
OTHERS' VIEWS
With the death on Monday, March 7, of Dr Doyin Okupe, twice a presidential spokesman, Nigeria has been deprived of a pan-Nigerian politician. Okupe, who died of cancer at 72 in a Lagos hospital, was free of the primordial tendencies that have over the years made our country underachieve, despite stupendous resources.
Though he and Chief Moshood K.O. Abiola, the Social Democratic Party presidential candidate in the June 12 1993 vote, hailed from Ogun State, the National Republican Republican Convention candidate in the election, Bashir Tofa, had no difficulty assigning the most trusted role in the election to him: the NRC chief party agent. In this position, Okupe had to certify the overall election result. This was when ethnic, regional, religious, and other primordial forces had not seized Nigerian politics and, by extension, national affairs and even personal relationships.
Still, when the Ibrahim Babangida military regime announced the cancellation of the vote, Okupe, guided by a profound sense of justice, issued a statement declaring Abiola the winner and lacerating the military junta for the announcement that took Nigeria to the brink. Many Lagosians were impressed by his action and gathered in their numbers the next day at his 21 Sere Close in Ilupeju, Lagos, a stone’s throw from my own residence. The gathering became almost a daily ritual, with me almost on every occasion leading the prayer for the official release of the June 12 election result and the law of Karma for the annullers.
When the Sani Abacha malevolent dictatorship began to crack down on the Yoruba mostly for their relentless opposition to the election annulment and stiff opposition to his rule, Okupe genuinely felt that there was, indeed, an existential threat to his people. He and Fredrick Fashaun, another medical doctor, formed the OmoOduduwa People’s Congress (OPC). Okupe’s star role in the OPC emergence remains a secret for some reason. Ironically, the OPC under Gani Adams became the albatross of the Obasanjo government in the early years, making Okupe commission Tayo Adesina, then a senior history lecturer at the University of Ibadan, and myself to report on how to make the OPC become a non-violent organization.
With the Abdulsalami Abubakar regime returning Nigeria to democracy in 1999, Okupe joined the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) principally because of Olusegun Obasanjo, seeking the party’s presidential ticket. Though I was a committed supporter of Alex Ekwueme, Obasanjo’s main rival for the ticket, Okupe and I enjoyed the best relationship.
Many journalists were piqued that Obasanjo, on assuming office on May 19, 1999, named Okupe, a medical doctor, his special assistant on the media, a position traditionally reserved for consummate communication practitioners. I naturally came to his defence, citing Pope John the Second, who had a fantastic global media reputation managed by his press secretary, Joaquin Navarro-Valls, a Spanish medical doctor who specialized in psychiatry. I also cited the example of Cyprian Ekwensi, the pharmacist and novelist who did a masterful job as a Biafran propagandist during the Nigerian Civil War and later managed the government-owned Renaissance newspapers in Enugu in the 1970s. Ekwensi’s brilliance showed brilliantly in the implementation of the War Against Indiscipline (WAI) campaign coordinated by the Federal Ministry of Information and Culture in the 1980s under Group Captain Emeka Omeruah.
Okupe had always craved publicity roles, obviously to make up for his failure to study English or communication in the university. He was doing better in the art subjects than in the science ones at Igbobi College in Lagos and so wanted to be a writer. However, his elder sister, a medical doctor who had so much influence on him, wouldn’t hear of it. On one occasion, she drove him to a theatre where she showed him some haggard-looking people and told him pointedly, “These hungry people are artistes. Do you still want to be like one of them?” That’s how he found himself in medical school at the University of Ibadan and met people like Seyi Roberts, with whom he established a bond, not just a relationship.
Okupe was the leader of the Lagos Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) committee on HIV/AIDS in the mid-1980s because it entailed a lot of public communication. He was the national publicity secretary of the Liberal Convention, a political party in the late 1980s, and also the NRC national publicity secretary, which saw him write a weekly column in Sunday Times, sharing the same page with Ojo Maduekwe, the special assistant to the SDP national chairman, Babagana Kingibe. Okupe delighted in his several debates with Maduekwe, a celebrated articulate lawyer who was to become a Minister under Obasanjo. Despite belonging to opposing parties, Okupe and Maduekwe were very close and admired each other. On Okupe’s 40th birthday, Maduekwe spoke glowingly of the celebrant.
Okupe gave the presidential press secretary office dignity and tremendous influence. He was an excellent political strategist, making him a most valuable asset. A lot of people who wanted things done quickly from above approached him, with some gaining access to him through me; the list includes Dr Chris Ngige who was to become a very effective Anambra State governor, and Prince Yormie Johnson, the Liberian warlord who killed President Samuel Doe in 1990 and died last November at 72 while serving as a senator in his country.
A man of the people, Okupe’s residence in Abuja was always filled to the brim with visitors from all parts of Nigeria. No sooner was the Obasanjo administration inaugurated than Okupe and his lovely wife, Lola, insisted I stay with them during a visit from Lagos. As each room had at least two occupants, they decided that I share their bed with them. When one of the visitors failed to return that night, however, I had to share a room with a Customs officer married to the wife’s sister.
Okupe was pained to know that my village in Ihiala, Anambra State, had no electricity access because of the perfidious role of some influential individuals. The next day he wrote a letter to the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) Managing Director asking him to address the matter urgently. The letter was honoured promptly. In appreciation, my community conferred on the presidential spokesman the chieftaincy title of Nwanne Di N’Mba of Umuezeawala, Ihiala, on December 31, 2000, but he couldn’t attend the ceremony in person. He was over the moon when the regalia and the accouterment were presented to him in his residence in Lagos. His family was there, including his aged mother who came from Iperu, Ogun State. She addressed my people in Igbo, telling us of her memorable days in school in Onitsha as a young girl.
A fervent believer in Nigeria’s unity, Okupe was proud that his daughter has an Igbo husband. He always had Igbo persons in his office in both the private and public sectors. There was one popularly known as Alhaji from the Southwest who made an AI in Igbo in the school certificate examination as a student of St Patrick’s Secondary School, Emene, Enugu, and married a woman from Awo Omama in Imo State. Okupe always showed him off to his Igbo visitors. Okupe appreciated that I gave his son, Bolu, the popular Igbo name, Emeka, at birth.
I remember vividly how Okupe and I met for the first time. It was in December 1985 in the beautiful Samuel Shonibare Estate in Maryland, Lagos. I was visiting Lagos to explore a job opportunity since the newspaper where I was working in Enugu was, for all practical purposes, dead. When Okey Ndibe, working at The Guardian, visited Nnamdi Obasi and Chike Akabogu, who were Concord newspaper editorial board members, they suggested we visit Okupe to discuss politics and a health newspaper he was setting up. I didn’t say anything at the meeting, yet when we were going, Okupe gave me only a big envelope. I needed the money.
When I returned to Lagos and settled in Ilupeju after some months, who would move from Shonibare Estate to almost the next street to my house without knowing I was living there? Omooba Doyin Okupe! Thus began a deep friendship between him and myself. His siblings, especially Wemi, Lanre and Owo, became more or less my own brothers.
Nigeria has just lost a true patriot in Dr Okupe. He was a Nigerian Original. May God receive his soul in heaven.
Adinuba was the Anambra State Commissioner for Information & Public Enlightenment.
[OPINION] Obasanjo At 88: A Testament To Discipline, Vitality, And National Service - Isaac Asabor
AdminIt is not an exaggeration to opine that not many octogenarians in Nigeria, or anywhere in the world, can boast of the level of physical fitness, mental sharpness, and unrelenting energy that former President Olusegun Obasanjo continues to display. As he marked his 88th birthday in grand style, showcasing his physical agility and stamina, Nigerians could not help but admire this enigma of a man who has defied age with remarkable grace. Obasanjo, a two-time paramount leader of Nigeria, has not only left an indelible mark on the country’s political landscape but also serves as an inspiring figure in personal discipline and resilience.
In fact, he is no doubt a rare breed of leader as he is one of the rare African leaders who have transitioned from military to civilian leadership and left an enduring impact on governance. His service to Nigeria spans several decades, beginning as a military officer, head of state from 1976 to 1979, and later as a democratically elected president from 1999 to 2007. Despite the controversies that have trailed his political career, one thing remains undisputed: his passion for Nigeria and his capacity to sustain a leadership presence even in retirement.
His recent public display of physical fitness during his 88th birthday celebration is not just an event for amusement, it is a testament to his disciplined lifestyle, resilience, and commitment to personal well-being. In a country where life expectancy hovers around 55 years, Obasanjo’s vibrancy at 88 is nothing short of remarkable. It begs the question: what is the secret behind his longevity and agility?
Guesstimating about the secret to Obasanjo’s enduring strength, it is not a misnomer to opine that his impressive physical fitness is no accident. Over the years, he has maintained an active lifestyle, often engaging in farming, exercising, and maintaining a disciplined diet. He has never shied away from physically demanding activities, whether it be long walks on his Ota farm, engaging in sporting activities, or dancing with youthful enthusiasm at public functions. Unlike many of his contemporaries who have succumbed to the limitations of old age, Obasanjo has continued to defy expectations.
There is also the mental fitness factor. Obasanjo’s engagement in intellectual and political discussions has kept his mind sharp. He remains one of Nigeria’s most vocal elder statesmen, regularly speaking on national issues and providing insights that shape political discourse. His penchant for writing books, delivering speeches, and engaging in diplomatic missions has ensured that his mind remains as active as his body.
He is no doubt an example for younger generations. At a time when many young people struggle with fitness and health-related issues due to sedentary lifestyles, Obasanjo’s vitality at 88 serves as a powerful example of the benefits of regular physical activity and discipline. Many Nigerians in their 30s and 40s complain of fatigue, high blood pressure, obesity, and other lifestyle-induced ailments, yet here is a man nearing 90 who moves with agility and continues to exude remarkable energy.
His fitness should serve as a wake-up call to both young and old Nigerians to take health and wellness seriously. If Obasanjo can still move with the strength of a man decades younger, what excuse do younger people have for neglecting their health?
Beyond his physical fitness, Obasanjo is known for his bluntness and fearless approach to national discourse. He is one of the few Nigerian leaders who have never hesitated to speak truth to power, regardless of whose ox is gored. Unlike many politicians who are careful with their words to avoid offending the political elite, Obasanjo calls things as he sees them.
Over the years, he has taken a firm stance on national issues, whether it be condemning corruption, criticizing poor leadership, or calling out inefficiency in government. He has written open letters to sitting presidents, challenging them on governance failures and urging them to do better for the Nigerian people. His outspokenness has earned him both admirers and detractors, but he has never been one to shy away from saying the hard truths.
His fearless attitude is a rare quality in Nigerian politics, where sycophancy and political correctness often take precedence over national interest. Obasanjo remains one of the few elder statesmen who consistently hold leaders accountable, making him a voice of reason in times of political uncertainty.
In addition to his frankness, Obasanjo is a detribalized Nigerian who has always placed national unity above ethnic or regional sentiments. In a country often divided along ethnic and religious lines, he has consistently preached and practiced national cohesion. Unlike many politicians who only serve the interests of their ethnic groups, Obasanjo has worked with individuals from all parts of Nigeria and has never shown favoritism based on tribal affiliations.
During his time as president, he appointed ministers and advisers from various ethnic backgrounds, emphasizing competence over ethnicity. His vision for Nigeria has always been one of unity and progress, where every citizen, regardless of tribe or religion, has an equal stake in the country’s development.
Even in retirement, he continues to advocate for a united Nigeria, urging leaders to rise above ethnic biases and govern with fairness. His ability to interact freely with people from different regions and his willingness to support capable leaders, regardless of their background, make him a truly national figure.
In many parts of the world, leaders understand the importance of maintaining good health to function effectively. However, in Nigeria, many political leaders do not prioritize physical fitness, often letting themselves go under the weight of their responsibilities. The result is a class of leaders who are barely able to keep up with the demands of governance due to poor health.
