
OTHERS' VIEWS
I bring you greetings today from our customer service space in this column. This is an area of the field we are not only passionate about, but we also offer speed conversations, corrections and training, where necessary.
These gum-chewing receptionists in hospitality spaces who forget what their job descriptions are get my goat all the time.
Although I have written copiously about this from different angles, it’s never enough. I travel a lot across the world, and some of the worst customer service faux pas occur in Nigeria. And I love my country dearly, but we must understand that customer service failures are directly related to poor relationships and poor footfalls in a business, especially in the hospitality business. Why should I come back to your hotel if your staff were crappy, rude, uninterested and unprofessional?
So I arrive at Nigeria’s commercial city, Lagos, for a meeting, and I check into one of my favourite hospitality places. And by the way, it’s a highly elevated space, not well known but very well apportioned with beautiful, breathtaking grounds. I had not been there in a while, but the ambience was as beautiful as I have always remembered it.
But something had shifted, just a little bit, and it had to do with attitude and service. Upon my return to my room later in the day, tired from my many meetings, I found that my toilet was not flushing (pardon my French). The first person I complained to had the audacity to ask me if I had touched something or if, in fact, I understood how the flushing button worked. I asked him if they had some technology-orientated flushing button that prevented my daft head from comprehending flushing toilets. Of all the things in the world, you are trying to project your toilet-flushing conundrum to your guest. My fault; I can’t flush the toilet. Yup, this cannot be housekeeping’s fault or even the hotel’s fault for pretending that my room, which I want to believe was double-checked before it was allocated to me, was fine.
Customer service rules include but are not limited to clearing up the bad customer experience and replacing it with a good one so you forget the bad experience while working on a make-good proposition, but more importantly, communicating properly. Who trains front office staff in communication and public speaking? Who teaches housekeeping and waiters how to manage an angry and hurt guest? How do hotel staff manage crises?
This comment about whether or not I know what a toilet flushing entails could never rear its head if the staff knew what to say.
In fairness, they tried to move me to another room, but I was too tired.
The following morning after I left for my business of the day, the technicians, etc., fixed it. But I knew that I had been checked into a dodgy room when, by evening, my convenience space was flooded. Yeah! You did not guess. It’s a plumbing fault. A fault they knew about all along but tried their luck with the wrong person. So my room had workers going in and out, much to my discomfort, most of the day.
The entire enchilada impacts your entire business and determines whether you have return customers. These are the crème de la crème of the hospitality industry. Guests who can swear by your soft feather pillows, the pleasantness of your staff, polite staff and the absolutely decadent food at your restaurant. When I say pleasant staff, I do not mean the ones who are trying too hard; they simply irritate you. Those who want to carry you and your luggage, who greet you five times and who ask if you are enjoying the meal before you have started eating. These are a complete put-off. I wonder who taught them to drive you insane. Subtlety is the name of the game. Not six waiters hovering around you when all you want to do is eat in peace. Out here, the attention is often more about your tip than caring about you, which is so sad!
Back to meals, at one restaurant where I had gone for breakfast, I requested cold milk, qualified with “very”. The young waiter proceeded to give me lukewarm milk. So I asked her, Did you not hear me? ” She goes, “Sorry, let me go and get you cold milk.” Some other waiter was to deliver something in my room for 1pm. At 2:30pm, I had to go and remind her. “Sorry, Ma, I wanted it to be chilled, so I put it in the fridge.”
She had told me at 1pm, then she failed miserably. Could you not have called me to intimate me? “Sorry, Ma.” I don’t know if sorry cleans up this customer service mess. Something needs to be done. It adds to the minus of Nigeria’s image.
I rest!
[OPINION] Abia Airport Project: Government Defies Court Order, Proceeds With Construction Amid Legal Battle - Isaac Asabor
AdminThe Abia State Government, under Governor Alex Otti, is facing mounting criticism and legal scrutiny over its insistence on proceeding with the controversial Abia Airport project in Nsulu, Isialangwa North LGA, despite a standing court order halting all construction activities.
Reports indicate that clearing operations have commenced on the access road to the proposed runway, in direct violation of a ruling by the Abia State High Court. On December 20, 2024, Justice Enyinnaya Okezie of the High Court in Okpuala Ngwa issued a stay order following a lawsuit filed by representatives of the Nsulu communities, whose land is targeted for acquisition.
The lawsuit, numbered HIN/62/2024, challenges the government’s bid to acquire over 1,025 hectares of land without securing a fair and transparent agreement with the affected landowners. During an initial hearing, C. Ogwo, counsel for the Abia State Ministry of Justice, assured the court that all project-related activities would be suspended pending a determination of the motion on notice. Justice Okezie explicitly ruled that “action on the subject matter in this suit shall be stayed until the motion on notice is determined.”
However, landowners claim that bulldozers have been deployed to the site, allegedly driven by statements from the Governor’s Chief of Staff, Pastor Caleb Ajagba, in what they describe as a blatant disregard for the judicial process. This has triggered outrage among Nsulu community leaders, who are calling for intervention to prevent the government from setting a dangerous precedent.
“It is troubling for a state government to openly defy an order from a court of competent jurisdiction,” a prominent Nsulu leader stated under anonymity, fearing potential repercussions. “Governor Otti and his administration must understand that no one is above the law.”
Beyond the legal defiance, affected communities are also raising concerns about the fairness and transparency of the land acquisition process. They argue that there has been no formal agreement on the exact land area to be taken, the project’s impact on local livelihoods, or a publicly available Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) from the relevant health authorities.
Additionally, there are allegations that the government is attempting to install handpicked community representatives to manipulate negotiations, further deepening distrust. One Umuala community leader voiced frustration, stating, “I feel betrayed by a government I once trusted to do the right thing. While we are not opposed to the airport project, we are deeply concerned about the vast land being seized and the lack of transparency.”
Another community elder reinforced this sentiment: “We are not against the airport, but the land acquisition process has been shrouded in secrecy. Rather than genuine engagement, the government is relying on media propaganda to portray opposition where there is none.”
Anger has been heightened by the government’s decision to send bulldozers to Umuala before resolving outstanding issues. “Government propaganda won’t erase the fundamental problems with this project,” another leader remarked. “At some point, the truth will overshadow the state’s rhetoric.”
He urged the community to resist any land clearing efforts until an enumeration report is released and verified, and adequate compensation is provided, as expected in any lawful and civilised process.
The Nsulu Stakeholders Forum (NSF), a key community advocacy group, has warned that the government’s defiance of the court order could undermine investor confidence in Abia State. According to NSF Convenor Mazi Chigoram, the administration’s actions send a discouraging signal to potential investors.
“This is about a court order issued within the state. If the Otti government can disregard it so blatantly, how can any private investor be assured of fair treatment if a business dispute arises? Ignoring judicial rulings de-markets Abia and creates an environment where no serious investor would want to operate.”
The group urged the state government to respect the court’s directive, warning that moving forward with land clearing amounts to an unlawful land grab that could tarnish the Federal Government’s role in approving the airport project.
“Governor Otti must not create the impression that he disregards court orders. The rule of law demands that all parties await the court’s final decision.”
As of now, the Abia State government has not issued an official response to the allegations. The fate of the Abia Airport project, and the relationship between the government and the Nsulu communities, hinges on the outcome of ongoing legal proceedings and the administration’s willingness to uphold judicial authority.
Tensions remain high as affected communities continue to demand transparency, equitable compensation, and adherence to due process.
[OPINION] Open letter to Akpabio: Before this issue becomes another crisis! - Mon-Charles Egbo
AdminYour Excellency, because this borders on the economic development of our dear country, I am driven by a sense of patriotism to reach out to you through this medium.
Right away, Your Excellency, you are certainly not as bad as you are portrayed in certain quarters. Your real challenge concerning image and reputation lies squarely with the way those who “love” you more than the rest of us handle your public affairs.
Your Excellency, except for other considerations, these people merely love you to the extent of what your influence and position can fetch them, be it politically and economically. They care less about what posterity shall say about you in the final analysis.
Your Excellency, deep down in your heart, you know that your current trouble with Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan escalated to this scandalous magnitude thanks to the insensitivity and parochial interests of those who believe that they own you more than the other Nigerians. They include some of your colleagues, associates and aides whose motivations are political relevance, economic gain and regional sentiments.
Once again, they care less about what the rest of Nigerians feel about you.
Although this concern has been dealt with in a piece titled, Natasha: How Not To Love Akpabio, another case that will soon rub off negatively on you is a recent event that was packaged by your office to deepen the overall economic revitalization agenda of the federal government.
The theme was: Harnessing The Emerging Opportunities in The Creative, Digital, Green and Blue Economies for National Development: Quest for Collaborative Strategies.
It was held on 6th November 2024 at the National Assembly Library and Resource Centre.
The event was derived from the Legislative Agenda of the 10th Senate, which aims “to address the country’s challenges and harness its opportunities” through interventions on “job and wealth creation opportunities, increased foreign earnings and investments, sustainable rural development and enhanced capacity of the security agencies”.
Your Excellency, recall also that the Senate had covenanted that “we will engage with a wide range of stakeholders…..to gather insights and recommendations on enhancing economic growth and job creation”, stressing further that “this engagement will help in formulating more inclusive and effective laws and policies”.
Hence, Your Excellency, the goal of the symposium, which had your consent, was “to generate ideas for legislative actions and robust policies towards good governance”. As the Chief Host, you were represented by your chief of staff.
Similarly, the secretary to the government of the federation, as the keynote speaker, and the five ministries that were critical to the core objectives of the event were duly represented.
There were four presentations by eminent scholars in this order:
1. The Creative Economy and the Neglected Opportunities: Spotlighting the Cultural Industry by Kizito Alakwe, Ph.D., fnimn, arpa
2. Towards a Prosperous Blue Economy: Leveraging the Fisheries and Aquaculture Sub-sector by Abba Y. Abdullah, Ph.D., FFS, FNAE, CMC
3. Powering Rural Development, Cottage Industries and the Export Processing Zones with the Green Economy: Some of the Options by Halima Ahmed Usman, PhD.
4. The Digital Economy, Citizens’ Safety and Accelerated Development of Indigenous Technology Companies: The Immediate, Functional and Reliable Solutions by Ojo Emmanuel Ademola, PhD, CMgr, FCMI, FBCS, Fiol, FSET, FRSA
Then of course, there were far-reaching recommendations requiring legislative actions towards policy formulation.
But among some of the interim outcomes, the event “added an impetus to the sustained advocacy for a renewed public-private collaboration towards harnessing the emerging opportunities in the creative, digital, green and blue economies as envisioned by His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR. For emphasis, Mr President’s first official signature, perhaps after the oaths of office and allegiance, was appended on the Electricity Bill passed but not accented to by the previous administration. Moved by the inherent opportunities, particularly about renewable energy resources, otherwise known as the green economy, he did not wait for the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly before calling for the abandoned legislation and giving it the force of law. As such, the symposium explored some of those opportunities, especially those which can be deployed in driving rural development, cottage industries and free trade zones, in line with President Tinubu’s proven passion for a virile economy defined by varying alternatives for power generation. Again, and keying into the global awareness and consciousness in these sectors, Mr President created full-fledged ministries for the blue economy and the creative economy. Also, he broadened the scopes and capacities of the erstwhile ministries for optimal performances, resulting in a unified ministry of art, culture, tourism and the creative economy as well as one for communications, innovation and the digital economy. In other words, the symposium was a consensus-building attempt at advancing these purposeful interventions.
Furthermore, Your Excellency, the symposium reviewed the three bills standing in your name “which have the capacity to reposition the creative and blue economies towards fast-tracked economic revitalization and regional development”.
In no particular order, they are:
(1) A Bill For An Act To Establish The Cultural Industries Development Agency For Mass Production And Commercialization Of Cultural Commodities Made From Local Raw Materials That Are Peculiar To The Geo-Political Zones For Integrated Regional And National Economic Development which seeks to boost regional economic development of the country towards accelerated GDP growth. Also primarily, it provides the performance framework for the now-modified Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy.
(2) A Bill For An Act To Establish The Cultural And Creative Industries Development Trust Fund To Provide A Sustainable Source Of Funds For Skills Development, Infrastructure And Research Towards A Cohesive And Structured Industry which “also derives its relevance from the second and third items on the Legislative Agenda of the Senate”. Broadly, it “seeks the creation of a dedicated Fund for the provision of industrial clusters in each of the geo-political zones for talent and skills development, staff training, libraries and resource centres for research, internship and mentorship as well as pavilions for promotion and exhibition of cultural and creative products, skills and opportunities”. It is note-worthy that some of the provisions of this bill are already being implemented by the executive as there is now approval for the establishment of the Creative Industries Development Fund.
(3) A Bill To Repeal The Sea Fisheries Act (No. 78 Of 1992) And The Inland Fisheries Act (No. 108 Of 1992) And To Provide For The Conservation, Management And Development Of Sea Fisheries, Inland Fisheries And Aquaculture And Related Matters which simply “argues that Nigeria cannot maximally benefit from the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy as presently configured unless the grossly overlooked Fisheries and Aquaculture segment is revived”. Put differently, “it seeks to facilitate the evolution of the National Policy on Marine and Blue Economy and energize the sub-sector towards revolutionizing the Ministry, which is the ultimate vision of Mr President”.
Equally, “the symposium directed attention to the provisions of the National Digital Economy and the National Telecommunications frameworks about poverty and crime reduction and also, sustainable development of local content in information and communications technology. It specifically reviewed the Chapter 13 of the National Telecommunications Policy which is about Domestic Hardware/Software Development”.
Meanwhile, the event featured an unveiling of a publication titled PERSPECTIVES ON SENATOR GODSWILL AKPABIO AND THE 10TH SENATE: ONE YEAR AFTER, which “is a foundation for the broader projects aimed at documenting the achievements of the 10th Senate and publishing books on Godswill Akpabio’s leadership, for future reference”.
Yet, sadly, Your Excellency, more than six months after, an ego crisis orchestrated by those who “love” you more than the rest of us, in your kitchen cabinet, has prevented the Interim Report of this event from getting your attention for the ultimate legislative actions. There are proofs!
Worse still, Your Excellency, there are outstanding debts that are already generating grave damaging impacts on your overall perception index. Sir, these ‘enemies within’ know about this but choose to ‘harm’ your reputation.
