OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

Last week’s ascension to the Alaafin of Oyo throne by then Prince Abimbola Akeem Owoade courted tremendous ruckus in Yorubaland. Why would an unseen Ifa deity and its cloudy, ancient system of divination choose an Alaafin? Implicated in the back-and-forth that followed was 92-year old Ògúnwán̄dé Abím̄bọ́lá, professor of Yoruba language and literature and one-time vice chancellor of the University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University. In 1981, a conclave of Ifa priests in Yorubaland anointed Abimbola as the Àwísẹ Awo Àgbàyé (World Ifa Priest). He was then investitured by the late Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade.

It was to this man I headed on Sunday, January 12. Àwísẹ had given a 1pm appointment for an interview session to which me and two newspaper editor friends of mine – Lasisi Olagunju and Saheed Salawu – responded.

 

In one week or so, the fierce war between tradition and modernity became manifest. Where else could the war be waged other than Oyo Alaafin, a place which prides itself as the locus of traditional Yoruba society? Oyo was the centrifugal point where traditional power, culture, language, history collaged. When those powers were collapsed by British forces, Oyo manifested how the vapour of the powers drifted away. It was home to traditional heritage, political authority, power and influence. The power of its monarchy was awesome. Today, Oyo is a fragile carcass of the awesome and imposing Oyo Empire founded in the late 14th or early 15th century. That empire grew, in the words of historians, to become “the largest and most powerful of the forest states of West Africa.”

From its Old Oyo, located somewhere in the Savannah below the bend of the River Niger in the Bussa-Jebba area which was abandoned in 1835, Oyo showcased an extremely impressive internal organization, imposing military strength with the Alaafin as an Emperor. Alaafin, who was the sole king in Yoruba land, reigned over a vast empire. He was the sole king to bear the appellation, ‘His Imperial Majesty’, had governors called Ajele in all the regions. These governors ruled as suzerains from areas that extended as far as to the Popos, Dahomey, and parts of Ashanti, with portions of the Tapas and Baribas. Dahomey is in the present Benin Republic. The Alaafin also had Ilari, messengers who kept the Ajele in check from excessive wielding of power.

This Sunday morning, I was interested in a brand new worship at the feet of the Àwísẹ Awo Àgbàyé. I was ready to abandon everything else for a momentary worship by the Ifa priest’s feet.

Àwísẹ himself affirmed the traditional truism which says that, one major way to ascertain the potency of one’s Ogun deity is to hit its metal insignia on the head. Unbeknown to Abimbola, that was what he literally did. On arriving at the ancient city of Oyo, how could his home be located? The Ifa priest merely told the journalist, “just tell anyone in Oyo town that you’re heading to my house.” The priest was dead right. “Follow me” was the simple retort from an Okada rider when asked for the description of the Ifa priest’s abode. In few minutes, we were inside an expansive compound which, from its outside, you needed not being told you were in the home of a quintessential traditional worship czar.

Oyo had been very cool this Sunday. It was oblivious to the social media uprising over its new king. As you drove past Ibadan, the state capital city, you felt the flavour of driving northwards in the air. The mangrove receded, giving way to an arid temperature and weather. A few kilometres from Oyo, a heap of dirt by the roadside confronted you, shattering the sanity of the beautiful forest zone. In this particular place, you could feel the texture of absent environmental enforcement and a people sworn to a life of filth. Then, a long file of articulated vehicles lined the highway, with northern traders surrounding this particular roadside. These telltale signs announced that our northern brothers hibernated there. They were dead to the stench of the heaps of filth and the diseases they harbour. They were almost indistinguishable from their dirty heaps.

 

Drummers welcome guests into what looked like Abím̄bọ́lá’s own palace. And a black statue, presumably of the Ifa priest, sat regally in the expansive compound, dead to the curious stares onlookers give it. The compound itself was home to a number of houses. It was built like a typical African family compound – agbo ile – with houses within it. The only difference is that this compound comprises semi-modern apartments.

Promptly, we were ushered into the Àwísẹ Awo Àgbàyé’s own section of the compound. He sat regally on a black-coloured elevated chair that mimics a king’s stool. He was dressed in an all-white attire, a brown native cap clinging to his low-cut grey-haired head. He had a dangling ring of coloured beads on his neck, with an elephant tusk-like traditional Ifa priest whisk, an insignia of office called Iroke, which he held in his hand. He flung this momentarily as the whisk makes a whooshing noise. Three white-headed effigies surrounded his seat, sitting regally on the terrazzoed sound. Once in a while, Awise dashed out to attend to the milling crowd of Ifa devotees who needed his attention, like the Oluwo of Oke and Isale Oyo. His brisk sprint, which belied his 92-year age, was an awesome spectacle to behold. His wife, a Causasian Ifa priestess, Iyanifa Ajisebo (one vast in daily spiritual offering and sacrifices) Mcllwaine, sat on the next black chair to him, pounding glibly on a Mic laptop. She occasionally lent her voice to conversations, especially when her husband demanded affirmation of a particular anecdote.

At a time, some Ifa priests divining within the premises came to ask Àwísẹ about a divination process and Iyanifa Ajisebo offered to go bring her own divination ring (opele) and Àwísẹ’s to the priests so as to aid their divination process. The living room was over-decorated with photographs hung on its walls. Abimbola’s parents’, as well as ones he took with Alaafin Lamidi Adeyemi, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, late Ooni of Ife, Pope Benedict, Deoscóredes Maximiliano dos Santos, alias Mestre Didi of Brazil and many more photographs majestically flaunted the fact that we were in the home of an iconic man of history.

Even at 92 years of age, a scholar of reputable intellectual prowess and achievements, who was vice chancellor and senator, Abimbola still mirrored the humility that his Yoruba race was known for. When he returned from his occasional dashing out which punctuated our interview session, at each of his returns, Abimbola bowed to his audience, all of whom his children were older than, mouthing the deep Yoruba greeting, “e ku ikale o”.

 

Professor Abimbola told us how he began divination and how he was taught by a Baba Lejoogun in Akeetan, Oyo, as well as how he was almost beaten by his colleague senators one day at the federal parliament. “It was God that prevented them from beating me. They could have beaten me but for who I am. O si ye, o bo, eegun o gbodo na babalawo” (It is beyond them; a masquerade must not beat a Babalawo).” he said. When asked what if they had beaten him, he said so little but so much, “Beat me? Parara l’ewe koko o ya. Parara (cocoyam leaf gets torn terribly; terribly is cocoyam leaf torn)” he replied.

On his role in the choice of the Alaafin, Baba Abimbola said: “I did not insist on the choice of the candidate, the kingmakers approved him. It turned out that the candidate is a good man when his file was presented. We did the divination a long time ago and as an academic, I wrote a 21-page report on the divination process. When they called me four or five days ago, I asked for the report. They said maybe it was with the governor and things like that. They asked if I remembered the name of number one (the first candidate). ‘But I wrote a 21-page report! Then I sent for my wife, with whom I carried out the divination process…She fished out a copy of the report. I did not choose the Alaafin, the kingmakers did. Ifa chose the person and they approved him. They expressed satisfaction with the choice. Maybe they had been scrutinizing him all this while to find out if he had done something wrong in a previous workplace or committed any kind of wrong before.”

We were then interjected by a group of Ifa worshipers who came to pay obeisance to the Awise. They laid prostrate on their bellies while the Awise prayed for them, flinging his Iroke intermittently, “Ifa will fight for us… We will not fall into calamity. I pay respect to you. As we live to see this year, all of us and our families will celebrate more on earth”, which he said in Yoruba as “Ifa o se’gbe fun wa o… Aa ni si se. Mo gba fun yin o. As’odun yi, a o se’min t’omo t’omo, t’aya t’aya,” he prayed. Then he punctuated the prayers with the poetry that accompanies Ifa divination. Its alliteration, rhyme and onomatopoeia were fascinating and the rhythm enchanting to listen to. Awise, with a mellifluous voice, then began to chant the poetry of Ifa, which to a non-initiate sounded like gibberish

“Kekenke l’awo kekenke, gegenge l’awo gegenge,

 

A d’ifa fun Orimonike omo atorunke waye.

Ifa moo ke mi, o ge mi o; gege l’adiye nke’yin…”

The professor then went into explanations: Four things act as existential prods to the life of every human being. One is one’s father; second, one’s mother; one’s head (ori) is the third while the fourth is one’s ‘Ikin’, the deity one worships – either Ogun, Sango, Oya or whatever. Like a pastor, he told the devotees what Ifa had in store for humanity for the year. And the Ifa worshipers departed, happy and thankful to the Awise. While asking each of them their names, those who answered English names, the Ifa priest jocularly added “Ogun” as prefix to them. The person who bore Smart, for instance, he called ‘Ogun-Smart’!

At any point the Awise’s reference came to someone who had departed, a sobriety instantly overwhelmed him and his head dropped on his chest. For instance, when he referenced Dr. Chukwuemeka Ezeife, an SDP governor of Anambra State, he said he heard Ezeife had ‘gone to the Ogun deity shrine’ – “Idi Ogun” – Ifa diviners’ own way of euphemizing death and the dead.

