Latest News
OTHERS' VIEWS
I arrived in Abuja with my friend Jeff Okoli at about 8 p.m. on the last night of NYSC registration. We arrived at Kubwa camp for registration barely two hours before closing time. With just ₦20 in my pocket—my last card, as they say—I stepped into Kubwa camp with a cloud of uncertainty about how I would survive. I looked around the NYSC camp and decided there was no going back. This was my dream, and I had made it this far. Our chief host host in the capital was General Jeremiah Useni, who was then Minister of the FCT.
I arrived in Abuja, my dream NYSC location (I was posted to Abuja without any man know man) full of hope. My hope was to be a public servant, and my ambition was to retire as a Permanent Secretary. Fueled by this ambition, I started inquiring about how to join the public service. I learnt that Gen Abacha, then Head of State, had placed an embargo on employment. Undeterred, I made further enquiries and learnt of a small window; the NYSC Award led to automatic employment.
I became obsessed with the goal. If the NYSC Award was the only guaranteed way into public service, I would earn it. There were no shortcuts, no favours—just sheer determination.
I launched my personal Community Development Service (CDS) project, the Campaign for Exam Ethics. I mobilised my fellow Corps members, and together, we went from school to school, speaking against exam malpractice, staging plays, and instilling a culture of integrity in young minds.
There were no weekend getaways and no time for travel. While others left Abuja to visit home, I stayed back, laser-focused. I did not miss a single day of my CDS work.
I wrote letters to many agencies to sponsor a conference on examination ethics and received numerous rejections. I persisted. Some days, exhaustion gnawed at me. The Abuja sun was unforgiving, and transport costs for my drama crew and me were a constant challenge. But every morning, I rose, dusted myself off, and marched to yet another school, determined to spread the message of examination and personal integrity.
I lost count of how many times I was turned away. Secretaries gave me tired glances, some agencies didn’t even open my letters. But after every rejection, I allowed myself only a minute of disappointment, squared my shoulders, and knocked on the next door. I had a dream too strong to be buried by rejection.
On one of my routine visits to the agencies to check if I had any luck, the Secretary of the Director General of the National Orientation Agency told me the DG had sent my letter to a department and that I should follow up. I did.
After one month of daily visits and sometimes trekking from the Area 1 Federal Secretariat to my Aunty’s residence, the DG approved ₦25,000 for the conference. Prof Elochukwu Amucheazi approved it without meeting me and sent a director to represent the agency.
The conference, which had JAMB and WAEC staff, principals, and teachers present, was a huge success. It was made possible by a woman I only met once and pitched the idea to—Ms Agatha Chukwueke, then a senior staff member of Sheraton Abuja, now Mrs Nnaji, wife of Prof Barth Nnaji. She facilitated the donation of a section of Ladi Kwali Hall by Sheraton Hotel Abuja for the conference free of charge.
At my place of primary assignment—the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF)—I didn’t just do my job; I made myself indispensable. Every day, after finishing my duties in the personnel department, I would go upstairs to Dr. Babangida Aliyu, the Special Assistant to the SGF, and ask:
“Is there anything I can do?”
Dr. Aliyu would later become a Permanent Secretary and Governor of Niger State. His career trajectory fascinated me. More than that, his Ph.D. from the University of Pittsburgh gave him a certain swag and confidence that I admired. I didn’t just want to rise in the civil service—I wanted to do it with substance.
At the end of my NYSC year, Dr. Aliyu wrote a glowing commendation letter to NYSC, acknowledging my contributions as a speechwriter and my willingness to take on extra assignments. That letter became part of my arsenal as I approached the defining moment of my service year.
In the end, I was one of the winners of the NYSC Award in Abuja. Then, another hurdle. The NYSC FCT Director told us that automatic employment would only happen if the FCT(Abuja) Minister, General Useni, attended the Passing out Parade. Those who won the award in the past two years were not automatically employed because the Minister Useni did not attend. I was taken aback and disappointed that no one said this part.
I wondered what trajectory my life would take as I had nobody to give me a note to the military men of power in Abuja. My fear heightened as I recalled that all my applications to federal parastatals and the Federal Civil Service Commission had not elicited an acknowledgement or reply.
I had no influential uncle or godfather. My only plan B was to return to journalism—back to The Guardian, where I had interned during university breaks and ASUU strikes.
The night before, sleep eluded me. My dream of serving in the civil service hung on a thread, dependent on whether a man I had never met would show up. Would my hard work be rewarded, or would I walk away with nothing but memories?
All these thoughts filled my head as I arrived at Area 10 Old Parade Ground, Abuja, for the Passing Out Parade in the Harmattan haze of November 1996.
Gen J T Useni arrived at the parade ground at 10 a.m. My fear gave way to renewed optimism as I marched to Dais to receive my first Ministerial Handshake and certificate of award. After the ceremonies, he announced automatic employment. My one year of hard work paid off. My dream was validated, and my ambition to become a Permanent Secretary one day appeared to be on course.
Interestingly, nobody from Plateau state (where General Useni hailed from) or child of a General was among the award winners, we were all ‘plebians’ hustling for survival in a harsh environment. He simply rewarded hard work and commitment.
That was the first day I saw General Useni in person, and I thought it would be the last. As I walked off that parade ground, I thought my story had reached its climax. Little did I know, this was only the beginning of a journey. What happened next would change the course of my life in ways I never saw coming… Watch out for Part 2.
Osita Chidoka
![[OPINION] Interrogating Tuggar’s ‘Strategic Autonomy’ thesis - Jideofor Adibe](/media/k2/items/cache/144d6cccfa3a73af404a6d2b9a8346e8_L.jpg)
Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, 57, Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a widely circulated opinion article titled, ‘Foreign Policy and The Path To Peace in A Dangerous Neighbourhood’, basically sought to defend President Bola Tinubu against unnamed critics of his government’s apparent closeness to the French government, and his handling, as Chairman of the Authority of ECOWAS Heads of State and Government, of the military coup in neighbouring Niger Republic.
The coup d’état which took place on July 26, 2023, led to the country’s presidential guard removing and detaining president Mohamed Bazoum. The sub-regional group unadvisedly gave the leaders of the military coup one week to reinstate the ousted Bazoum, and suggested a possible military action if they failed to do so. Rather than back down, the military government in Niger, together with the military juntas in Mali and Burkina Faso gave notice of their withdrawal from ECOWAS and later formed the Alliance of Sahel States – or Alliance des États du Sahel, AES, in French.
Written in an urbane, entertaining and flowery prose, the minister’s intervention could be interrogated on several fronts:
One, on criticisms about France’s purported closeness to President Tinubu, Tuggar floated the thesis of ‘Strategic Autonomy’. As he put it: “The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations based on our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult enough and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.”
The idea of Strategic Autonomy is not original to Tuggar. In international relations, it is defined as the ability of a state to pursue its national interests and pursue its preferred foreign policy options without depending heavily on other foreign states. The concept was popularised by the European Union which defined it as the ability of the European Union to not be overly reliant on the United States when it comes to defending Europe and its neighbours, and to be able to pursue foreign policies that will be independent of those of the United States. It should be recalled that the European Council had in December 2013 called for the development of European defence capabilities to enhance the strategic autonomy of the European Union.
Following the defeat of Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential election in the United States and a belief that Trump’s presidency had shown that the USA could be an unreliable partner, France became the chief advocate of Strategic Autonomy at the European Union level. Macron was quoted as advocating that the European Union should strive to be a “third super power” and should avoid being drawn into any confrontation between the USA and China over Taiwan. It is important to underline that ‘Strategic Autonomy’ for the European Union is not only about military and political autonomy from the USA but also about securing autonomy on economic, energy and digital policies.
Given the above, there are number of issues about Tuggar’s ‘strategic economy’ argument. For instance, when he talked about the fulcrum of Tinubu’s policy being ‘Strategic Autonomy’, the next logical question should be, “Strategic Autonomy” from whom? The European Union’s Strategic Autonomy is clearly directed at the USA. Given the current situation of multiple dependencies of our country – dependent on China and the Bretton Woods systems for external loans; dependent on the West for its technology, dependent on the validation of Western institutions like Fitch and think tanks like Chatham House to validate its economic and political processes, and even dependent on foreign countries for coaches for its national football teams, it becomes exactly unclear what Minister Tuggar means by Strategic Autonomy. It will certainly be wrong for the Minister to mistake multiple dependencies or even non-alignment policy, for Strategic Autonomy. Is Nigeria really able to achieve Strategic Autonomy(meaning act independently), even as a regional power, where almost all the countries in the region are also dependent on one big power or the other?
Two, with respect to the ECOWAS’s management of the July 26, 2023 military coup d’état in Niger Republic, Tuggar wrote: “President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.”.
While the diplomatic efforts mentioned by the Minister towards the three states may be true, they also mask the fact that Tinubu, as Chairman of the Authority of Heads of States of ECOWAS mismanaged the issue of the coup in Niger:
First, ECOWAS under Tinubu inadvisably gave the coup leaders one week ultimatum to return Bazoum to power or face the prospect of military intervention. It made this threat when it had no troops in Niger, and no means of enforcing its threats. That was clearly a failure of deterrence as a strategy of using the power to hurt as a bargaining chip. For deterrence to work, it must be credible. If ECOWAS’ threat of military intervention was meant to be a deterrence strategy, it was clearly not credible.
Second, the constant threat of war by ECOWAS gave the impression that the newly installed Tinubu government was being pushed by Western powers which had strategic interests in Niger, to go to war. Some have suggested that ECOWAS’ eagerness to restore constitutional order in Niger after the coup (when it did not display the same enthusiasm with the military coup in Mali in 2020 (two military coups) and in Burkna Faso in 2022 was because of fears that the coup in Niger might torpedo the Trans-Saharan Gas pipeline project, which was planned to connect natural gas pipelines from Nigeria to Algeria to plug into European gas supplies. It should be recalled that in 2022 Algeria, Nigeria and Niger signed an MOU to revive the estimated $13 billion project which was initially conceived more than 40 years ago. The gas pipeline measured 4,128 kilometres – of which 1,037 km is in Nigeria, 841 km in Niger, and 2,310 km in Algeria. Remarkably, Bazoum that ECOWAS was fighting to reinstate in office had publicly backed the 2021 military coup in Chad. At a joint press conference with French President Emmanuel Macron, Bazoum claimed that the security context justified the suspension and violation of the Chadian constitution.