Obasanjo, through his lifestyle, indirectly emphasizes that leadership and physical well-being go hand in hand. A leader who is not physically fit will struggle to make sound decisions and withstand the pressures of governance. It is no wonder that during his time as president, Obasanjo was known for his work ethic and ability to travel extensively on national and international assignments without exhibiting signs of fatigue.
Beyond his physical fitness, Obasanjo represents resilience in all its forms. Having spent time in prison before emerging as Nigeria’s civilian president, his life is a story of rising from adversity. Despite facing numerous political battles, betrayals, and criticisms, he has remained unshaken, always reinventing himself and staying relevant in Nigeria’s national discourse.
Obasanjo’s ability to survive political storms, maintain his influence, and still command national and international respect at 88 is a lesson for Nigerians. In a country where many give up at the first sign of failure, Obasanjo’s life underscores the importance of perseverance and the ability to keep pushing forward despite challenges.
Many experts argue that having a strong sense of purpose contributes to longevity. Obasanjo has never been one to sit idly in retirement. He remains deeply involved in national affairs, advisory roles, diplomatic engagements, and intellectual pursuits. His continued relevance in Nigeria’s socio-political landscape has likely played a role in his longevity. Purpose gives people a reason to wake up every morning, and Obasanjo has never lacked it.
As Nigeria grapples with leadership challenges, economic difficulties, and social challenges, it is crucial to celebrate individuals like Obasanjo who have contributed significantly to the nation’s history and continue to do so in their old age. While he may not be perfect, no leader is, his commitment to Nigeria, discipline, and ability to defy age through a structured and active lifestyle are commendable.
Obasanjo’s 88th birthday and his impressive show of fitness should be a moment of inspiration for Nigerians. He is not only physically fit but also a fearless, blunt, and detribalized leader who has dedicated his life to national service. His life is a reminder that age is not just about the number of years lived but about how well those years are spent. Nigerians, young and old, should take inspiration from Obasanjo’s example and strive for personal discipline, national unity, and a life of purpose.
[OPINION] Rivers of Power: Wike’s Supreme Court Chess vs. Fubara’s Home Turf Checkmate – The Rivers Judiciary Strikes Back! - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminAh, Nigeria, the land where politics is not just politics—it’s an action-packed Nollywood thriller, a Yoruba demon love triangle, an Igbo trader’s shrewd business deal, and a Hausa-Fulani kingmaker’s silent but deadly strategy all rolled into one. And here we are in Rivers State, watching Wike vs. Fubara, the political remix of Aki and Pawpaw fight for supremacy, except this time, there are real power plays at stake.
Oh Wike, you thought it was over? That your Abuja judges, including those Supreme Court justices, did all the heavy lifting for you? That once the Supreme Court confirmed Martin Amaewhule as the rightful Speaker, Fubara would just gree? Ha! Oga, this is Nigeria! Nobody gree for anybody! Fubara has the state courts, and he just played his hand like a proper Lagos big boy dodging rent payments.
The Supreme Court ruling must have felt like the final whistle to Wike’s camp. They probably popped champagne, thinking the game was over. “We got him!” they must have cheered, the way an Abuja politician celebrates after winning party primaries by spraying crisp mint Naira notes. But wait—did anyone remind them that Rivers State still has its own judiciary? Because while Wike’s loyal Assembly was flexing their new Supreme Court-backed power, Fubara’s commissioners and the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RISIEC) chairman, Justice Adolphus Enebeli (rtd), decided to show them that ‘Port Harcourt no be Lagos’. They walked straight into the state court and slapped them with a lawsuit like an Igbo trader demanding full payment. Their demand? A court order blocking the Assembly from interfering with their appointments and duties. And guess what? The state court gave it to them like a market woman selling fresh akara at dawn.
Now, Wike’s Assembly had been on a power trip, issuing a 48-hour ultimatum to Fubara to submit a fresh list of commissioners and the 2025 budget. They outright rejected the 19 commissioners he appointed, claiming they weren’t properly confirmed. But here’s the problem—Fubara never officially received their ultimatum, at least according to him. “Oh, you sent me a letter? Omo, no be me you send am. My bad, I must have missed it between all these court cases and political backstabbing.” Classic Lagos ‘soft work’ excuse. Meanwhile, Amaewhule and his lawmakers, feeling invincible, summoned the RISIEC chairman to explain why he dared to conduct an election that the Supreme Court nullified. Their plan was clear: strip Fubara of all authority and make him a governor in name only—like those ‘Instagram big men’ whose accounts are louder than their bank balance.
But Fubara, the real Port Harcourt first son, no dey carry last. His commissioners took their fight to the Rivers State High Court, arguing that the Assembly had no power to overturn their appointments. And oh, the irony—while Wike used the judiciary against Fubara in Abuja, Fubara just used the judiciary in Port Harcourt against Wike’s lawmakers. The court didn’t just grant the commissioners permission to serve the lawsuit—it ordered them to do it by pasting it on the gates of the Assembly Quarters. Imagine the lawmakers walking into work, only to see legal documents plastered like ‘house for rent’ signs in Ajegunle. How dare you, Amaewhule & Co.! You thought this would be a walk in the park? My brother, this is not Buga dance, this is survival!
Oh, and now that this is going on, that budget presentation just became an impossible mission. The Assembly had already warned Fubara to submit the 2025 budget, but how can he do that now? His Finance Commissioner, Emmanuel Frank-Fubara, can’t give him anything to present because the state court has frozen all actions related to the commissioners. The Assembly wanted to force Fubara’s hand, but now, they’re stuck too—no budget, no governance, just lawsuits flying like election campaign flyers. The Supreme Court may have put its stamp on Wike’s team, but the state court just locked down the treasury faster than EFCC chasing Yahoo boys.
This is where it gets even funnier. The Supreme Court had backed Wike’s Assembly, but now, Fubara has the local referees on his side. The game is now being played on two courts—the federal court and the state court. While Wike thought he had completely neutralized Fubara’s authority, he forgot that politics isn’t just about who controls Abuja. It’s about who controls the home front. Fubara, rather than fold, just turned Rivers State’s legal system into his own shield—like a proper Yoruba demon dodging relationship commitment.
So what happens next? Will Wike go running back to the Supreme Court for another ruling? Will he start searching for what is now known as the “Abuja Judge” to perform another legal miracle? Well, guess what? The law is clear—Abuja judges have no jurisdiction over state and local matters. Maybe the Supreme Court will find a way around that? Sorry, nop! Wike’s legal magic has hit a wall, and Fubara just dug in his trenches, like a proper Niger Delta militant waiting for government amnesty.
Will Fubara keep using the state judiciary as a roadblock to legislative interference? Will the lawmakers simply pretend they didn’t see the lawsuit pasted on their gate? And most importantly—who will dare to present the budget now? One thing’s for sure—this Rivers State saga is far from over. Wike thought the Supreme Court had sealed the deal, but Fubara just reminded him that governance isn’t won in a courtroom alone. The battle continues, and Naija people, we dey here for the drama! Grab your popcorn, your zobo, your suya—this one go long!
The Real Lesson: Nigeria’s Democracy is at a Crossroads
At the heart of all this political chess and courtroom battles is a deeper Nigerian problem—the rule of man over the rule of law. Every institution in this fight—whether it’s the Supreme Court, the Rivers State Judiciary, the House of Assembly, or the Governor’s office—has been dragged into a game of power and self-interest. Where is democracy in all of this?
Nigeria must learn that a politicized judiciary, a compromised legislature, and self-serving politicians do not grow democracy—they destroy it. When institutions serve personal ambitions rather than the people, democracy becomes an illusion, and governance becomes nothing more than a battlefield for the biggest political godfather. This is why states like Rivers continue to struggle with real governance, while their leaders play legal gymnastics.
The Senate, the judiciary, the executive, and the legislature must function as independent democratic bodies, not as extensions of one man’s political empire. Nigeria cannot grow if every election turns into a court case, if every political disagreement leads to power plays, and if every institution bends to the will of politicians rather than the constitution.
The lesson from Rivers State is clear—until we remove the rule of man and embrace the rule of law, until our judiciary stops being a political tool, until our lawmakers remember they serve the people, not their godfathers, Nigeria’s democracy will remain a fragile joke.
So while we all enjoy the drama, let’s not forget the real question: when will Nigeria stop being a political movie and start being a real democracy? Until then, grab your popcorn, your zobo, and your suya—this one go long.
The politics of who gets a seat or where you sit is as old as politics itself. From the wars that have been fought on who sits on the throne to our traditions on who gets a seat in the “inner council”, is simply a tale as old as time. In every level of society, where you sit is not only significant but symbolic for representation, voice and presence. One of the biggest and successful bus boycotts in the history of the Civil Rights movement that challenged and led to the end of Segregation laws in the city of Alabama in the United States of America began with a seat. A soft-spoken woman, Rosa Parks, who was just tired and wanted to sit and rest while riding the bus, refused to give up a seat because of a segregation law.
The success and power of the Montgomery bus boycott, which changed a status quo which is referenced today, all started with a seat. It is therefore not surprising that in 2025 in Nigeria, the agitation of distinguished Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan over her seat allocation in the senate has brought back attention to important conversations ranging from a political system that excludes women and silences women to a bigger conversation on sexual harassment.
Can a senator be sexually harassed or abused by a fellow senator? Yes. Is an allegation of sexual harassment in the national assembly new? No. Anyone who thinks otherwise obviously exists on another planet and is complicit in abuse. Sexual abuse and sexual harassment are both gendered and power-based and are constantly wielded as a weapon to silence, exclude and undermine women in politics and different spheres of life. For clarity, sexual harassment is a form of gender-based violence, and it can manifest in different forms.
Sexual harassment can be as subtle as making unwelcome sexual and physical advances or sexual innuendos/comments to a woman, which others may find amusing, except the recipient of the comments. It ranges from sharing unwanted nudes and pornography to extending unwanted invitations that indicate ulterior motives, whispering lewd jokes and invading the intimate private space of a woman. It is also as embarrassing as improper comments about a woman’s looks, body or dress and the unwanted touching of bodily parts of a woman.
While both men and women are victims of sexual harassment, women are more vulnerable to sexual harassment because it is power-based and enabled by persisting gender inequality. As noted by the World Bank, “Gender-based violence is one of the most oppressive forms of gender inequality, posing a fundamental barrier to the equal participation for women and men in social, economic and political spheres.”
In addressing gender-based violence, a serious institution, people and country will; 1) respect the complaint of the person who experienced the harassment 2) provide a safe space for report, 3) investigate the report as a pathway to justice 4) ensure the accused is not the judge in the case in line with the principles of natural justice and, 5) punish perpetrators. This should be the major approach to allegations of sexual harassment at all levels.
For a senate created by the constitution and bound by its safeguards for fundamental human rights, playing politics and technicalities with a petition on sexual harassment disregards the constitution. Now the misconceptions; that a man loves his wife, daughter, and sisters does not mean he cannot be an abuser or harasser.
It’s just like saying that a thief won’t rob you because he has a brother or sister like you. That other women did not speak up does not mean that one who speaks up is lying; we all have different levels of courage. Lastly, historically, women in politics who face abuse do not speak up to avoid losing political capital or being victimised. The silence and acceptance of bad behaviour as a norm in politics has enabled impunity and bold abusers using their power to silence the few who dare to speak.
Nigeria, let us talk about the politics of exclusion and victimisation.
Nigeria’s journey to democracy was a hard-fought battle that was sustained by the resilience and unwavering spirit of men and women who believed in freedom and democracy. The transition to democracy in 1999 brought new hope to a nation that had been battered by men in uniform and had been silenced for too long. The ballot signified the power of the people to choose their leaders and the birth of Nigeria’s constitutional democracy. Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution, with its imperfections, perfectly enunciates Nigeria as a country to be governed on the principles of freedom, equality and justice. Section 14 of the Constitution establishes Nigeria as a State based on the principles of democracy and social justice.
