
OTHERS' VIEWS
At the just concluded All Progressives Congress National Economic Council meeting, which was held at the Blantyre Street Headquarters of the governing party, the seminal contributions from party leaders, governors and NEC members ruled the day. Beyond party politics, Nigeria took center stage. National issues and the current positive trajectory of the reforms under the Bola Tinubu administration easily became the topic of the day. Speaker after speaker spoke unscripted, yet with facts and eloquence. APC leadership in full parade, with President Tinubu leading the charge, was caught in a moment of testimony and confession draped in the colors of patriotic zeal and desire to see a stronger and better Nigeria. The mesage that rechoed across the NEC meeting and across to Nigerians was the fact that Nigeria was gradually turning the curve. The Tinubu Reforms are working, and the gradual transformation of the Nigerian economy was taking shape.
Speaker after speaker rolled out veritable data and clear pointers that the headwinds were clearing for Nigeria to move forward. From Governor Dapo Abiodun of Ogun State to Governor Hope Uzodinma to Senator Adams Oshiomole, the analytic elucidation of the specifics of President Tinubu’s performance and the strong emerging positive signs was very clear. They spoke to many things, all made possible by the boldness the President brought to bear on taking tough decisions with conviction. It was a cascade. The floating of the naira, which was thought to be unwise by some critics, now proves a wide and timely decision as the naira has strengthened against the dollar crashing from N1,890 to N1,470.
The fuel subsidy removal that signaled the oil sector reforms has reduced the pressure on the demand for forex, reduced petrol imports, and given birth to a local refinning capacity of PMS never witnessed before.
Contrary to the gloomy predictions of some ideological antagonists, Nigerians are seeing PMS prices dropping slowly but steadily. The unleashing of market forces and the willing seller and willing buyer principle now fully in play is opening up the economy. And there is more. Foreign reserves have gone up close to $40 billion. GDP in the 4th quarter of 2024 is again up to 3.84. Exports volume is up with over N16 trillion surplus as at January 2024.
In the same vein, oil production is climbing up to 1.7mbd. The student loan program, NELFUND is working, helping many of our young ones to achieve their educational aspirations. Consumer credit scheme being executed by Credit Corp is making purchase of new cars and access to credit easy for thousands of civil servants. Foreign Direct Investment is on the rise. Nigeria is turning out to be one of Africa’s strongest economies. By the time the microphone got to the Rt. Honorable Speaker Tajudeen Abbas, the atmosphere was already saturated with applause, claps, and large doses of positive indicators and data that the Tinubu reforms were yielding fruits and Nigerians are beginning to feel the relieving impact.
Rt. Hon. Abbas who had a prepared speech lived up to his credential as a PhD holder with a seminal paper on Tinubunomics and how to lead in troubled times. He reeled out facts. Nigeria’s GDP rose from 2.5 percent to 3.8 percent under President Tinubu.
The improving performance of key sectors under President Tinubu were highlighted. He also dwelt on security, praising Mr. President for realizing that without security, everything else will amount to nothing. Security has improved with well over 30 percent reduction in violent crimes across the nation. When Senator Godswill Akpabio took over, he simply endorsed all that the Speaker said and added his own icing, warning the opposition to continue in their ways. Converts confessed. Doubters became believers, and many hitherto in the dark saw the light at the NEC meeting.
But perhaps the most important aspect of all of these was the Vote of Confidence moved by the Chairman of the Progressive Governors Forum, Governor Hope Uzodinma who, before he moved the vote, took his time to slice through the achievements of President Tinubu. He gave a well calibrated rendition with an unusual intellectual depth. The script he delivered was tight and well written and clearly justified the vote of confidence. Before Uzodinma, Governor Abiodun had set the mood and tone of conversation with his effusive commendation on how President Tinubu has set the economy on a new path of growth. Governor Abiodun urged the Chairman of the Progressive Governors forum to move the vote of confidence, but not until he had finished delivering his own eloquent assessment of President Tinubu’s stewardship. It was a vintage delivery loaded with facts about the direction the country was headed. The right direction.
