Senate President Godswill Akpabio has lamented the supposed trauma he and the Senate have suffered due to the sexual harassment allegations leveled against him by Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. However, if truth be told, the real victim of trauma is Natasha herself—a woman who dared to speak up against male dominance in a legislature historically hostile to women’s leadership.

The psychological toll of her suspension, public vilification, and institutional gaslighting reflects the entrenched patriarchy in Nigeria’s political system. The Senate, under the leadership of Akpabio and Majority Leader Opeyemi Bamidele, has turned a blind eye to the systemic suffering inflicted upon women who challenge the status quo. Instead of addressing the allegations with due process, they have chosen to silence and isolate the accuser, reinforcing a culture of impunity.

The Trauma of Silencing Women in Power

For Akpoti-Uduaghan, the trauma is profound. Her suspension is more than a political penalty; it is an act of psychological warfare against all women in leadership. The Senate’s decision sends a chilling message to Nigerian women: speak up, and you will be punished. This calculated retaliation induces fear, stress, and emotional distress, creating an environment where women are systematically discouraged from seeking public office.

The impact of such institutional bullying includes:

Public humiliation and degradation: She was forcibly walked out of the Senate chamber by the Sergeant-at-Arms, a move intended to break her spirit in full view of her colleagues and the nation.

Economic and career sabotage: Her office was locked immediately after her suspension, denying her access to essential legislative tools and resources. Her salary was cut off without due process, ensuring that she was left financially vulnerable.

Verbal attacks and intimidation: Male senators, one after another, hurled painful words at her on the Senate floor, weaponizing their voices to degrade and shame her. They dismissed her claims, questioned her character, and cast her as unruly and unfit to serve.

Institutionalized media manipulation: A dark cloud of misinformation was spread through compromised media outlets, framing her as the aggressor rather than the victim. Headlines painted her as disruptive, unworthy, and a political opportunist, erasing the context of her ordeal.

Authoritarian suppression of her voice

Her microphone was abruptly cut off during her last moments on the Senate floor, a symbolic and literal silencing of her words. Akpabio himself presided over this entire charade, ensuring that she had no chance to defend herself.

Psychological toll: Should she decide to seek therapy to heal from the trauma inflicted upon her, the Senate must be held financially responsible for the cost of her treatment. It is the institution that inflicted this harm, and it must bear the burden of redress.

The Role of the Senate in Perpetuating Psychological Abuse

The Nigerian Senate, through Akpabio and Bamidele, has mastered the art of psychological manipulation by making Akpoti-Uduaghan’s experience seem like an overreaction. The Senate President’s remarks, filled with sarcasm and dismissal, seek to trivialize her experience.

Akpabio’s statements—such as suggesting that no one heard of the harassment until a committee change—are not just defensive; they are deliberate attempts to question her credibility and normalize gendered political suppression. This is a classic example of gaslighting, a psychological abuse tactic designed to make victims question their own reality.

Moreover, the refusal to acknowledge Akpoti-Uduaghan’s trauma is part of a broader pattern in Nigeria’s male-dominated power structures, where men in leadership feign victimhood when held accountable. By shifting the narrative, the Senate avoids addressing the systemic issues that enable gender-based violence in governance.

The Broader Impact: What This Means for Nigerian Women

The handling of this case has ramifications beyond the walls of the National Assembly. It discourages young women from entering politics, reinforces gender discrimination, and perpetuates a toxic culture where women are expected to endure mistreatment in silence.

The Senate’s actions violate international commitments Nigeria has made to protect women’s rights, including:

The United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)

The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)

The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action

The Urgent Need for Accountability

Nigeria cannot continue to present itself as a champion of gender equality while engaging in high-profile acts of gender suppression. Women’s rights organizations, international human rights bodies, and legal advocates must challenge this injustice at the national and global levels. The following organizations should take a stand:

United Nations Women (UN Women)

Human Rights Watch (HRW)

Amnesty International

The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)

The Global Fund for Women

The African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET)

Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission (NHRC)

The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights

These leaders treat Nigeria as their personal playground, unchallenged because they have the police and judiciary under fear and compromise. The institutional corruption that enables them must be dismantled, and they must be held to account by both local and global legal frameworks.