For instance, Your Excellency, the resource persons, understandably inspired by your name and office, catered for their transportation, accommodation and feeding, including the production of their lecture materials with the hope of being refunded in due course.
Then, to further illustrate the level of patriotism and interest that the symposium generated, one of the speakers flew in from New York four days before the event, while the other one, who could not make it physically, made personal provisions for a virtual presentation from London. Again, a media organization owned by a Nigerian that is based in Australia covered the event. The Association of Professional Chefs in Nigeria supported the event with refreshment packages in addition to the others who provided sundry services and materials which cumulatively led to the eventual success of the programme.
Hence, Your Excellency, Nigerians and posterity will celebrate you if you could urgently call for the Report of this patriotic intervention that can advance the overall economic development of the country in addition to sustainably deepening the public enlightenment and reputation management campaigns for the 10th Senate.
Then importantly, Your Excellency, these patriotic Nigerians who deployed their intellectual and material resources to support this national cause deserve a special commendation from you for enhanced public perception.
Therefore, Your Excellency, please see what you can do, for in the end, the ego of “those who ‘love’ you more than the rest of us” will not count. It is your name that will be remembered.
Please sir, this is a passionate appeal borne out of patriotism.
I am Mon-Charles Egbo, a parliamentary affairs analyst.
Not a few Nigerians are upset by the name-calling to express contempt between Oby Ezekwesili, a celebrated Nigerian icon and distinguished senator, Onyekachi Nwaebonyi on the hallowed floor of the senate last week. It is just as well the senator has since apologized for what many saw as an assault on the person of a distinguished woman that has done us proud at home and abroad. But not without Ezekwesili’s detractors saying she got what she deserved
Oby Ezekwesili has earned her stripes. Her strings of achievements and honour at home and abroad speak for her. She was a two times minister, first as Minister of Solid Mineral and Minister of Education at different periods. As a public servant, she has been celebrated for her role in crafting the Bureau for Public Procurement legislation, the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) legislation and currently, as founder-chairperson of the Board of School of Politics Policy and Governance in Abuja.
She has also been globally celebrated as a former vice president of the World Bank (Africa region} and co-founder and pioneer director of Transparency International-TI, the Berlin-based global anti-corruption organization.
It is however hoped that Ezekwesili still remembers she earned her stripes not through emotional blackmail as the weaker sex or by allowing her vision to be blurred by local politics, but by being able to stand her own among the best in the world. However, since we cannot stop her from doing what she does best – seeking justice for the poor and the disadvantaged, many believe it is time for her to critically examine the character and motives of those whose battle she takes head on.
For instance, as a role model for many young Nigerians, many thought she would have distanced herself from the ongoing Natasha family war, being waged not on the basis of facts available to most Nigerians but because she seems to have an axe to grind with her husband’s friend, the senate president and she is ready to bring to disrepute all other male senators that passed a vote of confidence on the senate president.
What Nigerians witnessed on the floor of the senate was an ill-tempered Natasha who was not prepared for the distinguished office of a senator of Nigeria. But reporting the outburst of visibly angry Senator Natasha the following morning, it was from Rufai Oseni of Arise TV that we heard that there might have been other underlying reasons for Natasha’s ignoble behaviour whereupon he publicly threw her a challenge to come to Arise TV and tell Nigerians her story. A few days later, we saw Natasha sobbing while narrating how the senate president held her hand while showing her and her husband (we have since learnt there were other senators) around his new house and whispered to her about the possibility of coming to spend quality time w ith him in the new house. This revelation was coming about 14 months after working together amicably including accompanying Godswill Akpabio to the 148th IPU General Assembly in Geneva, Switzerland along with other senators and securing some advantages including chairmanship of juicy committee on local content.
But following her six months suspension for her unruly behaviour with a proviso for forgiveness if she tenders an apology to the senate’s Ethics Committee whose invitation she ignored, she changed the narrative, falsely claiming she was suspended over her sexual harassment petition allegation against the senate president.
This falsehood was echoed by Arise TV, her chief promoter.
Five days later, the suspended Natasha was illegally at the UN Inter-Parliamentary Union where she falsely claimed she was illegally suspended for her sexual harassment petition against the Nigerian senate president which she described as a “punishment for speaking out against impunity, corruption, and gender-based violence in Nigeria”. She then moved to BBC where she told the world how a few powerful men silence voices of women in Nigeria, with her media promoters pretending not to see the damage being done to the reputation of our country.
Of course her message of underrepresentation of women in Nigeria where we have only four senators in a sena te of 109 resonated well with her women supporters. This seems to be the basis for her support among Nigerian women, if the conclusion of some well-educated and highly successful Nigerian women professional who often feature on TVC programme “Life with Morayo” last week is anything to go by. After their healthy debate, one of them stood up and said “Natasha out of the senate is minus one for women, this battle must be fought” right or wrong”!
Sadly, this seem to be the mind-set of even our distinguished Oby Ezekwezili and Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi, Senator Natasha’s witness and lawyer respectively during their appearance before the Senate Committee on Ethics last week. They did everything including discrediting the chairman of the committee, the committee members and the senate except pursuit of truth and justice. While calming they were not there to create a stalemate, they did everything to frustrate efforts by the committee to hear Senator Natasha’s petition.
Many also believe Ezekwesili’s decision to join Obasanjo, Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi and Mazi Afam Osigwe (SAN) the Nigerian Bar Association chair who speaks more as a politician to fight the Fubara battle was ill-informed. Ezekwezili, a star minister under anti-democratic and corrupt administration of Obasanjo where N300b budget for road reconstruction between 1999 and 2003 disappeared with no single road constructed, where children of PDP stalwarts stole N1.6trillion forging documents without supplying a litre of fuel, where about 18 of PDP and ANPP governors between 1999 and 2007 were dragged to court by EFCC for financial malfeasance, where Nigeria’s total investment of over $100b was sold for a paltry $1.5b to PDP stalwarts in the name of privatization, and where she, herself complained openly about monumental corruption under Jonathan administration, has seen nothing but doom in Tinubu’s administration.
In fact many believe her criticism of the president’s action in Rivers which prevented a descent into chaos and anarchy amounts to agonizing over the president’s success.
The co-organiser of ‘BringBackOurGirls’, kidnapped by Boko Haram in faraway Borno State who has today joined the new crusaders for democracy, did not do anything as Fubara ruled from her backyard like a despot for close to two years after his coup against the state House of Assembly.
She had the following to say to people of Rivers after president’s proactive action which many believe has prevented a descent into chaos: “To all the Good People of Rivers State, I send this Quote of Wael Ghonim with solidarity and kindness: “The Power of the People is greater than the People in Power”.
Before her last week undignified senate outing, was another ignoble interference in the battle between the openly partisan Arise Television and 2023 Candidate Tinubu’s handlers, Bayo Onanuga and Dele Alake. They insisted their candidate was not going to feature on Arise TV debate anchored by Reuben Abati, who they claimed was a card-carrying member of PDP and a former Ogun State PDP deputy governorship candidate to the late Buruji Kashamu.
They also had cause to report Rufai Oseni to the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria (BON) for unprofessional behaviour. Ask any journalism teacher who teaches attributes of news anchor in our universities, they will tell you Rufai Oseni is the worst example of how not to be a news anchor. But Ezekwezili, who knows next to nothing in journalism, organized a one woman crusade in support of Oseni, whose job she claimed was under threat. Of course many read politics into Ezekwesili’s ill-informed intervention.
She could have saved herself from her last week disastrous outing where attempt was made to demystify her if she, as a national icon, sat back and allow Rufai Oseni and Arise TV to fight Senator Natasha’s battle they so valiantly promoted hiding under the banner of patriotism, ‘the last refuge of the scoundrels”.
Many have since come to the sad conclusion that Oby Ezekwesili miscalculated by taking sides in an unwinnable war between Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and her husband’s friend and long-time associate, Senator Godswill Akpabio, a two-term governor and senate president, who like most accomplished politicians and professionals including journalists, can afford four wives instead of risking the fury of a scorned friend’s wife.
Let’s begin with a ‘positive inference’ from our former President Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo (GCFR), a Nigerian former army general and statesman who served as Nigeria’s head of state from 1976 to 1979 and later as its president from 1999 to 2007.
Regrettably on several occasions, Obasanjo expressed serious reservations about issues of governance and its negative effects on the citizens of the countries in Africa. Obj posited: “Let me go back to the beginning where we got it wrong—the western liberal democracy, that is what the Europeans have. When you look at the western liberal democracy, it is a product of their history, a product of their culture, a product of their way of life.” The thrust of this message is that, selectively, Obj largely glossed over his own tenure which was marked by so many controversies
The former president continued: “what Africa was practicing today was a mere reflection of ‘representative democracy.’ Furthermore, Abraham Lincoln describes it as a government of the people, by and for the people. But what do we have today? The Greek democracy affects everyone. Democracy has now become a representative democracy, and it hasn’t taken care of everyone. Democracy in Africa has failed because it’s not African, it didn’t have our culture and way of life. You will say, ‘go to court’ when you know that you can’t get justice. Democracy is dying in Africa, and to save it, it should be made in the context of Africa.”
Obasanjo and others concluded that democracy is no longer working in Nigeria. In a keynote address titled ‘Is Democracy Failing in Africa?’ Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese, Matthew Hassan Kukah, lamented that it seemed like Nigeria’s democracy only worked for a few selected persons.
The cleric also noted that such feelings had fuelled a debate on the suitability of the Nigerian Constitution, which had constantly put pressure on the judiciary.
He said, “We as Africans inherited a system that is not ours, but we can’t say it is not relevant to us. There are differences between democracy in Asia and that of Africa. I feel sorry for judges. At the last election, even small me, had people calling me, complaining, talk to this, talking to that.
“There was pressure on judges to deliver justice. I agree that there’s an urgent need to clean up the mess. Democracy is about everything, and it’s about justice. Democracy and its principles are endless contestations. There are certain things God has given us which people can’t control.”
Following from above, the postulations of the former President Obasanjo and some stakeholders resonates with me, given that, I have also canvassed similar position in the past which was well captured in an article “NIGERIA FEDERAL STRUCTURE: THE NEED TO DOWNSIZE”. After all, we are neither westerners, nor easterners/anything else, but Africans/Nigerians. We need a system in which all six geopolitical and geo-cultural regions of the country should be allowed to have their preferred government type, and the centre, if it has to exist, just has representatives from the different regions. It is like all countries in Europe have their preferred government and send people to the European Union! For me, this is the only type of governance structure that can work for us.
In my opinion, democracy is not something you “decide” to install somewhere. It can only be the result of a process that goes through establishing good social, economic, and political practices in a society, such as equity, honesty, education, various freedoms (of expression, religion, etc.), and an (at least) acceptable level of PROSPERITY. Also, a series of coups in recent years has prompted much discussion about the state of democracy in Africa.
Conclusively, as a new bill for an Act to alter the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, to provide for the office of the Prime Minister as head of government and the office of President as head of state and to provide for a framework for the mode of election to the said offices, has passed second reading in the House of Representatives. I’d like to share with you an excerpt from one of my articles widely published over a decade ago:
“NIGERIA FEDERAL STRUCTURE: THE NEED TO DOWNSIZE” published by Sahara reporters, Vanguard newspaper, and many others on 9th of April 2014. Find below an excerpt from the article:
*As the ongoing National Conference gathers momentum, many Nigerians have been making good contributions towards the improvement of our system of governance. Some have argued for the scrapping of the Presidential System because it is expensive to run, and revert to the Westminster Parliamentary model that was bequeathed to us by our former British Colonial Masters in 1960. Although we agree that the Presidential system is expensive, it is in this system that Democracy is best practiced because of the practice of separation of powers. In a Parliamentary system, there is no separation of powers; rather, we have a fusion of powers. Members of the Executive arm are drawn from the Parliament, and as such, there is no checks and balances. This system thrives in Britain because the UK is a Monarchy where Her Majesty the Queen serves as the Head of State and a symbol of Unity and Sovereignty.*
Finally, the question of democracy failure or otherwise is rooted in the quality of our decisions collectively. Bearing in mind the sociocultural, economic effects and the natural results of adopting a new system of governance and these effects might be positive or negative, and may bring unexpected results. Therefore, the NASS should consider inputs from stakeholders before the passage of the bill on governance system, so as to avoid the pitfalls of the past.
A short four minutes, thirty three seconds video of what looks like Kogi senator, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, worshipping at the Osun shrine in Osogbo is trending. If she is truly the one in the video, then her traducers better back off before the deluge comes with its fury. You do not beat the child of the goddess and get its applause.
Professor Karin Barber is a foremost authority in Yoruba praise names (Oríkì). In a 1990 piece, she tells two Osun goddess stories which may guide those fighting her daughter. The first, Barber says, is from a devotee of Oya which stressed the ferocity of Oya contrasting it with the meekness of her co-wife Osun: “Osun was the senior wife, Oya the junior. Oya was very beautiful, given to dressing up and showing off. She didn’t do her share of the housework. She was lazy, bossy, violent and unco-operative, and just sat there beautifying herself while her senior wife did all the work. Osun was mild and peaceable; she turned the other cheek to every insult and advised everyone to leave Oya alone. Osun said if Oya couldn’t be bothered to grind the pepper, she would do it herself. If Oya said she wouldn’t draw water, Osun would run and do it. Osun would say, ‘Just sit down and rest.’ Oya would sit there smirking and preening herself.”
Barber comments that “Osun is here represented as mild, patient and kind-hearted, easily overborne by the more forceful character of her co-wife. This is a picture of Osun presented in many stories.” But, Barber says, Osun’s own devotees “tended to stress the opposite view of her personality.” She can be angry; she can be ferocious.
The second story speaks to that other side of the goddess. Barber says she got the story from Baale Osun, the head of the Osun cult. It is a story that warns the bully not to take the goddess of love, beauty and procreation for granted: “In the ancient times all the orisa made a plan to get wealthy. They prepared a certain medicine which, if planted in yam-heaps, would produce money, children and all the things they wanted in life. In those days Osun was the only woman, and all the big Orisa – Ogun, $ango, Soponna – decided, despite Ifa’s advice to the contrary, to keep her out of the plan.
