If the Nobel Peace Prize were less political, more objective and based on direct efforts to achieve peace,  Professor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari should have been an awardee long ago.   

One of the lows in human history was the refusal to prevent or stop the 1994 Rwanda Genocide even when humanity was in a very good position to do so.  There were international forces on ground, especially from France and Belgium.  The greatest crime of all was that the world  had   a peacekeeping force in Rwanda called the  United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda, UNAMIR.   It was aware of the plans for the massacre and applied to the UN to be permitted to nip it in the bud. But permission was denied. When the genocide  began, the UNAMIR sought permission to stop it, but the Security Council did not give the needed permission. Gambari was one of the few courageous persons in the UN Security Council who insisted the world body must intervene. The refusal of the UN cost over 850,000 lives. In 2010, a grateful Rwanda awarded Gambari its National Honour of  ‘Umurinzi’ for fighting to stop the genocide. 

Gambari  from the 1970s, with some intellectuals across the country’s tertiary  institutions, mobilised Nigerian youths against Apartheid in South Africa.  When Nelson Mandela travelled to the UN after his 27-year incarceration, it was Gambari as the Chairman of the UN Special Committee Against Apartheid  (1990-1994) who received him on behalf of humanity.  On  October 26, 2011, a grateful South Africa conferred  its highest national honour,  the Companion of the Order  of  Oliver R. Thambo, on Gambari.

He was involved in the peace  process that led to the separation of Sudan and South Sudan and the rise of the latter as an independent state.

  One of the most brutal wars in Africa was fought in Darfur, Sudan. To bring that war to an end, the UN and the African Union jointly appointed Gambari as their Special Representative. He had the  peacekeeping Africa Union-United Nations  Hybrid Operation in Darfur, UNAMID,  force of 19,248 personnel. Gambari’s mission in Darfur was  to protect civilians, facilitate humanitarian aid and assist an inclusive political process that addressed the root causes of the crises.

Gambari became the “Mr Fix-it”  of the UN as he was tasked to resolve  tough issues around  the world. He was sent to Europe as Special Envoy to untangle the Cyprus Conflict  between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities.

He was also sent to Asia  because  the UN had a strongly worded resolution telling  the Stone Age military dictatorship in  Myanmar to end its violation of fundamental human rights and,  begin a democratic transition process.  Gambari’s duty included going to that country, looking  the stone-faced Generals in the eye and telling them the resolve of the world body.

In 2007, he was appointed the  UN Special Adviser on the International Compact with Iraq and Other  Political Issues. His duties included empowering that country’s political and constitutional processes to strengthen  democracy and  rule of law, tackling  security  challenges  while respecting fundamental human rights and addressing  the issues of  refugees and the internally displaced persons.

He  was also the UN’s Special Envoy to Zimbabwe and Head of the UN Mission to Angola from 2002-2003.  

Gambari commenced  his journey in the world of diplomacy when President Shehu Shagari appointed him the Director General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, NIIA.

 When that government was overthrown, he was appointed the Minister of Foreign Affairs under the Buhari regime.  This was where, in combining his commitment to a better world and  his intellectual prowess, he helped to formulate some outstanding foreign policies and actions that came to define Nigeria’s foreign policy on some contentious issues.

He reached the conclusion and, persuaded the government that the solution to the Middle East crisis was the two-state solution in which the Israelis and Palestinians would live in two separate states within secured, internationally recognised borders. Nigeria then moved to recognise a Palestinian State. The Palestinian Liberation Organisation, PLO,  under Yasser Arafat, was granted diplomatic status and provided an embassy in Nigeria.

Tragically, the Nigeria position has until now, been resisted by powerful   countries leading to continuous and avoidable  bloodbath in the region.  

 The latest round of that conflict which began on October 7, 2023, has taken the dimension of  a genocide.  In Gaza alone,  43,764  Palestinians, including 16,765 children,  have been  killed in the last thirteen months. In the same period, 784 Palestinians, including 167 children, were killed in the West Bank while 1,139 Israelis were killed. These are apart from the devastation and, the victims of the spill-over of the current conflict into Lebanon, Yemen and Syria.  

Another far-sighted vision championed by Gambari is the need for the complete de-colonization of the African continent. In 1984, Nigeria took the bold move to tell the Kingdom of Morocco off by recognising the independence of Western Sahara under the uncontested leadership of the POLISARIO Movement.  As it did with the PLO, Nigeria invited the POLISARIO to open its embassy in the country with full diplomatic powers and privileges.  Unfortunately, Western powers  resisted these moves, and today, 40 years later, Africa is still saddled with the colonial question  and an  avoidable  bloodshed in the continent.