 

Abimbola, the teacher, spent every minute of this session doing what he knew how to do best. While explaining how the former governor of Ogun State, Olusegun Osoba, attempted to bring sanity into the scramble for the Senate Majority seat of the Third Republic senate, as the Awise mentioned “Osoba” he taught all gathered that the pronunciation we were used to was faulty. “Oso,” he said, was the name of a deity, so the name is Oso-ba, just like Oso-nimore, the name of another deity, he said.

When asked why he doesn’t take alcohol, Abimbola had an Ifa poetry which named alcohol and all its local variants Oguro, emu and oti as “amuwagun eni,” – refiner of character. In other words, said the priest, Ifa does not frown at alcohol but hates over-indulgence in its consumption.

 

Abimbola said there was no knowledge that is as in-depth as the Ifa corpus in the world. It is a knowledge, he said, that is taught to a youngster for 20 years. Odu Ifa, he said, is 256 and the story in each of the Odu is 800. Thus, to know the stories in Ifa, you will need to multiply 256 by 800. “For example, in a university, if a postgraduate student wants to write a paper on everything Ifa says on cockroach, the student may need to visit about 20 babalawos, because the stories that Ifa tells on cockroach may be about one thousand. Stories on worm may be two thousand, and stories on a particular bird like Opeere may be one thousand. Ifa is a compendium of the experience of Yoruba people throughout the ages; experience about animals, trees and various mountains, about forests, about fish, about seas, about us, humans. It’s a whole library. This is the same Ifa that they are trying to extinguish, but it will not become extinguished in my lifetime.

“If Ifa becomes extinct, it is we, the Yoruba, that go extinct. There are no other people in the world who have the like of it. What they may have is part of what has been written down. I will tell you the reason why our forefathers did not write things down. If one begins to write things down, one’s mind will not be sharp again to remember. Writing things down may is an enemy of memory. People around the world invite me to come and give talks. Pope Benedict XVI invited me three times. He once invited me alongside other religious leaders from Japan, India, Russia, Syria, as well as the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Jewish religious leader,” he said.

By now, we had spent close to four hours of literally worshipping by the feet of Àwísẹ Awo Àgbàyé. We didn’t want to let go of one another. Baba Abimbola thoroughly enjoyed our first-time acquaintance while we relished his. He left a statement that rang in my subconscious as we prostrated in obeisance to him, ready to leave his home, his Iroke flaffing in salute. “Yoruba are standing by as they want to leave us in ruins – Won fe pa wa run l’e nworan!”, he shouted, his voice laced with a genuine agony. “Identity walks on two legs like a human being,” he said again, and continuing, Abimbola told us, “If they take Ifa, our identity, away from us, they have taken Yoruba from the face of the earth”. Awise then recited a traditional Ijala poetry chant of an uncle of his named Adeyemo, who he said, as far back as 1945, lamented that the culture, religion and language of Yoruba people were going extinct. Adeyemo, said Awise, described the potential collapse of Yoruba language, culture, religion and ways of life as “Kungu fo!” It was too dense for me to attempt an interpretation.

As we bade Awise bye, on the verge of leaving the ancient Oyo town, we prayed to Ifa to help us see Awise again so that we could drink, yet again, from the purity of his brooks of ancient knowledge and wisdom.

Colonial occupation and domination prospered by abducting and liquidating the most vocal Africans. Those whom it drove into exile were lucky. Sir Evelyn Baring invented the manual on this form of predation as governor of colonial Kenya for seven years until 1959. Six decades after independence, the man who rode to power in Nairobi two years ago by promising to make Kenya great again is unapologetically reprising Sir Evelyn’s manual minus the internment camps.

In June 2021, Abubakar Malami, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and Nigeria’s Federal Attorney-General, announced with some relish that Nnamdi Kanu - self-proclaimed leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) - had been returned to Nigeria after being “intercepted” in an un-named location. Malami had initiated the prosecution of Mr Kanu in 2015 for treason. In April 2017, the courts granted bail to Kanu. Five months later, he disappeared from public view after soldiers raided his country home in Abia State in south-east Nigeria leading to scores of fatalities. The following month, Mr Kanu was reportedly sighted in Jerusalem.

The circumstances of Mr Kanu’s return to Nigeria in 2021 degenerated quickly from mystery to controversy. The International Criminal Police Organisation (INTERPOL), whom Nigeria initially credited with assistance in the “interception”, firmly denied any involvement in the operation.
When he announced the “interception” of Mr Kanu, Attorney-General Malami claimed that it was accomplished by the “collaborative efforts of Nigerian intelligence and security services.” In October 2022, however, Nigeria’s Court of Appeal found as a fact that Mr Kanu “was in Kenya; was abducted therefrom and there were no extradition proceedings undertaken before his forcible abduction.”

Kenya unconvincingly denied involvement in the abduction. Very importantly, however, the Government of Kenya (GOK) offered no protest against what, was a spectacular violation of its sovereignty. The conclusion had to be that the GOK authorised Mr Kanu’s abduction from its territory. Prior and subsequent conduct by the GOK provide ample evidence to support this.

On 2 February 2018, operatives of Kenya’s security services used explosives to gain entrance into the premises of former student leader and lawyer, Miguna Miguna, from where they abducted him into detention incommunicado. After several days of keeping him out of circulation, they drove Dr Miguna to the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi, where they declared him a “prohibited immigrant” and deported him to Canada.

As a prominent student leader during the regime of President Daniel Arap Moi in the 1980s, Miguna was exiled to Canada. From there he sought several times without success, to renew his Kenyan nationality documents. Canada eventually granted him refugee status and he travelled initially under documentation provided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees before eventually being forced to acquire Canadian nationality.
Upon returning to Kenya in 2007, Dr Miguna enrolled as a lawyer; served as senior adviser to the Prime Minister and subsequently ran for high public office. It was not in dispute that his parents were Kenyans or that he was Kenyan by birth and descent. In a decision on 14 December 2018, the High Court of Kenya found that the government of Kenya abducted and deported Dr Miguna “despite court orders directing that he be produced in court,” noting that “it is inconceivable that the state can deport its own citizen to a second country without due regard to the constitution and the law.”

William Ruto was Kenya’s Vice-President when Mr Kanu and Dr Miguna were abducted. In 2022, he became president.
On 16 November 2024, leading Ugandan opposition politician, Dr Kiza Besigye, who was in Nairobi to attend the launch of a book by former Kenyan Justice Minister and senior lawyer, Martha Karua, disappeared. Five days later, he surfaced before a military tribunal in the custody of the Uganda Peoples Defence Force (UPDF) on fanciful charges of illegal possession of firearms. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, expressed shock at “the abduction of Ugandan opposition politician Kiza Besigye on 16 November 2024 in Kenya and his forcible return to Uganda.”

Dr Besigye’s experience was not the first abduction of Ugandan opposition in Kenya. In July 2024, Kenya’s security services similarly snatched 36 members of Dr Besigye’s Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) who were in the country for a meeting and expelled them to Uganda into the arms of the UPDF, who promptly charged them with “terrorism” before a military tribunal. The United Nations later expressed concern that President Museveni’s practice in Uganda of charging civilians before military tribunals was “in contravention of the country’s obligations under international human rights law.”

In October 2024, Kenyan authorities similarly abducted seven Turkish refugees and refouled them back to Turkey into the arms of the government that had exiled them.
In the period since the anti-Finance Bill protests in the country from June to December 2024, Kenya’s National Human Rights Commission has reported the abduction and disappearance of at least 82 persons. Some of the abducted have turned up dead. When young people in Nigeria protested two months after their colleagues in Kenya, the Nigerian government decided to borrow a leaf from President Ruto’s playbook.

Back in Nairobi, one of the victims of these abductions by the GOK was Leslie Muturi. His father, Justin Bedan Muturi was Cabinet Secretary (Minister) for Public Service in President Ruto’s government. Around June 22, 2024, Leslie Muturi disappeared. At the time, his father, Justin, was the Attorney-General of Kenya and sat in the National Security Council with the Director of National Intelligence Service, Noordin Haji.

In the past week, Justin Muturi has narrated how his effort to locate his son took him through the entrails of the High Command of Kenya’s deep state to the presence of his boss, President Ruto, who ordered Noordin Haji to release Leslie. Less than an hour thereafter., Leslie returned to his family.
Justin Muturi’s clinical account of what transpired in the disappearance of his son clearly establishes the culpability of Kenya’s president and the security high command under him in resuscitating a culture of state-sponsored abductions redolent of the worst excesses of Sir Evelyn Baring’s colonial era abuses.
After denying culpability last November, President Ruto promised on 28 December 2024 to end the abductions, in effect admitting state complicity. Two days later, the continental human rights body of the African Union expressed “profound alarm over reports of abductions and enforced disappearances in Kenya.”

Less than a fortnight into the New Year, Tanzania’s leading independent journalist, Maria Sarungi Tsehai, survived an abduction from a shopping mall in Nairobi. Ms Tsehai and her family have been exiled in Kenya for over four years. Maria was lucky. Two years earlier, Kenyan police officers murdered exiled Pakistani journalist, Arshad Sharif, in Nairobi. Despite a court order and appeals by the United Nations, his killers continue to escape accountability.

When they re-established the East African Community in 1999, the original partner states in East Africa - Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda - desired to advance transactional life and spaces in the region. Under current leadership, however, these states are now using regional integration to advance the expendability of African civic and transactional life. They are collaborating across inter-state borders to liquidate critics and perceived enemies and make their lives precarious.
It seems clear that these abductions in Kenya are taking place under the direct command of the government or, even more frightening, have been outsourced to non-state actors acting under the authority and protection of the State. The latter may explain the intractable nature of the abductions and the inability of Ruto’s GOK to bring the crime under control despite the assurances of the President and the escalating diplomatic costs and investment runs.