“They held their meetings in secret. But Osun overheard them. She was furious, and decided to get her revenge. After they had dug the heaps and planted the medicine, she crept out at dead of the night and sprinkled some of her river water on the heaps. The next day, the other orisa came out full of joyous anticipation to dig up all the good things from the heaps, but they found nothing there. They tried again the following day; again, Osun neutralised their medicine. Finally, they decided to take Ifa’s advice and invite Osun to join their scheme. They dug the heaps again, put in the medicine, and the next day they were all blessed with untold riches.” Barber says the storyteller concludes that “Osun is a woman like a man: no one can get away with provoking her.”
A statesman with loads of wisdom shared the video with me. He wondered why those big men lacked refinement; why they thought they could win the battle and the war at the same time without consequences. I do not know what they boast of in Akwa Ibom or Kogi Central. Whatever it is, they may have to race down to the Grove in Osogbo very soon for atonement. The goddess is angry.
The Nigerian presidency is an energizing elixir. It has proven to be very effective in breathing life into dry bones. To old creaky engines, it gives deep cleaning; it replaces worn parts and upgrades the lubrication system. Olusegun Obasanjo went in there and got transformed from an imprisoned stork to a clean-shaven ladies’ egret. The Balogun Owu has since refused to age. Muhammadu Buhari entered the Villa peaky, ill and ailing. He left the place with his engine and chassis reinvented. His successor, super rich Lion of Bourdillon, broke the Internet with gaffes, slips and falls during the 2023 campaigns. He hasn’t yet spent two years in the Villa but he has also had a dramatic TAM (Turn Around Maintenance). The rough idling, vibrations and engine misfires are all gone. His cooling system is now cool and steady. These and many more are what the man celebrated two days ago as he officially turned 73, robust and rounded. He had many nice things said of him by those who seek (or already have) his mercy and favours.
Where life expectancy is less than 50, netting seventy years plus is a boon. William Shakespeare rejects the withering properties of age and cuddles the vibrancy of youth. In his ‘The Passionate Pilgrim’, Shakespeare leaves lines of contrasts on ageing for us to read and ponder. He writes that “crabbed age and youth cannot live together.” And he explains why: “Youth is full of pleasure, age is full of care; Youth like summer morn, age like winter weather; Youth like summer brave, age like winter bare. Youth is full sport, age’s breath is short; Youth is nimble, age is lame; Youth is hot and bold, age is weak and cold; Youth is wild, age is tame.” Shakespeare ends those parallels with a yell of rejection and acceptance: “Age, I do abhor thee; youth, I do adore thee.”
Now, who is old, who is young?
People in the sciences say every person has two ages. They call one chronological age (number of years a person has lived); the other they say is biological, a person’s functional age. The Yoruba have a third category; they call it Atubotan (the after-death years). Short or long, the first is guaranteed for all; the second is a factor of luck and choice; the third is largely determined by how we spend the first two. Very few are blessed with all three.
Less than two minutes from a town called Iragbiji in Osun State is another called Ikirun. It is about ten minutes from my own Eripa. Long gone Oba Lawani Adeyemi was Akinrun of Ikirun. The oba gathered fame across Yorubaland for the audacity of his longevity. He thought it was his right to live long and he loudly claimed it. When courtiers and all who courted his mercy wished him long life, Oba Adeyemi’s standard response was “Ó di dandan” (it is compulsory). At well over 70 years, Adeyemi’s people made him oba in 1945. His enemies thought him already at the departure lounge. They said he would soon vacate the space for them to take. There are legends that say with every rumour of his death came the actual death of the rumour mongers. Soon, no one warned no one again before they stopped wishing the oba dead. As years rolled into decades, the oba’s enemies dried out, the ones still alive became his friends. They had to; Ó di dandan.
Adeyemi stayed put on that throne until 1989 when he bowed out quietly. His people still celebrate the years in his reign not because they were unusually long, but because they were largely positive in the life of the community. He had the years, he was functional. More importantly, he had Atubotan. The oba had many children; he did not spoil them with palace spoils. They do not need unmerited honorary doctorate degrees from backwater universities to remain tall. The oba trained all his children such that the late king continues to live long after his death. His grandson was a Head of Service of the Federation; another is one of the richest in 2025 Ibadan. The rich needed no paternal imposition before he got to the top of his trade. President Tinubu very well knows Crystal Hospital at Akowonjo in Alimoso Local Government area of Lagos, it belongs to one of the eldest of Oba Adeyemi’s children. One of the youngest is a veteran in Osun State House of Assembly.
Where I come from, we rejoice with the joyous which is why I join in congratulating our president on his 73rd birthday. But as he celebrated that occasion with pomp on 29th March – a day to Villa’s sumptuous Sallah, I hope he reflected on what his presidency has meant to the Nigerian outside official powers. Many are stranded on the rough, dusty road to survival. They trace their misery to the leader’s mirth; their poverty to the president’s pleasure. They think their agony is power’s easement. It is not funny.
A democracy that repairs only the leaders is roguish and immoral. Yet, as we tell all these things, wisdom dictates that we march seven steps near the king, and six steps in nuanced back off. In Alex Danchev’s ‘Waltzing with Winston (Churchill),’ we are told that “the loyalties which centre upon number one are enormous. If he trips, he must be sustained. If he makes mistakes, they must be covered. If he sleeps, he must not be wantonly disturbed. (But) if he is no good, he must be pole-axed.” Literally, to pole-axe is to attack, strike, or fell with or as if with a poleaxe. That is the price all who claim “number one” must pay when they are not acting good.
The president preached sacrifice on his birthday but his birthday table showed assorted, sumptuous surplus, everything. His wrongheaded policies he described as “the right thing to do for our nation’s future.” His wife is a pastor, she should blow into his ear the saying that only the living praises the Lord. Can a leader whose subjects wallow in want get blessed with their prayers? Among the Bantu of Eastern, Central and Southern Africa are a people called the Mashona. Anthropologist Denys Shropshire in a 1931 journal article tells us that in that place is a bird called Mukaranga wa Mambo. The storyteller says this bird “begins by making excited, shrill, chattering cries until she is attended to, after which, flying with contented chirps from branch to branch, she brings the traveller to the promised nest of honey.” A starved, marginalised citizenry has neither honey nor applause for unfeeling, feasting rulers.
The vulture is Yoruba’s totem of longevity; a symbol of death and rebirth. The Yoruba say igúnnugún (vulture) would not die unless it is old. But they celebrate more than the years. What a man put in his age is more important than the years. Which is why I find Yoruba’s view of ageing and old age somewhat intriguing. There is an ambivalence here. They despise the ugliness of vulture but they covet vulture’s enduring agedness. They say because the vulture does not die young, they too must live longer than life. But they qualify it: The years must be years of peace and plenty. They covet what they see as vulture’s longevity but not its unsightly totality. They want long life but not ageing with the debilities it connotes. They ask if you’ve ever seen a nestled sick bird. They want life without its co-morbidities.
Nigerians see their government as a colony of vultures. In ageing and eating, the vulture is a bird of patience. It does not nurse the sick back to health. Instead, it waits for the hungry to die; it insists that rotten flesh is good food. Vulture is also a bird of opportunity. Nigeria is a vultures’ field. You ask why? I wonder too and I ask vulture biologists (ornithologists). They tell me that vultures approach dead or dying beings from openings – mouth, eyes, nostrils etc. And, Nigeria has many of such loopholes. Our vultures start the gutting from the guts, they then go to other inner organs for lunch. They move to the muscles and tear at the tissues. For supper, they access smaller spaces for tendons, they chew at other body parts; they clean out the carcass and move on to the next meal. When their earth completes its yearly revolution, they roll out the drums in celebration of their victory over their own people and land.
When vultures surround you, make sure you stay alive, do not die. Nigerians have really tried not to die for the vultures of power to rejoice over them. Now, if food avoids Vulture, what will Vulture eat? The human being called Yoruba says in a proverb that when what is edible is not available, what is not edible becomes edible. Vultures feed on vultures if that is the only available carrion. What you feel in Rivers and Lagos and Kano are hungry vultures circling weak vultures for food.
We celebrate the president at 73. He will live life longer than his presidential tenure. But we must tell him that his government retains its painfulness; the NYSC corps member’s description of his reign as terrible was apt. The town is bitter; the city is unpleasant.
How then do we take back our country – if we ever had one? I am not the only person asking this question. But I am going to risk adding that if you are not satisfied with where your feet have taken you, the rational direction is to walk for change. Ask those who know the ways of vultures. If you do not want vultures around you, the effective way is to show them that which scares them: The effigy of a dead vulture.
Tensions between Nigeria’s central and state governments have long been the fault lines of its federal system; it is like a simmering struggle between authority and autonomy. The 1999 Constitution, though intended as a compass for governance, is riddled with ambiguities—grey areas that have, time and again, become battlegrounds for political and legal duels. Among the most contentious debates is the reach of Section 305(1), which grants the president the power to declare a state of emergency. But does this mandate extend to the unilateral removal of democratically elected state officials?
For years, this question has lingered like an unspoken riddle in the corridors of power, whispered in legal chambers and political gatherings alike. Now, it erupts into the open, thrust into the unforgiving glare of the Supreme Court by seven opposition governors of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Their challenge is more than a legal contest; it is a reckoning—one that may redraw the contours of Nigeria’s federalism, recalibrate executive authority, and probe the very essence of democracy in the nation.
The Supreme Court, under Section 232(1) of the 1999 Constitution, has original jurisdiction in disputes between the Federal Government and state governments. This means it can directly adjudicate conflicts concerning constitutional interpretation. The ongoing case will test the limits of this jurisdiction, mainly whether the Supreme Court can provide clarification in the absence of a specific dispute between a state and the Federal Government. If the Court rules that interpretation alone is insufficient to activate its jurisdiction, it could set a precedent discouraging proactive legal resolutions, potentially allowing constitutional ambiguities to persist until conflicts escalate. However, if the Court determines that a general ambiguity affecting multiple states warrants judicial intervention, it will pave the way for a more dynamic constitutional review process that ensures legal clarity before crises arise.
This kind of legal battle is not unique to Nigeria. In advanced liberal democracies, governors often act as checks on presidential power. For example, during the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. state governors resisted federal directives from President Donald Trump, asserting their constitutional authority over public health measures. Similarly, governors challenged President Jair Bolsonaro’s handling of the pandemic in Brazil, leading to significant legal battles that strengthened jurisprudence. Argentina has also seen multiple instances where state-level leaders acted against federal overreach, reinforcing the principle of decentralized governance. Nigeria’s case aligns with this broader global trend, underscoring how federalism functions as a check on executive authority.
Section 305 of the Constitution grants the president the power to declare a state of emergency, but the criteria remain broad and open to interpretation. Key questions include: What constitutes a “clear and present danger” to justify an emergency declaration? Should there be legislative oversight beyond the National Assembly’s approval? How does Nigeria’s standard compare to international best practices? The governors argue that the Supreme Court should establish precise conditions under which emergency powers can be invoked. The governors want the Supreme Court to define what circumstances justify a state of emergency. In 2004, former President Olusegun Obasanjo declared a state of emergency in Plateau State, leading to the removal of Governor Joshua Dariye. A similar scenario occurred in Ekiti State under President Goodluck Jonathan in 2014. These instances highlight the pressing need for judicial clarification to prevent arbitrary use of emergency powers, which, if unchecked, could be used as a political weapon against opposition-controlled states.
A critical aspect of this case is whether the president’s emergency powers extend to suspending or removing elected state officials. The governors contend that the Constitution does not grant such authority. Their argument is grounded in Section 1(2), which establishes Nigeria as a democracy where sovereignty belongs to the people; Section 5(2), which limits executive powers by constitutional provisions; and Section 305, which does not explicitly provide for the removal of elected officials. The Supreme Court’s ruling will set a precedent for the extent of presidential authority during emergencies. It will either reaffirm state autonomy or expand federal executive powers, shaping the balance of power in Nigerian governance. Many legal scholars have argued that the power to remove a democratically elected governor lies with the electorate and, in extreme cases, the legislature—not the president.
The Constitution mandates a two-thirds majority vote in each chamber of the National Assembly to approve a state of emergency. The governors question whether the voice vote method used in recent emergency approvals met this requirement. The Court’s decision will determine whether procedural irregularities can invalidate emergency rule declarations. If the Supreme Court rules that a voice vote is insufficient, it could impose stricter legislative oversight on emergency declarations, ensuring greater accountability and preventing unilateral executive actions from circumventing constitutional processes.
Regardless of the outcome, this case highlights the importance of legal challenges in refining Nigeria’s constitutional framework. Nigeria’s judiciary is responsible for addressing constitutional ambiguities to prevent future conflicts. The Supreme Court had a previous opportunity to clarify constitutional provisions regarding local government elections in Rivers State and more specifically the place of the Electoral Act 2022. However, the ruling did not address critical ambiguities, leaving unresolved questions in electoral jurisprudence. The current case presents another chance for the Court to provide much-needed legal clarity. The judiciary plays a crucial role in resolving ambiguities that could otherwise lead to executive overreach or political instability.
If the Court delivers a well-reasoned judgment, it could serve as a touchstone for future constitutional conflicts, reinforcing the judiciary’s role in shaping Nigeria’s democratic evolution. According to a 2022 survey by Afrobarometer, 73% of Nigerians believe that the judiciary should have more substantial independence to check executive excesses. This reinforces the importance of Supreme Court rulings in maintaining democratic integrity and ensuring that political expediency does not override constitutional safeguards.
This case will establish whether the president’s emergency powers include suspending elected officials. A ruling in favor of the governors could reinforce state autonomy while limiting federal intervention in state affairs. Conversely, a ruling in favor of the president could expand executive powers, setting a precedent for future emergency rule declarations. If the Court upholds broad presidential discretion, state governments may need constitutional amendments to safeguard their authority.
This decision will serve as a benchmark for defining the limits of emergency powers, shaping Nigeria’s governance structure for years to come. In India, the Supreme Court’s ruling in S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994) curtailed the central government’s power to dismiss state governments, establishing a critical precedent for federalism. Nigeria’s Supreme Court has a similar opportunity to develop safeguards against potential executive overreach.
This case could prompt the National Assembly to reconsider the discretionary powers granted to the president through constitutional amendment . Potential reforms could include defining emergency conditions more precisely, requiring judicial review of emergency declarations, and strengthening legislative oversight to prevent executive overreach. Eminent lawyers have argued that the lack of clear constitutional guidelines on emergency powers leaves too much room for executive discretion, which is dangerous for democracy.