However, in the almost 26 years of democracy, Nigeria has been consistently and conspicuously deprived of the benefits of representation of women in government at all levels, violating a basic principle of democracy. Women’s representation is a democratic rights issue because the exclusion of women is silencing women’s voices in political decisions. This prolonged exclusion has created a political ecosystem where sexual abuse and harassment of women have persisted, been excused, condoned and most times treated with levity.
Nigeria is still one of the poor-performing countries when it comes to political empowerment. The 2024 Gender Gap report of the World Economic Forum ranked Nigeria 136 of the 146 countries surveyed when it comes to closing the gender gap in political empowerment. With only 17 female legislators of the 360 legislators in the house of representatives and 4 female senators of the 109 senators elected in 2023, it is an injustice to treat allegations of sexual harassment with levity. Women in Nigeria are fighting both systemic exclusion and cultural and religious bias against female leadership. Nigeria cannot afford to ignore the call for safe spaces for women in both elective and appointive offices.
This is particularly important with the emergence of younger women in politics who are informed, aware of their rights and not limited by the fears of the oppressive hands of patriarchy. The national assembly is a place for the serious business of representation, law-making and oversight that requires competence, vibrancy, innovation, and experience. None of these are mutually exclusive, which is why we cannot tolerate the abuse of power and/or sexual harassment being used against existing and emerging leaders in the national assembly.
With the evolution of labour law, more companies, institutions, and places of work are introducing safeguarding policies. Nigeria’s national assembly and all government institutions, as a matter of urgency, need a safeguarding policy that properly provides a framework for the prevention of and protection from sexual exploitation, abuse and harassment.
The national assembly remains the hub of our democracy, and protecting legislators, staff and citizens who work and interact with the Institution from abuse, harassment and exploitation should be at the core of the assembly. In March, which is dedicated to recommitting the world to efforts geared at promoting the rights of women and girls, the Nigerian senate has an opportunity to show Nigerian women that they do not hate women.
Cynthia Mbamalu is a human and gender rights advocate and the director of programmes at Yiaga Africa
[OPINION] IWD 2025 reflections: Three decades post-Beijing – the African situation - Lucy Newman
AdminThe 2024 report, the 18th edition of the Global Gender Gap Index, benchmarked gender parity across 146 economies, providing a basis for the analysis of gender parity developments across two-thirds of the world’s economies. As an African, I was super delighted to see Namibia at number eight and South Africa at number 18. Two African countries, one in the global top 10 and another in the global top 20! This is something to celebrate and a call to understudy why they ranked so high. Other African countries that featured in the top 50 are Rwanda at number 39, Liberia at number 42 and Eswatini at number 47.
Happy International Women’s Day 2025 to all readers! March 8th, the globally designated International Women’s Day (IWD), a holiday celebrated annually to focus on issues such as gender equality, reproductive rights, violence and abuse against women is here again. The 2025 theme is “Accelerate Action” and highlights the urgent need to drive gender equality through bold, decisive actions, rather than slow progress. Thus, my motivation for writing this article, with performance improvement and transformation thinking.
Introduction
I am a female leader with personal identity and orientation of a global citizen, proudly African of Nigerian extraction, and firm belief in the wholesome value of humanity, in general, for development and societal sustainability, based on goodwill and purpose. As such, this article will highlight the context within which the IWD emerged, some emerging empirical data, and proffer some suggestions for consideration, based on continental practice benchmarks. I also believe in collective action – at the individual, family unit, institutional, national and continental levels. This because from where I sit as an international consultant, who has had the privilege of participating in two of the African Peer Review Mechanism’s (APRM) Country Review Missions (CRMs) of two countries in Africa’s Southern region and function as the CEO of the Africa Private Sector Summit with other continental exposures, there are commendable practices to glean from, for systemic continental improvement. Therefore, like Fareed Zakaria of CNN’s Global Public Square (GPS) magazine programme would say, ‘Lets get started’!
Contextual Background
In announcing the theme for IWD2025, internationalwomensday.com asked us to all imagine a gender equal world; a world free of bias, stereotypes, and discrimination; a world that is diverse, equitable, and inclusive; a world where difference is valued and celebrated. It therefore calls for gender equality and collectively #AccelerateAction. Then the big question – Is this possible in Africa, as we progress in our aspirations for the Africa we want (Agenda2063)? History has it that IWD has been around for over a hundred years, as have many of the issues globally still impacting women’s advancement. We may recall that Vladimir Lenin declared 8 March as IWD in 1922 to honour the women’s role in 1917 Russian Revolution; it was subsequently celebrated on that date by the socialist movement and communist countries. The IWD holiday became a mainstream global holiday, following its promotion by the United Nations in 1977.
Another important milestone on the subject of this article to consider, is the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action, which flagged 12 key areas where urgent action was needed to ensure greater equality and opportunities for women and men, girls and boys. It also laid out concrete ways for countries to bring about change. The Beijing conference built on political agreements reached at three previous global conferences on women, and consolidated five decades of legal advances aimed at securing the equality of women with men in law and in practice. The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action 1995 was unanimously adopted by 189 countries as an agenda for women’s empowerment that is now considered the key global policy document on gender equality. The big question: Now three decades post-Beijing Conference of 1995, how have African countries progressed on protocols acceded to in 1995?
In preparation for Beijing +30 Status for Africa, the African Union, with support of the United Nations Economic Commission on Africa, facilitated a Beijing +30 Review Ministerial Consultative Expert Group Meeting on 6 November in Addis Ababa, in preparation of the 69th session of the Commission on Status of Women (CSW) to be held from 10-21 March. The meeting led to a published resolution, which concluded that ‘different measures need to be adopted as implementation accelerators for proposed actions to yield impact at scale. The most important are stakeholders’ commitments, strengthening grassroots women and girls movements, the existence of strong institutions, and particularly Africa’s ownership of the implementation process by putting in place all necessary measures, including financing these actions with Africa’s own resources’.
In terms of global benchmarks, the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI) annually benchmarks the state and evolution of gender parity across four key dimensions: Economic Participation and Opportunity, Educational Attainment, Health and Survival, and Political Empowerment. Since launching in 2006, it is the longest-standing index tracking the progress of numerous economies’ efforts towards closing these gaps over time. The 2024 report, the 18th edition of the Global Gender Gap Index, benchmarked gender parity across 146 economies, providing a basis for the analysis of gender parity developments across two-thirds of the world’s economies. As an African, I was super delighted to see Namibia at number eight and South Africa at number 18. Two African countries, one in the global top 10 and another in the global top 20! This is something to celebrate and a call to understudy why they ranked so high. Other African countries that featured in the top 50 are Rwanda at number 39, Liberia at number 42 and Eswatini at number 47.
Call for Action
As we mark this year’s IWD with the theme ‘Accelerated Action’, I reflect on the outcome of Namibia and South Africa’s GGPI ranking and feel obliged to advise the following for performance improvement for accelerated action:
On jurisdictional/national levels: Namibia’s Zebra Principle works and may have greatly impacted its global top 10 ranking as number eight. South Africa’s approach to near universal adoption of the King IV Governance code, which promotes corporate altruism and responsible citizenship across the private, public and social sectors, and the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE), are worthy of understudy and possible domestication in other jurisdiction, with Rwanda, Liberia and Eswatini sharing their principles and practices as well.
On an institutional level: adoption of any combination of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that align with institutional brand values as Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) be considered. Ensuring inclusive gender practices in labour practices, with consideration of gender life cycle stages for societal sustainability and possibility of non-punitive career breaks and remote work have long term brand loyalty in employees and service providers across gender.
On individual levels within families and communities: misogynistic resistance to women empowerment is real in some cultures in Africa and around the world, especially male dominated and paternalistic societies need to educate societies on the right of all persons, irrespective of gender, age or social standing to liberty to pursue life aspirations and contribute to society.
Conclusion
The African woman is an amazing reservoir of resources. Therefore, she needs nurturing through life cycle stages – as a girl child; as an undergraduate young woman; as a professional or entrepreneur; as a mother nurturing future generations, through her reproductive years as a wife and mother with growing and dependent children; as a mature professional who wants to contribute her experiences; and as a retired grandmother and great-grandmother or matriarch with responsibility for passing the baton of family cross generational dignity, honour and purpose.
There is so much gender parity can bring to our development agenda, as a people. So, let’s accelerate action! No more talking!
Governor Dikko Radda of Katsina State has a PhD in Agriculture and Rural Sociology. Nasir Idris, Kebbi State governor, holds a PhD in Education. The governor of Sokoto State, Ahmad Aliyu, also holds a doctorate in Business Administration. Dauda Lawal, Zamfara State governor, has a 1992 Masters Degree in Political Science/International Relations. Governor Gawuna Yusuf of Kano holds a Bachelors Degree in, wait for it, Biochemistry.
So, how did a North with governors this educated end up with a strange, obnoxious, nasty and distasteful directive that shuts schools for Ramadan?
How did the North get here and how will the region ever get out of this cesspit of affliction? Please are the children and grandchildren of these helmsmen attending the schools that are going to be shut down for Ramadan? Are the children and grandchildren of the Senators, Representatives, all political office holders and indeed the elites of the north all affected by this sit-at-home-during –Ramadan schools closure in the North? Are the schools in Saudi Arabia also closed for Ramadan or it is just Northern Nigerian Muslims that are holier than those whose womb birthed the holy Prophet?
Why are we not seeing or hearing protests against this sad holiday? The Muslim community is quiet. The affected parents are going about their businesses as if this is okay. The Muslim clerics’ silence is the most shocking.
The schools that were shut, are there Christian students there? Will the teachers be paid for the month they are fasting and not working? That last question brings me to the biggest question of all: this closure of Northern schools for Ramadan, was it the initiative of the governors? What exactly were they thinking? Did they hold meetings with all stakeholders in this matter and how did they justify the move? How do Northern leaders sleep at night, really?
I have always been suspicious that the many social diseases that are afflicting the North are the fault of their leaders. This confirms it. Northern leaders and elites like a sick north. It works for them. They like a North West with almost nine million out-of-school children and a North-East with more than five million. Or what else is the reason why every statistic with negative figures in education domiciled in the North and then some governors still go ahead to give this kind of directive? Exactly in whose interest is this no-school-during Ramadan holiday, the teachers’, the students’, the parents’ or whose?
These governors, these Northern leaders, where do they see the North in Nigeria, in world equations in 10 years? Do they think producing Nigerian Presidents regularly is what gives the North power? Me, I think if Nigeria has an Hausa or Fulfude-speaking president for 20 unbroken years where the North still does what it presently does, the region will still not catch up with the rest of Nigeria. Anyway, it looks like those who are beaten are not crying while people like me are swallowing ‘panadol’ for a Northern headache.
…I have been talking to the ideals on how to get to where we need to be in 21st century where education is fast changing the dynamics of development. The policy experts and scholars here and all of us need to understand that founding and funding a university isn’t for the fainthearted. Visitors who hold the fort for public universities constantly claim that they don’t have enough to fund education the way we want it in this same 21st century. In other words, if we look into the seeds of our education development times, what we will see now is that the education sector at home isn’t good and governments are only declaring emergencies whenever they want to hold general elections. We are talking at a time when most education leaders are again suggesting policies that will take us to where we can internationalise higher education again. That was the theme of my convocation lecture at the Adekunle Ajasin Univesity, Akungba, Ondo State in December 2023. But from the way we daily read from the book of lamentation about funding of higher education at this time of economic crisis, where will we get on the road to internationalisation of higher education?
Isn’t it a time to interrogate Professor Wole Soyinka’s suggestion some years ago about the expediency of closing down all the Nigerian universities for a year or two with a view to restructuring them into “Ivory Towers”, citadels of learning and centres of innovation that they should be? I asked a similar question at the Akungba 2023 lecture. But the answer has continued to blow in the wind.