Who is the Real Victim?

Senate President Akpabio and his allies may claim to be traumatized, but the real question is: who holds the power and who is actually suffering the consequences? The victim here is not the man who has access to unlimited political resources and media control—it is the woman who has been silenced, vilified, and excluded from the legislative process for daring to speak her truth.

If justice is to be served, Akpoti-Uduaghan must be reinstated, her allegations must be investigated with transparency, and the Nigerian Senate must be held accountable for its systemic oppression of women in governance. Until then, this remains a glaring example of how power protects itself at the expense of truth, justice, and democracy.

The Nigerian Senate, a crucial pillar of democracy, stands at a crossroads. Once a revered institution, the Senate finds itself at the centre of a crisis threatening its legitimacy and reputation. The ongoing crisis culminating in the suspension of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is not just about her or Senate President Godswill Akpabio—it is about the integrity of the Senate itself. The Senate, which should serve as a beacon of democracy and a voice for the people, is increasingly being perceived as a self-serving institution that adds no value to the life of the average Nigerian. The arc of public opinion on the Senate has reached an all-time low. No matter the divide on this matter, the common ground is that Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s saga is a dent on the reputation and stature of the Nigerian Senate.

The consequences of this growing distrust are dire. A democracy without a credible legislature is a failing one. If this trend continues, the Senate will lose not only its authority but also its aura, clout, respect, and relevance in the Nigerian democratic system. This could lead to a vacuum in the governance structure, potentially paving the way for a constitutional crisis. It is imperative that lawmakers recognise the damage a reputational crisis could do and take immediate steps to restore the sanctity of this institution.

As a former legislator, I understand the role of a presiding officer in allocating and reassigning seats based on legislative tradition. On this count, Senator Natasha Akpoti overreached herself and may have lessons in composure and understanding rules. On the issue of her suspension for six months, the Akpabio-led Senate danced to the wrong tune and ended up losing the deal. I concede to the Senate its right to use its duly constituted committees to ensure discipline. However, Natasha’s rights of fair hearing must be balanced against the entitlement of the Senate to order and discipline. There are many things wrong with both the suspension and the Senate’s approach to the issues that leave that institution vulnerable, and I will highlight a few.

Due to legislative breaks, weekends, and recesses, she could be out of the chamber for almost a year, although suspended for 6 months, leaving the people of Kogi Central without representation. This not only undermines the democratic rights of the people but also hampers their ability to address local issues and concerns. According to the National Assembly website, each senator represents an average of 1.5 to 2 million Nigerians. This means that millions of citizens effectively have no representation. Another issue that the manner of her suspension has thrown up is the Senate’s increasing tendency to suppress dissent and operate without transparency. The Senate is both a public and a democratic institution. 

However, the way the Senate has handled the issue of sexual harassment allegations against its president raises serious concerns. Such allegations must be taken seriously and appropriately investigated, yet the Senate appears more focused on silencing the accuser than addressing the claims. A 2021 report by the National Bureau of Statistics indicates that 30% of Nigerian women have experienced sexual harassment in workplaces and institutions. Ignoring such an accusation at the highest level of governance sets a dangerous precedent.

It is true that Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan had previously benefitted from Senate President Akpabio’s liberal disposition when she was appointed Chair of the Senate Committee on Local Content. Yet, the way the sexual harassment allegations have been handled suggests an institution that does not take its moral standing and reputation seriously. The institution’s approach to this issue shows a troubling disregard for fairness and transparency.

Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan was suspended without a fair hearing. She did not appear before the ethics committee because of subsisting court order. This matter was already in court. The Senate should have respected the judicial process instead of preempting its outcome. Acknowledged, the Legislative Houses (Powers and Privileges) Act 2018 outlaws the courts interfering in internal legislative processes; the Senate ought to approach the court and do the right thing. Whereas some argue that legislative matters are beyond judicial interference, precedent shows otherwise.

The Supreme Court had previously halted legislative processes during a constitutional amendment, proving that the judiciary has a role in ensuring constitutional compliance. Past rulings have shown that the courts can intervene in legislative matters, yet the Senate proceeded without regard for judicial authority. According to a 2018 report by the Centre for Democracy and Development, Nigeria has a history of executive, legislative, and judicial overreach and rascality that has significantly weakened public trust in governance.