This was hardly what Kenyans or the rest of Africa hoped for when the people chose President Ruto’s vision of a “hustler” nation over the other options in Kenya’s 2022 presidential election. The only hustle now under his watch is the hustling of innocent citizens and visitors into enforced disappearance and exile. Sir Evelyn must feel exceedingly proud of William Ruto from the comfort of his grave.


A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu

With only 15 months left for banks to meet the deadline for the new share capital benchmarks, the Central Bank has warned that the March 2026 deadline will not be shifted. Speaking to this writer, a CBN director said, ‘’the idea of extension or shift of the deadline does not arise. They were given more than two years to meet the new threshold, and by our calculations, that is enough time. We are not contemplating an extension’’. So far, of Nigeria’s 36 lenders, only Access Holdings has concluded the capital raising exercise, bringing in a little over N351 billion from its Rights Issue of 17.772 billion shares that sold for N19.75 per share. The offer closed in August. With this, Access Bank has thus become the first to meet the CBN’s N500 billion minimum capital requirements for Banks with International Authorization well ahead of the March 2026 regulatory deadline. The bank’s share capital would increase to N600 billion, N100 billion above the regulatory minimum requirement.

 For the other 35 banks, the next one year will be a crowded and busy period. A few have gone far while many others are yet to make appreciable progress. Some like the other four tier one lenders – GT; UBA; First Bank and Zenith – have already announced their offers, but are yet to conclude the process, others, especially the small regional and some national banks are still lagging behind. There have been a host of challenges, though, even among the big ones. FBN Holdings, the parent company of First Bank, has had its programme slowed down considerably by Boardroom crisis. The long drawn battle between Femi Otedola and Oba Otudeko for the control of the company has just been settled, with Otedola emerging chairman of the holding company. While Zenith Bank has had to juggle both capital raising with reconstituting itself into a holding company at the same time, GT Bank has just survived a major service disruption and customer backlash due to migration to a new IT platform.

 To meet the new capital requirement, the banks are expected to go for public offers; rights issues; private placements; mergers and acquisitions or a combination of these. In terms of mergers and acquisitions, there are indications that two banks, Providus and Unity, are in talks to merge together. Both are national banks, but with a combined market share of less than 20 per cent in terms of deposit liabilities. Providus has a huge Lagos State shareholding just as Northern State governments hold huge interests in Unity Bank. ‘’That’s the only discussions in the market for now for mergers and acquisition; but I won’t be surprised if more candidates join the discussions in the next few months’’, said a senior executive of a bank.

 Younger and better managed banks seem to be doing better generating new capital. Nixon Iwedi, executive director of Globus Bank said his bank is on track to meet the deadline. ‘’We are raising N150 billion through a private placement and Rights Issue. The first has been successfully completed and we are on the second phase now’’, he said, noting that they prefer to approach the process in a rather quiet and restrained manner. Globus has a national license and the minimum for this category is N200 billion.

 For Access Holdings, the process has become quite a momentous. It has become the first Nigerian financial holding company to successfully execute a fully digital Rights Issue embracing the power of technology to improve access to equity capital market. By leveraging the NGX’s E-offer platform, the company provided its shareholders with a convenient and efficient subscription process, leading to the participation of many of its retail shareholders in addition to institutional investors. Speaking on the successful offer, Board Chairman Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, said: “The Access brand has always resonated strongly with the local and international capital markets. Since 2004, Access Bank has raised billions of dollars in capital to meet successive CBN recapitalization directives. We are pleased that this time we are the first to breast the tape. The success of the Rights Issue demonstrates the resilience of Nigeria’s capital market and reinforces our shareholders confidence in the present value and potential of our company’’.

 While a few banks are already set on a course of action to meet the deadline, many others are still weighing their options. As a CEO pointed out to me, ‘’it is too early to understand the options that they would explore. It would become clearer as we get into the second half of 2025’’.

 

Nonetheless, the Nigerian capital market has once again demonstrated capacity and depth to meet the expectations of investors, issuers and professionals. We saw this during the indigenization programme of Gen. Yakubu Gowon; the privatization programme of Gen. Babangida and the consolidation programme of President Obasanjo. Its mutualization a decade ago also signified the market’s ability to adapt to change.

Last modified on Sunday, 19 January 2025 20:21

Democracy offers citizens the choice to freely make political decisions by majority rule. It was defined by Abraham Lincoln as government of the people by the people and for the people. This concept of representative government has been positioned as the best and globally accepted. Where democracy works, it is people-centred. Citizens wield absolute powers to choose who leads in every tiers of government. To this end, people are at liberty to vote any candidate of their choice without let or hindrance. United States of America, Britain and most European countries  practice this form of government and have been at the fore front of ensuring that this ideology takes over global governments. 

However, some countries have no regard for the western kind of democracy. They have developed home grown system of government peculiar to their needs, aspirations and it serves their purpose better. From available development indices and statistics, those countries are making tremendous progress despite the fact that democracy has nothing to do with their system. China has confounded the world and demystified the notion that democracy is the best form of government. What Africa needs is her peculiar form of home grown democracy to function optimally.

The proponents of democracy as the best form of government hinged their argument on the following principles governing the practice. First, sovereignty of the people. The people wield absolute power to determine who occupies any elective position and govern them through their votes. Second, equality before the law. People are equally protected by the law regardless of their status in the society. The law treats everybody – young, old, male and female, rich or poor same. 

Third, majority rule. This is a democratic principle which gives the power to make decisions to the group with highest numbers in the community. It is a social choice rule which permits that when comparing two options, the one preferred by more than half should be considered. Fourth, upholding of minority rights. It upholds legal provisions in democracy intended to recorgnise and accommodate the distinctive needs of non-dominant ethnic or racial groups. Fifth, guarantee of basic human rights. Democracy makes the protection of the fundamental freedoms and rights of all people paramount - this includes right to life; freedom from slavery, torture and freedom of expression. 

Sixth, free, fair and credible elections. Democratic practice ideally offers an election comparatively devoid of coercion and manipulation. No rigging, snatching of ballot boxes, shutting down the iREV portal or killing. Seven, rule of the law. It is a state where citizens elect their own leaders and the government itself is bound by the law while also helping to ensure that the law is respected among citizens of the state.  Eighth, constitutional limits on government. These are democratic legal and institutional restrictions on the power of the government. They are intended to protect the rights of individuals and minorities. 

However, the pitfall of African democracy is evident in the manipulation of electoral system and crooked leadership recruitment process. This has led to abysmal level of development in all sectors across the continent. The imposed version of democracy obtainable in Africa runs short of true representative government. It is a colonial-legacy nailed to the necks of African countries. 

Suffice it to say that, the challenges confronting Africa is erected on the weak pillars of her democracy driven by external forces of neo-colonialism. Many Africans have come to the realisation that what is obtainable is akin to voodoo practice tailored to satisfy more of the interest of colonial masters than that of the citizens. This common African democratic system offers the neo-colonialists opportunities to rule by proxy through their anointed rich and powerful puppets who represent their overall interests. 

Many African leaders who fit into the above description were/are largely made up of leadership charlatans without character or integrity. They are ready to negotiate away their countries for any amount. Despite the above shortcomings, the colonial powers who cannot tolerate such misgivings in their countries continue to romance and sustain such leaders. The reigns of such leaders only end with military interventions as seen recently or when their people rise and disgrace many of them out of office.  

While, the early African democratic processes were beset with naivety, fraud, corruption and electoral irregularities leading to military interventions; the trend has remained the same over the years. The colonial masters pretend to nurture democracy in Africa but they simply manipulate the process to suit their whims. This has led to failure to produce the rightful winners through transparent electoral choices and processes. Who could boldly assert that what is obtainable in Africa and nay Nigeria is ideal democracy? 

The electoral processes are marred by obvious state or externally sponsored irregularities to favour certain candidates. They are blatantly flawed and manipulated. With the connivance of some developed countries what is seen as democracy is a selective appointment of their favourites to political offices in the name of election. Nigeria and nay almost African nations have got people with leadership qualities to transform their countries but they are frustrated. The corrupt electoral system gives them no chance. At every electoral recruitment process, they are either rigged out using the electoral umpires, security agencies and even the judiciary. 

This disappointedly threw up unpopular figures as leaders who are often forced down the throat of citizens. No time in Nigeria’s political history was the best elected into office. It was deliberately orchestrated to perpetually make Nigeria non-functional. Early in the life of the country, the so-called owners of Nigeria were quite aware that Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Nnamdi Azikiwe were both better leaders than Shehu Shagari but they lost eventually in a keenly contested election to a neophyte through a manipulated process. One wonders why election observers from the west and Europe always spend time and money to monitor and ensure supposedly free and fair elections when they sit on the fence in the face of obvious electoral irregularities whenever they release their reports. 