Third, while it is true that the coup leaders in Niger lacked legitimacy by virtue of the fact that they came to power through an unconstitutional means, Tuggar forgot that most of the leaders of ECOWAS also face various degrees of legitimacy crisis. The argument here is that there are actually three types of coups in Africa – military coup, constitutional coups (where leaders elongate their tenure by changing the constitutions of their countries to remove term limits that would have prevented them from staying beyond a certain period in office) and election rigging (where the leaders manipulate the electoral process to gain power). In essence, while the coup leaders in Niger lacked legitimacy, the same could also be said of many of the leaders of the sub-regional group condemning the military takeover in the country.
Three, there remains a lingering suspicion of the role of France in Africa. Not only has France’s policies towards its African colonies been problematic, France has also been variously suspected of undermining ECOWAS since the 1970s by sponsoring rival organisations to weaken it. Some have argued that with many French speaking African countries having a dim view of France, the latter is trying to remain relevant in Africa by warming up to countries like Nigeria.
In article in the Daily Trust of December 9 2024, entitled, ‘What does France want from Tinubu?’, Suleiman A Suleiman raised suspicions about the chummy relationship between France and President Tinubu. Let me quote portions of the article:
“ There is no gainsaying that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu received the loudest ‘international recognition’ of his presidency yet during his recent two-day state visit to France, the first by a Nigeria president since Obasanjo was received by Jacques Chirac in May 2005, almost 20 years ago. But since there are hardly coincidences in politics, certainly not in international politics, we must raise the appropriate question: What does France want from Nigeria that it would treat our president to the most lavish state reception of his presidency so far?”
Suleiman further noted:
“President Tinubu received more than a red-carpet reception in Paris. The French made sure that the Nigerian delegation got the message that they regarded this as an important visit. President Emmanuel Macron welcomed his Nigerian counterpart at the Les Invalides complex, a place that holds so much of France’s imperial history, vestiges of which now seem threatened across much of Africa. Macron was profuse with praise for our president, whom he referred to as a “friend”. At a joint press conference, Macron said President Tinubu is “a great leader”, who will transform Nigeria the way he transformed Lagos, precisely the sort of things that Tinubu, politically embattled at home by an increasingly restless citizenry groaning under the weight of his economic policies, would like to hear said about him by a foreign leader, better still a European one.”
Suleiman noted that how “world leaders” use flattery to massage the bloated egos of African leaders in order to get what they want. Following from this he expressed concerns about the effusive flatteries heaped on President Tinubu by Macron and concluded that, “we must worry because President Tinubu appears to be running a one-man foreign policy, and since the consequences of foreign policies often outlast the administrations that enter into them, we must ask yet again, what did President Tinubu promise the French that is not now in the news? We must know because our future as a secure nation might yet depend on it.”
Following from the above, if the Alliance of Sahel States remain cynical or impervious of ECOWAS’ diplomatic moves, it may be acting on the aphorism that the friend of my enemy is either my enemy too or at best cannot be trusted.
•Adibe is Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Nasarawa State University
![[OPINION] Arresting the Drift: UNIZIK’s Decisive Action, a Model - Wilfred Toby](/media/k2/items/cache/c3672811e5f3c8abd1985618962ed346_M.jpg)
The recent disciplinary action taken by Nnamdi Azikiwe University (UNIZIK) is a crucial step in addressing the growing indiscipline and moral decay in Nigeria’s university system. The expulsion of a student for assaulting a lecturer is not just about maintaining order within the institution—it is a bold statement that underscores the urgent need to restore discipline, respect, and ethical standards in the nation’s higher education sector.
Over the years, Nigerian universities have witnessed a worrisome nosedive in discipline and moral values, with cases of student misconduct, lecturer-student conflicts, examination malpractice, cultism, and administrative corruption becoming increasingly common. This decay reflects a broader societal issue where respect for authority, due process, and ethical behavior are being eroded.
The university, which should be a training ground for future leaders, has instead become a battleground for moral decadence, where many students feel emboldened to challenge institutional authority without consequences. Cases of students disrespecting lecturers, engaging in unruly behavior, and even physically attacking university staff highlight a disturbing trend that threatens the integrity of the education system.
At the heart of this crisis is a failure to enforce discipline. Many institutions have been slow to taking decisive actions against misconduct, either due to fear of backlash, external influences, or a culture of leniency that enables bad behavior. As a result, indiscipline festers, setting a dangerous precedent for future generations of students.
By swiftly investigating and expelling a student for physically assaulting a lecturer, UNIZIK has demonstrated that it will not tolerate acts of indiscipline that undermine the sanctity of the academic environment. This action is significant for several reasons:
1. Reaffirming Respect for Authority
The lecturer-student relationship is built on mutual respect. When a student assaults a lecturer, it is an attack on the very foundation of academic order. The university’s response sends a strong message that such acts will not go unpunished, thereby discouraging further occurrences of student misconduct.
2. Setting a Precedent for Other Institutions
Many universities have struggled to take bold disciplinary actions against erring students due to external pressures or bureaucratic delays. UNIZIK’s firm stance provides a model for other institutions to follow, proving that enforcing discipline is both necessary and achievable.
3. Restoring the Reputation of the University System
Incidents of indiscipline, especially those that go unpunished, tarnish the reputation of Nigeria’s education system. A zero-tolerance approach to misconduct restores public confidence in universities, ensuring that they remain places of learning and character-building.
4. Preparing Students for the Real World
Universities are meant to prepare students in both character and learning, for life beyond academics. In the professional world, indiscipline and lack of character come with severe consequences. By instilling a culture of accountability, UNIZIK is equipping students with the right mindset for success in their careers and society at large.
5. Addressing the Broader Decay in Education
The decline in educational standards is not just about infrastructure or funding—it is also about values. A system where students believe they can act without consequences is bound to produce graduates who lack ethical grounding. By enforcing discipline, UNIZIK is taking a proactive step to correct this drift and bring the focus back to learning, respect, and personal development.
Since assuming office, as Acting Vice Chancellor, Prof. Joseph Ikechebelu has demonstrated a firm commitment to repositioning UNIZIK as a disciplined and excellence-driven institution. His leadership has prioritized ethics, respect, and academic integrity, ensuring that both students and staff adhere to the highest standards of conduct.
The swift action taken in this case is not just about one student’s misconduct—it is a statement of principle, a stand against the broader culture of indiscipline that threatens the credibility of Nigerian universities. Prof. Ikechebelu’s administration is setting a new standard, one where excellence is pursued not just in academics but also in character.
While UNIZIK’s leadership has taken a bold step, the fight against indiscipline in universities requires the collective effort of all stakeholders—students, lecturers, administrators, and policymakers. To truly arrest the drift, institutions across the country must enforce strict disciplinary measures against acts of misconduct.
It is also important to educate students on the importance of ethics, respect, and professionalism. While not overlooking the need to empower lecturers and university authorities to uphold academic discipline without fear or bias.
Importantly, be intentional about creating a culture where students understand that character is just as important as academic performance.
Given, Nigerians are mostly driven by emotions and excuses. But in this case, this decisive action, under the leadership of Prof. Joseph Ikechebelu, should serve as a wake-up call to other institutions: the time to arrest the drift of moral decay in education is now.
If Nigerian universities are to produce graduates who will lead with integrity, they must first ensure that the values of respect, accountability, and discipline are deeply ingrained within their walls. UNIZIK has taken the lead—will others follow?
Wilfred Toby is Executive Director, Citizens on Alert for Values and Accountability (CAVA).
![[OPINION] The travails of Prof Uduk’s family - Etim Etim](/media/k2/items/cache/fd38f18b5eb4605acfe31832b79c65ea_M.jpg)
The family of Prof. Ignatius Uduk, the University of Uyo professor of human kinetics convicted of electoral fraud last week, says they’ve been financially and emotionally exhausted by the five-year trial of their father. Unwana Willie, the eldest child and Barr. Ruth Uduk, the fifth of Prof Uduk’s six children spoke to me on the travails of the family arising from their father’s trial and convictions.
Their problems started even before the trial began. The university had stopped paying his father’s salary as soon as he was arraigned in 2019, and this threw the family into a severe financial crisis. ‘’We have been drained both financially and emotionally. We financed this case all by ourselves in the past five years; this is the worst affliction that has visited us since the death of my mother in 1989,’’ said Barr. Uduk.
Prof Uduk’s wife died 35 years ago and he has not remarried, preferring to devote time to bringing up his six children who are all grownups now, pursuing different careers. But Barr Uduk, 40, says she and her siblings would do everything possible to get him out of jail. ‘’He’s currently in prison in Uyo. We shall be filing an appeal against the conviction very soon; and even before then, we shall file for bail pending appeal,’’ says Barr. Uduk.
The case had also taken a toll on Prof Uduk himself. His health had deteriorated in the early years of the trial to the extent that he fainted in court in one occasion. She said that the summons were not served on her father personally as the law stipulates in criminal matters; rather it was the University of Uyo that was served; and because of this, her father did not hear of the matter until a bench warrant was issued. ‘’I was coming from work one day when I got a call that a bench warrant had been issued against my father. I rushed to the court and that’s when we learned of the case,’’ she said.
Since his conviction, Prof Uduk, 73, has become very ill, suffering from hypertension while his haemorrhoid condition has worsened. The eldest daughter, Mrs Unwana Willie, a civil servant, says her father has been bleeding in prison due to serious inflammation from haemorrhoid since February 5 when he was convicted. ‘’We don’t want our father to die in prison. Our father did not commit any crime’’, she cried.
Prof Uduk was prosecuted on three charges: announcement of false election results; publication of false results and perjury pertaining to the 2019 state house of assembly election in Akwa Ibom state. He was the returning officer for the Essien Udim state constituency election – Senator Godswill Akpabio’s state constituency. In June 2021, another university lecturer, Prof Peter Ogban of the Soil Science Department, University of Calabar, was sentenced to three years in prison for fraudulent manipulation of election results; publishing and announcing false results during the 2019 senatorial election which was contested by Senator Godswill Akpabio (APC) and Chris Ekpenyong (PDP).
The then resident electoral commissioner in Akwa Ibom state, Mike Igini, had claimed that Akpabio and his party, APC had engaged in electoral fraud and vowed to prosecute the two professors who served as returning officers in the two elections. Although Senator Akpabio was not charged, the conviction of Uduk last week spawned widespread discussions in Akwa Ibom state, with many claiming that the two professors were sympathetic to Akpabio and that the senate president ought to reach out to the families of the two professors and extend a hand of compassion to them.
I raised this with Barr. Uduk and she contemplated the question for a moment before answering: ‘’My father did not work for Akpabio, and so that question does not arise; my father worked for INEC; we have not heard from anybody. We have been struggling on our own to fight this case,’’ she said in an emotion-laden voice.