The Supreme Court’s ruling will test its ability to separate partisanship from jurisprudence and focus on constitutional text, precedents, and democratic principles. If it prioritises technicalities over substantive legal interpretation, it risks weakening public trust in the judiciary. A 2022 report by the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) on “Tackling Judicial Bribery and Procurement Fraud in Nigeria” found that about 61% of respondents believe that judges in Nigeria are likely to be politically influenced or accept bribes to influence their decisions, highlighting the need for impartial rulings.
The Supreme Court’s decision will be a defining moment for Nigeria’s constitutional democracy. If it upholds the governors’ argument, it will set a strong precedent affirming the independence of state governments, ensuring that executive powers remain within constitutional limits. If it rules in favor of expansive presidential authority, it risks tilting the balance of power.
Legal challenges like this one are essential for deepening Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Testing constitutional provisions ensures that governance is rooted in law rather than arbitrary power. The outcome of this case will have far-reaching implications for federalism, democracy, and the balance of power in Nigeria. Whatever the outcome, this case has forced a crucial legal reckoning, compelling Nigeria to confront the ambiguities in its constitutional framework. The judiciary must rise above partisanship, deliver a judgment that reinforces the rule of law, and safeguard Nigeria’s democratic evolution. A well-reasoned ruling will not only settle the immediate dispute but will shape the nation’s legal and political trajectory for generations to come.
March has been a celebratory month as President Bola Tinubu turned 73. As the celebrations began, Nigerian Shiites were simultaneously being shot for marching on the streets. March 2025 has also seen an escalation in the unending Fubara-Wike drama. It has now soaked in the executive, legislative and judicial arms, including the Supreme Court.
Equally, the Nathasha-Akpabio tango, which began in the ballroom of the Nigerian Senate, has taken international stage.
It has also been the month when some perceptive Nigerians in organising a posthumous birthday for radical intellectual, Professor Nuhu Omeiza Yaqub, analysed the country’s past and suggested ways forward.
President Tinubu was on Friday, March 28, the eve of his birthday, at the National Mosque, Abuja for Jumat prayers. The faithful were also with him. The country was in a joyous mood as ministers and governors, legislators, political appointees and the hopeful were in a near-stampede to congratulate the President and, perhaps, assure him that there is ‘no shaking’.
Simultaneously, less than a 10-minute drive away, the Shiites were marking their international Qudus or Wufus. This Day of Ashura is designated a day of mourning the martyred. For over four decades now, they have dedicated this day as an annual international march for a two-state solution to the Palestinian issue.
So, if, in a democracy, the Shiites march, exercising their fundamental right to freedom of religion, movement and assembly, how does it constitute a security threat for which the army and police annually open fire on the children, women and men in the procession?
All that is required by the Police Act is for the police to provide protection for those marching or demonstrating, and for the general populace.
It appears that the annual murder of Shiites in Nigeria is beyond a so-called security reason. If the Shiites march, let them march! Are they marching with your legs? It is their religious belief; so the annual slaughter will not stop them from marching, and they have a fundamental human right to do so.
President Tinubu does not need to inherit the enemies of former President Muhammadu Buhari. The Shiites in Nigeria are not our enemies. If anything, they are our fellow citizens and government has the constitutional duty to protect all Nigerians irrespective of belief. Also, as Nigerians we have the right to be briefed by government on how many Shiites were killed this Friday, how many injured and if there are still some being detained. We need an enquiry into this crime and how it can be prevented in future.
My final take on this is that we must make far less use of the army. Its intrusion in normal civil life is becoming pervasive and must be checked.
On Thursday, March 27, 2025, Nigerians were also on the march in the endless ritual of constitutional amendments. On that day, the House of Representatives passed 31 Bills after second reading. For me, the most attractive was one that seeks to review the requirements of those contesting the presidential and gubernatorial elections. It seeks to stop anyone above 60 years from contesting those positions. I laughed.
If by any miracle such an amendment is passed, we are in for another melodrama. Eighty-year-old politicians would start producing birth certificates or sworn age declarations that purport them to be 55! This is more so in a country where birth and death records are not readily available.
So, why not concentrate on enforcing existing requirements that can be better verified? For instance, the constitutional provision that such aspirants should possess a minimum high school leaving certificate?
It reminds me of the case of former President Buhari who in contesting the 2015 election could not produce a school leaving certificate or any such documentary evidence. He claimed that the Nigerian Army had custody of his certificate. The Army denied it. What is instructive is that for the eight years he was President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, he could not produce the certificate he claimed he had deposited with the army.
The Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan saga is one of the wonders of the Nigerian polity. She was said to have refused to change her seat. She, in turn, accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment. How these two matters constituted “gross misconduct” for which over 250,000 otherwise busy constituents would go queue to sign a recall petition is baffling except that it might be one those scams in our politics.
There was the joke that the Senator had externalised the issue by taking it to the floor of the United Nations Inter-Parliamentary Union. Really? Do the people making this claim not realise that in a highly digitalised world, the altercation right from the Senate was already internationalised?
At the Prof Yaqub colloquium held on March 4, 2025 to repair the broken joints of the country, Professor Emmanuel Osodeke, President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, said the universities can make meaningful interventions in all aspects provided they are made eternally healthy. He submitted that: “It is only by priotising knowledge solution through effective and development-focused university education that Nigeria can get back to its path of sustainable development.”
A father of Political Science in Nigeria, Professor Adele Jinadu, said Africa needs an Afro-centric approach to governance and development based on five types of freedom: political freedoms, economic facilities, social opportunities, transparency guarantees and protective security. The road to Europe, he argued, would not lead to salvation for the continent.
Senator Ita Solomon Enang, Presidential Adviser, National Assembly Matters, Emeritus, pointed out to developing countries that Trumpism is the best thing that has activated their economies and potentials: an opportunity to progress from self-governing countries to truly independent ones.
Femi Falana, human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, submitted that the judiciary should have conscience and uphold social justice not technicalities.
Ambassador Joe Keshi, President of the Association of Retired Career Ambassadors of Nigeria, ARCAN, spoke on the need to employ diplomacy as a tool in solving Africa’s crises of democracy and development. He pointed out that the crises are international in nature, so the solution has to be national and international.
Dr Usman Oladipo Akanbi, President of the Association of Nigerian Authors, ANA, in assessing Professor Yaqub who, apart from being a leading political scientist and former Vice Chancellor in the Universities of Abuja and Sokoto State, was also engaged in the Arts, spoke about the public intellectual. He pointed out that in this new generation, the public intellectual rather than recede into academic obscurity, can evolve with the times and still contribute to upholding social justice by remaining true to the ideals of his status.
Obviously, Nigerians have a long way to tread.
His Excellency,
Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu
President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
The Villa,
Aso Rock,
Three Arms Zone,
Abuja,
FCT
Your Excellency Asiwaju
Who Will Tell the President
(Let Democracy Reign; Let the Will of the People Reign)
I write to you today not merely as a loyal servant of our great nation, but as a concerned citizen, a comrade who has stood by the ideals of democracy, freedom, and justice from the very inception of our struggle. This is not just a letter but a heartfelt call to action. As someone who has walked with you through the struggles for democracy, endured the challenges of political opposition, and shared in the vision of a better Nigeria, I write to you with the utmost sense of duty, respect, and sincerity.
Mr. President, Nigeria is in distress. The people are suffering untold hardship. The streets murmur, the markets groan, and the cries of the masses grow louder by the day. I do not write to flatter you but Nigeria today stands at a critical juncture in its political and socio-economic journey. With the 2027 electoral process already casting its long shadow over our collective consciousness, it is imperative that we pause to assess our current trajectory and the challenges that beset us.
This essay, which I humbly present to you, is an earnest appeal, a call to action for you, the President, to lead courageously and institute bold, pro-poor policies that will fundamentally transform the lives of Nigerians. In this extended discourse, I shall elaborate on several pressing issues: the dire need to reform our reward system within our party, the importance of instituting policies that prioritize the welfare of our most vulnerable citizens, the urgency to overhaul critical sectors such as transportation and health care, and the necessity to reflect upon and learn from our political history.
I implore you, Asiwaju, to consider this an opportunity to reaffirm your commitment to a Nigeria where democracy truly reigns, where the will of the people is paramount, and where every Nigerian, irrespective of their background, can thrive.
I. The Socio-Economic Landscape of Nigeria Today
Our beloved country, Nigeria, a land endowed with abundant resources and a resilient spirit, now finds itself mired in a multitude of challenges. These issues are not merely administrative oversights or the byproduct of political mismanagement, they are symptomatic of deeper, structural problems that have festered over decades. The socio-economic reality that confronts us is one of stark inequality, where a significant portion of the populace lives in conditions that defy the basic tenets of human dignity.
The Plight of the Common Man
The everyday Nigerian is increasingly disillusioned by the persistent hardships that characterize our economic landscape. Inflation, unemployment, and the soaring cost of living have rendered the dream of a prosperous future a distant reality for many. The burden of rising prices, particularly in urban centres such as Lagos, Oyo, Rivers, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), and Plateau State, has placed undue strain on household budgets. It is against this backdrop of widespread economic distress that I urge you to initiate policies that directly address these issues.
Transport: A Fundamental Right Under Siege
One of the most urgent areas that demand immediate attention is transportation, especially for our children. The very act of getting to school, a right that should be guaranteed to every child has become a financial burden for many families. In our urban centres, where traffic congestion and exorbitant transit fares have become the norm, it is inconceivable that pupils and students should bear the cost of transportation. Education, being the bedrock of national development, must be accessible to all, free from the shackles of financial impediments. I propose that the government implement a robust, pro-poor policy that ensures free or heavily subsidized transportation for all pupils and students, thereby removing one of the significant barriers to quality education.
Health: A Matter of Life and Death
Equally pressing is the matter of health care. The cost of health insurance remains prohibitively high for the average Nigerian family. Imagine a household of six, striving to secure affordable health care amidst a backdrop of rising medical costs, this is a scenario that many Nigerians face daily. It is imperative that the government either drastically subsidizes health insurance premiums or assumes the cost of health coverage for very vulnerable families, ensuring that every citizen has access to quality medical services. A healthy nation is a prosperous nation, and it is incumbent upon us to guarantee that the basic right to health is not a privilege for the few but a guaranteed provision for all.
II. The Political Landscape and the Perils of 2027
Our political environment, though vibrant in its democratic expression, is increasingly being marred by internal strife and factionalism. The looming 2027 elections have, regrettably, become a focal point of distraction, inflaming tensions within our polity. The political arena, rather than being a space for constructive debate and inclusive participation, has devolved into a battleground of egos, self-interest, and sycophancy.
The Electoral Distraction
The constant preoccupation with the 2027 election cycle has led to a climate where short-term political gains are prioritized over the long-term well-being of our nation. It is only you, Mr. President, who possess the authority and the vision to douse these flames before they engulf the entire political landscape. I implore you to rise above the petty infighting and focus on the larger picture, the need for sustainable, transformative change that addresses the core issues facing Nigeria. By doing so, you can redirect the energy of our nation towards nation-building rather than political vendettas.
Reflection on the Journey
As you navigate these turbulent times, I urge you to reflect upon your political journey, the dark days of struggle, the long and arduous fight for democracy, and the sacrifices made in the name of freedom. Recall those moments when the very future of our nation hung in the balance, and the collective will of the people was the only beacon of hope.
Ask yourself: is the current state of affairs truly the culmination of those struggles, or have we lost sight of the ideals that once united us? A period of introspection is not a sign of weakness but a testament to the enduring spirit of leadership that has seen us through our darkest hours.
III. A Call to Action: Pro-Poor Policies and the Need for Bold Leadership
Your Excellency, the challenges before us require more than incremental adjustments, they demand a radical rethinking of how we approach governance. In the spirit of true leadership, it is incumbent upon you to take the bull by the horns and institute a series of pro-poor policies that will lay the foundation for a more equitable society.
Revolutionizing Transportation for Our Youth
As previously mentioned, the issue of transportation is not merely a logistical concern, it is a matter of social justice. Imagine a Nigeria where no child is denied an education because of the prohibitive costs of travel. I propose the establishment of a government-subsidized transportation system dedicated to students, particularly in urban areas such as Lagos, Oyo, Rivers, the FCT, and Plateau. Such a system would not only alleviate the financial burden on families but also serve as a catalyst for improving educational outcomes across the nation. By ensuring that every pupil has access to free or affordable transport, we are investing in the future of Nigeria, a future built on the empowerment of its youth.
Healthcare Reform: Subsidizing Health Insurance
The health of our nation is under siege, with millions of Nigerians struggling to afford even the most basic medical care. I urge you to take decisive steps towards reforming our healthcare system by introducing policies that either significantly reduce the cost of health insurance or, ideally, have it entirely funded by the government for poor families. Consider a model where a family of six is guaranteed access to comprehensive health care without the crippling financial strain that currently characterizes our system. Such a policy would not only improve the quality of life for countless Nigerians but also foster a healthier, more productive society and permanently end quackery in the healthcare sector.
The Imperative of Clean and Transparent Governance
The spectre of mediocrity looms large over our political and administrative systems. It is disheartening to observe that those who once toiled selflessly for the party have, over time, been relegated to the status of mere bystanders, overlooked and undervalued simply because they are “too straight” or lack the patronage of influential godfathers.
I recall, with a heavy heart, your words to me just two years ago in your Asokoro palatial mansion, words that resonated deeply with the promise of change: “We must change our reward system.” Yet, today, that promise appears to have been forgotten, as the old ways of rewarding mediocrity persist unabated.
This entrenched system, where rewards and appointments are dictated not by merit but by sycophancy and lineage, has eroded the very fabric of our party and, by extension, our government. The nomination processes for party offices are a case in point where the offspring of political leaders or the ever-obedient yes-men are favoured over the genuinely competent and dedicated.
This practice has not only alienated the hardworking foot soldiers of our movement but has also driven the vibrant, young members of our party to seek refuge in less principled political establishments. The consequences of this are starkly evident: our loss in the presidential election in Lagos was not a reflection of our inadequacy or unpopularity, but a powerful indictment of a system that has failed to reward true merit.
A Level Playing Field: The Need for a Clean Membership Register
In the spirit of transparency and fairness, it is imperative that we re-examine the very foundation of our party structure. Our membership register, currently touted as boasting 1.4 million members in Lagos State, is nothing more than a fallacious figure that belies the actual turnout less than 600,000, as evidenced by the 2023 Presidential election results.