Again, this paper is not a seminal paper on the role of the university in a developing country. Nor is it a research topic on the role of public intellectuals in development. Rather, it is a thought-provoking discussion point on why all our representatives in government, all our duty bearers should halt the “hollow rituals” called licensing of new private universities and the federal government’s own obsession with political project called federal universities in all the states of the federation. This is a time to tell them to pay attention to better rather than more universities whose products cannot contribute to national development, no thanks to poor funding.
It is a time to call on the elders of the land, notably those that had enjoyed ‘the good old days’ in this same country when universities were universities to support a motion that governments at all levels should stop all priority projects and declare genuine emergency on education with a view to investing in them consciously and sincerely.
This means there had been good times here when even some Americans were applying to read even English studies at the University of Ibadan. As I have noted in some presentations, in 2008, I met an African American, in Miami Florida who claimed to be a classmate of now Professor Gordini Gabriel Darah at the University of Ibadan where she did her PhD in English/Literature in the early 1980s. The woman gave me a note to give to her radical classmate, G.G Darah. She was at that time President of a University in Florida. That was internationalisation at the Nigeria’s premier university college when an American could read about a great university in Nigeria without the Internet. There were stories of foreign students in the universities of first generation when there was indeed a universe in the universities. How do we regain the paradise lost when we can be part of the universe again?
The highway universities without universe?
What is more horrible than a situation whereby most Nigerian universities have become mere factories for producing unemployable graduates at all levels? All the major highways in parts of the country have become attractions for private universities, most of which are alleged to be just for ways of laundering money for some crooks who can no longer hide such slush and stolen funds abroad because of the danger in illicit money transfer now that we have the Nigeria Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU). But sadly, most of the lecturers of the mushroom universities cannot allow their children to be admitted into most of the institutions where they teach. I know many of them, who would still have to struggle through thick and thin to send their wards abroad where they think real learning takes place.
But let’s reflect on this classic. According to Gasset (2005) on the Mission of the University. Why University Must Be Primarily: the University; Profession and Science. This is important for our leaders, policy makers and university owners.
(A) The university consists, primarily and basically of higher education which the ordinary man should receive.
(B) It is necessary to make this ordinary man first of all, a cultured person: to put him at the height of the times. It follows then that the primary function of the university is to teach the great cultural discipline namely:
1. The physical scheme of the world (Physics)
2. The fundamental themes of organic life (Biology)
3.The historical process of the human species (History)
4.The structure and functioning of social life (Sociology)
5 The Plan of the universe (Philosophy)
(C) It is necessary to make the ordinary man a good professional. Besides his apprenticeship to culture, the university will teach him, by the most economical, direct and efficacious procedures intellect can devise, to be a good doctor, a good judge, a good teacher of mathematics or of history.
The specific character of this professional teaching must be set aside, however for further discussion.
Whether it is local or ‘glocal’, the university should be equipped enough to play its primary role of turning the ordinary man to be what he wants to be: professional. But can the university in Nigeria play this role today in this age of digital technologies? We can’t and that is why the Artificial Intelligence Centre of Google has since 2018 been in Ghana. The Google AI experts were in Nigeria then to look for a well-equipped university out of our more than 200 then to be the host of the technology giant’s AI Centre in West Africa. They couldn’t find any and they went to Ghana with about 15 national public universities and 11 private universities and found a well-equipped school of computer engineering that could play host to their AI Centre. What a giant in the sun! You aren’t a giant of a nation if you can’t excel in STEM subjects in the 21st century. Where will development flow from when your universities aren’t producing young engineers in today’s world like those young tech giants helping the Trump administration to disrupt the allegedly unclean bureaucracies of the United States through the independent Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) that the globalists and liberals don’t want to see in the United States?
Again, where are our leaders at all levels including the state and national assemblies at this critical time? Why are our leaders and representatives concerned about only the next election without caring a hoot about the next generation of leaders who are supposed to be products of our universities? Are the suffering, malnourished and ill-equipped students of today not going to be the leaders of tomorrow? How many of the more than two hundred million people would have the resources to send their children to the so-called good schools abroad as our leaders are apparently doing today? Are our leaders aware that most of our university lecturers in science and technology schools are relocating abroad in search of greener pastures? Does the education minister tell the president and some Labour Ministry’s arrogant negotiators with ASUU members that most serious nations, especially some in Nordic countries pay teachers better than other public officers because they believe that only satisfied teachers can produce better graduates? Aren’t they aware that in the United States, which is still proud of its exceptionalism on all fronts, public officers including policy makers are still concerned about the fact that their American children (students) are well outside the top-ten international student rankings in reading, science and mathematics apart from the nation’s position of leadership on everything from the economy to the military to issues of moral authority? They (Americans) are beginning to argue that their rating “will continue to plummet unless we take dramatic action…”. Michelle Rhee, a former chancellor of Washington D.C., public schools from 2007-2010, now a driving force behind American education reform, has already written a classic on this development, titled, ‘Radical: Fighting To Put Students First’. The founder and CEO of StudentsFirst has drawn attention to the fact that although the United States is well known as a world leader in innovation, boasting of brilliant thinkers and trendsetting companies, yet there is a fact that, that status is at grave risk because American children are getting outside the top-ten international student ranking.
Come with me to South East Asia. The power behind Samsung, a global brand is South Korea, with a population of about 51.7 million. They have more than Samsung to export to the world because of the power that quality education that they take seriously has given them. They are among top-five countries with excellence in Research and Development (R&D) funding in global context. That is their power. You can make the same claim of Singapore. The economic power of Singapore isn’t tied to any extractive industry. It is only linked to their intellectual power. Yes their brainpower through education quality their legend, Lee Kuan Yew bequeathed to them. There are more examples of these powerful countries. How many times shall we write that there is a nexus between the economic power of South Africa and the quality of its universities? It is not by accident that the best university in Africa in all global ratings is the University of Cape Town. Is it not also true that of the top ten universities in Africa, most of the times, six to eight are in South Africa? What we are saying isn’t about setting up technical universities, agriculture universities, medical sciences universities, maritime universities, police and army universities that are underfunded and ill-equipped. This isn’t about the number of graduates in the country. It is about the quality of the graduates. It is about the capacity of the graduates to solve 21st challenges in this age of the high-tech, digital disrupters….
• This is an excerpt from (9, 307 words) lecture titled, ‘Can The Universities Trigger National Development Amid Economic Challenges? I delivered last Thursday March 6, 2025 as the 11th Distinguished Lecture of the University of Medical Sciences, Ondo City, Ondo State.
To be continued…
Nigeria joins the world in celebrating International Women’s Day with gender activists mourning the decimation of their numeral strength in governance.
The 1999 Senate had three women: Senators Florence Ita-Giwa, Stella Omu, and Khairat Gwadabe. However, 25 years later, it is a mark of the nation’s disrespect for gender equality that the IWD would be marked with only three women as senators in a chamber of 108 senators. Senator Natasah Akpoti-Uduaghan, who could have been the fourth female senator, was on Thursday suspended from the chamber in what many have described as the most repressive exertion of testosterone in the chamber since 1999.
According to the Senate resolution, she should not present herself as a senator of the Federal Republic anywhere.
With women constituting just 3.6% of the 10th Senate and another 17 women in the 360 House of Representatives, representing 4.7%, there is no doubt that Nigeria falls short of gender balance in parliament.
As of 2024, the average representation of women in African parliaments was 26% with the majority of the countries having failed to attain the 40% benchmark for gender balance.
Only five countries, Rwanda with 61% of parliamentarians being women, South Africa with 46.7%, Namibia with 44.2%, Mozambique with 42.4% and Ethiopia 41.5% met the mark.
It is remarkable that Nigeria was at one time improving in its gender representation index with about 10 females in the Senate while the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP was in power.
However, since 2015 that figure has progressively decreased to the level it is today in damning rebuke of Nigeria’s assertions on the Beijing Conference of affirmative action as chorused exactly 30 years ago.
Rwanda, South Africa, and Namibia, which topped the list in gender balance, also came in the top half of the Mo Ibrahim Governance Index, proving to some degree that women representatives in government help to promote good governance.
There is no doubt that the disappearance of women in parliament is correlated to the increasing bastardisation of the electoral process in the country. More women, like many faint-hearted men, have despaired over the intrigues and violence that lead to the election of our lawmakers.
Only the women who can fight like men are able to scale through the emotional and physical skirmishes that is called election in Nigeria. That perhaps explains the controversial claims of Senator Florence Ita-Giwa when she poohpoohed the claims of sexual harassment that Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan raised against Senate President Godswill Akpabio.
According to Ita-Giwa, any woman who can survive the intrigues to win an election into the Senate cannot talk about sexual harassment! That is still a controversial claim, though.
So as Nigeria marks the International Women’s Day today, there is bound to be a particular focus on the Senate and deeper interrogation of the issues that led to the six months suspension of Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan from the Senate.
The allegation of sexual harassment brought by her against Akpabio was the first time such an issue would be brought against a presiding officer since the advent of the Fourth Republic. It is, however, not true that the Senate has been very clean of sexcapades. Lurid tales of illicit affairs occur, especially when Senators go on retreats with some ad-hoc committees reportedly being mandated to arrange young ladies for the comfort of male senators.
In one such retreat many years ago, a presiding officer was reportedly slapped by his wife who saw him entangled with a lady while the male senators were ‘communiquing.’
The jury is still out there as to the transparency and probity embarked by the 10th Senate in dealing with the allegation brought against Akpabio by Akpoti-Uduaghan.
This case, along with other pernicious legislative conduct of the 10th Senate has further diminished the institution. The crass disobedience to a court order and the rush to indict and punish the female lawmaker do not portray the Senate in a good light.
While many believe that Akpabio may indeed be innocent of the allegation made by Akpoti-Uduaghan, the rush by the Senate to punish her was largely indecorous. Akpabio could well have appeared before the Senate investigative committee and dared Akpoti-Uduaghan to produce her evidence.
The fear is that Akpabio did not want to go that route simply because he may have been afraid of the eruption of other unpalatable issues between him and Akpoti-Uduaghan, which are essentially not relating to sex.
As Nigerians have been made to recall, the suspended senator’s husband, Chief Emmanuel Uduaghan had been a long-standing family friend of the Akpabios. Their relationship predated the marital engagement between Uduaghan and Natasha. Akpabio confessed to attending and sleeping over during the marriage in Kogi State.
Indeed, Akpabio’s communication strategist, Mr Ken Okulugbo, while defending his principal on Channels Television on Thursday night confessed that he was recommended for his job by Chief Uduaghan.
So, being top players in the Nigerian political space, there is no doubt that the Akpabios and Uduaghans would have shared secrets and collaborated in their respective journeys to dominance in their political and business spaces. Along the way, they would have known one another’s unpalatable issues.
So, one conspiracy theory emerging is that the Senate President brought the weight of his powers on Natasha not because he was guilty of sexual harassment of a family friend but because of the fear of the unknown!
You were the deputy speaker. Then, you became the first female speaker. And now you are the first speaker to become a deputy speaker in Africa. Madam, it’s not your fault but you need to quit. Your middle name is not Rollercoaster
When Obasa was removed, lawmakers said he was corrupt. If it were in the 18th century, they would have looked for a guillotine. They shouldn’t do this to themselves. It’s a most despicable capitulation. They said he built a gate with millions upon millions. They said he was a bad example to our children. Following the many vociferous allegations of corruption and high-handedness, 32 out of the 40 Lagos lawmakers voted to remove him. A removal can’t be more unanimous. They said his removal was good riddance to bad rubbish. That was last month.