No matter how beautiful democracy is burnished, it represents nothing more than scrap-colonial-legacies, a transition of old feudal and oligarchical systems indirectly imposed on the people as the best form of government. Time has proven that good leadership does not necessarily evolve from democracy. The resounding ovation President of Burkina Faso - Ibrahim Traore received in Ghana as he attended the inauguration of President John Mahama was a pointer to the fact that what people desire are service, patriotic and committed leaders who proffer solutions through developmental strides for the common good. All African leaders who are products of democracy in attendance were jolted at the acceptance and warm reception of a man who is not in their ideological league. This should serve as a lesson and a moment of sober reflection for African leaders who think every election cycle which they will rig to win or sit tight is more important and a reflection of democracy or good governance. 

 

Sunday Onyemaechi Eze, lecturer Department of Mass Communication and Head Internationalisation and Partnership, Coal City University, Enugu State.

 

 

 

 

 

 

He is not just a deputy of the gods, he is the father and mother of death, the offspring of perdition, of metaphysical ruination and wanton loss. His suzerainty over Oyo Empire in its glory days was the stuff of which legends have been made. The long list of his forebears and their unique individual legacies beggar belief. He is the Alaafin, the king of Oyo, “owner of the palace”.

Now, things are quieter in the capital city of the Yoruba empire, no thanks to the rude intervention of British colonialists whose contempt of the traditional institution was exemplified in their classifying the seat of the African traditional ruler as a “stool” instead of a “throne”. Unfortunately, many scholarly Africans still carry on with this insult.

Pedigree is everything in Yoruba philosophy of life. A mango tree will never produce guava. An elephant will never beget a rat. The Alaafin of Oyo’s ancestry is traced to Oduduwa, the famed progenitor of the Yoruba race.

Forebears

The Oyo Empire was not a purely hereditary monarchy, nor an absolute one. The Oyo Mesi selected the Alaafin. He was not always closely related to his predecessor, although he had to be a descendant of Oranmiyan royal family.

The Brave And The Bold

In the past, the Alaafin’s eldest son usually succeeded his father on the throne. This sometimes led the crown prince, known as the Aremo, to hasten the death of his father. To prevent that, the traditional authorities enacted a law for the crown prince to be made to commit ritual suicide upon his father’s death. This practice was the subject of Wole Soyinka’s “Death and the King’s Horseman”.

The founding of Oyo is estimated to have happened around 1300. The kingdom has had a storied past. In the beginning before history was born, Oduduwa’s son, Oranmiyan, was the first Alaafin. He was succeeded by Oba Ajaka who was eventually deposed because he lacked Yoruba military virtues of sternness, ruthless efficiency and subterfuge. His junior brother, Shango, was thought to cut the right picture: militant, mystifying and gifted with an infernal temper.

The story of how Shango ended up is well known. His earlier identified virtues turned out to be his Achilles heel. But he had become the personification of vital energy, occult manifestations and cosmic inter-relatedness that he was consecrated as the god of thunder and lightning. There is a huge corpus of work on Shango in many libraries and his devotees are scattered all over Yorubaland and in the Diaspora, especially in Oshogbo, parts of Brazil, Cuba, etc. and wherever Yoruba immigrants and former slaves can be found

Shango’s predecessor, the formerly tame Ajaka, was allowed to return to the throne after the tragic death of his brother. Since that time, Alaafins have come and gone. By tradition, after the demise of an Alaafin, the Oyo Mesi, a body of seven high chiefs, are tasked with superintending the appointment of a new monarch. Their work is well cut out and is usually believed to be facilitated by Ifa divination.

Oyo once had a female king, Alaafin Orompoto, who ruled from 1554 to 1562. She ascended the throne after her father and brother died without producing male heirs.

Process

At times, the laid down process is side-stepped as happened recently with the appointment of Engr. Abimbola Akeem Owoade by the Oyo State government. Alleging that he had proof that six of the kingmakers had been serially bribed by one of the contending princes, the governor had sought the help of another son of Oyo, the famed Professor Wande Abimbola, a noted former vice-chancellor of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife and world renowned babalawo (diviner) who holds the title of Awise Awo Agbaye. Abimbola has now disclosed that the Ifa oracle chose 47-year-old Abimbola Akeem Owoade of the Owoade-Agunloye, Agure Compound, as the 46th Alaafin.

It will be recalled that In October 2023, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) quizzed some Oyo kingmakers over allegations that they took bribes of N15 million each from one of the candidates.

Flashback

Those who are old enough would remember that the immediate reaction of contending rival princes to the choice of the then Prince Lamidi Olayiwola Adeniran Adeyemi as Alaafin of Oyo several decades ago will tell you that the choice of an Alaafin through a process sidestepping the established route for one reason or the other, is not unprecedented.

Back then in 1970, some of Adeyemi’s rivals argued that he should be disqualified because his father, Oba Adeniran, had been dethroned by the Western Region government after his public spat with council chairman Bode Thomas which eventually led to the strongly held view that he had pronounced a hex on the politician (or bewitched him) leading to his almost immediate death in bizarre circumstances defying medical science. Oba Adeniran, famed husband of 200 wives, died in exile in Lagos.

But fate has its ways. Lamidi, son of Adeniran, whose father had been deposed and exiled in 1954 was announced by the military government as successor of Alaafin Gbadegesin Ladigbolu II in 1970.

In his excellent article titled: “Making of an Aláàfin: Bribes or the gods?”, Festus Adedayo of the Nigerian Tribune asked some very important questions regarding the allegation made by the government of Oyo State that some princes had attempted to win the royal race by resorting to bribery. Hence the government’s resort to Awise Agbaye who himself is one of the highest authorities in the field.

As a people, the Oyo have seen it all: civil and external wars, strife, slavery, colonialism, foreign trade, the trans-Sahara trade route and many other events that shaped their philosophy. The people went through an interregnum of 80 years as an exiled dynasty. Perhaps, they needed that exile because when they started rebuilding, they created a government that established its power over a vast territory that stretched from parts of present day southwest Nigeria to Benin, Togo, Ghana, all the way to parts of Cote d’Ivoire.

Cavalry was the game-changing arm of the Oyo Empire. Late 16th and 17th century expeditions were composed entirely of cavalry. This columnist’s forebears, as related in the family’s “Oriki” (praise name) travelled on horse and camel back as part of a caravan for the annual Muslim pilgrimage in Mecca, a three-month religious cum commercial adventure in those days. It will be recalled that itinerant Islamic scholars had brought Islam to Oyo centuries before the Dan Fodio Jihad.

Urbanised

As a highly urbanised people, Oyo ran a sophisticated and efficient government which guaranteed that the wealthy paid their fair share of tributes to the king who, in turn, gave leadership to the military as the sovereign generalissimo as well as give direction to civil and religious institutions.

Generally speaking, Yoruba people live, breathe, drink and honour their culture. As far back as anyone can remember, Oyo, like other Yoruba groups, had thriving traditional industries with cloth weaving as one of the most lucrative occupations. No wonder, Yorubas have always had different costumes for different occasions.

Relics of architecture within the Oyo Empire, exhibited an intricate built environment showcasing a distinctive architectural style, highlighted by intricate sculptures that symbolised the status of the inhabitants.

There you have it, folks – a glimpse into the kind of people, challenges, and socio-political milieu that the mint-fresh Alaafin Abimbola Akeem Owoade has been endorsed to serve as king. Long may he reign!

 

Last modified on Sunday, 19 January 2025 08:49

 

We have been told that as we approach the end-time, there is nothing we shall not see or hear! All things become possible. Yinka Aiyefele told us in one of his songs that Ifa now shouts Alleluia (Ifa n ke alleluya). Now, in the ensuing melee over the appointment of a new Alafin of Oyo, we have witnessed allegations of bribery and corruption fly in all directions, Ifa’s sacred groves inclusive. If gold rusts, what will iron do?

Do we have any institution left that is spared the corrosive influence of corruption? Politicians and civilian governments are corrupt. Soldiers and military governments are corrupt. Judges and the entire judiciary, including the Bar, are corrupt. Lawmakers are corrupt. One speaker of a House of Assembly was removed last week over allegations of corruption, among others. Civil servants are the engine room of corruption. Imams and pastors are corrupt. The common man on the street is corrupt. Traditional rulers are corrupt. Even journalists and writers are corrupt! Everyone is corrupt.

Corruption oozes from every nook and cranny of our national life. But that Ifa, the Yoruba god of divinity that is renowned for purity, has also now been cornered by corruption baffles me! If the government cannot help; if lawmakers cannot help; if judges cannot help, if we cannot seek refuge with the men and women of God; if our traditional institutions are of no consequence; if we all sleep - snoring - with all heads facing the same direction, where will salvation come from?

That there is a tussle over the Alafin stool is normal; princes everywhere contest vigorously for vacant stools. In times past, virtue, not filthy lucre, most of the time determined the winner. I said “most of the time” because history records the shenanigans of princes and kingmakers that truncated virtue even in those very distant times. Since colonial rule and after, Government interference has meant that laws enacted by the government determine succession and whatever disputes that may arise therefrom.

Look around and tell of the occupant of any throne today whose ascension has not been influenced one way or the other by the powers-that-be! The difference, usually, is not in substance but in appearance. To all intents and purposes, traditional rulers today are appointees of the government. They ascend to, and occupy the throne at the pleasure of the government. They spend time there at the mercy of the powers-that-be. They get promoted and can be removed at will. They are glorified artefacts and relics from the past.