A point to be made on his tenure as Foreign Minister, 1984-85. The Buhari regime decided to abduct a fugitive, Umaru Dikko from Britain. British security services found Dikko in a crate ready to be flown to Nigeria. The crate was addressed to Foreign Minister, Prof Ibrahim Gambari.

He later served as Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the UN under four other Heads of State: Generals Ibrahim Babangida and  Sani Abacha, Chief Ernest Shonekan and General Abdulsalam Abubakar.

Interestingly, although Gambari  became one of the best known diplomats in contemporary times, he was an ‘accidental diplomat’. His profession is academics in which he is also a colossus and, author of a number of  books including on the UN, Africa, Nigeria, Regional Integration and the Theory and Reality in Foreign Policy Making.

He continues to make waves. In   August 2024 ,  he was Chair of the International Conference to Eradicate Colonialism in the World.  The following month, he was at the UN General Assembly where at ‘The Summit of the Future’ he said the Security Council  must be reformed to  “reflect today’s geopolitical realities and the multi-lateral principle of inclusive  and collective action…”

This Sunday, November 24,   2024, Professor Ibrahim Gambari turns 80. I am sure he is only waiting for the drums of celebration to be played before catching the next flight because he is not slowing down.   Wishing him more years of good health and service to humanity. 

Seasons of politicking have always excited me through the ages. They come with multidimensional appeal and inspiration for both the creative writer and the recorder of history in motion, the journalist. They are characterised by sights and sounds, specific to the season. They throw up slogans and soundbites, rhymes and rhythms, frills and thrills, which ring and re-echo in our consciousness beyond the period. Can I for instance ever forget a 2011 incident during which my SUV, an Infinity QX 56 was transported by a wooden ferry across the River Niger from Lokoja the Kogi State capital to Gboloko in Bassa local government area in Kogi State? It was during the off-cycle election which produced the Emeritus aviator, Idris Wada, as governor of Kogi State. My heart was effectively in my mouth for the duration of that trip. I opted to return to the Kogi State capital through a longer land route, rather than repeat that experiment.

Campaigns could turn boisterous and carnivalesque, generating a tapestry of tongues, a cacophony of colours, in the frenzied ambience of festivity. Afrobeats which has hoisted Nigerian music unto the global spotlight, has become sine qua non on Nigeria’s political trail. This is the trend in the liberal north central and global south of Nigeria, typically enlivening open air campaigns and concurrent roadshows. Most unfortunately, the “do or die” desperation which has blighted contemporary electioneering in parts, has impacted the characteristic blitz and glitz of electioneering in instances. My involvement in quite a few such exercises over several decades, at various levels, has privileged me with “seven-figure gigabytes” of on-field experience such that one can speak about these issues from an informed perspective.

Nigeria’s political discourse was noticeably enriched with new rhetoric in the run-up to the 2023 presidential polls. Incumbent President Bola Tinubu, Nigeria’s former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar and a former governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, were the flagbearers of the three foremost political parties. These were the All Progressives Congress (APC); the Peoples Democratic Party ( PDP) and the Labour Party (LP). Tinubu encountered storms and tempests, en route securing the prized ticket. There was obvious conspiracy to deny him the ticket with over a dozen aspirants contesting against him for the flag, many candidate riding on the phantom endorsement of former President Muhammadu Buhari.

In obvious allusion to the overt plots against him at the time, an exasperated Tinubu told a crowd of supporters in Ogun State, that it was his turn to be President. He captured this in Yoruba as emi lokan. Tinubu has been largely credited with the coronation of Buhari as President in 2015. The “gentlemanly” agreement between both parties was that Buhari will reciprocate the good turn, come 2023. The expression emi lokan spontaneously became an Afrobeat song. The National Association of Seadogs (NAS), better known as the Pyrates Confraternity, made the expression into a song which was further discofied by the Afrobeat artist, Dede Mabiaku. Trust Nigerians to make capital of almost anything and everything. Before that, there was Tinubu’s slip when he advocated the recruitment of “50 million youths” to fight ravaging insurgency and banditry across the land. They would be fed with garri, ewa, agbado, (cassava grains, beans and maize), was his prescription at the time.