Barr. Uduk says her father did not commit any crime. ‘’My father is only a victim of circumstance; caught in the crossfire between Mike Igini and some politicians. But it shall not stand.’’ Prof. Uduk’s eldest daughter, Unwana Willie, said her father is an upright man who had never been found wanting in all his work as an academic. Both daughters, however, confided in me that they too have been subjected to several indignities and humiliation because of this case. But they will never abandon their father to his fate.
![[OPINION] For the Attention of the IGP - Onikepo Braithwaite](/media/k2/items/cache/6ed9b7103c0a6dbd29e5783e0bc9a89e_M.jpg)
I cannot overlook the disgraceful incident caught on video, that occurred recently, between a Policeman in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State and a pregnant lady – the video went viral. Apparently, the issue had to do with a request for Driver’s Licence, other Particulars (which the Police claim had expired) and Third Party Insurance, following the directive of the IGP, Dr Kayode Egbetokun (IGP) that all motorists get the Third Party Insurance Policy, enforcement commencing on February 1st, 2025 – see Sections 10(1), (2) & 11 of the Federal Highways Act 2004 (FHA) which makes it mandatory for all drivers on public roads to be holders of valid driver’s licences, and vehicles to have valid registration marks and particulars displayed. Also see the National Road Traffic Regulations 2012. The punishment for driving without a valid driver’s licence is N100 fine or in the case of a second or subsequent offence, a fine of N200 or 6 months imprisonment or both (Section 10(3) of the FHA), while that of driving without displaying particulars, if it is a first offence, is a fine of N200 or 12 months imprisonment or both, or 18 months imprisonment without option of fine for a second or subsequent offence (Section 17 of the FHA).
While Comprehensive Insurance is optional, in most countries including Nigeria, Third Party Insurance which covers damage to other people’s vehicles, is mandatory. See the case of Liberty Insurance Co. Ltd v John 1996 1 NWLR Part 423 Page 192 at 199 per Edozie, JCA on the definition of an insurance contract. Section 68 of the Insurance Act 2003 (IA) makes third party insurance covering a liability of at least N1 million, mandatory. Third Party Insurance, appears to cover a maximum liability of N3 million. See also Section 3(1) of the Motor Vehicles (Third Party) Insurance Act 2004 (TPI). Section 3(2) of the TPI provides for a punishment upon conviction of a fine of N400 or 1 year imprisonment or both for anyone who contravenes Section 3(1), to the extent that, apart from the fine and imprisonment, such offender shall be disqualified from driving for a minimum of 12 months.
‘Police is Your ‘Friend’: What a Crock!
By now, most Nigerians expect that the Policeman who was caught on camera assaulting the pregnant woman by dragging her and throwing her on the ground, would have been named and shamed, paraded in front of the media the same way the Police love to parade suspects in public, faced orderly room trial and dismissal from the Nigeria Police Force, and would be facing criminal charges in a court of competent jurisdiction. So far, we haven’t heard much from the Police, apart from a rather brief and unclear attempt at an excuse by the Police.
Whether the pregnant lady had third party insurance and valid particulars or not, she certainly enjoys all the rights contained in Chapter IV Fundamental Rights of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended)(the Constitution), and in this unfortunate incident, she and her unborn child are particularly entitled to the right to life, dignified and humane treatment as guaranteed by Sections 33(1) & 34 (1)(a) thereof. See the case of Ransome-Kuti & Ors v AGF, Chief of Army Staff & 7 Ors (1985) LPELR-2940(SC) per Kayode Eso, JSC on fundamental rights being a guarantee against inhuman treatment.
Offences Committed by the Policeman
From the video, one could observe some of the offences that appear to have been committed Policeman, and that he could be charged for, such as: 1) assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm contrary to Sections 252, 335 & 351 of the Criminal Code Act 1916 (CCA) (see the corresponding section in the Criminal Code Law of Akwa Ibom State 2022); also see Ebenezer v State (2024) LPELR-62652 (SC) per Helen Moronkeji Ogunwumiju, JSC using the Macmillan Dictionary’s definition of assault thus – “a physical attack on someone or the crime of physically attacking someone”; 2) attempted murder of the unborn child by manhandling the mother in such a manner as to make her fall down hitting her whole body on the ground – see Section 320 of the CCA and Owe v Queen (1961) LPELR-25001 (SC) per John Idowu Conrad Taylor, JSC on the definition of attempted murder; 3) abuse of power contrary to Paragraph 9 Part 1 Fifth Schedule to the Constitution, and Section 104 of the CCA, amongst other offences. These are serious offences, carrying weighty imprisonment terms upon conviction.
Police Reform
It is obvious that despite all our recommendations for Police Reform following the 2020 #EndSARS Protest, which include better salaries, allowances and conditions of service; better recruitment and training procedures; psychological screening of Police Personnel during recruitment and regular on-the-job assessments for those already on duty, and training on how to interact with the public, nothing like that appears to have been implemented, because no sane person, nobody in their right mind, would apply such excessive force and manhandle a pregnant woman like the Policeman in the video did, unless his/her intention is to force a miscarriage (which is yet another offence under the Criminal Code) and/or severely injure or kill the mother and child.
Sadly, the ‘Police is Your Friend’ slogan seen at many Police stations, appears to be nothing more than a sham, at least within the rank and file (mostly, not totally, because there are still some Policemen who adhere to the slogan). The fear of the Nigeria Police and all other weapon-carrying law enforcement agencies in Nigeria, is the beginning of wisdom. Though the #EndSARS Protest was inter alia, about putting an end to Police brutality against Nigerian Youths and people generally, the “I will kill you and nothing go happen” culture that the Police is infamous for, appears to still be endemic, and so, if anything, Nigerians rightfully have a fear of the Police. Almost five years post-#EndSARS, how do we describe the actions of the Akwa Ibom Policeman, if not Police brutality par excellence?!
By virtue of Section 4 of the Nigeria Police Act 2020 (NPA), one of the primary duties of the Police is to protect the lives and property of citizens and their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Constitution; therefore, upholding the rule of law is paramount. See Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution; Fawehinmi v IGP 2002 7 NWLR Part 767 Page 602 per Samson Odemwingie Uwaifo, JSC; Egheghe v State (2020) LPELR-50552(SC) per Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun, JSC (now CJN) where the Supreme Court held thus: “Once again, it is necessary to remind our Police Force that the sacred duty entrusted to them, is the protection and security of the lives and property of citizens. The weapons they carry, are not for the settlement of personal scores with individual citizens. The life of every Nigerian is sacred, and must be protected within the ambit of the law”. Unfortunately, the opposite appears to be the reality. Instead, the Police use their position and weapons to intimidate Nigerians, subjecting them to all sorts of undignified, violent and inhumane treatment. The fact that this behaviour is common among the Nigeria Police, points to a possible defect in their training and a lack of accountability for bad behaviour within their ranks.
There may also be issues with the mental condition of some of these erring Officers, not to talk about alcoholism and drug use. Many US Police Departments conduct adhoc drug and alcohol tests, on their officers. Such tests could be random, or based on reasonable suspicion that an officer may be using alcohol or drugs. Someone like the Policeman who assaulted the pregnant lady, would probably undergo what is called a ‘post-incident’ test after what transpired, along with mental health screening; in the US, this type of testing is done on officers who for example have been involved in a shooting incident. There are various methods for testing for drugs – urine test, taking hair samples or the breathalyser test that is used for motorists who are suspected to be driving drunk.
It is important that all Police Personnel display professionalism in carrying out their duties, without the emotional reactions they have become infamous for, treating citizens with courtesy and respect. Only minimum force is expected to be applied in certain circumstances, to achieve a lawful purpose. Pray tell, what was the justification for the Policeman to apply such excessive force on a woman in such a delicate condition, particularly when the offence she may have been alleged to have committed, was nothing more than a simple offence or at best, a misdemeanour? None whatsoever.
There has to be more training of Police Officers, de-emphasising the use of force and their weapons to only when it is absolutely necessary, and re-emphasising the culture that force used must be minimum or commensurate with the circumstances, not excessive and brutal.
Conclusion
People had complained in advance, that the implementation of the mandatory Third Party Insurance Policy would be transformed into a golden opportunity for the Police to harass citizens. This objection appears to be somewhat accurate, judging from this horrible incident. It was like using a sledge hammer, to kill an ant!
It is necessary for the Policeman in the video to be prosecuted to the fullest extent of law, to not only serve as a deterrent to other high-handed/violent/unreasonable/unstable Officers, but to engender accountability.
![[OPINION] Oil politics and community development: A note to Seplat Energy - Etim Etim](/media/k2/items/cache/afb51a5c34441757367f3afb984bfafe_M.jpg)
Seplat Energy Plc, an indigenous oil and gas producer, is settling down to business in Akwa Ibom State with its successful acquisition of the assets and liabilities of ExxonMobil Producing Nigeria Unlimited last year. It was one of the protracted corporate purchases in Nigeria’s oil industry lasting well over five years. ExxonMobil had operated in the state for over 50 years (It started as Mobil and in November 1999, merged with Exxon to form ExxonMobil) and had become an important part of Akwa Ibom community until it was bought last year for $1.3 billion by Seplat. To make its presence easily felt in the state, Seplat appointed an eminent Akwa Ibom son, Senator Udoma Udo Udoma as its Board chairman. Early this year, the chairman led the company on a visit to Governor Umo Eno. I congratulate Senator Udoma on his appointment and I welcome Seplat to Akwa Ibom the state. But I have a few words of advice to the company.
During the visit to the Government House, Senator Udoma told the governor that the company is willing to partner with the government for sustainable development and would ‘’support the socioeconomic development of Akwa Ibom State’’ and improve the wellbeing of the host communities. He said Exxonmobil was acquired by a subsidiary of Seplat known as Seplat Energy Offshore Limited, and clarified that the new entity will now be known as Seplat Energy Producing Nigeria Unlimited (SEPNU) and that all assets and liabilities of the previous company would be retained. Gov. Eno welcomed the company and promised cooperation of the government.
The specific roles and contributions of oil companies to the host communities are well spelt out in the Petroleum Industry Act and I am sure that SEPNU will do well to adhere to the provisions of this law and establish healthy relationships with its host communities in particular and Akwa Ibom State as a whole. But there are other items that I wish to bring to the notice of the company in terms of its relationship with Akwa Ibom State. First, ExxonMobil was a very responsible corporate citizen and through its conducts; it endeared itself to the people and the government. It had a lot of Akwa Ibom people in its senior management cadre. My good friend, Udom Inoyo, who is also well known to Senator Udoma, rose from a junior executive position hired in 1989 to the position of Executive Vice chairman from where he retired a few ago. There were many other Akwa Ibom sons and daughters in senior positions as geophysicists; engineers; lawyers; HR; finance; communications and IT specialists, etc.