The Alafin stool is not new to controversies; if anything, controversies and troubles have been its second nature from time immemorial. However, the intrigues this time around are of a dimension that has repercussions that will reverberate throughout the length and breath of the Yoruba nation. One: If it is true that the choice of the Oyo traditional kingmakers is beholden to the Sokoto caliphate, and that money was used to “press” the hands and pockets of the kingmakers, then, he stands disqualified. Yorubaland must not allow Ilorin to happen again - and not to Oyo of all places!

Scripture says affliction shall not rise a second time (Nahum 1:9). Even if inducement was not involved, the very fact of a cozy relationship with the caliphate automatically disqualifies any candidate to the Alafin stool - indeed, any stool in Yoruba land. Once bitten, forever shy! On the basis of the allegations of financial inducement, the Oyo State Government cancelled the exercise conducted by the kingmakers and embarked on another. Good idea, but bad implementation. That is the problem we run into when we employ half-measures when we ought to have gone the whole hog.

Allegations of giving and receiving bribes are grievous. Trying to sell a throne as important as that of the Alafin is sacrilege. With regard to the importance of the Alafin throne to the entire Yoruba race, it is a treasonable act of unimaginable proportions, especially considering the Yoruba experience with Ilorin. The Oyo State Government was too lenient - too laidback, too lackadaisical, too carefree - in its disposition to those involved in the giving and taking of the alleged bribe - if any. They should have been arrested and handed over for prosecution before warrant chiefs were appointed to fill the vacancies thus created. Assuming that was done and they are by now having their day in court, they would not have been in the position to flex muscles with the government as is currently the case. Besides, the government would today have stood on high moral ground rather than have its back to the wall like the kingmakers and their supporters are trying to do at the moment. But it is not too late for the government to do the needful.

Two: The Baba who was contacted by the Oyo State Government to consult Ifa is known by all to be beyond reproach. His records of probity and integrity are in the public domain. His expertise in Ifa divination is also not in contest. So, I was satisfied when he was said to have been the one who said Ifa chose the prince that was pronounced as the new Alafin by the Oyo State Government. Regardless of whether or not he was the statutory Ifa priest so recognised by law, I go with his recommendation because the occasion was not normal after those with the statutory roles have (allegedly) compromised themselves and their offices.

A desperate situation, they say, demands a desperate solution. This was one such occasion and I salute the Oyo State Government for rising to the occasion. The snag, however, is a news report that says the “authentic” prince chosen by Ifa (which Ifa and by which Ifa priest again?) is neither the one being flaunted by the kingmakers nor the one pronounced as the Alafin by the government. That angle needs to be critically looked at and straightened out. If we are against the injustice of some elements who chose to sell the throne and we insist on the right thing being done, then, we must not, in the same breath, perpetrate injustice in another direction. Like Caesar’s wife, everyone concerned must wash clean on this score.

Otedola, Obaigbena: When two elephants fight …

One good turn deserves another. Our people say if you pour water ahead of you, you will surely step on wet ground. In other words, it is give-and-take. Scripture says if you want to receive, give. “Give and it shall be given unto you…” (Luke 6:38). There are other biblical quotes that support giving as a prerequisite for receiving. Trade by barter, kind of! If you don’t sow, you don’t reap, and whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he reap also (Galatians 6:7). For someone who is slothful and does not want to work, the Bible says such a fellow “shall not eat” (2 Thessalonians 3: 10). A musician converted it into a song thus: if hunger whacks the indolent; let him die! From the above, it is not all giving that is charity. Some giving is a hook meant to attract or draw benefits.

So, when a news organization known for its truculence towards President Bola Ahmed Tinubu suddenly made what looked like a volte-face and announced him their Man of the Year 2024, tongues wagged. One reader callled me and said, “Oga Bola, I smell a rat! Don’t you think this is a Greek gift?” I was surprised that he reasoned that way because I, too, had concluded that Tinubu qualified as my own “Personality of the Year 2024”.

It is not everything that is a Greek gift. Yes, the media establishment in question may have been overly antagonistic to the President; there is nothing extraordinary or unusual about that. In fact, the media by its orientation and calling is supposed to be more adversarial than friendly with any government in power. It is a watchdog and has the constitutional obligation of holding the government accountable to the people. The media must be critical of the government. It must at all times hold the government’s feet to the fire to be able to do that.

That, however, is not to dismiss suspicion. Going forward, the same news organization has made a very influential, even if controversial, ally of the President its Minister of the Year 2024! Pray, what is it gunning for and what is a Greek gift? Greek gift is a gift given with the intention to trick and thereby harm the recipient or receive an intended reward through the back door.

Greek poet, Homer, in his Iliad, tells the story of the war waged by the Greeks against the city-state of Troy but the Greeks were unable to penetrate Troy after a long period of battle. So Agamemnon, king of the Greeks, devised a trick: he constructed a big horse, hid some of his soldiers inside of it and left it at the firmly-secured gate of Troy, after which his troops withdrew into the distance, giving the impression that they had not only abandoned the battlefield but had also left the horse-loving Trojans the gift of a horse, maybe as a form of appeasement and sign of friendship.

The Trojans joyfully dragged the wooden horse into their city. In the night, the soldiers hiding inside the horse came out, slaughtered the guards and opened the gate for Greek soldiers to troop in and capture the city. Hence the saying to this day, “Beware of Greeks bearing gifts” or simply “Beware of Greek gifts”!

Last week when news broke that a first generation bank had instituted court action against the owner of the news organisation that awarded the Man of the Year award to the President, the reader in question called me again and said, “Oga Bola, did I not tell you that I smelled a rat? Will the President sit idly by and allow a man who just gave him the Greek gift of Man of the Year to be ridiculed or will he step in to arrange some sort of soft-landing for him?”

Later, we saw pictures of the bank boss with the President: Has he been reported to the President? Was he summoned? Or did he go on his own volition to counterbalance influence? The bank boss gave his own side of the story to the media, which painted a gory picture of corruption in high places. Did he sway the President? When the news media concerned responded with their own explanation, I honestly was convinced they, too, had a good case. But when the bank responded again, I got confused! There were a lot of technical terms and jargons traded to and fro. I am neither a lawyer nor a financial expert. The courts should be allowed to comb through the jig-saw puzzle in a way that will, in the end, serve the public interest.

But note that Greek gifts, once received, become a bait. And any trap that fails to make the intended catch must return the bait to the owner!

How can I forget? On April 22, 1990, Major Gideon Orkar announced the overthrow of Gen Ibrahim Babangida’s military regime which he described in choice words as “dictatorial, corrupt, drug-baronish, deceitful”. In those days, every coup speech was welcomed with enthusiasm. Every new administration was seen as the dawn of a golden era. Orkar made promises many southern activists and opinion leaders love till this day, calling the coup “a well-conceived and executed revolution for the marginalised, oppressed and enslaved peoples of the Middle Belt and the South with a view to freeing ourselves and children yet unborn from eternal slavery and colonisation by a clique”.

Orkar announced “on behalf of the patriotic and well-meaning peoples of the Middle Belt and the Southern parts of this country” that the new regime, named “National Ruling Council”,  would lay a strong “egalitarian foundation” for “the real democratic take-off”. To achieve this, he said five states had been “temporarily” excised from Nigeria: Sokoto (today’s Sokoto, Kebbi and Zamfara), Kano (Kano and Jigawa), Bauchi (Bauchi and Gombe), Borno (Borno and Yobe) and Katsina “to end the northern feudalistic and aristocratic quest for domination”. He said all their citizens were suspended from private and public offices and they should return to their states “within one week from today”.

At Dele Giwa Square, University of Lagos, hundreds of students gathered after the coup announcement. My friend and I went there to see the drama playing out as tension gripped the nation. A student appeared on the podium with a new map of Nigeria. Kwara had been chopped off! My friend and I were from Kwara (before I was transferred to Kogi state in 1991). My friend whispered to me in Yoruba: “Simon, jek’a ma lo o. Won ni aki ns’ara won!” (“Simon, let’s start going. They say we are not part of them!”) Even Benue, Orkar’s own state, had been wiped off the map by the exuberant cartographer. The map had only southern states. The coup, in any case, was foiled.

That friend of mine is Mallam Lanre Issa-Onilu, now the director-general of National Orientation Agency (NOA), a government body charged with fostering unity and national development through citizen enlightenment and engagement. Issa-Onilu and I had met at the Kwara Poly in 1987 where we studied for two years for A Levels, but we were mostly football-discussing pals, nothing more. We shared two subjects — economics and government — and attended some classes together. But when I got into the University of Lagos in 1989, we ran into each other — the “you again?” moment. It turned out we were going to study the same course. Our friendship was instantly reignited.

 

We were similar but different — and this has nothing to do with tongue or religion. He always wanted to serve in government and was also interested in prompting national values, patriotism, national unity and such like. I was also a preacher of patriotism and national unity, but, unlike him, I was not interested in being part of government or politics. All I ever wanted was to be a journalist. And for life. I remembered when I filled my JAMB form, mass communication was my first, second and third choices. Issa-Onilu and I also differed on our views about Babangida: he believed there was something good about his policies and his message of patriotism. For me, Babangida was bad news.