Now, the same Obasa has returned. And rather than ignominy, he has cornered glory. You have succumbed to intimidation and resigned to allow the perfidy. You can call it loyalty to your party leaders. You can call it party supremacy. Beautiful euphemism. Others call it Baba sope. You were almost an Amazon. Sadly, you all turned out lily-livered.
Collectively, you lamented the invasion of the hallowed legislature by the DSS. Was that your leaders in trying to whip delinquent children into line? The DSS later said they had come to provide security. But you knew what they came to do. And you and your colleagues swore to resist the transgressions. How, then, did you chicken out without a whimper?
You had sneered as Obasa besieged the legislature with a gang of policemen to forcibly enter it. Do your leaders behave like area boys? Do they have any regard for the rule of law? If this was just leaders persuading followers, why the easy recourse to state banditry? All the lawmakers pointedly condemned both invasions as rape and vowed to resist the affront to democracy. Irked by the abomination, the people stood to support you against your oppressors. Then you all chickened out. The international community is amused.
When Obasa returned from overseas and started to thump his chest, many had feared for you. Because if the drummer of the strange rhythm he was dancing to was in a bush in Abuja, then the entire House of Assembly would need courage to avoid humiliation. But you all rose to the occasion to a cost the filthy meddle some hands of the unseen intruder with moral defiance. And having announced your readiness to assert yourselves like free men and women who have broken their yoke, this capitulation is unpardonable cowardice.
A man overruled an entire state legislature. In his youth, he had rebelled against autocracy. Now he is the Citadel, the fortress of feudalism. So he can send some oldmen to deliver an ultimatum to the lawmakers, to ask them to lick their vomitus. Rather than pack up and run away, if they were too weak to fight, the lawmakers sat and started to weep helplessly in the open. The same people who had collectively vowed to defend their dignity and democracy were cowering and crying like babies. They endured the torment of going through the gut-wrenching ritual of re-electing Obasa. None of them covered his head with a tattered basket and spat some inventive at the oppressor. None of them had the balls to walk away. They were scared of the godfather.
Some said they were crying for you, Meranda. But nobody is deceived. They were reduced to houseboys. Presumptuous houseboys. They were made to re-elect Obasa, who they had deceived as unfit to lead. Meranda, you stepped out for him to step in. You need to step away. Your CV now reads like it was written in Oluwole. The centre of excellence has been defiled. It stinks
Make no mistake, Madam deputy speaker, it’s not party supremacy. It’s party destitution. The party has been castrated. Otherwise, there is no manifestation of party supremacy greater than 75% of the legislators and their constituents have their way on who becomes speaker. The party can weigh in and influence outcomes. But the party cannot make an entire legislature swallow its vomitus in the open like this. The real party spoke through the legislators. But one man overruled the party. Party supremacy is not a nebulous concept which can be used to convert lawmakers into errand boys of the godfathers. It is not an autocratic spanner. It exists to foster inclusion and democratic participation and not install a civilian dictatorship through the backdoor.
When you became speaker we saw you herd the lawmakers to the GAC to receive blessings. You said they blessed you. We said you were subjecting the legislative arm of government to the dictates of a cabal. Now you know. That fanciful GAC is a device in the hands of one man to make his dictatorial control of the state look collegiate. The subterfuge has been exposed. The party is decidedly a one-man show.
Madam, you surrendered the mandate of the people. You were not an acting speaker. Throw in the towel, madam. Your return to your old seat is a disservice to womanhood. You cannot endorse this shenanigan by playing the fool. Your dignity matters. Your health matters too. Your continued presence in that assembly will damage not just your mind but public health. The Return of Obasa is a head-spinning drama. Disappear from the House, madam. So that the public can catch their breath.
E jor ma. You are too legit not to quit. Eko oni ba je o
[OPINION] New Insights Into “Badamasi,” “Gbadamosi,” and IBB’s Paternal Heritage - Farooq A. Kperogi
AdminFormer President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida’s autobiography triggered questions about the onomastic etymology of “Badamasi,” his former last name, which appears to share historical and semantic kinship with the Yoruba “Gbadamosi.” It also activated interest in his paternal heritage about which he has been strategically coy, which I captured in my last column.
Because I know that the best system of inquiry for facts is necessarily question-oriented, self-critical, and cumulative, I shared a perspective I had heard about the provenance of Badamasi but expressed doubts about its reliability and historical accuracy and invited further reflections from others.
Saturday Tribune editor Lasisi Olagunju took up the challenge and, relying on insights from the late Sheikh Adam Abdullah El-Ilory, proposed that Badamasi originated from Ghadames (sometimes spelled Ghadamis), a historic Berber town in what is now Libya.
The town’s citizens are called Ghadamisi. It’s in line with the Middle Eastern practice of adding “i” to the end of the names of villages, towns, cities, and countries to form demonyms. Bukhari (which we domesticated as Buhari in Nigeria), for instance, means a native of the town of Bukhara, now in Uzbekistan, a West Asian nation that used to be a part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).
Olagunju also referenced a fawningly Anglophilic, pro-colonial autobiography written in Arabic by a certain Abd Allah el-Ghadamisi, who arrived in Kano in 1903, titled, Your Humble Servant: The Memoirs of Abd Allah Al-Ghadamisi. He wondered whether this might be the book IBB mentioned as his grandfather's favorite and that inspired him to name his son after its author.
He then suggested that the Yoruba Gbadamosi is more faithful to what he thinks is the original form of the name than the Hausa Badamasi since the voiced labial-velar plosive “gb” found in many Niger Congo languages, including Yoruba, is closer to the voiced uvular fricative “gh” in Arabic.
Well, Olagunju’s proposition appears to suffer a factual collapse when it is burdened with the weight of historical, chronological, and even sociolinguistic evidence.
First, anyone who reads Professor Razaq ʿDeremi Abubakre’s 2017 book chapter titled “Stefan Reichmuth’s Wanderings in Arabicized and Islamized Yorubaland” will come across an Ilorin Muslim scholar and poet by the name of Badamasi “from Ile Saura, Agbaji, Balogun Ajikobi Ward, who was one of the first people to produce Yoruba poetry in Arabic script (p.373).” He died around 1891.
This suggests that even Yoruba Muslims have borne the name Badamasi since at least the 1800s, years before Abd Allah el-Ghadamisi appeared in Kano.
Second, it is unlikely that Abd Allah el-Ghadamisi’s autobiography is the book IBB’s grandfather was fond of and that students of Arabic in Hausaland read for pedagogical and spiritual nourishment because the commentary on the book by Muhammad S. Umar and John O. Hunwick, which Olagunju references, describes the book as betraying “imperfect knowledge of written Arabic” and full of “simple errors of Arabic grammar.”
Such a book can’t be a model that Islamic scholars venerate and teach. In any case, it wasn’t a piece of Islamic scholarship. The memoirs, Umar and Hunwick point out, “construct a discourse that portrays colonialism positively through a particularly laudatory proclamation of the good deeds of colonial authorities….”
Third, Olagunju’s claim that “Because, sometimes an author gets more famous than his work, al-Ghadamisi’s name appears to have overwhelmed the book’s title” doesn’t seem to be true. Only one copy of Abd Allah el-Ghadamisi’s book has survived, according to Umar and Hunwick.
Fourth, although traders and Islamic scholars from Ghadames have lived in Hausa land since at least the 16th century, sociolinguistic evidence suggests that it is implausible for Hausa speakers to domesticate the Arabic phoneme “gh” to “b.”
When Hausa speakers borrow Arabic words with the phoneme “gh,” which doesn’t occur naturally in Hausa, they adapt it to "g" (and occasionally to “k”) but never “b.” So, it’s socio-linguistically improbable that Ghadamisi would ever become Badamasi to Hausa speakers. It would most likely be Gadamisi.
Now, what might be the root of Badamasi? Someone on Facebook by the name of M.Y. Kabara (I wonder if he is a progeny of the famous Nasiru Kabara family in Kano who died in my final year at Bayero University) pointed me to Arabic sources that seem to definitively show that the name Badamasi owes its presence in (northern) Nigerian Muslim onomastic universe to an Egyptian poet by the name of Muhammad bin Ahmed bin Ismail bin Ahmed Al-Sharaf Al-Badmasi Al-Masri. (Miṣr is the Arabic name for Egypt).
He was born in 1808 AH (equivalent to around 1405) in the small village of Badamas and died in Mecca at the age of 40. He was famous for a book of Arabic poetry he wrote in praise of Prophet Muhammad (SAW) titled al-Qasīdatul Mukhmasah, which is very popular with Sufi Muslims and Arabic students in (northern) Nigeria.
I am certain that it’s the book IBB’s grandfather loved so much that he named his son after it—like many people in the North did and still do.
Kabara pointed out to me that because “every quintet in Arabic poetry can be called ‘mukhmasah,’” the book of poetry has come to be known by the name of its author to differentiate it from similar works.
According to Dr. Ihab El-Sherbini, author of the book Stories of Mansoura's Streets, Badamas, the poet’s hometown, used to be called “Potamos," which means “river,” but that Copts (descendants of ancient Egyptians who are now mostly Christians that are associated with the Coptic Church) called it Badamos. After the Arab conquest of Egypt in the 7th century, Badamos evolved to Badamas.
Over time, the Badamas village ceased to be territorially independent. It’s now a neighborhood of the Egyptian city of Mansoura.
Based on this new knowledge, I am prepared to suggest that Gbadamosi and Badamasi are mere onomatological false friends, that is, they are names that sound alike but that are actually different and descended from different sources.
I suspect that the Yoruba Gbadamosi traces descent from Ghadamisi, most probably from Abdallāh b. Abī Bakr al-Ghadāmisī, a 17th-century Arabic poet and Islamic scholar born in Timbuktu who wrote the famous Manāhij al-Sālikīn fī Manāfiʿ al-Qurʾān al-Karīm (“Paths of the Seekers to the Benefits of the Noble Qur’an”) that is popular with West African Sufis.
Curiously, the resolution of the etymology of IBB’s middle name coextends with new hints I’ve encountered about the probable ethnic identity of his paternal ancestry.
The village of Kumurya in Kano where IBB told a biographer his paternal roots are located was founded by the Agalawa, a historical trading community in Hausaland, originally of Tuareg (Berber) stock who migrated into the Kano region in the 18th century.
Though now fully assimilated as a sub-group of the Hausa people, the Agalawa trace their ancestry to nomadic Tuareg origins in the southern Sahara. I owe this insight to Rabiu Isah Hassan who first pointed it out to me on Facebook and provoked me to read further.
In his 2005 book titled Ecology and Ethnography of Muslim Trade in West Africa, Paul E. Lovejoy points out that early Agalawa immigrants in Hausaland occupied a lowly social status because “Most had been enslaved from Sudanese populations (p. 16).” They were derisively called “Bugaje” (is the famous Dr. Usman Bugaje of Agalawa origins?) as a collective plural and “Buzu” as a singular form.
Over time, they acculturated, dominated commerce, became prominent in Islamic scholarship, and have now become indistinguishable from the native Hausa population, except that they tend to have a lighter complexion than Hausa people, which causes many people to mistake them for Fulani.
Is IBB aware of this history of his paternal ancestry but chose to conceal it for fear of exoticizing and alienating himself, especially in the eyes of southerners who tend to delegitimize people’s Nigerian origins when they find out that the ancestral origins of (mostly northern) people can be traced to spaces outside what is now Nigeria?
No northerner would question the legitimacy of anyone’s Nigerianness because of the accident of the location of their distant ancestral roots. It's a consequence of the originary syncretism of modern northern identity. We are all mixed with all sorts of stemma from a vast array of places because we were never an insular, landlocked people.
Many of Kano’s prominent merchant dynasties, for example, have Agalawa roots, a famous example being the family of Alhaji Alhassan Dantata, who was West Africa’s richest man in the early 20th century. Since Aliko Dangote’s mother is from the Dantata family, it means he is at least half Agalawa. He himself might even be ancestrally Agalawa.