Not too long after the “Abeokuta Declaration,” Tinubu at an event in Owerri in the South East as part of his campaigns, trailed off his script. He spoke about a townhall different from balablu blublu bulaba, which was not captured in his prepared text. The expression caught like wildfire and assumed a life of its own. Skit makers spontaneously feasted on it and came up with ingenious, hilarious copies of versions, calculated to throw barbs in the direction of APC presidential frontman. The phrase was adopted in Nigeria’s ever evolving specie of the English language to describe anything bewildering, confusing, fuzzy, perplexing.

The frontline media aides to President Tinubu are very well established professionals. Bayo Onanuga (Special Adviser, Information and Strategy); Tunde Rahman (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Media), and more recently Sunday Dare (Special Adviser, Public Communication and Orientation), come to their schedules with lorry loads of cognate newsroom experience at the highest levels. Onanuga and friends founded the irrepressible TheNews magazine and PM News, which gave the administration of General Sani Abacha a good run in the mid-1990s by the way. He went all the way to serve as Managing Director of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), under the Buhari government.

Rahman worked at different times in the Daily Times, The Punch and Thisday. He indeed floated a private enterprise, Western Post, which he conceived to fill the lacuna created by the liquidation of Daily Sketch, a quasi-rival to the Nigerian Tribune, in the once-upon-a-time Ibadan media space. I was a gratis contributing editor to the venture. Dare, who is multilingual having been raised in the north of Nigeria, once headed the Hausa service of the Voice of America, (VOA). He cut his professional teeth under Onanuga and the co-founders of TheNews magazine. Such is the quality of media specialists in this tripod, available to support President Tinubu.

In the aftermath of the appointment of Daniel Bwala as Special Adviser to the President on Public Communications and Media, a list of over one dozen appointees has been making the rounds. It features the names and designations of these many aides whose functions devolve around communicating the President and boosting his corporate profile. For the avoidance of doubt, with the exclusion of Onanuga, Rahman, Dare and Bwala,
the list reads thus: Abdulaziz Abdulaziz (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Print Media); O’tega Ogra (Senior Special Assistant (Digital/New Media) and Tope Ajayi, Senior Special Assistant (Media and Public Affairs).

There are also Segun Dada (Special Assistant, Social Media); Nosa Asemota (Special Assistant, Visual Communication); Fela Durotoye (Senior Special Assistant to the President, National Values and Social Justice) and Fredrick Nwabufo (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Public Engagement). Also on the list are Linda Nwabuwa Akhigbe (Senior Special Assistant to the President, Strategic Communications) and Aliyu Audu (Special Assistant to the President, Public Affairs). The last time I checked, there still is a civil service component to the media office in the State House, who are restricted to drafting press releases to be signed by the bigger bosses, eternally relegating them to anonymity. The list above does not include the nation’s Number One “salesman,” the Minister for Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris Malagi. It also does not feature the media operatives in the wing of the Vice President, Kashim Shettima.

You go through this list and your mind exhumes scenes from the very engaging sitcom, Fuji House of Commotion, hitherto aired regularly on national television. At its very centre was Chief Fuji, very ably acted by the renowned thespian, Kunle Bamtefa. Chief Fuji was married to four wives, some from sociocultural backgrounds different from his. Children filled the home, generating sustained intra-family bedlam. Not forgetting members of the extended family as well as family friends who stopped by on visits, contributing to the subsisting confusion. It was sure to be inevitable cacophony every single day with such a family configuration.

This subsisting presidential apparachik for public communication is a potential babel, the way it is. It is indeed a subtle prescription for possible dysfunction especially if the appointees work at cross purposes. True, there is an attempt at streamlining specialties in the present order, with novel creations like “visual communication,” “digital/new media,” “strategic communication,” “national values and social justice,” among others. Truth, however, is that this skinning and shredding of the flesh of the overarching schedule of presidential communication is susceptible to being counter-productive. There are glaring titular duplications and inevitable overlaps which could be latently combustible. Have we forgotten the proverb about “too many cooks spoiling the broth?”