Perhaps the most engaging was the mea culpa delivered by Mr. President himself. The best closer. I offer you Mr. President’s words at NEC today :
“I am happy with your vote of confidence, and I accept it. The vote is a challenge to do more work; we will vigorously pursue our sovereignty in food security, investment and development. I am happy with food prices coming down, especially as Ramadan approaches. The Sun is high, and the sky is bright outside. While the rest of the world unravels, we see growth in Nigeria. We are seeing a gradual return to stability. We are seeing improvements. I thank you, governors. I’m grateful to all Nigerians for the electoral successes recorded from one state to the other. Governors, you have embraced these changes, and I thank the leadership of our party. I also thank members of the National Assembly for expeditiously considering the budget.
“We can only build the party on a progressive platform to deliver good service to Nigerians. Though the journey has been very challenging for us as a ruling party, given the big task we have at hand and the expectations from Nigerians. We can sufficiently submit that we have collectively risen to the occasion and challenges.”
Dare is the Special Adviser to President Tinubu on Media and Public Communication
You cannot quarrel about how a man tells his story. It is his business. However, the pseudo-autobiography of the former military president, General Ibrahim Babangida, is more than the retired general telling a story of his own life. A Journey in Service is a long, tortuous journey to penitence, which arrives at its destination, if it does at all, leaving its memory behind.
After 32 years of deflecting, dissembling, dodging and denial, the former military president finally gets as close as possible to remorse, then stops short of saying sorry for his betrayal of his country by blaming several dead and a few feeble living.
And yet, Babangida, being Babangida, reserved the best part of his book for himself. He left the worst for those who might have challenged his account and others he believes should have forgotten by now. Babangida will not change, but that’s okay. He shouldn’t also make the mistake of thinking we have all forgotten.
Whitewash
The prologue says the book is “not about finding blame, inventing excuses or whitewashing known facts.” However, apart from chapters 1 and 2 on his early childhood, chapters 11 and 13 on his home front and retirement, and perhaps one or two other chapters in between, where he struggled to restrain himself, nine of the 12 chapters of the 440-page book are filled with blame, inventions, and whitewashing.
I start with his relationship with the press. In chapter 6, entitled, “Mounting the Saddle, Defining a Military President,” after throwing Major General Muhammadu Buhari and Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon under the bus for miscarrying their “initial rescue mission,” he praised his government for abolishing Decree 4, passed by Buhari, and granting state pardon to two journalists, Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson of The Guardian, who had been sentenced under the decree.
Babangida said his heroic act of press redemption warmed his relationship with the media.
The other side of the story
That’s one side of the story, done, like many things Babangida did, with a hidden agenda. Here’s what a report by the media watchdog Media Rights Agenda (MRA) said: “The regime of General Ibrahim Babangida (August 27, 1985 to August 26, 1993) has the dubious distinction of having closed down or proscribed more newspapers and magazines than any other government in Nigeria’s history.
“Forty-one newspapers and magazines were victims of this practice under the administration; some closed down or proscribed on two different occasions. Twenty-five newspapers and magazines were shut down or proscribed by the Babangida administration in 1993 alone following public agitation for a return to civil democratic rule…”
The clampdown
The clampdown didn’t start in 1993. It began in 1987, roughly two years after Babangida came to power. The first target of this press saviour in shining armour was Newswatch magazine, which was banned for six months for publishing a report deemed injurious to the government’s political bureau. This was barely one year after one of the founders of Newswatch, Dele Giwa, was killed in a parcel bomb.
Press freedom went downhill from then on, with the government shutting down PUNCH, Concord, Guardian, and Sketch, among others. Another matter is how the military president, even out of office, manipulated the election of newspaper publishers.
MRA reported that three newspapers owned by John West publications were shut down for publishing the Jennifer Madike stories that “embarrassed the president’s wife.” And when William Keeling, a British journalist with the Financial Times, dared to publish a story alleging that about $5 billion windfall from Gulf War 1 was diverted, Babangida’s government wasted no time bundling him out of the country.