What’s there to conceal about this, especially because our heritage—ethnicity, linguistic group, even religious traditions—is merely incidental to us. We didn’t choose it, so there is no basis to be proud or ashamed of it.
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Our people say that there is nothing wrong with a man irrigating his farmland, provided he is not fetching the water from his neighbour’s water pot, or rechanneling the village stream. Our people also say that the beauty of community farming is that every member of the community benefits from every aspect of the enterprise, as distinct from when one kindred or the other is made to suffer unduly. All must pay attention to the soil type, the topography, the water sources, the seasonal water availability and priority crop types.
Put more simply, to construct a dam in order to get more water, or to draw water for irrigation, is to do something that will invariably affect the lives of folks living downstream. If you do not pay attention to the latter fact, but focus instead on the episodic benefits of the water you are drawing to create a haven of greenery elsewhere, all will not be well in the long run.
Take, for instance, the case of someone who wants to travel from Abuja to Taraba State today. He flies to Yola and then makes a four-hour road trip to Jalingo, the state capital. While on the road journey, he is counting how many bridges are spanning dry rivers. Yes, dry rivers without any water at all. And these rivers were not always like that. The story is the same in many parts of northern Nigeria.
If you think it is a northern Nigeria problem, then head southwards from Abuja by road. Get to Lokoja and drive past it. Continue all the way beyond Ajaokuta to Anyigba. While you are at it, count the number of rivers that are now tiny streams in the middle of a vast plains. Also check out how many rivers that once spanned some 100 to 200 meters of water across are now without water during the dry season. Even at the peak of the rainy season, they are pitiful shadows of what they used to be.
Or would you rather have us talk about the Onitsha end of the River Niger? It used to be a massive body of water. Not anymore! But more of that later.
These were the thoughts on my mind when, a few days ago, I watched the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) flag off the Irrigate Nigeria Project. The initiative is designed to ensure that farmers in some parts of the country achieve three farming cycles every year. Such a transformative endeavour is expected to positively impact food availability, by enhancing mechanized outcomes at TIAMIN Rice Farm, Udubo, Gamawa Local Government Area of Bauchi State.
The projected short, medium, and long-term benefits would include job creation, increased agricultural output and overall improvement in national productivity. No one can fail to see the good intentions behind this project, especially as a response to the problem of food insecurity.
This good initiative, which is being jointly implemented by NASENI and the Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund (RHIDF), needs a thoroughgoing holistic approach, so that the gains would be lasting ones. Since it is being executed with the participation of the private sector, there is need to ascertain the critical roles of the Environment Ministry, Nigeria Inland Waterways authority (NIWA) and the Ministry of Water resources in all of this.
Let us note that NASENI’s Executive Vice Chairman (EVC) and Chief Executive Officer (CEO), Mr. Khalil Suleiman Halilu, said at the flag-off that the initiative is capable of revolutionizing agriculture in Nigeria. In his own words, “…the goal of Irrigate Nigeria is to transform Nigeria’s agriculture through the provision of sustainable irrigation systems that empower farmers to achieve year-round farming, and by extension, increased productivity and reduce food prices”. That is correct.
Simply put, this project is a way of making modern irrigation techniques, and also modern equipment for dry-season farming, available to farmers. The major pillars of the project include the following, among others: (1) The deployment of centralised NASENI irrigation systems to support farming clusters in the participating communities, (2) The provision of input – enhanced seeds, (3) The provision of fertilizers, (4) Technical support to the participating farmers.
With the project’s goal of enhancing food security, by equipping farmers with modern irrigation systems and dry season farming tools, the ultimate goal is obviously year-round productivity; as earlier stated. The project is planned to run on a commercial basis, and there’s the worry. Will the farmers not be overburdened?
NASENI says no, promising that “… the repayments by farmers for the support being provided will be in the form of convenient portions of their harvests, like rice paddy”. The repayments are to be “…pooled into a strategic food reserve that will help to stabilize commodity prices, and also be available for institutional sale and for export”.
All said, no one can fault the good intentions, projected positive outcomes and the expected impact on food availability and food prices.
But, going back to the issues with which we flagged off today’s conversation, there are concerns which must be put on the table here. I refer us to two articles which appeared on this page within the last seven years. The first, titled “Onitsha Port and its Enemies” came out on February 5, 2017. The second, titled “Onitsha Port and Other Matters”, was published here on April 13 2024. The two articles emphasized the desirability of an inland port in Onitsha, to ease trade for the South East trades and businessmen, while pointing out the challenge of water availability.
The latter of the two articles said: “One of the major overlooked, and largely unacknowledged, problem is the probability of not ever really getting enough water for the primary business of a port. You need water for a river port and the Onitsha end of the river Niger does not have enough. Dredging is a good idea, but it will give you a bigger ditch and wipe out the means of livelihood of water dependent local economies”.
The article continued: “All things considered, the challenges that come to mind regarding the proposed Onitsha River Port are: (1) How the river dams along the Niger, Benue and their many tributaries have reduced available water at onitsha by over 68%; (2) Possibly unrealistic projections about the prospects of the project; (3) The credibility of some of the existing Environmental Impact Assessment (AIE) reports, especially against the background of climate change and other environmental factors; among other factors”.
The same article pointed out that the dams built across the rivers Niger and Benue, and their tributaries, over the years have reduced the overall water volume. You now have small sand islands, and unprecedented siltation, at the Onitsha end of the river. That is why the NASENI Irrigate Nigeria project must be approached by working in sync with the Federal Ministries of Agriculture and Natural Resources Environment, blue economy and the Nigeria Inland Waterways authority (NIWA).
The current global response to the devastating impact of dams and water diversion on people and the environment within the past 60 years has been overwhelming. We all know that dams have altered ecosystems, ruined food chains and obliterated local economies for hundreds of thousands of kilometres of waterways all over the world. That is Dams and diversion or all, or part of, natural bodies of water, for electricity, farming, etc.
That article of last April said: “It is on record, for instance, that massive fish populations were killed on the Snake River, Idaho, in the US by dam construction; leading to the decimation of salmon species, among others. An Idaho State Senator, Frank Church, who originally supported dam building later rose in defense of natural waterways and spoke against dams. It was the same Frank Church who, after he saw the damage to the environment, eventually wrote the Wild and Scientific Rivers Act, passed in 1968”.
Over 22,000 kilometers of free-flowing rivers in the US are protected by Frank Church`s Act as I write. Meanwhile our natural waters and waterways are available for all comers. The fate of communities displaced by dams all over Nigeria today is rarely a topical issue, yet it is a real problem that has lingered for decades in many places.
The concern about water and free waterways is such that the world is focusing on transboundary cooperation between nations for conscious and deliberate management of the ecosystem and water volume throughout the length of major rivers. Are we doing the same in our country? The conflict between China and Thailand over development on the Lancang/Mekong River says a lot about what is going on all over the world in connection with waterways today.
To think that the government of New Zealand has gone so far as to “recognize” the Whanganui river by giving it the same constitutional rights as a person? This was done as a way of showing that free-flowing rivers have great impact on food security, water access, biodiversity conservation and propagation of the overall global ecology.
All said, NASENI must be sensitive to the impact of its new project on local economies outside the farming communities from where, and to where, the waters are coming. It must also be seen to be working in sync the Nigeria Inland Waterways Authority, the Ministries of Environment, Water resources and Blue Economy on this initiative. That is the only way to derive, and maintain sustainable gains in the Irrigate Nigeria project.
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NASENI must be sensitive to the impact of its new project on local economies outside the farming communities from where, and to where, the waters are coming. It must also be seen to be working in sync the Nigeria Inland Waterways Authority, the Ministries of Environment, Water resources and Blue Economy on this initiative. That is the only way to derive, and maintain sustainable gains in the Irrigate Nigeria project.
He already, for a few years back, had had his flight ticket tucked in his briefcase, or so it seemed. He was wont to say that he could be called away from out of the materiality of this world at any time and the baton would be passed to the younger generation to face the challenges of pulling Nigeria out of the swamp. He collected his boarding pass and his flight was called on Friday, 14 February, 2025. At his passing, he would like to leave a legacy of fairness and equity in national affairs, it was all he struggled for all his life. I am referring to Chief Ayo Adebanjo. The colossus fought to his last breath what he believed in, characteristically without mincing words. To have a clear picture of who Chief Adebanjo was, it became necessary to go memory lane by digging into the archives. By so doing ,we refresh memories of the activities of the titan and of his convictions. Following is the characterisation of him this column published on 12 April, 2018 nearly seven years ago, on the occasion of his 90th birthday. If death had tarried for just two more months Adebanjo would have been 97 next month. The said article is here reproduced:
If Chief Ayo Adebanjo was waiting for a day of redefining who he is and an endorsement as leader and the war general of the South West people, last Thursday it was. It was the day of intrinsic reward and extrinsic acknowledgement of him as leader and hero. The true leader of the Yoruba goes beyond symbolism. He must be a proven embodiment of principles; it is he whose adherence to truth is pasted on his forehead. He must be unswerved by the temptation or sway of temporary gains or lucre of office. He must be able to step out without consideration for self. There must be no gaps between utterances and actions which must be taken with absolute disregard to personal consequences as long as these are driven by a quest for truth, justice and fairness. For Ayo Adebanjo, the Yoruba leader must be able to distinguish between the Jew and the Gentile. Then the question arises: where do you stand? Are you a Jew or a Gentile? You cannot be both. With him there is no question of where he stands at all times.
On Tuesday, it was a sea of heads. The church was filled to overflowing and so were the reception grounds. A normally dandy fellow even if modest, his influence on the crescendo capping a week-long preparation for the D-Day was unmistakable. Everything bore his signature for taste. The St. Phillips Anglican Church was sparkling with new paint. The whole village, Isanya Ogbo-Ijebu saw the 90th birthday of their worthy son as their own. They wore a special dress of green fabric interspersed with lines of subdued brown. For the people of his birth place, it was celebration galore, all the way, dancing and rejoicing outside the huge and expansive reception tent. The signpost to the village was artistically done and it read AA@90. The neat appearance of the village testified to Adebanjo’s intolerance of ugliness. It was a different kind of fresh air characteristic of unspoilt countryside. Adebanjo’s own compound on which is seated his modest bungalow is not a jungle of concrete. Put in charge of the arrangement was Dr. Yemi Ogunbiyi, an animated fellow who makes friends easily with his warm-heartedness and who equally cares about standards. For Ogunbiyi, there are no half-measures. Whether at Harbour Port at Victoria Island or Isanya Ogbo-Ijebu his signature for taste and standards was boldly written.
Present to grace the occasion were Adebanjo’s comrades in the unrelenting drive for a new, united and vibrant restructured Nigeria for meaningful, self-evident, measurable and sustainable development and growth. His colleagues in the handshake across the Niger and across Benue to Benue Plateau were well represented. Step forward and be counted amidst clapping, the nationalist Chief Edwin Clarke; Chief John Nwodo, the national president of Ohanaeze Ndigbo; and the leader of the Middle Belt Forum, Dr. Bala Takaya who succeeded Prof. Jerry Gana. Former Commonwealth Secretary, Chief Emeka Anyoku, was in attendance. So was Dan Suleiman who was in the trenches with Adebanjo in the NADECO days as head at the United Kingdom front.
The political leaders who numbered among the dignitaries were the Vice-President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo; Senator Ibikunle Amosun, Governor of Ogun State; Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, Governor of Osun State and Senator Abiola Ajimobi of Oyo State. Former Governors Olusegun Osoba, Niyi Adebayo and Gbenga Daniel were at the event. There as well were General Alani Akinrinade; Dr. Amos Akingba; Sam Amuka the Vanguard Publisher about whose writings in the days of yore Adebanjo spoke with nostalgia; public spirited Professor Pat Itomi; Pharmacist and politician Jimi Agbaje; Nike Akande, former Minister and until recently president, Lagos Chambers of Commerce; Dr. Tokunbo Awolowo-Dosunmu; chairman of Insight Communications, Biodun Sobanjo; Tunde Adelaja, chief executive officer of Rosabel; Lawyer Yemi Adefulu; Lawyer Ayanlaja; Dare Babarinsa and Gbenga Adefaye, both reputable and leading journalists; Lawyer Dipo Jimilehin; public affairs commentator Olu Ademulegun.