Back in May, I wrote an essay titled: Wanted: A State of Emergency on the Cost of Governance. Therein, I canvassed moderation in the open-ended spree of political appointments, and the freestyle expansion of ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs). All of these overburden the aggregate cost of governance, with specific regards to emoluments and overheads, to the detriment of tangible investment in infrastructures and services to drive socio-economic development. This is even as the federal government once committed to the implementation of the decade old “Stephen Oronsaye Report on the Reorganisation of Agencies and Parastatals,” which is yet to be implemented. We cannot continue to canvas foreign aid and loans, while mortgaging the futures of our children, without rethinking our penchant for rabid, voluptuous consumptiveness. Not forgetting our penchant for living large, living grand, as we would have seen in one video post which trended weeks ago, highlighting the bourgeois arrival of Senate President Godswill Akpabio to a routine session of the national assembly.

And why wouldn’t the President trust the tested Onanuga-Rahman-Dare triumvirate to headline his media marketing? True, Onanuga can contribute equally meaningfully to Tinubu’s government elsewhere having been on the media beat for over four decades now. He could as well be cooling off in the padded ambience of an ambassadorial role. This, however, does not detract from his proven capacities and qualities. About time for the President to rethink and reconfigure his media and communications ecosystem, en route to repositioning his administration for less wastage, and more impactful service delivery to his primary constituents. Every new appointment exacerbates our subsisting nightmarish indebtedness to shylocks across the world, and further pauperises our people.

Olusunle, PhD, a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja

Nigeria’s economy is charting a course from the tempestuous waters of the “Red Zone,” a realm of acute instability filled with uncertainty and wavering hope. Now, it navigates the “Amber Zone,” a twilight of cautious recovery, where the faint glow of progress meets the shadows of persistent challenges. Yet, the horizon beckons with the promise of the “Green Zone,” a sanctuary of enduring stability and prosperity. The path forward, however, is a rugged ascent, demanding resolve, innovation, and unity to transform into reality.

 While macroeconomic indicators point toward progress, such as a GDP growth rate of 3.19% in Q2 2024, primarily driven by a 3.79% growth in the services sector, contributing 58.76% to the GDP, the lived realities of the average Nigerian tell a different story. Local and foreign investor confidence is dwindling, and living conditions for the majority remain stagnant or deteriorate. The World Bank, in its 2023 publication, estimates that 104 million Nigerians are living below the poverty line. Unemployment remains high, with youth unemployment exceeding 42.5%, reflecting a deep disconnect between economic data and societal realities. Most Nigerians are disillusioned regarding the economy, which is not a good place to be.

Economic statistics churned out by the government through her agencies often seem irrelevant to many Nigerians due to a disconnect between reported improvement of the economy and lived experiences. This glaring disconnect calls for an urgent and deeper analysis of structural challenges and a recalibration of policies to foster inclusive and sustainable growth. Paradoxically, it raises fundamental concerns about the structure and management of the Nigerian economy and calls for a more inclusive, innovative, and transformative approach to economic growth.

The pervasive mistrust of Nigeria’s economic data, policies, and management is a fundamental issue. Citizens increasingly view government-released statistics as detached from reality, more reflective of political posturing than actual economic conditions.

This scepticism is fuelled by persistent inequality and perceived poor leadership. In Nigeria, extreme wealth concentration is evident, according to a 2023 Oxfam international publication, with the wealthiest 0.003% (approximately 6,355 individuals) possessing four times more wealth than 107 million Nigerians combined. Such disparities question the utility of economic policies that ostensibly promote growth but fail to address the systemic exclusion of millions from its benefits. Besides, many Nigerians view government economic policies with suspicion, often associating them with inefficiency, corruption, and a lack of transparency. For instance, reports from the Auditor-General consistently reveal irregularities in public spending, reinforcing public perceptions of mismanagement. This erosion of trust undermines the government’s ability to mobilise support for economic reforms. 

Foreign and local investors’ confidence, a critical indicator of economic growth, has been significantly eroded. This decline is symptomatic of deeper issues, including weak property rights, weak enforcement of contracts, policy inconsistencies, judicial inefficiencies and deep-rooted corruption. The absence of a robust local investment climate is evident, and local investor confidence is waning. We cannot look far into why foreign investors are foot-dragging to where local investors do not have faith. In Q1 2024, Nigeria’s foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows, according to NBS, grew to $3.4 billion, an increase from the previous quarter, indicating improved investor confidence. However, FDI contribution to capital importation remains very low, indicating that few investors are ready to bring new funds to the economy, primarily due to economic instability. The World Bank’s 2023 Ease of Doing Business report ranked Nigeria 131 out of 190 countries, highlighting the structural barriers to investment. However, the potential of entrepreneurship, if supported, can be a beacon of hope for Nigeria’s economic future. 