For the sake of strategic planning and genuine representation, we must establish a clean, accurate, and empirically verifiable membership register. This register should serve as the cornerstone of our democratic process, ensuring that every vote, every voice, is accounted for and that our planning is grounded in reality rather than inflated assumptions.
Leadership from the Front: Embracing Inclusivity, Empathy, Forgiveness, and Justice
Asiwaju, the mantle of leadership rests upon your shoulders, and it is time to lead from the front once again. Now more than ever, Nigeria needs a President who embodies the virtues of inclusivity, empathy, forgiveness, and justice. In a political landscape often tarnished by self-serving ambitions and hollow praise, your strength and integrity stand as beacons of hope for your true friends, associates, and the foot soldiers of our party.
There is no enemy among your followers, political associates and colleagues, only those whose interests lie in self-aggrandizement and sycophancy. It is imperative that you distinguish between the two, celebrating and empowering those who have truly dedicated themselves to the service of our nation.
I urge you to consider convening a congress or an assembly of all your friends, associates, and counsellors, a forum where honest reflection can take place. In this assembly, let us collectively seek the face of God, asking for divine guidance and wisdom to navigate the challenges that lie ahead. As the scriptures in the Lord’s Prayer remind us, “forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us.” Likewise, the Quran implores us with the word “astagfirullah” a call to seek forgiveness.
In the same spirit, I beseech you to forgive those who may have crossed your path, recognizing that none among us are infallible so that those that you have wronged can also forgive you. It is through forgiveness that we can truly heal the wounds of the past and chart a course towards a more just and equitable future.
IV. Reflecting on the Past to Forge a Better Future
Your Excellency, as you stand at the helm of our great nation, I invite you to look back on your political journey, a journey marked by struggle, sacrifice, and the unyielding pursuit of democracy and freedom. There was a time when the future of Nigeria hung precariously in the balance, and the sacrifices of countless patriots paved the way for the democratic state we now inhabit. Those were dark days, indeed, but they were also the crucible in which our collective resolve was forged.
The Dark Days of Our Struggle
I vividly recall the days when the price of freedom was measured in blood and tears, when the clamour for democracy was met with ruthless oppression. The sacrifices made by our forebears are not mere historical footnotes, they are the very foundation upon which our current democratic edifice stands. As you reflect on those turbulent times, ask yourself whether the current state of our nation is the true legacy of those struggles. Have we, in our complacency, allowed the hard-won fruits of our labour to wither on the vine? Or is it time to reinvigorate our commitment to the ideals that once galvanized our movement?
A Personal Appeal: Remembering Our Conversation
I would be remiss if I did not remind you of a conversation, we had exactly two years ago in your Asokoro palatial mansion, a moment that has since been etched in my memory. In that intimate setting, with just the two of us present, you spoke with conviction about the urgent need to “change our reward system.” Those words resonated with the promise of a new era, one where merit and dedication would be rewarded rather than mere loyalty and sycophancy. Yet today, I am compelled to confess that I am dismayed to witness little more than a perpetuation of the old ways, a reward system that continues to favour mediocrity and patronage over genuine excellence.
It is not that those who sacrificed everything for the party are undeserving of recognition, they are, in fact, the unsung heroes of our struggle. They are the foot soldiers who, despite their unwavering commitment, find themselves marginalized simply because they are “too straight” or lack the influential godfathers that seem to dictate success in our political landscape. This, Jagaban, is a travesty that not only undermines the spirit of our movement but also endangers the future of our party and, by extension, the destiny of our nation.
The Cost of Ingratitude
The recent electoral debacle in Lagos, which was not a manifestation of our weakness or unpopularity but rather a reflection of the deep-seated discontent among our ranks, serves as a cautionary tale. The aggrieved, depressed, and disillusioned members of our party have made their voices heard in the most consequential manner possible by delivering a defeat that should have never been possible if our internal structures were robust and genuinely meritocratic. If we can lose an election in Lagos in 2023 because of these internal fractures, then the stakes for 2027 are alarmingly high. It is incumbent upon you, as the leader, to correct these wrongs and steer our collective energies towards a future where excellence is rewarded, and every Nigerian is given a fair chance to contribute to nation-building.
V. Proposals for a New Direction
The time has come for a paradigm shift, a reimagining of our policies and practices that places the well-being of the Nigerian people at the forefront. The proposals outlined below are designed to serve as a roadmap for the transformation that our nation so desperately requires.
Transforming the Educational Transportation System
a. Policy Framework:
Develop a comprehensive policy that guarantees free or subsidized transportation for all pupils and students. This initiative should focus primarily on urban centres where the cost of travel is prohibitively high, ensuring that education remains accessible regardless of a family’s financial standing.
b. Implementation Strategy:
Partner with state governments, local governments, local transport unions, and private sector stakeholders to establish a sustainable and efficient transportation network. This network should be designed to cover key urban areas such as Lagos, Oyo, Rivers, the FCT, and Plateau, with dedicated routes and schedules tailored to the academic calendar.
c. Monitoring and Evaluation:
Establish a robust oversight mechanism to ensure that the policy is effectively implemented. Regular audits and performance assessments should be conducted, with feedback loops that allow for continuous improvement. Data collected from these evaluations should inform future policy adjustments, ensuring that the system remains responsive to the needs of its beneficiaries.
Reforming Health Insurance Policies
a. Subsidization and Government Funding:
Introduce measures to drastically reduce the cost of health insurance premiums for Nigerian families particularly the very vulnerable one living below poverty lines. Ideally, the government should consider fully subsidizing health insurance for families, particularly those with six or more members, thereby ensuring that quality health care is not a privilege but a guaranteed right.
b. Public-Private Partnerships:
Foster partnerships with reputable private insurers to create a competitive yet fair health insurance market. Such collaborations can help streamline the costs and improve service delivery, making health care more accessible and affordable.
c. Universal Health Coverage Roadmap:
Develop a phased roadmap toward universal health coverage that prioritizes the most vulnerable segments of society. This roadmap should include targeted interventions for rural and underserved communities, ensuring that no Nigerian is left behind in our quest for better health outcomes.
Revamping the Party’s Reward and Nomination System
a. Merit-based Appointments:
Reevaluate the existing reward system within our party to ensure that appointments and promotions are based on merit rather than mere patronage or familial connections. This will require a thorough audit of current practices and the development of transparent criteria that prioritize competence, dedication, and proven performance.
b. Inclusivity and Transparency:
Establish a clean, verifiable membership register that accurately reflects the true strength of our party. Such a register should be maintained with the utmost transparency and updated regularly to ensure its credibility. This will serve as a crucial tool for planning and for ensuring that every member’s voice is heard during internal elections and decision-making processes.
c. Empowering the Grassroots:
Create avenues for meaningful participation by the grassroots members of our party. Their insights, energy, and dedication are invaluable assets that should not be sidelined by an entrenched system of sycophancy. Empower these members through capacity-building initiatives, mentoring programmes, and clear pathways to leadership positions.
Ensuring Accountability and Reducing Political Distractions
a. Focus on Governance Over Partisanship:
Shift the focus of our political discourse from partisan bickering to genuine governance. The looming 2027 election must not serve as a distraction that derails our progress. Instead, it should be viewed as a call to action, an opportunity to build a stronger, more resilient political system that is prepared to meet the challenges of the future.
b. Institutional Reforms:
Consider establishing an independent oversight body within the party that monitors internal processes, ensuring that appointments, nominations, and policy implementations adhere to the highest standards of integrity and fairness. Such an institution could serve as a bulwark against the corrosive influence of self-serving agendas and ensure that the party remains true to its founding principles.
c. A Call for Unity:
In these trying times, unity within our ranks is more important than ever. I appeal to you, Asiwaju, to set aside differences and forge a path that is inclusive and just. By fostering an environment where every voice is valued, you can rebuild the trust and solidarity that are essential for our collective success.
VI. Reflections on Our Political Journey
Your Excellency, as you contemplate the path forward, I urge you to reflect deeply on the long and arduous journey that has brought us to this point. Our struggles for democracy and freedom were not for personal gain, they were for the establishment of a society where every Nigerian could live with dignity and opportunity.
Lessons from the Past
The dark days of our struggle serve as a powerful reminder of the sacrifices made by countless heroes. These sacrifices were not in vain; they were the building blocks of the Nigeria we have today. Yet, as we celebrate our achievements, we must also acknowledge the gaps that remain and the urgent need to address them. The current state of affairs should compel us to revisit the principles of accountability, transparency, and meritocracy that were once the hallmarks of our movement.
The Imperative of Change
The call to “change our reward system” that you issued two years ago was a visionary one, a call for a new era where the contributions of every party member are recognized and rewarded fairly.
However, the persistence of outdated practices that favour mediocrity and patronage is a stark reminder that promises, no matter how well-intentioned, must be followed by concrete action. The time for change is now. It is incumbent upon you, as the leader of our party and our nation, to break away from the entrenched practices of the past and embrace a future defined by fairness and opportunity for all.
The Cost of Complacency
Let us not forget that the current state of discontent among our ranks is not merely a symptom of isolated grievances, it is a reflection of a broader malaise that threatens the very fabric of our democracy. The disillusionment of our foot soldiers, the sidelining of those who are “too straight” to engage in the traditional politics of patronage, and the marginalization of young, dynamic voices have all contributed to the challenges we face today. These are not minor issues; they are indicative of a system that has lost its way. Your leadership is needed now more than ever to realign our priorities and reinvigorate our commitment to the values that once defined our movement.
VII. An Appeal for Forgiveness and Reconciliation
In the midst of these challenges, I also call upon you to exercise the virtues of forgiveness and reconciliation. The path to a better Nigeria is not paved solely with policies and reforms, it is also built on the human capacity to forgive and to learn from our mistakes.
The Call to Forgive
As we draw inspiration from the words of the Lord’s Prayer “Forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us” and the solemn invocation in the Quran, “astagfirullah,” I implore you to extend forgiveness to those who may have wronged you along the way and those that you have wronged. None of us are infallible, and in the pursuit of our noble goals, misunderstandings and missteps are inevitable. Embracing forgiveness is not a sign of weakness; rather, it is a powerful affirmation of your strength and commitment to the greater good.
Healing Old Wounds
Our journey has been marred by divisions and betrayals, but it is time to heal these old wounds. I urge you to reach out to those who, in the past, may have crossed your path or whose actions have inadvertently contributed to the current discontent. By fostering an atmosphere of reconciliation, you can galvanize support from every corner of our party and rebuild the trust that is essential for any meaningful reform. Let this be a moment of transformation, a time when old grievances are laid to rest, and we all unite under the banner of a renewed, inclusive Nigeria.
VIII. The Way Forward: A Blueprint for National Renewal
Jagaban, the challenges we face are formidable, but they are not insurmountable. With visionary leadership and a steadfast commitment to the welfare of the Nigerian people, we can overcome the obstacles that stand in our way. The blueprint for national renewal that I propose is rooted in principles of fairness, transparency, and genuine concern for the well-being of every citizen.
Economic Empowerment and Social Justice
At the heart of our socio-economic challenges lies the need for robust policies that empower the most vulnerable members of our society. Economic empowerment is not merely about increasing GDP, it is about creating an environment where every Nigerian has the opportunity to prosper.
This involves investing in education, healthcare, and infrastructure, as well as creating a regulatory framework that supports small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and fosters innovation. By addressing these foundational issues, we can create a more equitable society where opportunity is not the privilege of a few but the birthright of all.
Institutional Reforms and Accountability
A critical element of this blueprint is the overhaul of our institutional frameworks. This includes reforming the reward and nomination systems within our party to ensure that appointments are based on merit rather than favouritism.
Transparency must become the cornerstone of our governance, with robust systems in place to monitor and evaluate performance at all levels from the federal to the local government. Such reforms will not only restore confidence among party members but will also send a powerful message to the Nigerian people that we are committed to building a government that is accountable and just.
Strengthening the Social Contract
Our nation is built on a social contract between the government and the governed, a contract that has, over time, been eroded by unmet expectations and unfulfilled promises. It is imperative that we renew this contract through tangible actions that address the fundamental needs of the populace. Policies that ensure free or affordable education, subsidized health care, and accessible transportation are not mere concessions; they are investments in the human capital that is the bedrock of Nigeria’s future. By fulfilling these basic promises, we reaffirm the trust of the people and lay the groundwork for sustainable development.
Building a Culture of Inclusivity
The future of Nigeria depends on our ability to harness the collective strength of our diverse citizenry. This means fostering a culture of inclusivity where every voice regardless of age, background, or political affiliation is heard and valued. Your leadership, Your Excellency, is pivotal in championing this cause. By opening the channels of communication, involving grassroots members in decision-making, and establishing forums for open dialogue, you can build a more unified and resilient nation. Such inclusivity is not only a moral imperative; it is a practical necessity for navigating the complex challenges of our times.
IX. A Personal Plea from a Loyal Comrade
Mr. President, my words come to you from a place of deep personal concern and unwavering loyalty. I have witnessed firsthand the trials and tribulations of our political journey from the blood-soaked struggles of our past to the challenges we face today. I have seen the passion of young Nigerians, the dedication of our grassroots workers, and the spirit of resilience that has always defined our people. It is with this background that I earnestly appeal to you to reflect on the weight of your responsibilities.
I recall, with both pride and a tinge of sorrow, our conversation two years ago in your Asokoro palatial mansion. In that quiet, private setting of just the two of us, you spoke of the need for transformation, of changing the reward system that had, for too long, stifled the genuine talent within our ranks. Your words, full of hope and promise, stirred my soul then and they resonate with even greater urgency today. Yet, as I observe the current state of our party and the broader political landscape, I am dismayed to find that the changes we so desperately need have not materialized. Instead, the old ways of patronage, mediocrity, and sycophancy continue to prevail.
I am deeply troubled by the fact that those who have given everything to secure victory for our party, those true foot soldiers who have bled and sacrificed in the cause of democracy are now being relegated to the sidelines.
They are dismissed not for a lack of ability or commitment, but because they are “too straight” or do not possess the requisite connections. This betrayal of trust, this perversion of our reward system, has sown seeds of disillusionment and despair among our ranks. It is no wonder, then, that we witnessed a stunning defeat in Lagos, not as a consequence of weakness, but as a powerful manifestation of the dissatisfaction of our own members.