This saga takes us back to the constitutional question, does any legislative house under our current constitution has the power to suspend an elected member for any duration without going against the spirit and letter of our constitution. It is evident that the Senate lacks the constitutional authority to suspend a senator for six months. As previous court rulings have reaffirmed, the Senate’s internal rules cannot override constitutional provisions. 

In 2017, the Federal High Court ruled that the suspension of Senator Ali Ndume for 90 days was unconstitutional. The court ordered his reinstatement and the payment of all outstanding salaries. In 2018, the Federal High Court also nullified the suspension of Senator Omo-Agege, ruling that the Senate could not suspend a member beyond 14 days. These precedents show that the Senate’s decision to suspend Akpoti-Uduaghan for six months is unconstitutional and will likely be overturned if challenged in court.

It is unacceptable that Senate President Akpabio, who is accused of sexual harassment, presided over the suspension of his accuser. This is a fundamental violation of legal ethics—no one should be a judge in their own case. Senator Akpabio should have recused himself to ensure fairness. There is a precedent in this regard: Senator Bukola Saraki, during the 8th Senate, was accused of nonpayment of customs duty on a bulletproof official car he imported. SP Bukola Saraki stepped aside and allowed his deputy to preside over his investigation. Senator Akpabio was in the Senate at the time and should have taken a cue. 

The Senate, in this instance, has demonstrated an alarming lack of openness. The Ethics and Privileges Committee should have conducted its proceedings publicly to maintain credibility. Instead, the Senate moved forward with a suspension that appears politically motivated and legally unsound.

The Senate’s refusal to properly investigate the allegations against its president sends a dangerous message: that sexual harassment claims can be dismissed with political manoeuvring. This is a grave injustice that damages the Senate’s reputation. One wonders how the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions suddenly becomes so efficient and fast in dispensing punishment to Senator Natasha in this case when it usually is sluggish in dealing with the many petitions and cases before it. This smack of a hatchet job and it does not help the public standing of the Senate.

It is unfortunate that the Senate has conducted its affairs opaquely for a matter that has come to the public’s attention. The Senate’s lack of transparency in this matter is a clear indication of the need for openness and honesty in governance. For the Senate to ignore and sweep under the carpet the issue of sexual harassment is a disservice to the President of the Senate and the institution.

Mr. Senate president can show he has power by suspending Senator Natasha, but it is not a cure for such a serious allegation. The best the Senate can do is to conduct a proper investigation on the issue and come out with a clean bill of health. The Senate must understand that the Nigerian public wants transparency and full disclosure of all the problems. It is not a private matter. Sexual harassment is a serious accusation and cannot be dismissed as trivial as the Senate did. It’s a dark spot on the reputation of the Senate. It is also not acceptable in a democracy.

The suspension of a senator without due process creates a dangerous precedent. If allowed to stand, this decision could pave the way for further suppression of dissenting voices, weakening democracy in Nigeria. The Nigerian Senate is already struggling with negative public perception. This incident further erodes confidence in its ability to act as a “check and balance” on the other arms of government.  

The Senate must acknowledge its overreach on the Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan matter. The Nigerian public demands accountability. It is common sense to recognise that the Senate is at risk of permanent reputational damage.  A Senate with sullied reputation does no one or the country any good. If it continues to prioritise power plays over democratic principles, it will lose whatever legitimacy and respect it still holds and enjoys. To save itself, the Senate must return to the principles of integrity, fairness, openess and constitutional adherence. The Nigerian people deserve a legislative body that upholds justice, fairness, and transparency, not one that operates in secrecy and impunity. The future of Nigerian democracy depends on it. 

A major political milestone, the June 12, 1993 presidential election which has led to ‘Democracy Day’ in Nigeria, might not have occurred. That is if five years earlier some personnel of the Nigeria Air Force Base in Lagos had succeeded in murdering the eventual winner of that election, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola.

Abiola, then regarded as the richest man in the country, was extremely powerful with personal friends like then head of the military junta, General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida. But despite these and his immense international status, Abiola in the eyes of the military was no more than a ‘ bloody civilian’ as some soldiers derogatorily refer to non-military personnel.