I initially loved Babangida when he became military president in 1985. I even sketched a portrait of him which was published by the Nigerian Herald on March 1, 1986. But as soon as he introduced SAP and the prices of essential commodities went haywire, I began to dislike him. I admit that my knowledge of economic policy was very limited then, but I believed his policies were too harsh and that he set out to punish the poor. I remember composing a song (I used to think I could sing in those days) with these lines: “Dem give us SFEM/Dem give us SAP/Dem drain our blood/We’re still alive/ Dem give us SFEM/Dem give us SAP/Dem drain our blood/We’ll still survive”. I was not a fan of SAP.

Despite our opposing positions on Babangida and politics, Issa-Onilu and I loved Nigeria. I find it surreal that not only has he ended up in politics, he has also been saddled with the responsibility of promoting patriotism and national values. I do not envy him. How do you preach national unity in a country bitterly divided along ethno-religious and regional lines which the Orkar coup speech amplified and which continue to define us as a people? How do you preach national values in a country ravaged by official corruption, low public morale and discontent? How do you preach moral values in a country where wealth without work has been so normalised? That is quite an assignment!

 

Recently, I wrote an article, ‘Let’s be Kind to Nigeria, Please!’ — basically pleading that we should not take joy in talking down on our country and amplifying only bad news about us while neglecting the good things also happening around us. I said we can dislike the president but still love our country. After reading it, Issa-Onilu called me up and shared his takes with me. We ended up having a long chat. He then told me about the National Values Charter (NVC) that the NOA has developed “to help redirect all Nigerians, irrespective of class, ethnicity, and religion, to the ideals and values for which we were traditionally known and that were used to build our various societies and their institutions”.

He said the “7 for 7” NVC is divided into two: the Nigerian Promise and the Citizen’s Commitment to the Nigerian State. The Nigerian Promise is the seven core promises of Nigeria (represented by elected leaders) to the citizens. He said the Nigerian state owes Nigerians seven promises: equality, meaning all privileges, opportunities and rights apply to all without exemption; democracy, or democratisation of governance dividends to all; entrepreneurship and employment, by promoting innovation and creativity to create jobs; peace and security, to keep everyone safe; inclusivity, for all classes of Nigerians; freedom and justice for all; and promoting meritocracy above “connections”.

On the other hand, he said, Nigerians owe their country seven things: discipline, by obeying the rules, etc; duty of care by looking out for one another and participating in their community; tolerance and respect, through harmonious co-existence; leadership by example in our little corners; transparency and accountability in our dealings; environmental awareness by living, thinking and acting sustainably; and resilience, cultivated through pride and perseverance as individuals and as communities through the thick and thin. The citizenship code is quite a lot to take in, sure. He summed it up by saying the proper definition of citizenship is to be found in those seven core values.

NOA has already taken the campaign to schools, starting with a debate on university campuses with special focus on the balance between government promises and citizens’ responsibilities in nation-building. It came with cash prices and training opportunities. The initiative seeks to create a generation of value-conscious leaders who will promote national unity and strengthen our collective identity. There are plans to incorporate citizenship studies into the curriculum and launch citizens’ brigades in elementary schools, which I think is the right target if we want to produce new Nigerians. It will be too challenging trying to re-orientate Nigerians who harbour 1914, 1960 or 1966 mindsets.

 

For me, I believe we can build a new Nigeria. However, I believe we cannot build a new Nigeria without new Nigerians. We need a new generation of thinkers and opinion leaders who will see beyond their primordial cocoons, who will create a big picture. National integration and cohesion can help drive peace and progress, as we have seen in many parts of the world — including Rwanda that went through a genocide 30 years ago — but there are many Nigerians who dearly believe the way forward is ethnic chauvinism and balkanisation. It is the same toxic mindset that got us into this bind in the first place. I know these people have their reasons, but extremism does not solve problems.

By the way, I have my own misgivings about Nigeria. I have issues with certain practices, certain structures, certain notions. But, as I have been arguing on this page for 22 years, our fundamental problems go beyond the popular diagnosis of “1914”. How many African countries that were not “amalgamated” are better off? Moreso, every country is an artificial creation. Some chose to work with their realities and became success stories. If they can, we too can. We are victims of political mismanagement and the relentless manipulation of primitive sentiments for political gain. My critics think I say these things to portray myself as a patriot. No. I say them because I believe them.

I know that ordinary Nigerians suffer from the same afflictions of misgovernance: poverty and disease. The system is heavily rigged against them. They feed on crumbs, no matter their region or religion. As Lagbaja sang, “Me and you no be enemy/We suppose to be family/Na wetin you dey find I dey find.” The NVC makes sense to me because it is not just about the responsibilities of the citizens to Nigeria but also the duties of the leadership to the citizens. Will Nigerians embrace it? Will it get the buy-in of the critical political authorities? Most importantly, if Nigeria fails to deliver on the obligations, what can we do? Issa-Onilu and his NOA team have an unenviable task in their hands.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

ONE LOVE

 

Governor Alex Otti of Abia state just gladdened my heart: he appointed Mr Benjamin Ojeikere from Edo state as the head of civil service. This high-level appointment of a non-indigene encourages me yet again to keep dreaming that national integration is possible. I am a pro-integration Nigerian. I am anti-balkanisation. Therefore, when things like this happen, I am encouraged to keep pursuing my mantra: that Nigerians do not hate one another as it appears. It is politics that divides us. To be sure, these cross-border appointments have been happening for years but they are in fits and starts and not widespread enough. I look forward to the day it will become a norm, not an exception. Progress.

MIDDLE ROAD

 

After much spat, the states have reached a common ground on the new sharing formula for VAT which had stalled the passage of the tax reform bills. The current VAT vertical formula allocates 15 percent to federal government, 50 percent to states, and 35 percent to LGAs. States share their slice on a horizontal ratio of 50:30:20 — equality, population, derivation. The new vertical proposal was 10 percent to federal government, 55 percent to states and 35 percent for LGAs. States were to use a horizontal ratio of 20:20:60 — equality, population, derivation — for their own share. A resolution has been reached to use 50:20:30. We can now kill the tension and move forward. Compromise.

GOOD RIDDANCE

 

Hon. Mudashiru Obasa was surprisingly removed as the speaker of the Lagos state house of assembly on Monday and replaced with Hon Mojisola Meranda, who is now the first female speaker in the state. Obasa impeached? Who saw that coming? I don’t know him and I have never interacted with him but, somehow, I have never been his fan. My attitude to him was worsened by his response to allegations that he awarded contracts running into hundreds of millions to a “female friend”. His response was “nina lowo” — meaning “money is meant to be spent”. I was so enraged. Lagos does not joke with collecting our taxes and its principal officials still talk down on us like this? Arrogant.

NO COMMENT

 

Senator Ali Ndume is one of the most outspoken senators and has been very critical of the policies of President Tinubu. He was very vocal over the tax reform bills, which he says would marginalise the north. These bills are at the heart of a major policy thrust of the Tinubu administration and the president wanted to push them through despite strong opposition. Ndume, also a member of the president’s party, was recently spotted at Jummah prayers shaking hands with Tinubu and grinning from ear to ear. He later said Tinubu is his mentor and that he only criticises his policies, not his personality — meaning he was shouting at someone he could have whispered to. Wonderful.

 

 

My chambers makes this intervention  in the public domain as Solicitors to Diezani Alison-Madueke ( DAM ),the former Honourable Minister of Petroleum Resources (HMPR). As her Solicitors, we are fully versed in and conversant with her present ordeal and the entire facts surrounding her matters both here in Nigeria and abroad. So, we write from the vantage position of one that is aware of the cocktail of lies that have been spurned around her cases in the last ten years. Many of the narratives are outrightly false; some others sheer outlandish speculations; and most, simply bizzare stories cooked up by her traducers to extract a Shylock's pound of flesh from her for reasons she does not know and cannot even fathom. This intervention therefore seeks to correct this skewed narrative and set the records straight for purposes of history. Many Nigerians often talk about wanting ‘technocrats’ to be involved in governance. They desire that people with character and integrity should join politics. We agree with them. However and regrettably too, now and again and many a time, the same people not only allow, but  but actually join the bandwagon to mob-lynch those who chose to serve the nation. And we often do this insidiously, covertly and overtly, even when there is no concrete or even any iota of proof that such public officers ever abused their offices or stole from public coffers. It is therefore surprising and of great concern to us, to see the level of sustained vilification of an innocent Nigerian citizen who has not yet been tried and found guilty of any offence known to law by any court of law whether in Nigeria or abroad. The person at the receiving end is Citizen Diezani Alison-Madueke (“DAM”).

  1. THE GALACTICA YACHT AND THE FALSE NARRATIVE

We note with concern the recent deliberate attempt to link her with what has been described as a civil forfeiture of a yacht Galactica, the sale of which was said to have yielded $52.8m to the US government; which sum has since been repatriated to Nigeria. This is a clear example of the mischievous and cruel sport of tarnishing the image of the lady through a bouquet of consistent, persistent and unrelenting cocktail of falsehoods and misinformation. The purveyors of this line of misinformation term it “name-and-shame”. To sell the storyline, the architects ensured they attached Diezani’s name to a recovered yacht which is not in any way linked to her. They now falsely termed it “Diezani loot”. Nothing of the sort ever happened. She was never involved in the purchase, use and sale of the said yacht. The yacht Galactica, from information readily available in the public domain and in open sources, was purchased by Mr Kola Aluko who had used the vessel until he agreed to its forfeiture to the United States of America. The yacht Galactica was neither owned nor ever used by our client. DAM has in fact never set her eyes on the yacht. Kola Aluko is an experienced businessman who had been in business well before DAM came into office as HMPR. The only tenuous basis for deliberately linking DAM to the said yacht is the false narrative that the Strategic Alliance Agreements (SAAs) which were entered into between Kola Aluko & Jide Omokore’s Atlantic Energy companies and NNPC, were allegedly corruptly awarded to the said companies by DAM. DAM was not the GMD of the NNPC as so did not and could not have awarded the said contracts.