X. The Urgency of Leadership and the Imperative to Act Now
Your Excellency, we stand at a crossroads. The challenges before us are enormous, but they are not insurmountable if we act with resolve and integrity. I implore you to seize this moment, to demonstrate that true leadership is not defined by the ease of the path but by the courage to confront adversity head-on. The distractions of the 2027 elections, the discontent within our party, and the socio-economic hardships faced by millions of Nigerians are all pressing issues that require immediate and decisive action.
A Call for Courageous Leadership
It is only you, Mr. President, who have the authority, the experience, and the moral fortitude to steer this nation away from the precipice of disillusionment. I call on you to take bold, courageous steps that prioritize the welfare of the people over narrow political expediencies. Embrace the mantle of true leadership by enacting policies that are both transformative and inclusive, a leadership that does not shy away from making difficult decisions, even if they challenge established norms.
Restoring Faith in Our Political System
The current state of our party and government is a reflection of a broader malaise, a malaise that can only be cured by a recommitment to the core values of democracy, transparency, and accountability. Rebuild the trust of the Nigerian people by demonstrating, through your actions, that our government is not beholden to self-serving interests but is dedicated to the service of the nation. This is not merely a political imperative; it is a moral duty that you have long championed.
A Vision for a Better Tomorrow
Envision a Nigeria where every child has access to education without the burden of transport costs, where every family can afford quality health care without the looming spectre of financial ruin, and where the corridors of power are open to those who have dedicated their lives to the service of the people. This vision is not utopian, it is a practical, achievable goal that can be realized if we harness our collective will and act with unwavering determination. Your leadership is the beacon that can guide us towards this brighter future.
XI. Concluding
Reflections and a Final Appeal
As I bring this lengthy exposition to a close, I am mindful that the words I offer are not merely a critique but a heartfelt plea from one patriot to another. Our nation is at a critical moment, and the choices we make today will reverberate through the generations to come. I stand with you, Mr. President, in the belief that together we can overcome the obstacles that have long hindered Nigeria’s progress.
I ask you to revisit the promises you made to yourself, to your loyal comrades, and to the Nigerian people when you vowed to change the reward system and to build a government that truly serves the interests of all its citizens. Reflect on the sacrifices of the past, recognize the discontent that festers among those who have laboured tirelessly for our cause, and take the bold steps necessary to restore faith in our collective future.
Your Excellency, the time for complacency has passed. It is now the moment to lead with conviction, to embrace policies that uplift the marginalized, and to chart a course that is defined by justice, inclusivity, and genuine meritocracy. Convene your friends, your associates, your counsellors, and even those who have long been sidelined, bring them together in a congress or assembly where honest dialogue and reflection can take place.
Let us, in unity, seek the face of God for guidance, wisdom, and the strength to overcome our challenges.
This is not the time for partisanship or petty squabbles; it is the time for national renewal. The Nigerian people deserve nothing less than a government that is truly committed to their welfare, a government that listens, acts, and transforms the aspirations of millions into tangible reality.
Final Thoughts
In closing, allow me to reiterate my deepest respect and admiration for you, Mr. President. I write these words with profound love for our country and with a steadfast belief in your capacity to lead Nigeria into a new era of prosperity and justice. The journey ahead is fraught with challenges, but I am convinced that with your visionary leadership, we can and will overcome them.
Who Will Tell the President?
This essay is titled Who Will Tell the President? because the truths contained in it are what many would rather avoid. But as your brother, your loyalist, and your confidant, I cannot stay silent.
Mr. President, the nation looks to you.
The burden is heavy, but so is the trust reposed in you by the millions who believe in your vision. Let democracy reign; let the will of the people prevail. Let us right the wrongs, restore faith, and build a Nigeria where every citizen regardless of background has a fair shot at a better life.
I trust that you will take these reflections to heart and that, in the days to come, you will initiate the critical reforms that our nation so desperately needs. Again Asiwaju, Let democracy reign and let the will of the people be the guiding star of our endeavours. I remain, as ever, a loyal comrade and a fervent believer in the promise of a better Nigeria.
Ogboni Fouad Oki
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On April 23, 1971, the New York Times did a feature on Haitian tyrant, Francois Duvalier, infamously known as Papa Doc. It reported Duvalier as getting Haitian children indoctrinated with a political catechism which parodied Christians’ The Lord’s Prayer, thus: “Our Doc, who art in the National Palace for life, Hallowed be Thy name by present and future generations. Thy will be done at Port‐au‐Prince and in the provinces. Give us this day our new Haiti and never forgive the trespasses of the anti patriots who spit every day on our country; let them succumb to temptation, and under the weight of their venom, deliver them not from any evil . . .”
Since the antonym of democracy is autocracy, is Nigeria sliding into autocracy? Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo didn’t explicitly say so but believes democracy is dead in Nigeria. Peter Obi shared same view. At a symposium to mark the 60th birthday of former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon Emeka Ihedioha, Obasanjo proclaimed the death of democracy, not only in Nigeria but Africa. In 2008, in an assessment of the state of democracy in Africa, Larry Diamond, American political sociologist and scholar who specializes in democracy studies, submitted that, “the statistics (of the practice of democracy in Africa) tell a grim story.” I will visit these grim statistics presently. Argentine economist, Daniel Kaufman and his colleagues at the World Bank, developed six measures with which we can assess the quality of democracy in any country. Africa, Nigeria recorded dismal failure in virtually all of them.
One of the measurement is, voice and accountability. Voice entails freedom of expression and citizen participation in governance. In other words, governmental tolerance for dissent is a major kernel of democracy. In the fawning stampedes by Delta State government apparati last week to defend federal power, you can glean the enveloping tyrannic character of the current Nigerian state. Officials of government had earlier fought mere Nursing school girls’ tantrums in the “See your Mama” viral video against First Lady Remi Tinubu in Asaba. You would think it was a world war. Though minute and seemingly insignificant, but for immediate massive responses on social media, threats to deal with the students would have been activated. I will cite a historical example of tolerance for dissent that showcases the Asaba attempt to silence voices as indicative of undemocratic attitude.
At the Adeseun Ogundoyin Polytechnic convocation lecture I delivered in June 2023 with the title, Re-inventing polytechnic education for 21st century Nigeria, I cited the example of the first civilian governor of Oyo State, Chief Bola Ige. Sometime between 1979 and 1983, Ige had visited the Ibadan Main Campus of the polytechnic. In their characteristic tantrums, the students became rude and uncontrollable. In an unsparing tongue-lash characteristic of the man widely credited for his lingual exceptionalism, the governor landed the students a fusillade of vitriolic attack. He said: “I am happy your Rector is a holder of a PhD in Animal Science; he will apply it on all of you!” Decency will not permit the reproduction here of the vile and insulting reply, laced with thunderous howls and delivered as a song, with which the students replied Ige. Not long after, some primary school pupils paid Ige a courtesy visit. He ostensibly saw it as an opportunity to even the score. So, in advising the pupils on their life trajectory, the governor told them that whilst walking towards Sango, a street in the capital city, (as metaphor for furthering their education) rather than make a detour towards Ijokodo, (where Ibadan polytechnic is located) they should rather go straight to Ojoo. Ojoo is the route that leads to the University of Ibadan. That was where it ended. No institutional sanction against Ibadan poly students.
Last week, Nigeria erupted in discussions on whether the practice of democracy in Africa, Nigeria had failed. Though concerns about democracy in Nigeria predate Bola Tinubu, they have reached feverish pace today. As we speak, the name Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is almost becoming a legislative history in Nigeria. In our very before, a dalliance of senatorial leadership impunity, in cahoots with Kogi government’s democratic irreverence, is about to produce a sour broth that Nigerians will be forced to swallow. The only recourse the people have is to look skywards, with tears coursing down their cheeks and mutter, “Let them cover themselves with the shroud of a thick mortar after shooting an arrow into the sky; if the king of this earth does not apprehend them, the King in heaven surely will:”
In the same vein, a few weeks ago, an NYSC member who complained about the deteriorating state of Nigerians’ well-being was threatened into submission. I submit that the Asaba event and an earlier Seyi Tinubu’s quest to turn his father into the father of Nigeria in Adamawa State are fatherlizing and motherlizing attempts which are no happenstances. It is the beginning of the mutation of the cells of the opposite of democracy. Duvalier pioneered this seemingly benign misbiology in Haiti. At the beginning of his tyranny, he got his own Villaswill Akpabio-led rubber‐stamp legislature to proclaim him as “Spiritual Father of the Nation.” In the capital city, Port‐au Prince, Duvalier ordered “spontaneous” demonstrations of affection towards him, as it is done on the social media today where thousands of a largely illiterate and desperately poor Haitians were tricked to frenziedly scream, “Du‐val‐yeah!” and “Viva Papa Doc!”
The federal government’s infamous odyssey in Rivers State in close to two years now is perceived by watchers of Nigeria’s tottering democracy as a manifestation of a totalitarian tendency. Its cells will spread presently. When they do, we will all be in trouble. The recent tactic was to make a Bukar Suka Dimka of Rivers’ ex-Head of Service, George Nwaeke and claim that he was a witness to suspended governor, Siminalayi Fubara’s alleged treasonable plan to bomb oil installations. The ultimate script is to finally try Fubara for treason. Dimka, you will recall, was the coup plotter who, after his capture in March, 1976, sang like canary to implicate, among others, Major General Illiya Bisalla. His claims were never corroborated, leading to Bisalla’s execution. The viral video of Nwaeke’s wife which affirmed a guerrilla capture of her husband by federal forces so as to incriminate Fubara must have let Nigeria into the window of a frightening re-calibration of Duvalier in Nigeria. Robert Mugabe didn’t just leap into tyranny; he grew, like a mustard seed, into it.
A cartoon which went viral last week explains the configuration of Nigeria’s present “democracy”. A man with huge double pockets, depicted as “executive,” had inside the pockets castrated urchins tagged as “legislature” and “judiciary”. To explain this unholy matrimony, ex-Vice President Atiku Abubakar did away with niceties and diplomatese that are the handmaidens of Nigerian politicians. The Senate President and the National Assembly, he pronounced, are compromised and corrupt. To corroborate Abubakar and the newspaper cartoon, a little over a week ago, taciturn President Goodluck Jonathan drew his own cartoon strokes of the current state of Nigeria’s “democracy”. He accused the three arms of government as being a tripartite axis of evil who were complicit in the Rivers imbroglio. He said: “No businessman can bring his money to invest in a country where the judiciary is compromised; where government functionaries can dictate to judges what judgment they will give.” Jonathan deployed an Indian version of a Yoruba anecdote that illustrates a Nero fiddling while Rome was burning. It tells the story of someone falsely simulating sleep who the Yoruba call Apiroro. The Apiroro is always difficult to wake up. Jonathan’s summary of the power calculus on the Rivers crisis is that, “They are pretending to sleep and waking up such a person is extremely difficult.”
While the typhoon of illicit relationship between the three arms of government was yet raging, a photograph of Supreme Court Justice Emmanuel Akomaye Agim and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, at the University of Calabar’s Golden Jubilee Special Convocation surfaced on the social media. Immediately I saw it, my mind went to Justice Olumuyiwa Jibowu (1899 – 1959). Jibowu was a fierce judge. The first African to serve in the Supreme Court of Nigeria, first Nigerian High Court Judge and one-time Chief Justice of the Western Region, Jibowu demonstrated that there must never be any unholy concourse between a judge, a lawyer who has matter before him and litigants. He once demonstrated this while he was Judge in the Ondo High Court. Counsel in a matter before him and Federal General Secretary of the Action Group Party, Ayotunde Rosiji, was slated to appear before him sometime in the early 1950s. They were both acquainted as Jibowu had paid Rosiji a visit when the latter came back from his legal studies in Britain. So, the evening before he was to appear before him, Rosiji decided to visit Jibowu in his home. Renowned for his uprightness and probity, though Justice Jibowu attended to Rosiji, when he was to deliver his judgment, he lifted up a sheaf of papers for all to see, which he said was a copy of the judgment he had stayed all night to write. Then, to the shock of everyone, the judge tore the papers into shred. All because counsel to one of the parties had come to see him in his house.
Former Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission (Nigeria), Prof. Chidi Odinkalu, in his anger at this anomaly, cited an earlier pronouncement of such public togetherness as incestuous by Justice Niki Tobi. In his ruling in Buhari vs. Independent National Electoral Commission & Ors (2008), the late Supreme Court Justice warned that “The two professions (law and politics) do not meet and will never meet at all in our democracy… If they meet, the victim will be democracy, and that will be bad for sovereign Nigeria.”
Let me illustrate the calamity that Justice Tobi foretold with the market. Like any human endeavour, the market has a philosophy. It is constituted by a tripod: the brick and mortar stalls (Oja), marketers (pate-pate) and traders (Onina’ja). On market days when merchants advertise their merchandise, the soul of the market is not the merchants nor their merchandise. It is the market, which is the people, the traders or the Onina’ja. So, when the market is over, you may see merchants and their merchandise or even the stalls but the soul of the market is gone (oja ti tu). So it is in a democracy. The moment a democracy harbours a complicit judiciary, an adulterous legislature in bed with the executive, the way President Jonathan painted it, the market is over. What is left are mere wares and merchandise (T’oja ba ti tu, a ku pate-pate). When you look, you see democracy on paper, the way you see a mass of quills and feathers on a masquerade, when, in actual fact, the masquerade is long gone. Late dramatist Hubert Ogunde verbalized this flight of democracy when he sang in Yoruba, “Iye l’e o ma wo l’eyin eye o….”
Nigeria’s situation today can be compared to Senegal’s under Abdoulaye Wade. With Wade, rather than rule of law, it was rule of person, otherwise called personal rule. A longtime Senegalese opposition leader, when Wade won the presidency in 2000, as many did in the current government, hopes were quite high for democracy in Senegal. Rather than this, however, Wade drew power and resources to himself and those of his family. By 2007, criticisms from journalists, political activists, singers, and marabouts (Muslim spiritual leaders) or any word from the opposition earned physical intimidation from his goons. Last week, as riposte to Peter Obi’s criticism of present slide towards autocracy, Nigerian presidency told him that, that he could talk freely was a presidential grace. Today, Nigeria grapples with a lackluster economic performance just like under Wade. The Senegalese leader also, like here in Nigeria, mobilized support, according to Larry Diamond, by corrupting and co-opting “religious figures, civil society leaders, local administrators, military officers… with money, loans, diplomatic passports, and other favors.”