Now, these people are retiring, and I want to advise that SEPNU should replace them with other Akwa Ibom people who are qualified to hold these positions. SEPNU should not make the mistake of replacing them with people from other places with the hackneyed excuse that ‘’there’s no qualified Akwa Ibom person for the job’’. I have heard such silly excuses from other companies, and I believe that with Senator Udoma as Chairman, Seplat will not insult our people with a similar justification. In fact, SEPNU may have to draw up an affirmative action to ensure the employment of our people in all cadres; with at least two Akwa Ibom people in executive positions. There are many qualified Akwa Ibom persons and they are capable of competing for any position in the company. Akwa Ibom people will resist every attempt at cleansing out our people who were hired, trained and groomed by ExxonMobil from SEPNU.
ExxonMobil had also built and maintained a large pool of competent contractors and service providers from Akwa Ibom State. I will imagine that SEPNU will continue to use them and add more to the list in future. In fact, it would be cost effective for SEPNU to encourage service providers to be located close to QIT instead of mobilizing them from Warri, Lagos or Port Harcourt to its shallow water platforms. In terms of educational intervention, SEPNU should also offer generous scholarships to Akwa Ibom students at various educational institutions. ExxonMobil was also very good at this. The technical training center built by ExxonMobil in Eket which served as a training facility for the technical staffs will have to be upgraded to a full-fledged engineering center. ExxonMobil had planned to establish an engineering center at the University of Uyo, but unfortunately, the plan was not fully realized before it exited the State. An engineering center is relevant for the Nigerian oil industry as a training facility for the core professionals in civil, mechanical, petroleum and alternative energy engineering. SEPNU may wish to go ahead and either upgrade the training center to an engineering centre or complete the one ExxonMobil was planning to build at UniUyo as well as continue with the trauma center it was planning for University of Uyo Teaching Hospital.
The location of ExxonMobil’s corporate headquarters in Lagos was a major concern to Akwa Ibom people and the state government. The company resisted pressures from successive governors to relocate to Akwa Ibom despite the incentives and conducive business environment the state offers. As a renowned corporate lawyer, Senator Udoma understands the intricacies of oil politics and he’s in a position to guide Seplat on the issue of headquarter location. Seplat will do well to respect the people; interests and cultures of our people and work to establish mutually beneficial relationships with the people and their government.
I have a word for the host communities and the state government. Undoubtedly, they have their respective roles in making a success of Seplat’s entry to the state. While the PIA authorizes oil companies to pay royalties directly to the host communities, it is the responsibility of the host communities to manage these funds efficiently, transparently and develop the communities. The monies are not to be shared among community leaders.
The state government is expected to deploy tax revenues and contributions from the oil company to create enabling environment for the growth of business. I recall that in 2011, ExxonMobil paid N8 billion to Akwa Ibom government when Godswill Akpabio was governor as its contribution to the repairs and expansion of Eket-Ibeno Road. But quite curiously, the Udom Emmanuel administration that succeeded Akpabio later denied that the money was paid. The denial created quite a furore and resulted in an unfortunate and needless controversy which embarrassed our people, including Akwa Ibom executives in the company. It was enough to discourage future CSR initiatives from the company. The government has a responsibility to manage its resources responsibly and transparently to earn the confidence of the citizens and investors.
I’m pleased at the appointment of Senator Udoma as the Chairman of Seplat. In 2021, I put him and 12 other persons on the cover of my book on the struggle for the abrogation of the onshore-offshore oil dichotomy. As a senator between 1999 and 2007, he fought hard to ensure the abrogation of the obnoxious dichotomy and with that, Akwa Ibom has been receiving billions every month in oil revenues. Senator Udoma is one of the most upright; decent and honest Nigerians. I’m sure that he will protect our interest.
[OPINION] A Cancer Center's Empty Promise: Is Port Harcourt's N29 Billion Investment Wasting Away? - George Kerley
Admin
On 14 November 2022, hope bloomed in Port Harcourt with the commissioning of the Dr. Peter Odili Cancer and Cardiovascular Disease Diagnostic and Treatment Centre. Constructed by Julius Berger at a staggering cost of N29 billion, this state-of-the-art facility promised to revolutionize healthcare in Rivers State, offering advanced treatment for cancer and heart disease, and potentially becoming a hub for medical tourism in Nigeria.
But today, a chilling silence hangs over the center, raising a crucial question: Is this massive investment being left to rot?
Imagine a hospital designed to offer a lifeline to those battling life-threatening illnesses, boasting cutting-edge technology and specialized care.
The Odili Centre was intended to be precisely that. Equipped with 72 beds, including a specialized ICU ward for vulnerable patients, a fully equipped pathology lab, advanced radiology department, two operating theaters, a cutting-edge Cath lab for diagnosing and treating cardiovascular ailments, a 13-chair chemotherapy department, and eight consultation rooms, the facility was poised to deliver comprehensive chronic disease care to the region.
Yet, nearly three years after its grand opening, the center remains largely dormant, its high-tech equipment gathering dust. The reason for this unexpected closure has been attributed to the challenges in running a comprehensive cancer center, as well as infrastructural issues leading to delays in curative radiotherapy, according to a source.
While initial plans included outsourcing management to foreign partners, those plans appear to have stalled, leaving the center in a state of limbo.
The consequences of this inaction are far-reaching. Beyond the obvious financial loss of a multi-billion naira investment, the possible dereliction of the center will rob the people of Rivers State, and indeed the entire region, of access to potentially life-saving medical care.
In a country where cancer treatment options are limited, the Odili Centre represented a beacon of hope. Now, that hope is fading.
"The non-functionality of the center is a colossal waste of scarce resources and deprives cancer patients of needed treatment,"
This stark reality underscores the urgent need for action. The Rivers State government must prioritize the reactivation of the Odili Centre. This requires addressing the infrastructural challenges, securing qualified personnel, and ensuring sustainable management practices.
The words of the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero, ring with particular urgency. He had urged the incoming administration to ensure the facility is well-equipped and maintained to global standards. This is not merely a matter of fulfilling a promise, but a moral imperative to provide access to quality healthcare and prevent further loss of life.
The Odili Cancer and Cardiovascular Disease Diagnostic and Treatment Centre represents more than just a building; it embodies the hopes and aspirations of a community yearning for a healthier future. To allow it to remain unused is not only a waste of resources but a betrayal of the very people it was intended to serve.
The time for action is now.
Will the Rivers State government seize the opportunity to transform this empty promise into a life-saving reality? The health and well-being of countless individuals depend on it.
[OPINION] The Psychology of National Shame: Nigeria’s Visa Denial Controversy and the Lessons Within -By Psychologist John Egbeazien Oshodi
Admin![[OPINION] The Psychology of National Shame: Nigeria’s Visa Denial Controversy and the Lessons Within -By Psychologist John Egbeazien Oshodi](/media/k2/items/cache/3f17c2d666e1599731868771eb4142b5_S.jpg)
The Emotional Weight of a Diplomatic Snub
Diplomatic tensions, especially those that trigger public embarrassment, can have deep psychological effects on a nation’s collective identity. The denial of visas to Nigeria’s Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, and other top military officers by the Canadian High Commission has sparked a wave of outrage, confusion, and introspection. While, on the surface, it may appear as just another bureaucratic matter, the deeper psychological and sociopolitical implications cannot be ignored.
As a psychologist, I see this moment as more than just a visa issue—it is a direct challenge to Nigeria’s self-perception, governance credibility, and institutional accountability. Nations, like individuals, have egos and identities that influence how they react to rejection. Public humiliation, particularly at the hands of another country, can feel like an assault on national dignity and often triggers defensive, rather than reflective, responses.
The Nigerian government’s reaction—ranging from outright condemnation to defensive aggression—shows a deep-seated anxiety about global perception and a reluctance to confront uncomfortable realities about governance, military oversight, and international standing. This moment forces Nigeria to reflect on its position in global diplomacy and its approach to leadership, military engagement, and respect for international norms.
Why Has This Triggered National Embarrassment?
National shame arises when a country experiences public rejection or humiliation that exposes weaknesses in its leadership, governance, or global reputation. The psychological impact of such events can be severe, influencing not just the nation’s leadership but also its citizens’ sense of identity and pride.
The denial of visas to Nigeria’s top military officers is not just a logistical inconvenience—it calls into question Nigeria’s diplomatic leverage, military credibility, and international reputation. The immediate reaction from government officials, including the Minister of Interior and National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, has been defensive, emotional, and aggressive. But from a psychological standpoint, such overreactions often stem from a deep-seated need to protect national pride rather than an effort to genuinely understand the root cause of the situation.
This event forces Nigeria to ask itself some uncomfortable but necessary questions:
Was this visa denial a diplomatic oversight or a deliberate message?
Could it be a quiet response to human rights concerns linked to the Nigerian military?
Is it a reflection of Nigeria’s declining global credibility and governance issues?
Could this be a silent way for President Tinubu to send General Musa a message about the boundaries of power under civilian rule?
Was this a subtle warning about Nigeria’s diplomatic and military decisions?
Instead of deflecting blame outward, it is essential to examine how Nigeria’s actions, priorities, and international perception might have contributed to this moment of national embarrassment.
Where Is the Leadership? The Silence That Speaks Volumes
A psychological analysis of leadership in times of crisis shows that strong leaders take control of narratives, provide clarity, and ease national anxiety. But in this situation, Nigeria’s top leadership, including President Bola Tinubu and Minister of Foreign Affairs Yusuf Tuggar, has remained largely silent.
In psychological crisis management, effective leaders respond quickly, with clarity and control to prevent speculation, misinformation, and a deepening sense of national insecurity. Silence, in moments of crisis, creates a vacuum of uncertainty, anxiety, and suspicion.
If this trip was an official engagement, why hasn’t the presidency defended it? If it was unauthorized, why hasn’t there been a firm government stance clarifying that this was not a state-sanctioned event? Instead, Nigerians are left with a mix of emotional reactions, vague outrage, and a lack of clear direction from those in power.
The absence of a strong, rational, and measured response exposes institutional disorganization, lack of coherence in international engagement, and leadership inconsistencies. A nation seeking global respect must handle diplomatic issues with strategic clarity—not reactionary emotions.
Diplomatic Embarrassment or Misplaced Priorities?
A fundamental question arises: Why was Nigeria sending such a large military delegation to the Invictus Games? The Invictus Games is an honorable initiative that promotes healing and rehabilitation for wounded military veterans. However, given Nigeria’s pressing domestic challenges, economic struggles, and security concerns, should this have been a priority?