Seduced by power
Those too young or indebted to Babangida to see clearly may believe what they choose. But it would be defamatory of reptiles to call the man a chameleon. When General Yakubu Gowon said in the Foreword that being a soldier and a politician was a virtue in Babangida, the old man was being economical with the truth. As Marshal Davout, one of Napoleon’s most outstanding soldiers, said, the best soldiers abhor politics. They take a professional stand. Many who are seduced lose their way.
A Journey in Service reminds us of how Babangida sucked in the crème de la crème of the academia to boost the legitimacy of his regime. Regrettably, this handshake across the Ivory Tower, which later extended to the judiciary, labour and sections of civil society, became a deadly stranglehold. Babangida’s book doesn’t contain a hint of the poisonous liaison.
We read nothing, for example, about how Babangida inflicted further damage on academia. Under Gowon, the field was already dented by awful interference as military administrators began appointing university visitors.
Our Gorbachev?
But it got even worse. In 1988, Babangida, who framed himself as Nigeria’s answer to Mikhail Gorbachev, ordered the deportation of Patrick Wilmot, a sociology teacher at the Ahmadu Bello University, for teaching “what he was not paid to teach.”
Yet, if you think Babangida’s attempt to rewrite history was limited only to the press and academia, then you underestimate the disservice of the book. Chapter 12, “Transition to Civil Rule and the June 12 Saga,” is at the heart of the book: it reveals Babangida for who he is – duplicity, the milder version of which is an evil genius. However, anyone remembering this trying period in Nigeria will pinch himself at Babangida’s convenient attempt to take responsibility by shifting the blame.
In this chapter, he blamed the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) for going to court on the eve of the election. Then, he blamed Justice Bassey Ikpeme, an agent of his own Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Clement Akpamgbo, for granting the order to stop the election.
Then, he blamed the National Electoral Commission (NEC) chairman, Professor Humphrey Nwosu, for stopping the announcement of the election result. He blamed Nduka Irabor for announcing the annulment of the election from a rough sheet of paper, claiming it was without the knowledge of Admiral Augustus Aikhomu, his second-in-command.
Abacha as scapegoat
Finally, he blamed General Sani Abacha for leading the fifth columnists in his government to sabotage the process. This comprehensive blame account indicts everyone around the boss. Still, it leaves the boss a generous latitude to accept responsibility for the glaring and monumental lapses without apologising to the country he had betrayed.
“These nefarious ‘inside’ forces opposed to the elections have outflanked me”, Babangida said he remembers saying on Page 275. He didn’t say to whom he was speaking. A whitewash by the whitewasher-in-chief never looked whiter.
What did he do to “outflank” the “nefarious forces?” By his own account, he convened the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) after he claimed announcements stopping the elections were being made without his authority.
He admitted knowing when Nwosu stopped announcing the result without his approval and when Irabor made the so-called unauthorised announcement. Even before that, his minister Akpamgbo, at whose behest he insinuated that Justice Ikpeme may have acted, attended the AFRC meeting with him. Yet, the commander-in-chief present amidst the chaos lacked the courage to call the shots.
He did something, though. He yielded to the law of self-preservation, the love of self, and then, only later, like a scoundrel, claimed he was stepping aside for the love of country. He left behind the Interim National Government, a contraption he knew wouldn’t last.
More questions than answers
Writing off the book as a triumph of cowardice and dissembling would be harsh. There are a few strands of consistency. For example, Babangida admitted that Dele Giwa was his friend but didn’t say and has never said what became of the multiple investigations into how Giwa was killed by a parcel bomb decades after the tragic event. Yet, Giwa was his friend.
Babangida said 159 persons, mainly middle-level military officers, were killed in the C-130 NAF aircraft crash in Ejigbo, Ikeja, because of poor aircraft maintenance, but failed to say whose responsibility it was to maintain the aircraft or what happened to the negligent officers in charge.