Said a responder to Diamond, “He has destroyed all the institutions, including political parties. He has taken opposition with him and manipulated the parliament. People are so poor and Wade controls everything. If you need something, you have to go with him.” Nigerians must see themselves in that Wade mirror.
Apart from the above indices, there are other measurements of the state of health of a democracy. They include, political stability (absence of violence), government effectiveness (of public services and public administration), quality of government regulation, the rule of law. Recourse to violence as means of settling social discord has risen in Nigeria and governments are absent in the lives of the people, leading to self-help. The Uromi, Edo State incineration of travelling northerners is on my mind here. Though another famous theorist of democracy, Richard Sklar, in his “Democracy in Africa” (1983): African Studies Review, Vol. 26, No. 3/4, said “democracy dies hard,” he also submitted that it could “bleed and die” on the altars of repressive rule and lack of accountability. He concluded by saying “The true executioner of democracy has neither sword nor scepter, but a baneful idea.”
In Nigeria today, democracy might not have died but its balance sheet is scary. Democracy is not in periodic elections, appointments into offices or its persistent mouthing like a refrain. Democracy is about the people. Obasanjo made this known at the Ihedioha colloquium. When, rather than the people, a small clique of politicians are sole beneficiaries of democracy and there is this mass of misery, what we have can better be described as politicians-cracy. There is a regression of democratic culture in Nigeria and hunger is blanketing Nigerians. Human development statistics regress daily, life expectancy is nosediving while dismal level of governance and violent conflicts seize our country by the jugular.
The good news is that, Larry Diamond said that democracy cannot die. He, however, imputed that it could suffer fatal seizures. It is obvious that today, the Nigerian democracy is gasping for breath.
By the way, this is wishing President Bola Tinubu a happy 73rd birthday.
[OPINION] Nigeria’s Twisted Power Stage: A Wife’s Pain, A Husband’s Confusion, Ruthless Games, and A Woman Trapped Between Lies and Power - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminIt all began on Friday, a day that should have been ordinary, peaceful. George was supposed to be home. They had planned for Sunday—a simple church outing, a moment of sanctuary from the turmoil that had begun to engulf their lives. Florence held on to that hope, to the comforting familiarity of routine. But before Sunday even arrived, the nightmare began. George left on Friday with a hurriedness she had never seen before. His words were rushed, his manner strained.
“I will be back the same day,” he told her, his voice hollow, stripped of warmth and certainty. The man she once knew was speaking like a stranger, his tone mechanical, his words rehearsed. Florence felt it in her bones—something was terribly wrong. But the fear remained buried within her, cloaked by her hope that he would return as promised.
What troubled Florence most was not just his sudden departure but the way he spoke. There was something in his voice—a weariness, a reluctance, a mechanical hollowness that didn’t belong to the George she knew. He was leaving, but it was as if he had already been taken away from her, spirited off to some faraway place even before his physical absence. His hurried departure left Florence stranded in her own home, a place that now felt like a prison built from her own anxieties.
The Crushing Silence—Florence’s Growing Desperation
Hours passed. Then almost a full day. Then more. By Saturday morning, George was still gone. Florence’s calls went unanswered, her messages left with the cruel emptiness of silence. Her mind spun with fear and doubt. Had he been harmed? Was he hiding from her? The possibilities tangled into a knot of despair she could not untangle. She called friends, family, anyone who might know his whereabouts. But no one had answers.
Every unanswered call became a fresh wound. Florence’s mind constructed scenarios of danger, of betrayal, of death. It was like her sanity was being whittled away by an invisible hand, slicing away her hope piece by piece. Each moment of silence was an indictment against the man she loved—a man who had always been transparent with her but was now nothing more than a ghost. The horror of not knowing where he was or what was happening to him left her gasping for air, her chest tight with panic.
The Shock of Exposure—The Television Appearance
The first clue of George’s whereabouts came not from George himself, but from outsiders. Friends and strangers alike bombarded Florence with calls, their voices fraught with urgency and disbelief. “Florence, your husband is on TV. He’s accusing Governor Fubara of burning buildings, stealing money, sponsoring oil pipelines explosions, conspiring against Tinubu. He’s saying terrible things.”
The words cut through Florence like a knife. Why was George on television? Why was he speaking about such grave matters without telling her? Why had he left her in darkness, with nothing but her fear for company?
Her hands trembled as she turned on the television, her heart pounding in her chest. There he was, speaking like a man unhinged, his words rapid and jumbled, his expression distant and unnatural. His eyes were dull, as though he was reading from a script written by someone else. The man she saw on the screen was not the man she knew. Florence’s mind recoiled from the image, her heart breaking under the weight of her own helplessness.
A Nation’s Stage—George’s Confusing Broadcast
George appeared on television again on Saturday morning. But he was slipping. He stumbled over his words, his voice mechanical and detached. His speech was broken, his mind seemingly fractured. His confusion was so evident that it felt like a betrayal of his own consciousness.
“Good evening,” he began, even though it was clearly still morning. His confusion seeped through, a sign of the turmoil within him. Yet, he persisted, delivering his speech as if driven by forces beyond his control. Florence could see it, hear it, feel it. “That is not my husband,” she whispered to herself, her voice trembling with grief and anger.
The image of George struggling to maintain coherence was a brutal confirmation of Florence’s worst fears. Someone had taken him, manipulated him, twisted his words and mind until he was nothing but a puppet on a string. It was as if the George she loved had been swallowed by something sinister—something that had stolen his soul and replaced it with a script.
The Cruel Manipulation—Luxury as a Weapon
George claimed he was in Abuja because “that is where all the major security agencies are headquartered.” A convenient justification, but Florence saw through the deception. Everything George was speaking of—the alleged bombing of the Rivers State House of Assembly, the financial exchanges, the supposed conspiracy—these were all matters tied to Rivers State. They had happened in Port Harcourt, not Abuja. So why was he so far from home, from her?
But what baffled Florence most was not just George’s whereabouts, but the manner of his stay. George was now reportedly staying at Transcorp Hilton Hotel, a place far removed from the man who had once pleaded for financial help. Luxury had become a weapon against him—an illusion of grandeur meant to mask the strings being pulled by those who sought to control him.
The Revelation—Fubara’s Cruel Strategy
Then came the revelation. Governor Siminalayi Fubara, now suspended, emerged with alleged screenshots of George’s messages to Chief of Staff Edison Ehie. Texts that exposed George’s desperation, his pleas for financial help, his struggle to survive. The messages were humiliating, reducing George to a man begging for assistance from those who sought to manipulate him.
George’s messages were not cries for conspiracy or political power. They were pleas for survival, for a lifeline in a world that had turned its back on him. And now, the very people who offered him aid were using his vulnerability against him. The calculated cruelty of their actions struck Florence like a physical blow.
The Weaponization of Desperation—Texts Turned Against Him
Florence could scarcely believe the extent of the betrayal. Her husband’s most vulnerable pleas for help had been paraded before the world as evidence of his weakness, his desperation, his lack of credibility. What was once a private struggle to survive had been twisted into a public spectacle of humiliation. It was a cruel tactic designed to strip George of his dignity and Florence of her sanity.
Those messages were not conspiracy plots. They were the desperate cries of a man battling against forces he could not understand, let alone control. Florence’s mind raced through the words shared by Fubara—messages of financial strain, of pleading for assistance, of desperation so raw it made her stomach twist with sorrow. And now, the same man who had once begged for mere survival was speaking from the comfort of Transcorp Hilton Hotel, delivering statements that seemed crafted to fit a narrative not his own.
“That is not my husband,” Florence repeated, her voice cracking with grief. It was a plea, a declaration, a warning. But to those who sought to control George, it was nothing but the inconvenient truth of a woman they had already decided to ignore.
The Luxury Prison—Transcorp Hilton’s Illusion of Control
The words George spoke from the comfort of Transcorp Hilton Hotel felt detached, hollow. Florence could hear the unnaturalness in his voice, the way his words lacked the authenticity that once defined him. The grand setting of the luxury hotel only served to deepen the suspicion.
He declared, “I am in Abuja. This is Transcorp Hotel where I am lodging.” The way he delivered those words was meant to convey assurance, credibility, stability. But Florence saw the truth. She saw a man living under false protection, surrounded by comfort designed to hide the chains they had placed around him.
Luxury was their tool of manipulation, a gilded prison meant to convince George and the world that he was safe, that he was speaking of his own free will. But Florence knew better. She had seen the cracks in his performance, the forced smile, the faltering words. That was not her husband.
The Rehearsed Lines—George’s Struggle Against His Script
George’s words continued to sound forced, rehearsed. The mechanical delivery of his statements was a betrayal of the man she once knew—a man whose voice had always carried warmth and sincerity, even in the harshest of times. The lines he spoke seemed unnatural, as if he was reading from a script handed to him by those who had taken control of his life.
They were feeding him lines, manipulating his words to suit their narrative. And George, lost within the labyrinth of deception, was unable to break free from their control.
A Wife’s Painful Certainty—Florence’s Unyielding Cry
“That is not my husband.”
Florence’s cry was more than just words. It was a plea for the world to see the truth, to recognize the deception playing out before their eyes. Her pain was laid bare for all to see, her tears a testament to the injustice that had been forced upon her family. But her cries fell upon deaf ears.
She watched as George continued to speak from the luxury of Transcorp Hilton, his voice mechanical, his words hollow. The man she loved was trapped, his voice stolen and replaced with a false narrative meant to destroy everything he had once stood for.
If George truly believed in the allegations he was making, why not report them to the Rivers State Police Command? The alleged crimes and conspiracies he described all originated in Rivers State. They were tied to Port Harcourt, not Abuja.
The supposed bombing of the Rivers State House of Assembly? Allegedly orchestrated on Moscow Road, Port Harcourt.
The financial exchanges George claimed to have witnessed? Conducted within Government House, Port Harcourt.
His resignation, which he insisted was voluntary? Announced and accepted in Rivers State.
Yet, George was now far removed from the scenes he described, making bold claims from the safety of a luxurious hotel in Abuja. Florence knew this was not her husband.
The Painful Revelation—Florence’s Desperate Plea to Fubara
Florence had called Fubara, her voice trembling with desperation. “They got him, that was not the George I know, help me governor.”
But even as she reached out for help, it felt as though the script had already been written, the players chosen, the lines rehearsed. Fubara’s response was calculated, revealing alleged screenshots of George begging for financial support from Chief of Staff Edison Ehie.
Those texts painted George as a man desperate for help, a man struggling to survive in a world that had turned its back on him. But instead of offering compassion, those texts were used as tools of humiliation, meant to discredit and destroy.
The Cruel Game—George’s Forced Declarations
George had been pressured to admit knowledge of billions allegedly manipulated by Governor Fubara. But the words he spoke were not his own. They were apparently forced, extracted from him through a process of coercion and manipulation.
They were feeding him lines. Telling him what to say, how to say it, when to say it. And all the while, Florence’s voice remained the only truth he could not escape.
“That is not my husband.”
The Man She Loved—Lost to Deception
Florence’s pain was now the pain of a nation. A nation betrayed by the same systems of power that twisted her husband’s truth. They had taken him away from her, placed him in a luxurious prison, and fed him words meant to destroy everything he had once stood for.
But Florence refused to give up. She continued to cry out, her voice cutting through the lies with the sharpness of her own grief. “That is not my husband,” she repeated, her words a testament to her unwavering love and relentless pursuit of the truth.
The Isolation of Truth—Florence’s Words Ignored
Florence’s words were not just a declaration of pain. They were a cry for justice. But as the hours stretched into days, her cries seemed to fall into the abyss of indifference. She pleaded for someone to listen, to understand that the man speaking from Transcorp Hilton was not the George she knew. He was a man imprisoned by manipulation, his voice twisted to serve the interests of those who sought to destroy him.
Her desperation was visible for the world to see—caught on camera as she sat with her phone clutched tightly in her hands, her voice cracking from the strain of calling, texting, pleading. Yet, the silence was deafening. No responses. No reassurance. Nothing but the unyielding pain of abandonment.
“That is not my husband.” Those words became her only defense, her only truth against a world determined to ignore her suffering.
The Scripted Denial—George’s Forced Rebuttal
“They told me what to say. They told me to rebuke you,” Florence imagined him whispering to her, a truth buried beneath layers of deception. But the world did not hear that truth. They only heard the lines he was forced to speak.
“That is not my husband.” Florence’s cry grew louder, her pain more visceral, her truth more undeniable.
The Breakdown of Logic—Contradictions in George’s Narrative
As George continued to speak, the contradictions became glaring. He insisted he was in Abuja to report his findings to the security agencies because “that is where all the major security agencies are headquartered.” But Florence saw through the pretense.
Again, all the alleged crimes George spoke of had occurred in Rivers State. The supposed bombing of the Rivers State House of Assembly? It was said to have happened on Moscow Road, Port Harcourt. The financial exchanges he claimed to have witnessed? Conducted within Government House, Port Harcourt. His resignation, which he insisted was voluntary, had been announced in Rivers State.
So why was George now far removed from the scenes of his own accusations? Why was he speaking from Abuja, a city where truth seemed to dissolve into shadows and deceit? Why was he delivering his statements from the comfort of a luxury hotel, rather than facing the realities of the allegations he claimed to expose?
Florence’s frustration grew. Her tears turned to anger. And her voice, trembling but unbroken, continued to speak her truth.
The Media Circus—A Nation’s Indifference
The media latched onto George’s story, twisting it to suit their own narratives. Reports were printed, interviews conducted, headlines splashed across screens and newspapers. Yet none of them captured the reality of Florence’s pain. None of them acknowledged her cries.
Instead, they focused on George’s forced statements, his hollow declarations. They ignored the glaring inconsistencies, the evident manipulation, the glaring fact that the man speaking was not the man Florence had known.
“That is not my husband.” Her words were lost amidst the noise of sensationalism and political maneuvering.
The Mockery of Justice—A Process Corrupted. Soon we will hear Go to Court!
Now, they speak of a police investigation. Of George traveling to Abuja to officially report his claims to the security agencies. Of legal proceedings that will supposedly uncover the truth. But Florence knows better.
“This is not about truth,” she whispered to herself, her voice heavy with despair. “This is about control. This is about silencing George and breaking me.”