Perception matters in diplomacy. A country battling economic hardship, growing insecurity, and governance failures should be seen tackling internal problems, not prioritizing international social events. This trip, whether necessary or not, has created the impression of misplaced priorities.
Former Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission, Prof. Chidi Odinkalu, has rightfully raised concerns about whether this was a necessity or a reflection of a culture of entitlement among Nigerian officials. Military leaders should be focused on restoring security at home, not attending high-profile sporting events.
Contradictions: Why Was Mrs. Musa Welcomed While Her Husband Was Denied?
This raises critical diplomatic and psychological questions:
If Canada’s decision was a direct snub to Nigeria, why were family members allowed entry?
Could this mean that the visa denials were targeted at specific individuals rather than a blanket diplomatic issue?
If Nigerian officials are truly embarrassed by this, why are their families enjoying the event without concern?
This contradiction undermines the government’s outrage and raises doubts about whether this was a true diplomatic insult or a rejection of specific military officials.
Emotional Reactions vs. Strategic Diplomacy
Instead of measured diplomacy, the Nigerian government’s reaction has been reactionary and emotional.
The National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu’s statement—“Canada can go to hell”—is an aggressive, undiplomatic response that escalates tension rather than addressing the issue. In psychology, such reactions stem from wounded national pride rather than rational crisis management.
A mature, well-governed nation should engage diplomatically, not resort to emotional outbursts. Handling diplomatic embarrassment with grace and strategic response determines a nation’s standing on the global stage.
Conclusion: Nigeria Will Reflect, Reform, and Regain Respect
Though this situation may be embarrassing, it also presents an opportunity for reflection and change. To Canada, we say this—while we are Africans, we are a people of dignity. This moment has reminded us of the need for accountability, strategic leadership, and governance that prioritizes national progress over personal interest.
We accept our reality and recognize where we must do better. Nigeria will not shy away from self-examination. Instead, we will take this as a challenge to reassess our global standing, reform our institutions, and rebuild credibility.
Respect is not demanded—it is earned through leadership that reflects national integrity. Nigeria must ensure that the next time it engages with the world, it does so with the strength of responsible governance, diplomatic intelligence, and a renewed commitment to international credibility.
As a nation, we will rise above this moment, implement necessary changes, and prove that Nigeria’s dignity and global respect come not from entitlement but from the strength of its reforms.
![[OPINION] Ayo Adebanjo: Trajectory of Nigerian politics - Owei Lakemfa](/media/k2/items/cache/ab85049fff44d54b06fea191ef70fef7_S.jpg)
Ayo Adebanjo, 96, was a path through which Nigerian politics could be traced. The politics of the country was mainly about the ruling elites in military fatigue or civil dress ruling at the centre, and conscientious patriots opposing from the sidelines or working from the margins. Adebanjo belonged to the latter.
At 14, in 1943, he had aligned with the radical Zikist Movement which wanted the British colonialists thrown out of the country, if necessary, by force. This was in contrast to the mainstream politicians who hoped for independence based on the benevolence of the colonialists.
The Zikists were allies of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroon, NCNC, led by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. But when a more radical and ideologically conscious party, the Action Group, AG, led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo emerged, Adebanjo joined it in 1951.
The AG was anchored on a welfare ideology with free education and healthcare for all, rural transformation and equity. Adebanjo in contemporary partisan politics, came to embody these aspirations; he wore Afenifere principles like a cloth.
In the 1959 pre-independence general elections, the AG emerged as a pan-Nigeria party, winning 25 seats in the Northern Region, 14 in the Eastern Region, 33 in the Western Region and one in the Federal Territory of Lagos. In contrast, the Northern Peoples Congress, NPC, which had 134 seats, won its seats from the Northern Region. Yet, the propaganda out in the country was that the AG was a regional or sectarian party.
The AG proposed a coalition government with the NCNC in which Azikiwe would be Prime Minister and Awolowo, Deputy Prime Minister or Finance Minister, while the NPC would constitute the opposition party. It believed its welfare programmes would sprout under such a coalition.
It might have assumed that the NCNC would prefer a coalition in which it will be the senior partner. But the latter preferred a coalition with the NPC in which it will be the junior partner, and, rather than be the Prime Minister running the cabinet, Azikiwe would become the mainly ceremonial Governor General or President.
This meant that the AG and Adebanjo were in the opposition. Two years after independence, Awolowo and 26 other members of the AG were charged with treason. Adebanjo was some steps ahead of the law as he fled to Ghana.
Then the Balewa government was overthrown by the military in January 1966. After the second coup in July 1966, the AG leaders were freed and Awolowo became the Finance Minister.
In the Second Republic, the AG, now known as the Unity Party of Nigeria, UPN, lost the elections to the National Party of Nigeria, NPN, and Adebanjo and his fellow party members were back in opposition, taking on the ruling party.
The degenerate and bloody military regimes of Buhari, Babangida and Abacha, brought out the fighting spirit in many patriots, including Adebanjo.
After the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election millions of Nigerians led by the Campaign for Democracy, CD, took to street protests.
In order to strengthen the capacity of the populace to take on the brutal Abacha junta, the CD went into alliance with various groups.
One of the most formidable alliances the CD entered was with the Afenifere, a socio-cultural group with which the AG had explained itself and its welfare policies to the old Western Region. Despite its seeming sectional origins, Afenifere is actually national in thought and action; spreading the nationalist and Pan Africanist ideals of its founding leader, Awolowo.
The CD with its leaders like Beko Ransome-Kuti, Frederick Fasehun and I, held a number of meetings with the then Afenifere leaders, including Adebanjo and former Kwara State Governor, Senator Cornelus Adebayo. The virtually secret meetings were held at the 100, Oduduwa Crescent, GRA, Ikeja, Lagos residence of then Afenifere leader, Chief Alfred Rewane.
It was at those meetings I got close to Adebanjo and learnt practical leadership from the veterans. But those were quite dangerous times. On Friday, October 6, 1995, three gunmen entered Pa Rewane’s house and shot him dead.
We relocated our now, more open meetings partly to Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola’s house with Mrs Kudirat Abiola hosting. Those meetings were presided over by Chief Anthony Enahoro.
But nine months later, Mrs Abiola was assassinated by the Abacha killer squad and the meetings shifted and became bigger, transforming into what became known as the National Democratic Coalition, NADECO.
The military regime simply became deadlier with assassinations and bomb blasts. People like Ransome-Kuti and Fasehun were imprisoned, and Enahoro, Bola Tinubu, Wole Soyinka and Dan Suleiman had to flee the country.
However, people like Adebanjo and then Afenifere leader, Abraham Adesanya, remained. Even after the military death squad opened fire on Adesanya’s car, they remained to see the back of the junta.
In the follow-up elections, Afenifere went into alliance to form the Alliance for Democracy, AD. The party had Ambassador Tanko Yusuf as Chairman and Adebanjo as Deputy Chairman.
Adebanjo was the power house of the AD in the South-West. His leadership faced two main challenges in the run up to the gubernatorial elections of 1999. In Ondo State, the primaries were conducted three times, and thrice did Mrs Cecilia Mobolaji Osomo win. But Afenifere decided it could not have a candidate who had defied its directive to resign as Abacha’s Minister of Establishment. So, the ticket was given to Chief Adebayo Adefarati. But the case in Lagos was tougher. While Afenifere was united in Ondo State, it was split in Lagos. Veteran leader, Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, backed Funsho Williams who had served in the military regime. He was leading in the disputed primaries with Tinubu.
The Adebanjo leadership cancelled results from four disputed local government areas and that gave victory to Tinubu.
When the Afenifere chairmanship was open with Adesanya giving up the position, the choice was between Chief Olanihun Ajayi and Adebanjo. But the latter pointed out that they were both from the same Ijebu axis as Adesanya. So, the leadership went to Chief Reuben Fasoranti from the Ondo axis. When Fasoranti became too old to continue, he stepped down for Adebanjo as the new Afenifere Chairman.
However, as the 2023 presidential election approached, the Afenifere declared that the path of equity, fairness and inclusiveness in line with the Afenifere philosophy, was for the country’s presidency to go to Eastern Nigeria as the South-South, South-West and the North had produced the country’s Presidents since 1999. It, therefore, endorsed the Labour Party candidate, Peter Obi.
However, some politicians went to Fasoranti to endorse the candidacy of President Bola Tinubu. But that was not an issue for Adebanjo; he had done his duty. On February 14, 2025, Adebanjo took his eternal bow.
Before and since Nigeria gained independence, the quest for balanced regional development has been a persistent challenge. The vast disparities between the country’s geopolitical zones, each with unique socio-economic needs, have fueled ongoing debates about the most effective development models. Over the decades, Nigeria has experimented with various strategies, yet the gaps remain, feeding a sense of marginalisation and underdevelopment in many regions. The need for tailored solutions to address these disparities is not just pressing, it’s a necessity. One prominent approach has been the establishment of Regional Development Commissions (RDCs), agencies designed to address the peculiar challenges of each region. But as the number of these commissions continues to grow, a fundamental question arises: Are Regional Development Commissions the new deal Nigeria needs, or are they merely political tools serving the interests of an elite few?
The idea of regional development agencies in Nigeria is not new. It dates back to 1960 when the outgoing British colonial government established the Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB). This initiative responded to the recommendations of Sir Henry Willink’s Commission Report of 1958, which identified the Niger Delta as a region requiring special intervention due to its challenging terrain and historical neglect. The Willink Commission was a landmark in Nigeria’s pre-independence political history, tasked with investigating the fears of minorities, particularly the ethnic groups in the Niger Delta, and proposing solutions to address their concerns. Its findings were clear: the Niger Delta faced unique environmental and developmental challenges that would require special attention. Thus, the NDDB was born, intended as a special-purpose vehicle to drive development in the oil-rich but underdeveloped Niger Delta.
However, despite its promising start, the NDDB failed to achieve its objectives. Seven years after its creation, it was dissolved without having made any significant impact. Historical records indicate that political interference, inadequate funding, and a lack of clear strategic direction contributed to its failure. Moreover, the NDDB lacked the legal authority and institutional framework to implement large-scale projects, rendering it ineffective. This failure highlighted the complexities of centralised regional development and set the stage for decades of agitation for more effective solutions. From that period until now, demands for creating region-specific agencies have persisted, with each region clamouring for a development model tailored to its unique needs. This agitation was further fueled by the discovery of vast oil reserves in the Niger Delta, which, while contributing significantly to national revenue, left the region impoverished and environmentally degraded.