His near-death encounter was on Monday, January 25, 1988, right inside his palatial home. That day some soldiers had gone on rampage in Lagos over a traffic accident. In the ensuring commotion, Ayodeji Abiola, Chief Abiola’s second son, had a minor traffic accident with a vehicle driven by Air Force Corporal M. Danjuma. Apparently, this issue was not properly resolved before Abiola’s son left the scene.

The Air Force personnel trailed the latter to his father’s house, and armed reinforcements were brought who opened fire. One of the bullets narrowly missed Chief Abiola. The business mogul took the matter up with the military authorities.

Air Vice Marshall Nura Imam who was the Air Officer Commanding, Logistics Command, Ikeja and a member of the then Armed Forces Ruling Council, waved off the incident as a non-issue. The media reported him as saying that Abiola should know that the Air Force personnel were “mad dogs”.

On Thursday, March 6, 2025, that is 37 years after the Abiola incidence, gallant officers and men from the same barracks, now named Sam Ethnan Barracks, were on similar operational duties in Lagos.

The enemies identified were not terrorists, bandits, kidnappers or even criminals. The targets were the management and staff of the Ikeja Electricity Distribution Company. The two enemy locations were the company’s corporate headquarters in Ikeja and its Oshodi Business Unit Office.

The NAF assault team allegedly led by a woman, was conveyed in a military truck, two OP-MESA vehicles, and other vehicles.

They condoned off the roads leading to the headquarters, scaled the fence and, commenced their operation which lasted one and a half hours. One of the staff, Michael Sani, was approaching the gate when he noticed something was amiss. He ran into the police station nearby; the NAF commandos entered the station, seized and brought him into the premises.

The first group the military contingent encountered were journalists in a bus parked in the premises who were scheduled to attend a solar unveiling project in Adiyan, Ogun State. This fortuitous presence of journalists obliged the public first-hand accounts of the military operation.

Some of the journalists were swiftly captured and their ‘dangerous weapons’ such as mobile phones, tripod, memory card and power bank, were confiscated . These prisoners of war, POWs, were told they were liable to being shot if they uttered a word.

It did not matter if these were journalists on routine duty or whether some of the victims were just customers of the company. As Babangida wrote in his journey in self-service memoirs: “In the military mind-set, there are only two types of people: enemies or friends. Our political opponents were, therefore, primarily ‘enemy forces’ before they were fellow Nigerians.” To the Air Force fighters, they were on enemy territory; so, all souls found therein were enemies and had to be treated as such.

It is not for nothing that when the Nigerian military enters a town, whether it is Odi, Zaki-Biam, Ugep or Okuoma, living things in them are regarded as enemies and, therefore, legitimate targets.

In the Lagos operation, the air men destroyed property, including CCTV cameras, computers and electricity equipment.

The staff and civilians captured, who included women, said they were so badly beaten with plastic rods that they could not even stand up. Some were repeatedly trampled upon with military boots as they laid unarmed on the ground. The captured electricity staff were taken to the NAF military base in Oshodi where they were tortured in the open field under the hot sun.

The NAF team apparently had no respect for the Geneva Convention on the rights and protection of POWs from physical and mental torture. The NAF troops also ‘liberated’ the money in the pockets of their adversaries and made a cache of mobile phones which might have been ‘privatised’.

The cause of this conflict was the disconnection of the barracks from power supply for allegedly being indebted to the tune of N4.3 billion. The barracks gave the electricity company 48 hours within which to restore power which the latter failed to do.

Rather than resort to legal or constitutional means, the NAF commanders took matters into their hands leading to the invasion. It is clear that despite 25 years of civil rule, many in the military still have the mentality that they are superior to civil laws and cannot live by constitutional precepts.

It will be easy to bring the Lagos invaders to book because there are video footages. In any case, since the military is said to be a disciplined force, someone must have given the orders to turn the troops out.

If this government is serious about the rule of law and social justice, it can order the immediate detention, investigation and subsequent trial of those who took part in the lawlessness and criminality.