  1. THE GALACTICA YACHT SPIN AND THE ALLEGED CORRUPT AWARD OF THE CONTRACT HAS ALREADY BEEN DEBUNKED BY A COMPETENT COURT OF LAW IN NIGERIA.

The fallacy of DAM’s involvement in an alleged corrupt contract which gave birth to proceeds with which the Galactica was supposedly purchased has long been debunked and laid to rest by a Nigerian competent court of law in Charge No. FHC/ABJ/CR/121/2016: Federal Republic of Nigeria vs Olajide Omokore & Others.In that case, the Federal High Court, coram Hon.Justice Nnamdi Dimgba (now of the Court of Appeal), held that the Strategic Alliance Agreements (SAAs) between NNPC and the Atlantic Companies were validly entered into between the said companies and the NNPC.  Furthermore, the said companies and their chairman were discharged and acquitted of any offence howsoever in relation to allegedly obtaining the contract or monies realized from it through false representations. They were also exonerated and freed of the offence of money laundering in relation to the said contracts with which they were also charged.The judgement in the case clearly established that the said contracts were properly awarded by NNPC and that the said award followed due process.

To characterize such a forfeiture of a yacht allegedly bought with proceeds of the valid contracts as being linked to DAM simply on account of the legitimate SAAs, which have since been adjudged and held by the court to have been validly entered into between the NNPC and the said companies, is completely preposterous, if not outrightly bizzare.

  1. DAM WAS NEVER A PARTY TO THE SAAs

Even at that, DAM was never a party to the contract process or contract negotiations, or contract selection for the award of the Strategic Alliance Agreements (SAAs) between the NNPC and Atlantic Energy Ltd. That contract process, like all others before and after it, was handled solely by the NNPC which followed its usual contract award due process to the letter. It did not involve DAM in any way or manner.

There was therefore nothing untoward, opaque or illegal whatsoever and howsoever about the SAA award process. As a matter of fact, the terms of the Atlantic Energy SAAs were made even more stringent for the Atlantic companies and constituted a much better deal for Nigeria than the SSAs which were entered into a few years earlier between the NNPC and the ENI-AGIP Multinational.

  1. DAM MERELY ACTED AND DISCHARGED HER DUTIES WITHIN HER STATUTORY RESPONSIBILITIES

It was our client’s statutory duty as the HMPR at the final stage of any contract process, to make final signatory and approval on behalf of the Ministry of Petroleum Resources (MPR). However, NNPC would, as always, have first vetted and carried out all due diligence which include necessary operational and contractual checks and procedures. That would not have involved and did not infact did not involve DAM as the HMPR.

In line with due process and as statutorily required, DAM merely appended her signature to the final approval request letter which was forwarded to the office of the HMPR by the GMD, NNPC. As due process had already been observed and followed, the SAAs were signed off by her as required of her by law. DAM in the usual course of her duties did exactly the same thing every month for each of the hundreds of contracts that she had to sign-off on without any preferential treatment. And that is because it was an integral part of her statutory responsibilities as HMPR. DAM thus merely followed due process to the letter. She never engaged in the operational process of negotiating those contracts as this process was entirely and without exception, within the remit of the NNPC which was an independent entity from her office as HMPR.

  1. DAM WAS NOT INVOLVED IN THE NON-PAYMENT OF CASH CALLS

Let us be very clear about this: the issues of non-payment of the cash-calls that subsequently arose in the Atlantic Energy SAAs had nothing whatsoever to do with the initial contract award which followed due process and was properly made. Those issues arose as a direct result of the manner of operational implementation and supervision and had nothing whatsoever to do with DAM. She was never involved in any way or manner. As a matter of fact in April 2014, as soon as she was brought to her attention by an external multinational head that there were some issues regarding the Atlantic Energy SAAs, she immediately took strong and direct action by promptly alerting Mr. President, the Permanent Secretary (PS), of MPR and the GMD-NNPC, in writing, and directed that an immediate two-week investigation be carried out. Following the resulting investigative report, DAM again directed in writing to the PS, MPR and the GMD-NNPC, with Mr. President’s knowledge and approval, that a process for the recovery of the unpaid cash-call be immediately put in place.

  1. DAM NEVER SOLD OFF OIL BLOCKS CONTAINED IN THE SAAs

It must therefore be emphasized that although a portion of the media severally unfairly vilified and accused DAM of purportedly selling off the oil blocks contained in the SAAs to Atlantic Energy, she never gave such a directive or approval.

  1. EARLIER WILD ALLEGATIONS AND THE PET PHRASE, “DIEZANI-LOOT”

This is not the first time this genre of outlandish allegations have been levelled against DAM. Sometime ago, she was widely but falsely accused of owning a diamond-studded bikini underwear allegedly valued at $12,000,000!. Incredible!! The allegation was so unnatural, wild and baseless that the then Executive Chairman of the EFCC, Abdulrasheed Bawa, was compelled to publicly deny and denounce the vile allegation as being not only false, but preposterous. Similarly, when certain people were accused of bribing INEC officials, the bribe sums  were unjustifiably linked to DAM and labelled, as is always mischievously done, ‘Diezani-loot’. Yet, all that she did was to merely coordinate the raising of campaign funds for the then ruling political party that controlled the government she served under at that material time. She readily handed over the raised funds to the party which then determined how the said funds were disbursed without involving her. She was not in any way a beneficiary of the funds realized.

  1. DAM WAS NAMED IN A CRIMINAL CHARGE WITHOUT ANY LINKAGE WHATSOEVER

DAM was gleefully named many times on the face of a charge filed against Atlantic Energy in Charge No. FHC/ABJ/CR/121/2016: Federal Republic of Nigeria vs Olajide Omokore & Others. In the said charge preferred by the EFCC in respect of an alleged bribing of some INEC officials, DAM was never made a party or Defendant to the said charge such as to enable her defend herself. Yet they mentioned her name severally. She was forced to apply to be joined as a Defendant to the said counts in the charge to enable her clear her name. Surprisingly and curiously, the application for joinder was strangely and fiercely opposed by the same EFCC that filed the charge, leading to the striking out of her name from the said charge sheet.

  1. HOW THE WORD “ DIEZANI LOOT” EXCITES MANY, EVEN THOUGH PATENTLY FALSE

In spite of these clear verifiable facts which are available in the public domain, DAM has continued to be the subject of dersion and grave unproven allegations that are demonstrably false and patently ill-motivated. This traducing notwithstanding, the harrowing experience of cancer-related health challenges she has been going through in the last ten years of her life would not allow her a breathing space. It appears that nothing excites the purveyors and peddlers of these orchestrated misinformation and falsehood more than spinning and heaping all forms of false allegations on her, no matter how palpably false, baseless, disingenuous and unbelievable. It satiates their over- bloated egos to tar her with the paintbrush of shame.

  1. DAM HAS ALWAYS BEEN UPRIGHT IN THE DISCHARGE OF HER DUTIES

DAM worked conscientiously and discharged her duties diligently to the best of her ability in service to her fatherland. She remains the only Petroleum Minister to have left behind, a staggering sum of over

$4Billion in the NLNG Account representing Gas Sector Investment Funds. She did this to steady the incoming administration of former president, Muhammadu Buhari, at the end of her tenure in May, 2015. She did this in the hope of ensuring continuity in the development of the critical Gas sector). This sum which was saved for the development of the important Gas Sector was summarily spent and disbursed immediately by the Buhari administration upon assumption of office. No one appears interested in this foresight or patriotic inclination.

  1. THE SENSITIVE NATURE OF THE POSITION OF HMPR

It should be appreciated by all that DAM'S position as the Federal Minister of Petroleum Resources was an extremely sensitive one that required careful navigation. This is a position which had before then and till now been mostly reserved for and been occupied  by the ruling Presidents of Nigeria in their personal capacities. This position came not only with its burdens, but also with special legitimate privileges which have since formed the linchpin and cornerstone of the underlying sundry accusations levied against her, but without any proof of having committed any offence known to law.

  1. DAM HAS BEEN INVESTIGATED FOR 10 YEARS WITHOUT ANY EVIDENCE OF CORRUPTION

For the avoidance of doubt, DAM remains the only former minister who has been kept under full focus and investigation in the United Kingdom by the UK authorities, in collaboration with the Nigerian authorities, since 2nd October, 2015. This is almost 10 years ago; and just barely one week after she completed and survived a grueling 8- month serial chemotherapy treatments for Triple Negative breast cancer. During this agonizing time, she went into a coma, escaping death by the whiskers.  It could only have been God at work that is alive today!

  1. CONFIRMATION BY THE PAST EFCC CHAIRMAN THAT DAM IS INNOCENT OF THESE VILE ALLEGATIONS

It is of interest to note that on two separate occasions, the immediate past Executive Chairman of the EFCC, Abdulrasheed Bawa, confirmed to DAM’s other lawyers that no funds from the coffers of the Federal Government of Nigeria have been found ever stolen by her; and that no such funds had ever been traced to her.