The return to democratic governance in 1999 rekindled hopes for a more equitable distribution of national wealth and balanced regional development. It was against this backdrop that the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was established in 2000 to replace the defunct NDDB and its successor agencies. The NDDC was conceived as a bold solution to the peculiar development challenges of the Niger Delta, which had been plagued by environmental degradation, poverty, and social unrest. With a clear mandate to drive sustainable development, alleviate poverty, and promote peace and security in the region, the NDDC was envisioned as a catalyst for positive change.
However, over two decades later, the NDDC has become synonymous with corruption, political interference, and mismanagement. Numerous audits and investigative reports have exposed how political elites siphoned funds for the region’s development. For example, a 2020 forensic audit revealed that over 6 trillion Naira allocated to the NDDC between 2001 and 2019 was largely misappropriated. The commission’s projects were often abandoned or poorly executed, reflecting a pattern of waste and inefficiency. In 2021, the Nigerian Senate’s investigation into the NDDC’s activities uncovered 12,128 abandoned projects across the Niger Delta, raising serious questions about the commission’s effectiveness and accountability.
The NDDC’s failure to deliver on its mandate has had far-reaching consequences. The Niger Delta remains underdeveloped, with high poverty rates, poor infrastructure, and widespread environmental degradation. Youth unemployment is rampant, contributing to social unrest and militancy in the region. The inability of the NDDC to address these issues has fueled public disillusionment and increased agitation for alternative development models. In 2020, protests erupted across the Niger Delta, with communities demanding accountability and transparency from the NDDC. These protests highlighted the growing frustration among the region’s inhabitants, who felt betrayed by an agency supposed to improve their lives.
The need for targeted regional interventions became even more pronounced in the aftermath of the Boko Haram insurgency in the North East. The insurgency, which began in 2009, devastated the region, displacing millions and destroying infrastructure. In response, the North East Development Commission (NEDC) was established in 2017 to rebuild communities, resettle displaced people, and drive the region’s development. Its mandate included reconstructing schools, hospitals, and other public facilities, reviving the local economy, and promoting peace and stability. However, despite its noble intentions, the NEDC has faced significant challenges. Security concerns have hindered project execution, while corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency have undermined its impact.
In 2022, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) report revealed that over 100 billion Naira allocated to the NEDC was unaccounted for, sparking public outrage and calls for greater transparency. Investigations uncovered inflated contracts, ghost projects, and political patronage, leading to questions about the commission’s commitment to its mandate. Additionally, the NEDC’s projects have been criticised for being poorly targeted, with many communities most affected by the insurgency receiving little or no support. This has created a sense of neglect and abandonment, exacerbating regional social tensions.
In 2024, the quest for regional development took a new dimension with the establishment of three more RDCs: the North West Development Commission (NWDC), the South East Development Commission (SEDC), and the South West Development Commission (SWDC). Additionally, plans are underway to create the North Central Development Commission (NCDC) and the South-South Development Commission (SSDC). This unprecedented expansion of RDCs was driven by the belief that targeted, region-specific solutions are necessary for addressing Nigeria’s diverse challenges. Proponents argue that these commissions represent a new deal for Nigeria’s regional growth, providing the framework for decentralised governance and fostering regional collaboration, offering a ray of hope for the country’s future.
Supporters of RDCs further argue that regional development agencies are necessary because different geopolitical zones face different challenges that require targeted solutions. For example, the environmental degradation and oil pollution in the Niger Delta require a different approach than the rebuilding of communities devastated by insurgency in the North East. The SEDC could promote industrialisation and entrepreneurship in the South East, while the NEDC could prioritise educational rehabilitation and security in the North East.
RDCs are also seen as a step towards regionalism and political restructuring, enabling greater autonomy and self-determination. By tailoring programmes and projects to leverage regional strengths, RDCs can stimulate economic growth, foster collaboration among states, and enhance synergy with federal development agencies. Advocates argue that this decentralised model can bridge regional inequalities and promote national unity by giving marginalised areas a sense of inclusion and ownership.
However, the optimistic vision of RDCs as drivers of regional transformation is not universally shared. Critics argue that RDCs are often politically motivated, serving as elite channels to siphon public resources. They contend that these commissions are another layer of bureaucracy, adding administrative costs without delivering tangible results. Corruption, patronage politics, and political interference are rampant, with RDCs frequently serving as tools for political manipulation and agents for funding the ruling party’s elections rather than vehicles for genuine development.
Another major criticism is that RDCs are plagued by a democratic deficit. Although they are perceived as regional initiatives, they often lack the power to make critical policy decisions. Instead, powerful political actors outside the respective regions control decision-making processes, prioritising personal interests over regional needs. This undermines accountability and reduces public trust. Furthermore, the standardised template used for all RDCs, regardless of the unique challenges faced by each region, is counterproductive. A one-size-fits-all approach fails to leverage the comparative advantages of each region.
The harsh reality is that RDCs have become centres of corruption that add little value to genuine development. They have evolved into extractive institutions in the mould of what Economist Daron Acemoglu described as institutions created to enrich select members of the elite political class at the expense of the general populace. From the NDDC experience, intervention agencies can function as alternate states, duplicating projects for other government tiers, such as waste management and road construction. This results in resource wastage and project duplication. In many cases, RDCs engage in projects outside their mandate, straining already scarce public funds.
Fundamental reforms are necessary for RDCs to fulfil their promise as regional growth drivers. First, patronage politics must be eradicated through stringent anti-corruption measures and enhanced transparency. RDCs should not serve as political slush funds but as accountable entities focused on real development. Second, strategic planning and effective project execution should replace poor planning and haphazard implementation. Development models should be context-specific, reflecting the unique challenges of each region rather than adopting a one-size-fits-all approach. Public accountability must be prioritised by involving local communities in decision-making, ensuring that projects reflect the people’s needs. Finally, robust monitoring and evaluation systems should be implemented to assess performance and impact.
Regional Development Commissions were conceived as catalysts for equitable development and regional prosperity in Nigeria. However, they have often fallen short due to corruption, inefficiency, and political manipulation. For RDCs to genuinely serve as engines of sustainable development, they must be adequately conceptualised, and we must prioritise transparency, accountability, and effectiveness. It is time to confront the failures of the past and reimagine RDCs as genuine vehicles for regional empowerment and national unity. Whether they rise to this challenge or remain tools of political patronage will determine the future of regional development in Nigeria.
More...
In his inaugural address on May 29, 2015, Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi roused the state with the promise that his tenure would be defined by the development trajectory he would diligently pursue. Of the many facets he reeled out, two stood out. The first was the promise to pay special attention to Nsukka by giving the area a face-lift befitting a university town. He also told the people that “Ninth Mile is an economic hub that we need to harness to enjoy the benefits of our newly-acquired status as a free trade zone…to create fresh economic opportunities and reduce pressure on Enugu metropolis”.
For each of them, there was a well-deserved applause; nobody would begrudge Nsukka the face-lift that the State’s second largest city rightly deserves. And there was no denying the fact too that 9th Mile occupies a key position in the state’s industrialization plan. But while he may have delivered substantially on the uplift of Nsukka, the promise to upgrade 9th Mile as the state’s major commercial centre was, to all intents and purposes, empty.
Successive administrations in Enugu state have, by acts of omission or commission, systematically jettisoned the initial vision of 9th Mile as an industrial hub, a vision that dates back to the days of the defunct East Central State. Nothing better indicates this than the fact that all roads leading into the area have, for most of the last 10 years, been impassable. Once a converging point for travellers from Nigeria’s Middle Belt, Southern Igboland and Enugu state’s eastern neighbours, 9th Mile has become an isolated settlement with nearly all the traffic now diverted to the capital city. Whether you are coming from the East, West, North and South, commuters no longer have access to the good old 9th Mile where roads from all cardinal points once converged.
The promise of restoring the roads that will benefit 9th Mile and save Enugu metropolis the avoidable traffic build-up that Ugwuanyi spoke of at his inauguration was not kept. At a time calls were rising for the state government to undertake the remediation of the Obollo-9th Mile federal highway, the state government famously chose to rehabilitate only the portion from Obollo Afor to Opi for what one official called ‘VIP movements’. While this effectively cut off access to 9th Mile, it funnelled more vehicles into Enugu metropolis through Ekwegbe.
In the end, rather than develop an alternative road network, it was more convenient for the government to undertake the construction of ‘the State’s first fly-over’ at Nike to manage the exponential build up in vehicular traffic, instead. For a project that was largely seen as vainglorious, only the Ebeano tunnel under the rail line at Asata received a bigger media hype.
The systematic neglect of 9th Mile has been showing negatively in the balance sheets of the giant companies that operate in the area. As the once busy highways became quiet, drivers of articulated vehicles who have severally been promised a ‘trailer park’ that was never built, turned the roads into parking lots. Those companies that could not survive the harsh realities, including the multinational Coca-Cola, closed their factory and moved out. Ecobank and Keystone, two of the earliest banking institutions to open office in 9th Mile, also shut down and moved out. Guinness Nigeria Plc that had acquired a 19-hectare land for their first brewery East of the Niger, decided to invest in Aba instead. There are dozens of other smaller industrial concerns negatively affected. The effect on the state’s internal revenue was huge and only the Ama Brewery – the highest such investment by Heineken in West Africa – and 7Up Bottling Company continue to brace the odds.
Not much has come by way of the Free Trade Zone which approval was well celebrated. Rather, it was the Lion Business Park, a private concern, that the government chose to package as a quasi-government project. It facilitated the acquisition of over 2,000 hectares of farmland from Imezi Owa, Eke and Akama Oghe communities for the project which was promoted as an economic game-changer that would accommodate hundreds of small and medium-scale Chinese businesses. Eight years down the road – apart from the controversies surrounding the underhand land acquisition from the communities in Udi and Ezeagu local government areas – the business park has not moved from the grandiose plan it is on paper.
Governor Ugwuanyi is not alone in this litany of woes for Agbajaland and 9th Mile. The promise to restore the Anambra Vegetable Oil Products, AVOP, in Nachi has lasted through the two preceding administrations of Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani and Mr. Sullivan Chime. The International Market that was already under construction at 9th Mile since 2005 was allowed to die, just like the Ebeano bye-pass, the dual carriageway that took off from the old toll gate on the Enugu-Onitsha highway. Flagged off in 2007 by President Olusegun Obasanjo, the by-pass which signalled a future East-North highway, was motorable for all of 3 years before it was abandoned.