Critically, the government’s efforts to improve the ease of doing business have yielded limited results. While initiatives like the Presidential Enabling Business Environment Council (PEBEC) have streamlined some processes, significant bottlenecks persist. These bureaucratic hurdles deter foreign investors and local entrepreneurs, undermining job creation and economic resilience. 

Currency instability compounds the challenges of economic mismanagement. The Naira’s value has declined precipitously, losing over 200% against the dollar since the central bank unified exchange rates in 2023. The Naira’s recent depreciation—exceeding ₦1,700 to the dollar in parallel markets—has far-reaching implications, eroding purchasing power and deterring investment. This volatility undermines business planning and household budgets, exacerbating inflation at a staggering 33.88% as of October 2024. Such instability erodes trust not only in the economy but also in the institutions tasked with managing it. The inability of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to stabilise the Naira raises critical questions about the competence and independence of fundamental economic institutions.

A significant part of the problem lies in Nigeria’s over-reliance on oil exports, which account for over 90% of foreign exchange earnings. Diversification is not just a buzzword; it is a necessity. Nigeria’s agriculture sector, for instance, employs about 36% of the workforce but contributes less than 5% to exports, compared to Kenya’s 18%. By investing in agro-processing industries and modernising supply chains, Nigeria can increase export revenues, reduce dependency on oil, and stabilise the currency. Furthermore, if implemented well, the current policy to mop up the USD outside the banking sector and bring it into the system will help improve USD liquidity.

Policy inconsistency further compounds these challenges. The government’s perceived poor handling of fuel subsidies typifies the unpredictability of Nigeria’s policy environment. Such shifts create uncertainty that stifles long-term investment and undermines public confidence in governance. Investors and citizens alike are left to navigate a chaotic economic landscape where policies often appear reactive rather than strategic. This underscores the critical need for transparency in economic policies to restore and maintain public trust in governance.

Infrastructure deficits remain one of the most significant obstacles to Nigeria’s economic advancement. Despite being Africa’s largest economy, Nigeria generates and distributes less electricity for a population of over 200 million, forcing businesses and households to rely on expensive and polluting alternatives like diesel generators. This shortfall inflates production costs and renders Nigerian goods less competitive locally and internationally. The World Bank estimates Nigeria loses approximately $29 billion annually due to unreliable electricity supply. Addressing this requires innovative solutions such as decentralised renewable energy systems. 

Transportation infrastructure is equally critical, especially rail. Poor transport networks exacerbate these challenges, increasing the cost of moving goods and services and hindering economic diversification. Expanding rail networks like the Lagos-Ibadan railway, which recorded over one million passengers in its first year of operation, could reduce logistical costs and promote regional trade. Furthermore, investing in smart city projects and integrating high-speed internet with efficient transportation systems could position Nigeria as a hub for innovation and commerce, much like Singapore.

Perhaps the most damning indictment of Nigeria’s economic progress is the persistent and widening income inequality. While GDP growth benefits the wealthiest segments of society, most Nigerians see no improvement in their quality of life. Policies such as the Value Added Tax (VAT), which disproportionately impacts low-income households, further entrench this inequity. VAT on all essential goods and services should be reconsidered and recalibrated.

However, economic growth that disproportionately benefits the elite exacerbates income inequality, fuelling social unrest and stifling overall development. The top 1% controls about 25.2% of the national income, while the bottom 50% contributes only 15%. Addressing this disparity requires policies that prioritise inclusive growth. A Universal Basic Income (UBI) pilot programme targeting Nigeria’s most vulnerable populations could provide a safety net, stimulating local economies and reducing poverty. In Kenya, a similar program run by GiveDirectly significantly improved recipients’ financial stability and productivity, demonstrating its potential effectiveness in Nigeria.

Nigeria’s youth population represents a demographic dividend that, if harnessed, could drive economic transformation. With a median age of 18, the nation has a significant opportunity to capitalise on its youthful workforce. However, youth unemployment remains alarmingly high, requiring immediate action. Initiatives like the Andela Fellowship, which trains young Nigerians in software development, have demonstrated the potential for skill development programmes to create pathways to global opportunities. Expanding such initiatives to include vocational training in renewable energy, agribusiness, and manufacturing could equip Nigeria’s youth with the skills to drive growth in high-potential industries.