  1. DAM’S TRAVAILS ARE DRIVEN BY WILD SPECULATIONS AND PUBLIC LYNCHING MINDSET

DAM’s travails over these years have been founded solely on baseless and unfounded speculations and allegations which wrongly alleged that she obtained unlawful gifts and favours from operators within the petroleum industry. She had never been accosted or charged with stealing or pilfering government money. These matters of obtaining unlawful gifts and favours are now subject of proceedings against DAM in the United Kingdom.

  1. DAM HAS BEEN DEPENDING ONLY ON GOODWILL FOR HER SURVIVAL

It is only recently that DAM was actually charged to court in the UK on the 2nd of October, 2023. She had prior to that date  been held in the UK for a prolonged period of over eight years whilst the UK’s authorities conducted their investigation on her. As she had no work papers, she was not permitted to work to fend for herself. She has not even been permitted to leave the UK since the 2nd of October, 2015, till date. Thus, for nearly ten years, DAM has had to depend for her survival, solely and entirely on the goodwill of a few friends and family members to survive.

  1. SALIENT FACTS TO NOTE ABOUT DAM BUT WHICH HER TRADUCERS WILL WANT BURIED

The following facts are worth noting about DAM for the sake of history and posterity:

  1. DAM was the most senior black woman ever in the African Oil and Gas Public Sector (between 2010 & 2015).
  2. DAM was the first female Executive Director of Shell Petroleum Development Company Nigeria, in its entire history in Nigeria; a position she did not lobby for. She was identified, recognised and appointed, through her sheer dint of hard work and sense of professionalism by the relevant Global Heads of Shell in the Hague, Netherlands,
  3. DAM has so far been the first and only female Petroleum Minister in Nigeria’s history. She never lobbied for this position. She was actually initially nominated without her knowledge.
  4. DAM has been the first and only female President of OPEC in the organization’s entire history since its founding in 1960. She also did not lobby for this lofty position.
  5. DAM was nominated for and served in various federal ministerial positions under two separate Presidents; positions she never sought nor lobbied for.

OUR PLEA TO ALL

We plead, as her lawyers, with all and sundry that she ge accorded fair hearing and that the process of these UK court proceedings be allowed to take their natural course to avoid prejudice to her in the ongoing subjudice UK proceedings against  her. Those purveyors and peddlers who habitually spin these outrightly false, unfounded, defamatory, unintelligent and indefensible narratives to denigrate and humiliate her should please find better use of their time and leave DAM alone. Let the law take its natural course without interference. We humbly pray.

Renowned Nollywood actress Kate Henshaw recently posed a thought-provoking question on her X (formerly Twitter) page: “No native doctor is among the first 200,000 richest men in the world, yet people going to them to be rich. Why.....?????” This statement, though laced with humor, draws attention to a cultural paradox that warrants deeper reflection. Why do individuals place their faith in practices that seemingly fail to produce tangible wealth for the very custodians of such rituals? Kate’s observation invites us to question not only the efficacy of traditional beliefs but also the broader societal mindset that perpetuates them.

In a world where economic hardship is pervasive, especially in African region, many people are desperate for solutions to escape poverty. For centuries, native doctors have been regarded as custodians of power, possessing mystical abilities to influence fortunes. The promise of instant wealth, good fortune, and success is a tempting proposition for those struggling to make ends meet.

However, Kate Henshaw’s question brings a glaring inconsistency to light. If these native doctors genuinely possess the ability to make people wealthy, why are they themselves not among the wealthiest individuals in the world? It is a sobering reminder that the allure of shortcuts to prosperity often blinds people to the obvious flaws in such beliefs.

In fact, many cultures, particularly in Africa, are steeped in traditional beliefs that glorify the power of spiritual intervention. Native doctors, witch doctors, and other spiritual practitioners are seen as intermediaries between humans and supernatural forces. They promise to remove obstacles, secure contracts, or even curse competitors. But these claims often fail to stand up to scrutiny in the modern era, where wealth generation is tied to innovation, hard work, and strategic planning rather than rituals or sacrifices.

In contrast, the world’s richest individuals, from Elon Musk to Jeff Bezos, have achieved their wealth through industries like technology, retail, and investments. These are domains where success is built on tangible contributions and measurable results, not mystical rituals. This stark difference highlights the limitations of relying on unverified spiritual practices as a pathway to success.

To understand why people still flock to native doctors despite their apparent inability to enrich themselves, we must delve into the psychology of belief. Many individuals seek solace in spiritual practices because they provide hope and a sense of control in an unpredictable world. The rituals performed by native doctors are often elaborate and symbolic, offering participants a placebo effect that boosts their confidence and motivation.

Additionally, societal pressures play a significant role. In many African communities, success is not just a personal goal but a collective expectation. The stigma of failure drives some individuals to explore any avenue that promises results, including consulting native doctors. When these attempts fail, the blame is often shifted to external factors such as insufficient offerings or the presence of stronger opposing forces, perpetuating the cycle of belief.

Another dimension of this issue is the economic exploitation inherent in these practices. Native doctors often charge exorbitant fees for their services, exploiting the desperation of their clients. In some cases, individuals are encouraged to sacrifice valuable assets or take on debt to fulfill the requirements of rituals. Far from alleviating poverty, these practices often exacerbate financial struggles.

This exploitation is particularly troubling when juxtaposed with the wealth of the world’s richest individuals. While billionaires invest in businesses, research, and philanthropy to grow their wealth, native doctors rely on a system that drains resources from their clients without offering any tangible returns. Kate Henshaw’s observation underscores the futility of such endeavors and the need for a shift in perspective.

One way to address this cultural paradox is through education and awareness. By promoting financial literacy and emphasizing the value of hard work, innovation, and strategic thinking, societies can empower individuals to pursue sustainable paths to wealth. Education can also help dispel myths and misconceptions about the efficacy of traditional practices, encouraging people to adopt more evidence-based approaches to problem-solving.

Furthermore, governments and non-governmental organizations can play a role in providing opportunities for economic empowerment. Programs that offer skills training, access to credit, and support for small businesses can help reduce the dependency on spiritual interventions as a means to achieve success.

Kate Henshaw’s post is not just a witty remark but a call for reflection. It challenges us to examine the beliefs and practices that shape our lives and question their impact on our progress. While it is important to respect cultural traditions, it is equally crucial to recognize when those traditions hinder rather than help.

The irony of native doctors not being among the world’s richest individuals should serve as a wake-up call. It highlights the need to prioritize tangible efforts over spiritual shortcuts in the quest for wealth. As Kate’s post suggests, the path to prosperity lies not in rituals but in embracing the principles that have proven effective in the modern world.

Kate Henshaw’s statement is a timely reminder of the importance of critical thinking in navigating life’s challenges. By questioning the reliance on native doctors for wealth, she opens the door to a broader conversation about the values and practices that shape our societies. It is a call to action for individuals to invest in themselves, seek knowledge, and pursue sustainable means of achieving their goals.

Ultimately, the responsibility lies with each of us to break free from the cycle of superstition and embrace a future built on hard work, innovation, and resilience. As Kate’s post aptly implies, the richest individuals in the world did not get there through rituals but through their ability to create value. It is time we learned from their example and charted a new course for our lives.

 

 

 

 

The Government College Umuahia Old Boys Association (GCUOBA) successfully took over their alma mater through a Deed of Trust, signed with the Abia State government in 2015, following the presentation of a comprehensive Master Plan for the Fisher Educational Development Trust Fund, which was established by the Old Boys (Rev. Robert Fisher was the founding principal of GCU in 1929). 

Once the transition was complete, the association put a halt to new student admissions to give the current students a chance to graduate, allowing the establishment of elevated standards for future cohorts. 

The Old Boys organized themselves into class WhatsApp groups, diaspora networks, and global platforms, fostering a spirit of healthy competition. By 2022, they had successfully raised an estimated sum of N3.5 billion (before the Naira's devaluation). Each class selected various college projects to support, including the renovation of classrooms, the dining hall, residential houses, the library, and laboratories.

The Old Boys' initiative to restore Government College Umuahia is among the few groundbreaking examples in Nigeria. Other institutions like Government College Ugheli, Government College Ibadan, CIC Enugu, CKC Onitsha, and DMGS have since adopted similar approaches, inspired by the Umuahian method.

Having completed the restoration of GCU's infrastructure, the Old Boys recognized that a conducive environment is just one aspect of education. They established a School management committee staffed by Old Boys to oversee the college's operations. This committee regularly engages with parents, teachers, and the Abia State government to ensure collaborative governance.

New student admissions resumed in 2022 following the graduation of all remaining legacy students, and were conducted in strict accordance with Umuahian and international standards and principles of meritocracy.

It has become clear that government entities are ill-equipped to manage educational institutions, as their focus is divided among various constitutional responsibilities and they often lack the necessary resources in light of competing economic and social priorities.

Given this context, we call upon both federal and state governments to consider transferring the administration of certain secondary and tertiary institutions to willing and capable Old Boys who aspire to emulate the Umuahian model.

 

Old Boys from other schools and colleges interested in taking charge of their institutions should adopt the GCU model and develop a sustainable plan, just as the Umuahians did that ensures a strong educational system for their institutions and, by extension, the nation.