The 2 kilometer Toll Gate – Ameke Ngwo bye pass and the rehabilitation of the 12-borehole water project started during the administration of Chief Jim Nwobodo as governor of the old Anambra State, remain the only footprints of Ugwuanyi’s administration in the area. While the byepass has helped in easing traffic flow, the fact that the water project – the critical factor in Governor Peter Mbah’s 180-day timeline he gave on assumption of office for taps in the state capital to come alive again – has not benefitted 9th Mile and the host communities of Nsude and Ngwo, leaves a sour taste in the mouth.
The sorry state of 9th Mile, especially its bad roads, decayed infrastructure and dilapidated environment, is food for thought for Governor Peter Mbah. For an administration that has done exceedingly well in attracting investments and promoting commercial activities in the state, one would expect a deliberate policy to restore the state’s once-bustling commercial centre. Rather than abandon it to the consequences of wrong-headed policies of past administrations, Governor Mbah would do well to revive the industrial hub once promoted as the third leg of the South-East’s commercial triangle, after Onitsha and Aba.
With the right attention, 9th Mile still has the potential to impact industrialization drive in the South-East, enhance job opportunities for the citizenry and contribute substantially to his government’s internal revenue.
![[OPINION] Sovereign wealth funds and Bitcoin’s future - Oleksii Konashevych](/media/k2/items/cache/f38e82a5b269070dc0816fd4408d029f_XS.jpg)
United States President Donald Trump signed an executive order to create a sovereign wealth fund. While the media speculates whether the US government will invest in crypto, let’s take a broader look at the past and the potential future of Bitcoin 
BTC-0.65%Bitcoin.
What formed Bitcoin’s trends?
Over the last 17 years, Bitcoin’s price climbed from $0 to a historic high of $110,000, yet its trajectory has been anything but linear. In 2010, for instance, you needed five thousand BTC just to buy a pizza. The dawn of the infamous Silk Road marketplace in 2011 contributed to an early price spike. When the US authorities took down the marketplace, the subsequent US Senate public hearing unexpectedly propelled Bitcoin’s price from several hundred dollars to over $1,200 per coin.
Then came the first altcoin season, fueled by the arrival of Ethereum 
ETH-0.12%Ethereum in 2016 and the initial coin offering boom ending in 2017. This period pushed Bitcoin to an unbelievable high of $20,000. After its first crypto winter of 2017–2018, Bitcoin gradually rebounded. The rise of decentralized finance and the explosion of nonfungible tokens injected renewed energy as innovative projects and enthusiastic adopters bid up prices again. Although Bitcoin itself was not the driving force behind DeFi—Ethereum’s smart contracts took that role—Bitcoin remained the main gateway for crypto investments, with its “wrapped” version appearing on decentralized exchanges and automated market makers from 2018 to 2020. NFTs also accompanied Bitcoin’s climb. After a modest rollback, COVID-19 struck, and governments all over the world poured out a rain of freshly printed money to their citizens, fueling another wave of investor interest.
Just as it appeared trends were slowing, institutional investors entered the scene. Traditional financial institutions began embracing Bitcoin, launching exchange-traded funds around 2022, which peaked in popularity between 2024 and 2025. This broadened access for both retail and institutional investors and reinforced Bitcoin’s status as “digital gold.”
National wealth funds
Now, with rumors swirling that the US government might soon hold direct crypto investments through newly initiated Sovereign Wealth Funds, it’s worth considering what would happen if this becomes reality.
Undoubtedly, the United States would set a global precedent for other countries. This trend could shape the next two to five years and potentially send Bitcoin’s price skyrocketing, perhaps fulfilling the wildest dreams by reaching $1,000,000 per coin. There is a catch, though. Even the most powerful financial organizations can suffer from short-sightedness.
What drives Bitcoin’s value?
Bitcoin never fully became the “electronic cash” envisioned in Satoshi Nakamoto’s white paper. Its Silk Road era may have been its golden age for real-world transactions. For clarity, it remains the go-to option for shady trades worldwide. In legitimate markets, Bitcoin functions primarily as a store of value—a speculative asset traded by investors with little regard for its original utility.
We’ve seen it evolve through multiple eras, and we now stand on the threshold of potentially the biggest one yet: national investments. Many governments already own some BTC, often seized from criminal enterprises. Still, if treasury departments jump in late, they might miss significant profits, while early movers like El Salvador could enjoy a larger windfall. Each trend so far has expanded Bitcoin’s investor base, but what could surpass the participation of institutional organizations, superannuation funds (yet to embark), and national treasuries? Eventually, you run out of buyers on Earth—there’s certainly no one on the Moon to continue the trend once Bitcoin gets there.
That is why I consider it short-sighted to expect that Bitcoin’s speculative value will continue to be fueled by these trends indefinitely. Those who could shape Bitcoin’s future and make its use truly sustainable, beyond mere speculation, unfortunately, show few signs of having a long-term vision. My prediction is that they will quietly exit before the trend turns downward.
Alternative (sustainable) future
Many question Bitcoin’s reliability, but such skepticism often relies on flawed assumptions. Bitcoin is neither centralized nor vulnerable: it has operated as a publicly accessible ledger for over 17 years without major disruptions—an unparalleled feat.
If national treasuries recognize Bitcoin’s resilience, it could pave the way for long-overlooked applications. Bitcoin has the potential to evolve into a robust application platform similar to Ethereum. While some engineers debate this, I believe their skepticism stems from a lack of in-depth expertise in this area.
Imagine leveraging Bitcoin’s blockchain for a national land registry, a decentralized alternative to ICANN’s TLD system, or even a voting system for democratic countries. Bitcoin’s higher fees could be justified by its unprecedented security—particularly for mission-critical public and private systems that handle valuable assets. While cheaper, less secure blockchains may appeal to speculative or experimental projects, Bitcoin is designed for scenarios where reliability trumps cost.
Conclusion
I’ve long advocated for building dApps and smart contracts on Bitcoin (and I am deeply involved in the technical side), contending that its high fees are a worthwhile trade-off for top-notch security. It’s for the “big boys”—sectors where reliability is non-negotiable. If national treasuries finally embrace Bitcoin as the ultimate digital store of value, it will open the door to its true utility as the digital fortress for the most critical pieces of public infrastructure—its price will never turn back, literally reaching the Moon and even Mars.
Disclosure: This article does not represent investment advice. The content and materials featured on this page are for educational purposes only.
![[OPINION] Bad news on the oil front for Nigeria - Dele Sobowale](/media/k2/items/cache/d9a21f2cce949cbb3effae5f1547eecf_XS.jpg)
“OPEC oil output declined in January …” – News Report, February 6, 2025.
Later in the release, tucked in the middle was this statement which should be of interest to all Nigerians. “Specifically, the report [by Reuters] said Nigerian production slipped by 60,000 bpd, the survey found, reflecting lower exports, although domestic usage is increasing as the Dangote Refinery ramps up…This means the [Nigerian] government produced 1.42mbpd from 1.484 mbpd in December….Nigeria is still trying to meet its OPEC quota of 1.5 mbpd and is also making efforts to raise production to two mbpd.”
This report is alarming for several reasons. In October last year, when the country reached 1.7 mbpd, the Minister of State, in his characteristic way of reporting a flash in the pan as trend, was reported to have boasted that Nigeria would be producing 2 mbpd of crude by January 2025; and the figure on which the budget was based was realistic. Independent analysts cautioned the Federal Government against using 2 mbpd as basis of the budget.
Nigerian leaders and their economic advisers are eternally, if repeatedly, self-deceptive. Notwithstanding the additional request to raise the budget to N54 trillion, January crude production result is in; and, it has shredded the budget. A negative variance of almost 600,000 bpd means that the country must now produce 2.055 mbpd for the remaining eleven months to make up for the shortfall which January result has created. That also implies that there would have been a significant dollar revenue shortfall in the month under review.
LIVING WITH THE CONSEQUENCES OF BAD LEADERSHIP
“Wisdom in people consists of the anticipation of consequences” – Norman Cousins, 1915-1990, VBQ p 274. We have had mostly bad leaders since 1960. That should also tell us something about ourselves. At least, since 1992, when the first Nigerian Economic Summit Group, NESG, was convened by the late Chief Ernest Shonekan, 1936-2022, Head of Government under President Babangida, and later Head of the Interim National Government, HING, the likely consequences of our over-reliance on crude oil revenue had been revealed to us. Since then, every government had paid lip service to diversification of our economy. Good education had been identified as the foundation for success in an increasingly knowledge-based global economy. Today, Nigeria cannot be counted among the top ten in any of the sectors which now define the global economy; certainly not in manufacturing, agriculture, computer and Artificial Intelligence or tourism.
“Nigeria’s GDP per capita shrinks to $835 – IMF” – Report, February 7, 2025. That news report in February would have been received as a deadly blow by the ruling elite in another nation. Not Nigeria. For once, nobody even tried to refute it. Because silence means consent, we have accepted that we have been steadily impoverished by our leaders to whom we still nevertheless pay our respects. A few days before the release of that damning report, Buhari was still telling an audience of people that he left Nigeria better than he found it. Amazing!!! The refusal to throw away the feeding bottle, which reliance on crude oil has become, has resulted in our rapidly worsening impoverishment. In 2025, the GDP per capita is now estimated to be $835; in 2024, it was $877. But, in 2014, it was $3, 220. There is an obvious question: Is there something wrong with us?
FUEL AND FOOLISHNESS
Right now, the fuel supply and price situation is simply incomprehensible. Nobody can budget or plan their fuel expenditure because from January 1 this year, at least four different prices have been announced. At times, Dangote, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited, NNPCL, and independent marketers fix different prices on the same day. However, Nigeria is one country where the principles of economics are not allowed to work by forces which profit from undermining it at all costs. At the moment, we have a distorted free market in which a dominant supplier seeks to cripple the others and end up with a quasi-monopoly.
First, with our active support, the company received the promise of the Federal Government to have 650,000 barrels per day of crude allocated to its refinery. Second, the FG was arm-twisted to allow the company to pay in Naira for the crude. In exchange, Nigerians are supposed to enjoy regular supply of fuel at “reasonable” prices. Unknown to us, we were embarking on the sort of road, paved with good intentions, that lead to hell. Today confusion reigns; scarcity still occurs and we are paying prices far above what most of us thought imaginable for fuel produced locally; and sometimes more expensive than imported fuel. Certainly, something must be wrong.