Entrepreneurship must also be a cornerstone of Nigeria’s economic strategy. The tech ecosystem, already home to globally recognised startups like Flutterwave and Paystack, illustrates the nation’s potential. However, many aspiring entrepreneurs face insurmountable barriers, such as limited access to capital and cumbersome regulatory processes. Simplifying business registration, providing tax incentives for startups, and establishing incubators to nurture innovation could unlock the entrepreneurial potential of Nigeria’s youth.

Savings and investment culture is another area requiring attention. Currency instability discourages Nigerians from saving, undermining domestic investment and economic resilience. The economic hardship most experience means they only struggle for survival and have little or no savings. High inflation has eroded the purchasing power of the Naira, so nothing is left for savings for even most middle-class families. Working class and most rural dwellers cannot save even with the best financial literacy simply because they do not have enough.

Nigeria’s economic challenges are deeply interconnected, requiring a comprehensive and innovative approach. Restoring citizens’ trust in both economic policy and management of the economy is essential for sustainable growth. Policymakers must prioritise transparency, inclusivity, and resilience while embracing bold pro-people economic reforms and leveraging technology. These measures, combined with active engagement from citizens and stakeholders, can transform Nigeria’s economy, ensuring that growth is measurable and meaningful. Through such concerted efforts, Nigeria can move from the “Amber Zone” to the “Green Zone,” realising its potential as an economic powerhouse and a beacon of prosperity for its people.

The recent political statements made and circulated by Pastor Enoch Adeboye, the General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), have sparked widespread debate among Nigerians. Many are questioning whether his remarks are being misinterpreted or if they indeed reflect a deeper issue. This has prompted a revisitation of some of Pastor Adeboye’s past comments, which critics argue reveal a pattern of controversial, contradictory, and at times, hypocritical stances.

Pastor Adeboye is widely regarded as a spiritual optimist, often advocating for prayer as the primary tool for addressing Nigeria's challenges. However, this approach has drawn criticism from those who believe that his influence could be better utilized in actively advocating for systemic change. An exception to his perceived passivity was his support for the million-man march against the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan—a move many viewed as politically charged.

Despite being renowned for his prayers for national progress, some Nigerians have questioned their effectiveness. Many are particularly disheartened by what they perceive as Pastor Adeboye’s silence on critical issues such as the #EndSARS protests and the controversial 2023 election that brought President Bola Tinubu to power. His perceived alignment with a government accused of exacerbating economic hardships has left many Nigerians frustrated and disappointed.

Criticism of a religious leader of Pastor Adeboye’s stature is uncommon and often met with resistance, particularly within Christian circles. Nevertheless, his recent comments have begun to erode his reputation among his followers, as more Christians now actively evaluate and critique the statements of even revered leaders. Given these concerns, it may be time for Pastor Adeboye to consider stepping down to protect both his legacy and the integrity of the RCCG.

Some of Pastor Adeboye’s public remarks have further fueled skepticism. He was famously quoted claiming to have had tea with God, declaring that those who refuse to pay tithes will not enter heaven, and recently stating that his prayers prevented the Naira from crashing to ₦10,000 per dollar. Such declarations have drawn both ridicule and concern. At over 80 years old, Pastor Adeboye may be experiencing age-related cognitive decline, such as early-stage Alzheimer’s disease—a condition often dismissed in Nigeria due to the lack of emphasis on mental health awareness. For his well-being and to preserve his public image, stepping back from active leadership might be the most prudent course of action.

The RCCG leadership must also recognize the frustration of Nigerians, who are grappling with economic hardships and feeling betrayed by leaders who seem out of touch. For a figure of Pastor Adeboye’s stature to appear as a government apologist in these trying times undermines not only his credibility but also the trust placed in him by millions.

The rise of the internet and social media has amplified public scrutiny of leaders, including religious figures. Unlike in the past, many Nigerians are now critical thinkers who question the actions and statements of public figures. This shift makes it imperative for leaders like Pastor Adeboye to be mindful of the impact of their words. If he continues to make divisive or controversial statements, he risks damaging the RCCG’s reputation and tarnishing the broader image of Christianity in Nigeria.

It is indeed instructive to state that Pastor Adeboye’s immense contributions to faith and society are undeniable, but the current climate calls for introspection and change. Retirement would allow him to rest, preserve his legacy, and enable the RCCG to chart a course that aligns with the evolving expectations of its congregation and the Nigerian populace at large.