Predictably, it was a full house of Afenifere, the Yoruba socio-cultural group, but more well known as a cultural cum political vehicle to watch over the interest of the Yoruba people. Leading Afenifere was its leader, Reuben Fasoranti; there were Chief Olu Falae; Professor Banji Akintoye, Chief Femi Okunrounmu; Chief Akinfenwa; indefatigable National Publicity Secretary Yinka Odumakin and a host of other key members of the association. The family of Chief Adebanjo’s ‘twin brother’, Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, was prominently represented by Professor Konyin Ajayi and Dr. Ajayi, his brother. It was an exceedingly colourful occasion with Bisi Olatilo as the anchor man.
Chief Adebanjo has come a long way, pressing, pushing and advocating the interest of the people of South West. His autobiography titled Say It As It Is captures Adebanjo in his unveiled essence. His political education began in Awolowo School of Principles. The products are known as Awoists. In that school, unremitting application to a just cause is a credo and loyalty without extenuation is the byword. Constant reading, education and re-education is the culture. You must be informed. You must read. So was it that after Adebanjo became the Organising Secretary of Action Group, it did not take him long to realise that the path he had chosen to be in the image of his hero and mentor was strewn with thorns and broken bottles. To successfully walk the path, you must be independent and the soles of the shoes impregnably fortified. You could not be fighting the same establishment from which you would turn round to look for financial succour either as an employee or for an appointive political office. That was the reasoning. You must be free to give expression to the courage of your convictions. You must be prepared to go to jail and return to don your wig and gown as long as it was not for fraud or other crimes for which anyone would know shame. But for your political beliefs and activism, your bathroom kits must be ever ready, and Kirikiri was expected to take note as you could be a guest there any day, at any time! And, indeed, these defined Adebanjo’s journey to reckoning and celebration among the Yoruba. He was a few times a tenant in one jail house or the other. These are credentials an Awoist must be ready to brandish.
The need for independence and unhindered political pursuits for the wellbeing of his people made him to quickly tear off and, it drove him to the United Kingdom to read law. The last time he was locked up was during the Abacha Administration. Guess over what! It was over the death of Kudirat Abiola for whose husband’s mandate he and his leaders were unrelenting. Again, guess who were locked up with him: the indefatigable leader of Afenifere and NADECO, Abraham Adesanya; Solanke Onasanya was asked to be reporting to the police. He was spared of the jail house because his age was put into consideration. Olu Falae was younger, he was clamped into jail for the same cause. The mistake the Administration made was that it left Bola Ige free and he roamed far and wide, He was not locked up with them. He had had his own fair share of prison experience during Buhari’s first coming. Abacha did not reckon with the fact that Bola Ige was the spokesman for the Yoruba and their cause with almost matchless gift of the gab. Like everyone else from the Awolowo clan, he was bold, he was articulate, he was unsparing with his tongue. Promptly, Bola Ige went to court to free his colleagues from Abacha’s notorious gulag. In 1962, Adebanjo was among Awolowo’s associates wanted to face treasonable felony charge. He and Sam Ikoku fled to Ghana to take refuge under Kwame Nkrumah who shared the same political philosophy with them and their party. In his absence, his father was arrested in his place.
Adebanjo is a repository of the history of the political development of our country. He would overwhelm you with what meetings were held, where and on what date. Who were those present and who said what! He would then recap almost word for word what Chief Awolowo said on the occasion. Not surprising, he at a time took residence in Chief Awolowo’s house at Ikenne where he sat at the sage’s feet to learn wisdom and take in sufficient political education and what holding onto principles means, bearing in mind that the battle might continue after Awolowo’s would have left them. He wanted to be at the beck and call of his leader. He was a member of the board of directors of the Nigerian Tribune. Therefore, what we see in him today is a product of that long tutelage and respectable closeness to his mentor and leader; loyalty, bluntness, unwavering adherence to principles and decency. He is confident but could be combative and abrasive as he does not suffer fools gladly. For his arguments, he comes prepared and he delivers his punches with all the strength he can muster. Indeed, he is never non-plussed and quick witted when it comes to how Nigerians should stay together. For him, there must be an educated debate and negotiation. He would not tolerate dictatorship. Which is why Jonathan’s document from the 2014 National Conference is one that holds the key for enduring value for the progress and happiness of all within the Nigerian frontiers.
His unswerving adherence to principles almost brought him on a collision course with his colleagues on who should be the governorship candidate for Lagos State in 1998 in readiness for 1999. Because Afenifere was just out of the war with Abacha and frayed nerves fairly massaged and soothed by Abdulsalami Abubakar, they did not know enough about their followers nor did they have a clear idea of who among them were loyal and tested enough to be trusted with the all-important office of the Governor of Lagos State. They first mulled the possibility of Ganiyu Dawodu occupying the coveted position. Dawodu declined the offer to fly the AD flag; he suggested that Afenifere should go for a young man who was full of energy and was well educated. Lagos then became a test case. Following unsavoury developments at some point, Sir Olaniwun Ajayi never missed to thrust needle in the wrist of Dawodu. Dawodu who was the Afenifere and AD leader in Lagos was rooting for Funsho Williams and the report the Afenifere received from him was that Funsho Williams won the governorship primaries. Chief Adebanjo argued forcibly that Funsho Williams was not part of the struggle and not much was known about his antecedents. But Bola Tinubu they knew. At the time, Funsho Williams was just coming out of the civil service.
Adebanjo said Tinubu had thrown his all into the struggle, by way of finance and activism, at home and after fleeing into exile. While in exile, he was granting interviews to further the cause. His home in London became a refuge for some fleeing activists and journalists some of whom he gave pocket money. The powerful argument resonated with his colleagues more so that it bordered on loyalty, commitment and antecedents, factors on which Afenifere put a great deal of premium. Adebanjo carried the day. For the group, party is supreme. A candidate goes into office to implement party programmes sold to the electorate. The candidate must, therefore, be one that is persuaded on party programme and must be known. He must have antecedents and must be loyal and be prepared to submit to party discipline.
There was also respect for hierarchy in their group. With the sensing of imminent departure from earthly life of Chief Adekunle Ajasin, leadership was transferred to Abraham Adesanya who himself had been a long runner by the side of Awolowo. He was one of his defence counsel during the treasonable felony trial. He was not just also blunt, but versed in the traditional ethical imperatives and thought flow patterns of their people, punctuating and elucidating his pronouncements with proverbs. After Adesanya, the mantle of leadership went to Chief Reuben Fasoranti. Because age has caught up with Fasoranti, Adebanjo became the face of Afenifere, speaking and travelling, travelling and speaking. He is ready to take anybody on, eyeball to eyeball. His friends cut across all age groups. He is at home in the company of the youth with jokes and his sunny smiles and hearty laughter, and lit-up youthful face as he is in the company of octogenarians. Of course, one cannot play his kind role without attracting criticisms. His critics accuse him of rigidity and that he is unable to distinguish between flexibility to reach objective goal and a craving for opportunism. Their illustration, for example, is that if you are driving to Ibadan from Lagos and a huge tree is found to have fallen across the road and you do not have an axe to cut it and free the road, the sensible thing would be to think of an alternative road which means you turn back and take Abeokuta or Ijebu-Ode and you get to Ibadan the same destination.
Adebanjo is not averse to flexibility as long as the goal is not negotiable. But his experience is that those who sought such flexibility without keeping the goal sacrosanct because of lack of strength of character had wandered into irreversibly into what he calls wilderness. When he speaks like that your mind races to the days of AD which was soon to be engrossed in crisis and Adesanya was preoccupied with settling them.
Adebanjo loves Nigeria but would not surrender his Yorubaness. Even then it should not be at the expense of others and others, too, in pursuit of their interests should do so but not at the expense of their fellow nationalities. He believes that Nigeria of our dreams can never arise if it is not restructured. His argument is that the lighter a burden the easier it is to carry. The Federal Government, according to him, is overloaded. If the zones and states share in the burden the lighter it would become and the faster the movement of the country on the path of development and modernity. Chief Awolowo had said that a unitary form of government in a country of diverse peoples and nationalities with their cultures breeds envy and unending hostilities among the component parts. Restructuring of Nigeria, for Adebanjo, is a task to which he is totally committed. His pains and lament today at the age of 90 is absence of sufficient number of youths with the right political education, who are armed with history and who are endued the strength of character to resist opportunism. His hope has been such youths would emerge to whom his generation would gladly hand over the nation, in the quest and battle for equality before the law, equity and justice for all.
Those who gathered on Tuesday to pay homage and celebrate Adebanjo could not but go away with a deep impression that it is good to be good. It is eternally rewarding to be selfless. Adebanjo is no doubt appreciated not just by only his people but by a great many from across the country for his doggedness and selflessness in the pursuit of their happiness and fulfilment. There were drinks and the comestibles were inexhaustible. It was his glorious day.
All the foregoing was captured seven years ago. Given the state in which the world is now, we must have people like him to keep evil at bay until the ongoing waves of Light purification on earth reach all and sundry—all mankind! I believe the multitude that will gather at Isanya Ogbo-Ijebu in early May to mourn and bid him farewell on his continuing journey in the beyond will even be more. Adebanjo was full of love and he had an acute sense of justice. Nothing changed in this his pursuit of these virtues up to his last moment on earth. He was ever set to rise in the defence of these. He lived an eventful and remarkable life.
‘Money illusion’, in Economics, refers to the tendency of people to confuse the nominal value of money (its face value) with its real value (its purchasing power). In other words, people tend to think that a certain amount of money has the same value over time, even if the purchasing power of the money has massively decreased due to inflation.
This ‘illusion’ has, without exception, afflicted Nigeria’s entire political leadership and the officialdom in the past two years or so. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu exceptionally ‘showcased’ this affliction the other day during a national caucus meeting of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) at the state house, Abuja.
President Tinubu specifically told the state governors at the meeting that Federal allocations to their states have tripled under his administration. “If your state was receiving N40 billion before, you are now getting N120 billion,” the president said with aplomb. He ascribed the quantum increase in distributable funds among the three tiers of government (Federal, State, and Local) to ‘savings’ from fuel subsidy removal and other sources.
Tinubu went on to challenge the state governors to do more in their developmental strides in their various domains, since they now have more money in their hands. The President also urged the citizenry to refocus their expectations and requests to the sub-national governments, rather than piling up pressure only on the Federal Government.
No doubt, really, that the quantum of revenue shared by the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) monthly among the three tiers of government has risen substantially (in nominal terms) under the Tinubu administration. Exactly ten years ago, in February 2015, FAAC shared only N500 billion among the three tiers of government; in February 2019, the sum of N660.37 billion was disbursed.
In March 2024, FAAC shared a total of N1.123 trillion, from a gross total revenue of N1.867 trillion. In December 2024, FAAC shared N1.424 trillion, from a gross total of N2.310 trillion, to the three tiers of government.
But as the distributable amount by FAAC was increasing, from hundreds of billions of naira as of 2015 and 2019 (as shown above) to trillions by 2024, inflation and exchange rates maintained a similar pattern. While the rate of inflation was at single digit level of 8.4 per cent in February 2015, by December 2024, it had hit 34.80 per cent—an almost five times rise in about ten years.
Similarly, while in February 2015, the naira to dollar exchange rate was N198/US$, by end-December 2024, the rate was N1,535/US$. This is about eight times crash in value of naira during the period. Even in the nearer term of May 2023, the average exchange rate of the naira per US dollar (in the official window) was about N460/US$, but deteriorated to N1535/US as of end-December 2024.