CRISIS OF CRUDE SUPPLY TO REFINERIES
“NNPCL’s four refineries constitute the elephants in the room”. That was the verdict of a former Nigerian Managing Director of an international oil company, asked why the Nigeria fuel situation remains chaotic. For more than twenty years, the refineries gulped trillions of naira and billions of dollars with next to nothing to show for it. Yet they are collectively entitled to collect 445,000 barrels per day of fuel. The FG bowed to the voice of the people and guaranteed Dangote, as well as other domestic refineries crude. At the last count, the commitment to local refineries is close to 700,000 bpd. With monthly production hovering around 1.5 mbpd, the significant shortfall in dollar revenue will reach crisis proportions any time soon. You can’t eat your cake and have it.
SIR HIGH CHIEF OLUFEMI DARAMOLA, KJW, MY SAVIOUR – 2
NOTE: The first part of this story ended last week with my arrest in VANGUARD Office on a particular Monday by the DSS.
Below is the rest of the drama. The car conveying me to Awolowo Road, Ikoyi was sandwiched between two cars in front and two cars behind; and I sat in the back seat stuffed between two mean-looking and over-sized armed men. Forget escape. These guys were driving as if possessed by the devil. They probably were. Fast forward. I was at first given the honour of being placed in the Gani Fawehinmi room because the late human rights activist vacated the place two days before I became the new tenant. But, whereas Gani was only being harassed, my case was different.
My Front Page Analysis had hit the nail on the head too hard for comfort. It was assumed that I had insider information and the best thing was for me to be deleted. I was determined to go down fighting; but how and with what weapons? Almighty God provided everything needed. The fellow assigned to my room turned out to be a great fan of FRANKLY SPEAKING. He revealed the plans and offered to help me contact anyone who could help. VANGUARD had tried and government had lied to Uncle Sam and the Editor that I was no longer in their custody; that I was interrogated, warned and released – thereby preparing the ground for my assassination.
I was at first sceptical about the offer to help; I thought it might be a trick to find out who my associates were and to arrest them. Saturday was my day. So, like a drowning man who would grab at anything floating, I accepted the offer to help. He smuggled paper and biro into my room and I prepared to send a note. Then I asked myself: “Who can I rely on to receive the note and who would act on it before Saturday?” I had known Barrister Olufemi Daramola briefly, when he was the Secretary of the Lagos Island Branch of the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA, after they approached VANGUARD to help publish an NBA Directory of Lawyers. I was assigned the responsibility of getting the Directory published and Chief Daramola was in charge for NBA, Lagos.
The Law Directory we published was so thorough it became a reference material for determining seniority at the Bar for years. It also helped to weed out several fake lawyers. That was all. Yet, when my life was hanging on a decision, it was to him I turned; and he saved my life from Abacha. When my life was hanging on a thread of hope, I had to choose one person on who to gamble it. Something about Chief Daramola’s frankness and boldness during our meetings, while working on the Law Directory told me that he was the best choice. It was divine inspiration; bearing in mind that a stone-throw from Daramola’s chambers, my half-brother, same mother, had his own law chambers.
But, he was gutless. Left to him, I would not be alive today. I wrote two notes, one inside the other and addressed the envelope to Barrister Daramola, 10, Simpson Street, Lagos Island. Why? I still don’t fully know. But, on Friday morning, the day before my planned end, a senior officer came to my room with my clothes freshly laundered, asked me to dress up, and go, but warned me not to grant any interview. It was then that I knew that a total stranger had saved my life while risking his own – Sir, High Chief Olufemi Daramola, KJW, of Ilawe-Ile, OMUO-EKITI. My Saviour!!! P.S. Why was the note not sent to VANGUARD? Because, I was told by my informant that they intended to arrest others in VANGUARD after the noise about my disappearance had died down. The late Alhaji Animasaun was next. So, VANGUARD was out of the question. Better to go down alone.
![[OPINION] Democracy: Beyond removal of speaker Obasa, etc, - Tonnie Iredia](/media/k2/items/cache/61b0cc7734934aece0142ee8cc1736ca_XS.jpg)
The crisis which followed the removal of Mudashiru Obasa from office as speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly appears to have drastically chilled. With a resolution of the Assembly supported by a majority of the members, Obasa was removed on January 13, 2025 while his then deputy, Mojisola Meranda was immediately elected and sworn-in to take his place. Whether or not the legislators appropriately applied their powers to change their speaker is an unnecessary argument because Section 92 of the Nigerian Constitution1999 specifically empowers them to elect a speaker and a deputy speaker of a House of Assembly from among themselves.
Thus,the election or removal of such officers ought not to give room to violence. Indeed, many analysts correctly made the point that the fate of Obasa was sealed as soon as the House resolved to remove him because the Constitution did not require the House to give reasons for the removal. Yet, Obasa had repeatedly claimed that he was not properly removed insisting that until the right thing was done, he remained speaker of the House. Perhaps Obasa was fighting a lost battle as he had no legal provision to back-up his claims. Interestingly, it was not only Obasa that lost out;a greater loser remains Nigeria’s bastardized democracy. In other democracies, it is not only the letters of the law that matter, the spirit of the law always matters too.
Nigeria, has since 1999 had a stunted growth partly because of rigid adherence to the letters of the law at the expense of the spirit of the law. It is not every aspect of governance that law covers; quite often, conventions are used to complement the law so that the real intentions of the drafters of the law are met. At the point of Obasa’s removal, the House was on recess to formally resume on February 18, 2025. If so, who convened the hurried meeting during the recess and what procedure did such a convener follow? This probably explains why Oluwagbenga Abiola, the vice Chairman of Agege LGA, where Obasa is from, argued that the Lagos State House of Assembly was “still on recess.”
Democracy presupposes the rule of law which makes it expedient for everything to be done according to law. As Bracton, the 13th Century British jurist and author once said, the King must be subject to law because it was the law that made him King. The average Nigerian politician inclusive of elected legislators need to know more of this and reduce their penchant for impunity and political rascality. Whether written or not, the legal power to do anything must never be experimented upon. A legislative Assembly where majority of members were agreed on the removal of Obasa didn’t need to be in a hurry or to heat-up the polity in carrying out its wish. Waiting for Obasa to be out of the country to act behind him portrays ample timidity; ordid the legislators have a hidden agenda?
It is a matter for regret that Lagos legislators allowed negative narratives to envelope their act. One can only hope that the rumour that two of them,Lanre Afinni and Sylvester Ogunkelu were reportedly held by security agencies for allegedly breaking into the speaker’s office in search of the Mace is incorrect. If so, the public ought to be told why two legislators were invited for questioning and why many of them stormed the office of the relevant agency to effect their release? Why should a simple vote for or against the removal of a speaker involve the arrest of two members? In a democracy where the majority carries the day on an issue, why were police invited to the House and who initiated the invitation?
The point to be made therefore is that the law empowering legislators to appoint their speaker among themselves did not envisage that violence or the use of police operatives would be part of such an internal selection process among people who claim to be ‘honourables.’ As Obasa was to later argue, when former speaker Jokotola Pelumi was removed he was in attendance and police operatives were not invited. The same according to Obasa was done when deputy speaker Adefunmilayo Tejuosho was removed. Although the law did not specify that speakers must necessarily be present at a session before they can be removed, did the law say it should be done in their absence? If the convention was extended to Obasa, he would have witnessed his unpopularity by the overwhelming vote against him. All the tension he created would not have arisen at all as he would have been humbled.
The allegation that Obasa was removed because of misappropriation of funds, high-handedness and lack of transparency in the management of the Assembly’s affairs constituted a major mistake made by the Lagos legislators. It would have been enough for the Assembly to merely pass a resolution supported by two-thirds of the members stating that they no longer wanted Obasa. They did not need to give other reasons, but having given reasons for their decision, natural justice demanded that they offered the accused a chance to defend himself especially as some of the allegations bothered on criminality. As law-makers, they are deemed to know that they cannot be the prosecutor and the judge in any criminal case. They also ought to know that removal from office is not the punishment for misappropriation of public funds. It is therefore wrong for Lagos legislators to have made the public believe that Obasa committed grievous offences just to attract public support for his removal.
Considering that criminal offences were raised against Obasa, it leaves a bitter taste to end the case with just his removal as speaker. Part of the irregularities Obasa was accused of included that he spent 80 million as allowances during the training of wives of 20 lawmakers in Dubai.Were the 20 legislators who submitted the credentials of their wives for the training not aware of the impropriety of the assignment? Many other allegations are flying about. For example, should the House not probe the alleged spending of N17 billion to construct a gate that leads to the Assembly complex and N200 million on a thanksgiving service?When will the allegation of N15.6billion allocated for office construction be investigated in view of the fact that the existing facilities are perfectly functioning?
Many state legislators in Nigeria behave like marketing agents pursuing anyone they are paid to pursue but that should not happen in politically sophisticated Lagos. Unfortunately, the Obasa episode is pushing some analysts to begin to think otherwise. How are we sure that the handling of N44billion allocated for vehicles which legislators should benefit from was not the real issue at stake?Otherwise, where were the current activists in the Assembly when Obasa reportedly kept the state governor waiting for over 4 hours just to present a budget to the Assembly? Not only was the governor kept waiting for more hours than make sense, the leadership of the ruling party and all invited dignitaries were also allegedly kept waiting. And when ‘emperor’ Obasa eventually surfaced in the chambers, courtesies were reportedly not extended to anyone. Yet, no one at the time recognized the need to call the speaker to order. Instead, they overlooked a kind of monster that later intimidated them to a point of no return before scampering around for bogus allegations to secretly remove him.
Obasa is not the only speaker to have been removed by legislators and his case is not different from what has happened elsewhere in Nigeria. In my records, those removed since1999 include Maduagwu(Anambra), Modu(Bornu), Ayuba(Plateau), Usman (Niger), Edoro and Okiye(Edo), Oluomo(Ogun), Orji (Abia), Isenah(Bayelsa), Shalla and Kamb (Kebbi), Falgore and Atta(Kano), Oloyelogun(Ondo), Nwanzunku(Ebonyi), Gbana and Kente(Taraba), Garba (Jigawa), Igbuya (Delta), Oloyelogun (Ondo),Ikyange (Benue), Ibrahim(Gombe), Muduru (Katsina),Emeziem (Imo),Oluwawole and Aribisogan (Ekiti). They were removed either for not getting enough goodies for their members or had legislators materially mobilized by the governor to remove their speaker.
Lagos the centre of excellence ought to lead in strengthening democracy for which a free press is inevitable. But for 2 years now, activities of the State House Assembly have been sheltered in secrecy because the Assembly had placed a ban on media coverage of its activities. Unknown to the legislators and their other colleagues as well as even some judges who often disallow the media in their courts, it is against Section 22 of the Constitution to so act. Indeed, that section mandates the media to make all organs of government (no exception) accountable to the people. Accordingly, all eyes are now on the new Lagos speaker to redress the situation.