They had isolated him, placed him in a luxury hotel to give the illusion of credibility. But Florence knew that luxury was nothing but a cage—one built to keep him away from the truth, away from her.
A Heart Torn Apart—Florence’s Emotional Collapse
Florence’s agony continued to spill over, her cries growing louder, her desperation more profound. She apparently could not sleep. She apparently could not eat. Her mind was consumed by the thought of George, of the man who had been taken from her.
“That is not my husband.” The words had become a chant, a mantra meant to keep her own sanity intact. But the world continued to ignore her.
Was she mad? Was she the only one who could see the truth? Or was everyone else simply too afraid to acknowledge the lies playing out before their eyes?
The Hollow Words—A Nation’s Failure
The longer George remained under their control, the more Florence’s grief turned to rage. How could a nation claim to uphold justice when its own systems of power were built upon deceit? How could they claim to care for the truth when they were so willing to manipulate a man’s words, his life, his mind?
Florence’s words were a testament to her love, her loyalty, her relentless pursuit of the truth. But to those who sought to silence her, they were nothing but an inconvenience.
A Man Lost—And a Woman Forgotten
Days had passed since George’s last appearance. And still, Florence waited, her phone clutched in her hand, her eyes hollow with exhaustion. The silence stretched on, suffocating her with every passing moment.
Was George still in Abuja? Was he still under their control? Had they broken him completely, or was there still a chance to bring him back?
The questions circled her mind like vultures, tearing away at her sanity. And all she could do was wait.
The Unanswered Questions—And a Wife’s Final Plea
The media remained silent. The authorities offered no answers. And George remained out of reach. Florence’s world had been turned upside down, her life shattered by forces beyond her control.
“That is not my husband.” Her voice was now a whisper, broken and tired. But the truth remained. And she clung to it with everything she had left.
Who knows where George is now? The media remains silent, offering no updates, no explanations. And as Florence waits for answers, the world continues to move on, indifferent to her pain.
All anyone can do is hope that Florence is fine, that she is safe, that her voice will one day be heard.
A prisoner is told, “If you tell a lie, we will hang you, and if you tell the truth, we will shoot you”
What did the prisoner say to save himself?
The prisoner can create a paradoxical statement that prevents the guards from carrying out either punishment consistently. By saying: “You will hang me.”
This creates a logical contradiction:
- If the statement is true (they hang him), then he should have been shot for telling the truth.
- If the statement is false (they don’t hang him), then he should have been hanged for lying.
Neither punishment can be applied without violating the original rule, forcing the guards to spare him.
Nigeria’s social media space has forgotten Bobrisky?” The self-styled transgender icon and socialite vanished after his arrest in April 2024 for naira abuse, leaving gossip mills churning. Yet, while Bobrisky has stopped captivating tabloids, a far deeper narrative unfolds—one that transcends celebrity scandal and speaks to Nigeria’s democratic resilience, to understand this, we must look beyond the noise and interrogate history: How does Nigeria’s 25-year democratic journey since 1999 compare to the formative decades of even the world’s oldest democracies, like the United States? The answer reveals a story of paradoxical progress, where flaws coexist with strides forward, much like the prisoner’s clever escape from his captors’ logic.
The prisoner’s dilemma—“If you lie, we hang you; if you tell the truth, we shoot you”—is resolved through a statement that collapses the system’s logic. Nigeria’s democracy, too, operates within contradictions. Critics highlight its imperfections: electoral violence, corruption, and inequality. Yet, like the prisoner’s paradox, Nigeria’s progress defies simplistic judgments. When measured against the early years of the United States (1776–1806), a period romanticized as democracy’s “golden age,” Nigeria’s Fourth Republic emerges not as a failure but as a work in progress—messy, flawed, but undeniably alive.
Existential crises marked the United States’ first 30 years. The Articles of Confederation collapsed under economic chaos, Shays’ Rebellion exposed federal weakness, and the 1800 Jefferson-Burr electoral tie nearly triggered a civil war. Voting was restricted to white male landowners, and dissent was criminalized under the Alien and Sedition Acts. Progress was halting, violent, and exclusionary.
Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, by contrast, has maintained uninterrupted civilian rule since 1999—a feat in coup-prone West Africa. Despite flawed polls, four presidents have handed power to rivals, including the 2015 defeat of Goodluck Jonathan, a first in Nigeria’s history. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has digitized voter registration, with 93 million Nigerians registered in 2023—a figure unimaginable in 1800s America, where voter participation rarely topped 10%. Nigeria’s system is imperfect, but its continuity amid ethnic diversity (250+ groups) and extremist threats like Boko Haram underscores a resilience the early U.S. lacked.

Bobrisky
In 1806, the U.S. economy relied on enslaved labor and small-scale farming. Infrastructure was sparse; innovation lagged. Nigeria, however, has leveraged globalization to diversify beyond oil. Startups like Flutterwave and Paystack dominate African fintech, attracting $2 billion in investments since 2020. Lagos, once a congested megacity, now rivals Nairobi and Cape Town as a tech hub. Agricultural reforms have revived cocoa exports and slashed rice imports by 60% since 2015. Though 40% live in poverty, GDP has tripled since 1999, and the middle class has surged from 4% to 23% of the population.
This trajectory mirrors America’s 19th-century industrial rise but at a 21st-century pace. Where the U.S. needed 100 years to build railroads, Nigeria’s digital economy leapfrogs traditional stages—mobile money adoption outpaces banks, and remote villages access global markets via WhatsApp. The challenges—corruption, and inequality—are real, but so is the progress.
The U.S. Founding Fathers feared direct democracy, designing a republic buffered from “mob rule.” Nigeria’s civil society, however, thrives on chaos. Movements like #EndSARS (2020), which forced the dissolution of a brutal police unit, showcase a digitally empowered populace. Courts have overturned fraudulent elections and jailed once-untouchable figures—former governors, ministers, and even Bobrisky, whose prosecution, however performative, signals declining and sometimes topsy turvy tolerance for impunity.
Compare this to early America: the 1798 Sedition Act jailed critics of President Adams, while the Supreme Court’s 1857 Dred Scott decision entrenched slavery. Nigeria’s judiciary, though sluggish, has no equivalent stain, yet stains for those that don’t understand what it did in Imo State. Its media, ranked among West Africa’s freest, amplifies dissent in ways America’s partisan 18th-century press could not.
Nigeria’s struggles—corruption, terrorism, ethno-religious strife—are real but not unique. The early U.S. normalized slavery, genocided Native Americans and weathered a Civil War. Nigeria’s Boko Haram insurgency and farmer-herder clashes are devastating, yet the state persists. Corruption, though rampant, is being challenged: the EFCC recovers billions annually, and whistleblowers expose graft via social media.
Even Bobrisky’s trial reflects this duality. His arrest for naira abuse was criticized as selective, yet it sparked debates about currency respect—a discourse inconceivable in 1800s America, where elites burned banks without consequence.
Bobrisky’s absence symbolizes a shifting Nigeria. His fame relied on outrage—a society wrestling with gender norms, wealth display, and moral hypocrisy. But as Nigeria matures, a new generation seeks substance over spectacle. They care less about “Mummy of Lagos” dramas than holding leaders accountable. They build tech startups, vote with PVCs, and demand climate action.
Nigeria’s democracy, like America’s at 25, is raw and fragile. But history teaches us that democracies grow through crises. The U.S. needed centuries to expand rights; Nigeria, in 25 years, has navigated coups, insurgencies, and pandemics while expanding civic space.
The prisoner’s paradox teaches that systems can be confounded by their contradictions. Nigeria’s democracy, too, defies doom prophecies. Its progress is nonlinear—a dance of setbacks and breakthroughs. Bobrisky’s theatrics fade, but Nigeria’s youth, tech, and tenacity endure.
Where is Bobrisky? He is a footnote. The real story is Nigeria—a nation scripting its future, not in isolation, but as part of democracy’s arduous, global march. As America’s past shows, the path to stability is long. But Nigeria, against the odds, is walking it—May Nigeria win!
Prince Charles Dickson PhD
Team Lead
From history, it is easy to observe that the attention of the average Nigeria is to the self – a trend which in my part of the country is popularly known as ‘cut for me, cut for me.’ To be able to garner much wealth in life, the average citizen who finds himself in a public office or privileged position struggles a lot to remain affluent which explains why some people want to be in one appointment or another even at age 90.
Those who are public servants that must retire at a specified date use affidavits to continue to alter their ages so as to extend their stay in office. Whatever is attained through such aggressive hustling is often used for the betterment of the proverbial ‘me, myself and I.’ Occasionally however, a few hustlers try to extend some favours to other people who are usually their family members or those with whom they share same ethno-religious affiliations.
Bearing in mind that in developing societies government is the greatest spender, all efforts are on politics because that is the sector where looting or extortion is least difficult to accomplish. Wealthy politicians spend heavily on politics rather than business or philanthropy. They keep their resources in safe firmaments to buy over opponents and other interest groups in order to be assured of electoral victory. For those in government whose primary purpose is supposedly the security and welfare of the citizenry, attention is really not on the people. Instead, capital projects such as the construction of bridges and roads are the priority of government simply because the capital-intensive nature of the sector accommodates massive kickbacks.
Of recent, we are able to find a few public-spirited citizens among them Senator Oluremi Tinubu, Nigeria’s current First Lady, who think differently. For the latter, the best security and welfare for fellow citizens is good health. It is not difficult at all to appreciate the logic in her thought process because one needs to be alive to be able to enjoy other benefits of democracy and good governance. In 2024, Remi Tinubu donated one billion naira from her Renewed Hope Initiative (RHI) towards the eradication of Tuberculosis (TB) in Nigeria. She made the pledge during her investiture as the Global and National Stop TB Champion. This year, she has again donated another one billion naira during a community outreach in Sauka, Abuja as part of activities marking the 2025 World TB Day.
In a country where politicians are usually busy acquiring expensive items for personal comfort, not many are conscious that TB has remained a leading cause of death in Nigeria. Yet, our country records more infection and deaths than any other African country. Indeed, Nigeria is ranked the 6thmost affected country globally and with the ailment being an airborne disease caused by a bacterium that mostly affects the lungs, anyone can be a victim. It is indeed, the second deadliest infectious killer disease (after COVID-19) and among the top 10 causes of death worldwide. According to the World Health Organization (WHO) report in 2024, over 1.6million deaths consisting of mostly the vulnerable were recorded in our clime the year before.
A significant effect of Mrs Tinubu’s donation is the likelihood that her approach would draw greater attention to the most fundamental need of humanity- the right to life. While preparing to write this piece, I tried to gather information on how people felt about the development. Majority of those, I interviewed dismissed the First Lady’s effort arguing that her donation initially belonged to us anyway. It took some persuasion before an insignificant few saw the perspective; I was projecting that even if the allegation that the donation was originally stolen from the public purse was correct, it is perhaps the only ‘stolen’ fund that was being ploughed back to save many people who have no relationship with the donor. How I wish every Nigerian politician could become that selfless and humane to make it a priority to save fellow citizens from pain, disease and deaths.
The major reason I decided to make this subject my topic for the week was the protracted caution by one of my respondents not to waste my energy commending Mrs Tinubu because he was sure no one would buy my point. He asked if I didn’t hear how some student-nurses embarrassed her last week in Delta state when she went there with the same health campaign? With this I became convinced that perhaps the First Lady’s Renewed Hope Initiative needed a greater support from those of us in the media because of its utility value to Nigerians. Our people need to be better sensitized on how to react to governance issues in our society. First, Mrs Tinubu was in Delta to attend the flag-off ceremony of the campaign for the elimination of HIV/AIDS, syphilis and hepatitis in Asaba – an advocacy initiative led by the African Union, the Organization of the African First Ladies for Development and Global Partners.
Second, the response of Delta authorities to a song on social media reportedly against Mrs Tinubu was an overreaction. Did the students behave differently from any known generation of students? Neither the First Lady nor other leaders involved in the type of humanitarian scheme launched in Asaba last week are the ones to be rejected. Instead, local and state leaders in our communities who divert development funds to themselves should be the first to be rejected. Of course, part of why our health care is in shambles is because our politicians across board are too corrupt. Last year for instance, Nigeria’s Independent Corrupt Practices Commission ICPC discovered the theft ofN13billion from our public treasury. The chairman of the commission, Dr. Musa Aliyu (SAN) revealed that the money was stolen in just one month. How much could have been stolen in other months which would have been better used to reduce the sufferings of our people?
Every year, we hear different stories of how our federal legislators perfect the act of budget padding. The last of such alarms was raised by a ranking senator, Abdul Ningi who revealed a budget padding of no less that N3trillion. Although he was quickly cowed and even suspended for allegedly not having credible evidence, Senator Abdul Ningi, who was at the time, the Chairperson of the Northern Senators Forum (NSF), had told BBC that the lawmakers sought the service of a private auditor who discovered irregularities in the budget. As usual, Nigerians did not believe the senate which has become known for its tendency of being a judge in its own cause. On its part,BudgIT – a foremost financial research group was able to find a total of 7,447 projects culminating in N2.24tn that were indiscriminately inserted in the 2024 budget by the National Assembly.
Based on this revelation, it stands to reason that the First Lady’s Renewed Hope Initiative cannot stop at just its own donations. A different additional intervention is for the First Lady to mobilize wives of state governors to individually and collectively lobby their husbands to pay more attention to health care. Last year, Nigeria recorded 214 deaths from Lassa fever. Evidence that the epidemic had risen far more than previous years is seen from the latest report which says that within the first 3 months of this year alone, more than100 Nigerians have already died from the same fever. According to the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) the states with the highest casualties are Ondo, Taraba, Edo, Benue, Bauchi, Gombe, Kogi, and Ebonyi.
One of the latest deaths from Lassa fever was that of a young medical doctor aged 31. He was said to have contacted the disease and died within 4 days at a private health facility in Ondo state. To have lost such an asset suggests that our leaders have not done well at all especially as the state where he died including the neighbouring state of Edo are well known to be most vulnerable. Yet, healthcare is not in the front burner of governance in such states. What seems to attract public spending in our states is politics where illiterate party chieftains have become the most valued citizens. One can only hope that the attention which Mrs Oluremi Tinubu is drawing to the nation’s devastating epidemics will yield some results soonest. For that to happen, there is no better time than now for all patriots to aggressively focus on Nigeria’s dilapidated health care system.