Also, were we in a disciplined, accountable or civilized country where the rule of law rather than impunity reigns, the Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshall Hassan Bala Abubakar, would have apologised to the country and tendered his resignation.

In the absence of the above, groups and individuals can take up the matter. For instance, the brutalised journalists, the Nigeria Union of Journalists, NUJ, and the Nigerian Guild of Editors, NGE, can ensure justice is done. The brutalised electricity staff, their trade unions can equally take up the case. The Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, and the Trade Union Congress, TUC, can also back up the NUJ and unions for action that would force the hands of government and ensure that the bullies and torturers from the barracks are brought to justice.

The electricity company itself needs to recover its losses by making the Sam Ethnan Barracks pay for damages. I am sure if it picks up the courage to do so, there will be many lawyers willing to offer their services.

We cannot hope to build a nation where peace and justice reign if we do not have the courage to rein in people imbued with a sense of entitlement and immunity from criminal liability.

One very well reasoned appointment into a very critical government department in recent years, is bound to be the “conscription” of Sonny Togo Echono to the leadership of the Tertiary Education Trust Fund, (TETFUND). The last five years of his most eventful public service career were spent as Permanent Secretary in the Federal Ministry of Education. On a daily basis, he engaged with Vice Chancellors, Rectors and Provosts of Universities, Polytechnics and Colleges of Education, owned by the federal government. Added together, we are speaking here of well over 100 such institutions, with the federal government hosting this tripod of institutions, universities, polytechnics and colleges of education, in most of the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT). Echono’s office distilled the needs of these citadels of knowledge and activated the bureaucracy of the ministry to tend to their operational requirements.

Following his retirement from service early 2022, Echono momentarily reclined into his couch to savour desired rest and rejuvenation after a racy and most eventful career. Before his last port of call in the Federal Ministry of Education, Echono’s career which began as an architect with the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing in 1987, had taken him through several key Ministries, Departments and Agencies, (MDAs), availing him multisectoral experiential rootedness across the public service. He had served variously in the Budget Monitoring and Price Intelligence Unit, (BMPIU), and the ministries of Defence; Water Resources; Environment; Agriculture and Power. He had therefore planned to shuttle between his address in Nigeria’s capital city and his countryside abode in the Idoma heartland in Benue State, which he cherishes dearly.

Duty, however, beckoned within weeks of his retirement. Echono, seasoned architect, experienced public servant, consummate patriot, was appointed Executive Secretary of TETFUND. He formally assumed office on March 18, 2022. The scheme was established by the federal government in 2011, with the primary responsibility of disbursing, managing and monitoring the deployment of education tax remitted to government-owned tertiary institutions in Nigeria. Public tertiary institutions were hitherto poorly funded. This situation, expectedly, had very negative impact on knowledge dissemination, periodically engendering unrest in the institutions. TETFUND is supervised by the Federal Ministry of Education, Echono’s last official post. This naturally has ensured smooth and seamless collaboration between the parent ministry and its parastatal, since the onset of the Echono dispensation.

Three years into his five-year stewardship, Echono continues to chalk up milestones for the organisation. It was not going to be “business as usual” under his watch so he began with desirable “housekeeping” by addressing the work ethic in TETFUND. Previously perceived as a “cash cow,” entrenched interests had constituted themselves into a cabal which determined the award of contracts to predetermined interests. There were also murmurs and talks about stealing and underhand dealings which cast the organisation in bad light in the public sphere. Steeped and stewed in the ethos of due process and public procurement, Echono moved speedily to bring his imprimatur to bear on the workings of the organisation. He has since striven, gradually and unobtrusively, to straighten the administration of TETFUND and realign its operations with its core mandate.

Such revolutionary novelties in an organisation previously steeped and stuck in its ways were not going to make new friends for Echono. Fifth columnists in the system and their external collaborators, periodically engineered phoney petitions to anti-graft agencies, notably the Independent Corrupt Practices and Related Offences Commission, (ICPC). They equally generated submissions to the nation’s parliament contending in one particular instance, that an accumulated allocation of over N2 Trillion to TETFUND over the years, could not be accounted for! The ever calm Echono has always responded to such claims and invitations to clarify the issues with impeccable documents and records. These have serially deflated the schemes and mischief of faceless rabble rousers.

