to protect them in the North, that triggered the pogrom, the secession and the war. Those are the great insights from Babangida’s memoir! 

2025 is the year when Bitcoin BTC-1.88%Bitcoin will reach its turning point. Historically regarded as a “store of value,” its role in decentralized finance has been minimal, capturing only close to 0.3% of its market cap compared to Ethereum ETH-3.91%Ethereum dominant position. Ethereum’s programmability has made it the natural home for DeFi, but Bitcoin’s $2 trillion market cap and unmatched security present an untapped opportunity ripe for investment and success.

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