From another perspective, while the price of fuel (Premium Motor Spirit, PMS) was about N185/liter as of May 2023, by end-December 2024, the price was over N1000/liter—a jump of N815 per liter in just 20 months. So, what one could buy at less than N200 in 2023, by 2024, he has to pay over N1000 to buy the same item. Simple!
Again, in the first half of 2023, the price of a 50kg bag of cement (of various makes) was about N2000—N3000, but at present, the price hovers around N10,000. So have the prices of other building materials gone up. The same pattern applies to food items: rice, beans, onions, yam, maize, cocoyam, cassava, name it.
So, what is the worth of the trillions of naira being shared by FAAC? In the states, depending on the location, the developmental projects that could be executed with the few billions of naira a few years ago, can no longer be done with the hundreds of billions being received from FAAC today.
In real terms, therefore, all tiers of government in Nigeria have been getting poorer in the past 20 months. After all, the Nobel laureate in Economics, John Maynard Keynes says that the value of money is determined by what it can buy, rather than by any intrinsic value it may possess. Also, another renowned Economist, Milton Freidman says “The importance of the value of money is not the value itself, but the purchasing power it represents."
What purchasing power does the naira represent today? This is why the Organized Labor (Nigeria Labor Congress & Co.) got the short end of the stick, when they took the N70,000 minimum wage. No sooner they signed the deal with the Federal Government than they realized that they had shot themselves in the foot. Labor was focusing on nominal wage increases rather than real wage increases.
Seventy thousand naira is only worth what it can buy: not up to one 50kg of any brand of rice in any Nigerian market. Today, few months after the minimum wage deal, Labor has practically gone back to the trenches—fighting for more increases in (minimum) wage.
The ‘money illusion’ is also best illustrated in the fact that between 2024 and 2025, the Federal Government had to double its budget. While Nigeria’s total budget for 2024 was N27.5 trillion, the one for 2025 stands at N54.99 trillion. This doubling of the size of the budget just in a space of one year is unprecedented; it vividly shows how fast the purchasing power of the naira is crashing.
In 2022, Nigeria’s total budget was N17 trillion, and in 2023, it was N21.82 trillion—a modest difference of N3.82 trillion between the two years. But between 2024 and 2025, the figure doubled! This ‘ballooned’ figure gives the gullible public the impression of a good public finance outlook, and a false sense of comfort.
It goes without saying, however, that ‘money illusion’ exerts a number of negative effects on an economy, including the distorted impression of ‘abundance’ of money. It leads to poor financial decisions by all economic agents—as they cannot accurately take into account the effects of inflation on their money.
‘Money illusion’ leads to sub-optimal allocation of resources, as people invest in assets that appear to have high nominal returns but low real returns. Thus, even as the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) Treasury Bills issued by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) have been at (high) yields of 20-22 per cent, their real returns are negative. This is because the subsisting rate of inflation remains much higher.
At virtually all levels, many developmental initiatives have turned ‘white elephant projects’ or totally abandoned due to the crashing purchasing power of annual budgetary provisions year-in-year-out. Government officials merely move around bandying the humongous sums in billions and trillions that have been ‘spent’ on various projects.
Although there are several other factors that contribute to the abandonment of projects, the fast crashing real value of budgetary allocations remains critical. The hyperinflationary trend in Nigeria, triggered by fuel subsidy removal, and the full floatation of the naira which led to its sudden massive devaluation have combined to make projects planning and execution traumatic.
Distorted budget cycle, now entrenched by the Tinubu administration, has come to worsen the uncertainty created by ‘money illusion.’ Rather than having the annual budget run from January to December, the cycle has now also turned unpredictable under the current administration. This has resulted into several reviews of projects (with contract sums rising), and rolling them over through many (annual) budgets. And many of the projects are eventually abandoned!
Beyond propaganda, however, does the Government really have so much money for its programs and activities? If the Government has so much money (as the trillions of naira shows), why is it going cap in hand, borrowing money from everywhere across the globe? Why is the Government imposing all manner of taxes, duties and levies on (mostly hitherto free) public goods, services and utilities?
As the purchasing power of the citizenry is fast crashing, courtesy of rising inflation, Government directly or through its agencies keeps hiking existing tax rates or imposing new ones. For instance, in the contentious tax bill before the National Assembly, the Value Added Tax (VAT) rate is being raised from 7.5 per cent to 10 per cent. Being a consumption tax, hike in VAT rate automatically translates to ‘milking’ the consumer the more.
‘Money illusion’ has, in a way, led the CBN to construe the ravaging hyperinflationary trend in the country as a monetary phenomenon, where ‘too much money is chasing few goods’. Yet, the runaway inflation is more of a ‘cost push’ problem, because of the rising cost of all productive activities—including ‘imported components’ of such costs.
The apex bank believed there has been an excess of money in circulation, leading to increased demand for a ‘limited’ supply of goods and services. With this as a background, the CBN has been taking a tight monetary stance, including raising the Monetary Policy Rate (MPR) to highest level in recent years: from 18 per cent in June 2023 to 27.50 per cent at end-2024. An almost 10 per cent hike in 18 months.
The CBN also raised the Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) to ‘drain’ cash from the commercial banks, and weaken their credit creation capacity. But this, plus the high MPR, raised the cost of credit to private sector operators—and indeed, pushed loans beyond the reach of most businesses—especially the Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs).
Apparently ensconced in the so-much-money backdrop, the CBN has been issuing bonds and Treasury Bills at mouthwatering rates—attracting both local and foreign portfolio investors (FPIs)—all to the detriment of the real sector in the country. The FPIs, as ‘hot money’ have been flying in and out of the country at indeterminate paces, and sustaining the macroeconomic volatility.
Apart from the CBN, almost without exception, all other Federal Government agencies have continued to impose or hike charges for their services to the populace. And they are being celebrated for the trillions of naira they are raking in for the Government. Nigeria Custom Service (NCS), Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), among others, have been exceeding their ‘revenue targets’—leaving the citizenry poorer.
These huge (unexpected) revenues from these agencies, as explained by President Tinubu, were what moved him to go back to the National Assembly for a top-up to the 2025 Appropriation Bill, as it was undergoing legislative consideration. This unusual step shows that Mr. President believes that the bigger the money budgeted, the more ‘successful’ the budget would be. And we ask: where are the impacts of the previous budgets?
By the same deduction, the so-called ‘more money’ in the hands of the state governors does not amount to much in real terms. So, rather than flaunting the ‘fat’ FAAC monthly allocations, the Federal Government should begin to address the root causes of the crashing purchasing power. Why has inflation been rising, and remained high even after the rebasing of the Consumer Price Index (CPI)?
After rebasing, the CPI—which measures inflation rate—was brought down from end-2024 level of 34.80 per cent to 24.48 per cent in January 2025. The rebasing which amounted to a mere change in the methodology used by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), led to the ‘drop’ in the CPI value.
It will therefore be another type of illusion for the Federal Government to begin to celebrate the so-called drop in inflation rate. After all, the 24.48 per cent for January 2025 is far above the sub-Saharan Africa average of five per cent (‘Africa Pulse’ report) in 2024. And, in the advanced economies (UK and US, for instance), inflation rate is hardly above three per cent.
In dealing with the ‘money illusion’ challenge, therefore, the ball is squarely in the court of the Federal Government. This is because whatever is the state of the Nigerian economy today is largely policy-induced: mainly unintended upshots. So, let’s begin to get real!
- The author, Okeke, a practicing Economist, Business Strategist, Sustainability expert and ex-Chief Economist of Zenith Bank Plc, lives in Lekki, Lagos. He can be reached via: obioraokeke2000@yahoo.com(08033075697) SMS only
As a youngster living in London full-time, I often participated in a BBC World Service quiz programme called Focus On Africa.
It was great fun and my second favourite work assignment ever (the first was writing reports about wonderful tourist destinations for British Airways’ glossy in-flight magazine. I’d fly to Mauritius or wherever first-class, then assess the best hotels, etc…so cushy!).
OK, so I always eagerly looked forward to the quiz, which happened every month for many years. Later, it became an annual event and I absolutely loved it because it was quality edutainment (educational as well as entertaining).
But most of all, I loved it because of the fabulous multinational cast of characters I worked with: Irish Maura and Ghanaian KB (both now late), Cameroonian Veronique, Zimbabwean Violet, Patrick and Robin (both English), Cameron, another Ghanaian and a handful of other excellent journalists.
Another frequent participant was a Tanzanian journalist called Ahmed Rajab. He was so charming, erudite and amusing…and by far the most knowledgeable colleague I had within that context.
Ahmed could answer almost every question that was thrown at us by the quiz master or mistress. He was the kind of guy who knew what the Gross Domestic Product of Botswana was and could recite the names of every member of the Senegalese football team. He was as well-informed around sports as he was around politics and economics.
He was, simply put, a Pan African genius who put me (a moron by comparison) to shame on several occasions!
Ahmed recently passed away and I am heartbroken. His son, Talal, a PR and Communications professional who works in London, has kindly written the following tribute for Vanguard readers:
Ahmed Rajab, the international journalist and political analyst, sadly passed away at the age of 79 in London.
As I reminisce on his life and career, many memories both happy and sad come to mind. The times that he would sneak me and my brother, Tahar, into Bush House in the early 90s so we could hear him record pieces for the BBC Swahili Service. Watching him being interviewed on CNN or Channel 4 News and shouting “there’s dad!” as we crowded around the TV. Going into the Africa Analysis offices in Farringdon, London, and listening to him talk about politics and economics in far away countries that I had little to no knowledge of.
It also reminded me of the times when he was away for months on end, reporting on elections and wars, missing birthdays and other important occasions as he pursued his passion for journalism. Even in retirement, he was still much sought after by media outlets for his analysis and views of the continent.
Ahmed was born on the island of Zanzibar in 1946, and his experiences of the Zanzibar revolution shaped much of his later life, particularly his political views. Zanzibar, at the time a British protectorate under the Sultanship of Jamshid bin Abdullah, was undergoing radical change during his student years, culminating in an armed revolt in 1964 and the overthrowing of the Sultan. It was an experience that not only led to him moving to the UK but shaped his later political activism. He described the events for a BBC Witness History podcast in 2020.
After moving to the UK in 1964, he graduated from Birkbeck University where he studied Philosophy, before pursuing a Masters in African Studies from Sussex University. After graduation, he worked in various production roles at the BBC World Service in London, and also served within the UNESCO Communications Office in Kenya. It was at this time that he honed his writing skills, contributing articles for Index on Censorship and Africa Events.
By 1995, my dad had become the editor of Africa Analysis, a fortnightly magazine dedicated to African politics and economics and, after leaving Africa Analysis after nearly 20 years, he became the Head of Newsroom for the Middle East/Asia Bureau of IRIN, the United Nations’ Humanitarian News Agency. During his career, he was regularly interviewed on the likes of the BBC, Channel 4 News and CNN.
You could always find my father behind a laptop or PC, as he was also a prolific writer. His work,A Chilly Wind Over the Indian Ocean, was featured in the book Pioneers, Rebels, and a Few Villains: 150 Years of Journalism in Eastern Africa. His poetry, which resonated deeply with African identity and political themes, was included in the 1997 anthology African New Voices.
It’s only now, as a dad myself, that I realise the sacrifices that my father had to make to pursue his passion for journalism and his desire to see true democracy spread across Africa. He left Zanzibar during a time of revolution, started a new life in a new country on his own at the age of 18 and worked day and night to realise his dreams. I can’t even begin to imagine what that must have been like, and my only regret is that I never properly sat down with him to hear his experiences.
He is survived by his wife, Aysha, my brother Tahar, his daughter Zakiya and niece Umi, along with his seven grandchildren.