Sonny Echono’s regime has brought a fresh air of activism into the endeavours of TETFUND. The federal government has also continued to reaffirm its faith in the establishment via regular upward reviews of its budgetary allocations. TETFUND continues to renew, or open fresh, possibilities for collaboration between it and a plethora of organisations. Callers at the Abuja headquarters of the organisation over time, have included the Senate and House Committees on Tertiary Institutions. Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun State and his Cross River State counterpart, Bassey Otu, have also visited TETFUND seeking partnership. Nigeria’s Chief of Defence Staff, (CDS), General Christopher Gwabin Musa has also been a guest of Echono’s TETFUND. Musa exercises oversight over the Nigerian army, navy and airforce. Over the years, the military has continued to reinvent its training institutions many of which are degree awarding citadels today. Musa believes there are areas of potential cooperation between the military and TETFUND, and has begun a conversation around this. The Federal Road Safety Corps, (FRSC), recently followed the precedence of the military, when its Corps Marshal, Shehu Mohammed, led a team to TETFUND. The FRSC canvassed support for its training institutions to enhance the capacity and professionalism of road safety personnel across the country.

Simultaneously, Echono is regularly on the road with his own officials, knocking on doors of MDAs whose partnership can strengthen the enterprise of TETFUND. Among several others, he has in recent months, led delegations to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, (EFCC), and the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, (NEITI). Echono is equally a much sought-after speaker these days at university convocation lectures and similar public engagements. These have availed him the platform to address burning issues in Nigeria’s all-important educational sector. Echono’s Convocation Lecture at the Federal University of Technology, (FUTO), Owerri, Imo State, last December, was titled *Impact of Leadership Selection on Governance in Public Universities in Nigeria.* At a similar event at the Olabisi Onabanjo University, (OOU), Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State last January, Echono spoke on *TETFUND and Educational Development in Nigeria: The History, the Treasures and the Future.*

Echono addressed the subject *University Autonomy and the Challenge of Quality Tertiary Education in Nigeria,* at the Convocation ceremony of the Federal University Oye-Ekiti, Ekiti State, in February. He has deployed these speaking opportunities to address issues of inadequate funding in tertiary institutions, and to restate the imperative of the payment of tuition fees in public universities. This, he has regularly maintained is crucial to support that critical level of the educational hierarchy. Echono has canvassed synergy between institutions in the areas of research, innovation, alumni obligations and student exchange to broaden the worldview of young scholars. He has equally admonished on the inescapability of full autonomy in public universities, if educational standards must improve and be sustained. The acquisition of quality literacy never comes cheap, he has consistently maintained.

Elsewhere, Echono has decried the penchant of many Nigerians who were sponsored abroad on public resources, but refusing to return home to contribute to national development. Many such nationals opt to stay back in foreign lands, against the spirit of their scholarships. Echono regards this as a dimension of the pervading *japa* syndrome, the abscondment abroad of Nigerians fleeing excruciating socioeconomic conditions at home. Last November, TETFUND under Echono stopped government funding for intending foreign students. This should mitigate the double-sided loss of the country’s fiscal and human resources, respectively. At an August 2024 *Conference on Digital Pedagogy and Fundable Research Writing,* Echono criticised the arbitrary upgrading of Colleges of Education into Universities of Education, by governments at various levels. His contention is that the country remains in short supply of teachers and instructors at the foundational level of education.

Sonny Echono has also criticised the continuing politicisation and corruption inherent in the appointment of Vice Chancellors in Nigerian universities. In one of his public presentations, he abhorred political interference and financial inducement in leadership selection processes in our universities. These factors he observed are combining to erode the sanctity of the hallowed university system. Echono expressed worry about the fact that competition for appointment into principal offices in universities has become a lucrative venture which has made members of governing councils prone to fiscal inducement. Echono has received several awards through the years including that of the national honour of *Officer of the Order of the Niger, (OON).* He has demonstrably distinguished himself beyond the the half line of his present assignment. He can be trusted and should be continually supported to consolidate on his legacies in the years to come.

Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), is an Adjunct Professor of Creative Writing at the University of Abuja