His Mamman Vatsa coup story was also conveniently consistent. Vatsa had always envied him from secondary school, even though they sometimes shared bed spaces and clothes. He wasn’t surprised Vatsa would bribe soldiers—one of them with N50k—to put his head on a plate despite the consequences of such a treasonable act.
Plea for Vatsa
Why didn’t he commute the death sentences on Vatsa and others despite the cloud of suspicion around their sentencing and his promise of a review after strong appeals by many, including Nigeria’s leading literary lights, Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe and JP Clark? Again, he was conveniently consistent. It’s an elementary fact, he says, that plotters don’t live to tell the story, except if, like him, they succeed.
But Babangida conveniently forgot at least two notable exceptions of commutation: Kukoi Samba Sanyang’s failed coup against Gambia’s President Dawda Jawara in 1981 and Olusegun Obasanjo/Shehu Musa Yar’Adua failed coup against Abacha in 1995.
Perhaps the book’s most surprising accounts included his admission that his friend MKO Abiola won the June 12, 1993, election hands down and his rare praise of Buhari for cleaning up his mess by acknowledging Abiola as “a former head of state” 25 years later. This is surprising because when I interviewed him nine years ago, he said the presidential election result was “inconclusive.” He knew he was lying at the time.
The five-letter word
It would be remarkable if Babangida took responsibility for his mistakes and apologised. He is right that life can only be understood backwards. However, to complete the quote by the Danish philosopher and existentialist Soren Kierkegaard, whom he did not name but quoted in part, honesty in living forward is essential for understanding life backwards.
Instead of the five-letter word – sorry – Babangida tried vainly to use 111,281 words to exorcise the demon within. He failed. In his book On Writing, Stephen King, one of my favourite authors, said honesty is necessary for good writing. Babangida’s pseudo-memoir fails that test.
A heartfelt thank you…
My profound thank you to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a man of all seasons, and all who sent messages and prayers on my 60th birthday. I’m overwhelmed. May your kind wishes and prayers return to bless you and yours.
One of the grandchildren of the late General Sani Abacha attacked General Ibrahim Babangida last weekend in an angry post on X. Titled, ‘My grandfather saved the life of a coward’, it features a photo of Babangida and Abacha holding hands. But the first line carries the punch: “If the lifespans of these two consequential figures were reversed, this treachery would never be discharged by General Abacha.” While I am not interested in the family feud between the Babangidas and the Abachas, there is an important lesson we should not miss: Those who hold the levers of power must always be mindful of the consequences of their actions – not only on themselves but on their families.
That lesson may be lost on the dead, but it is important for the living. On that score, I sympathise with the Abacha family. People may react differently to the dark or heroic parts of their ancestry, but I understand that it can be upsetting to hear unpleasant tales about those we love. “It’s generally not in human character to be all good or all bad–maybe there are positive features of a disgraced ancestor that go some way to compensate or counterbalance whatever evil they did…” Daniel Maurice wrote in ‘How to deal with unwelcome family history discoveries.’ But where such people held positions of public trust, there is practically nothing anybody can do to change perceptions shared by many.
One may argue that Abacha is the only villain today because he is dead. That is the cross his family may have to carry. But the ultimate lesson is for those who are still alive. Speaking on the desperation for power that fuels all kinds of misbehaviour by politicians and public officials in the country, former President Goodluck Jonathan made a profound statement last week, “We, Nigerians, celebrate the wrong thing. And I believe one day, the country will get to the level where people will reject bad behaviour…” said Jonathan who then added: “Maybe one day, we will have two big buildings in Abuja where we will put pictures of people—whether dead or alive—who have messed up this country so that their grandchildren will know their forefathers were part of Nigeria’s problems.”
Last Thursday, a friend forwarded to me a crisp message: “Today in Abuja, all the oppressors of Nigeria gathered in one room. To celebrate one of their own.” If we examine the message from the prism of political leadership, assembled were General Yakubu Gowon who spent nine years in power; Chief Olusegun Obasanjo who spent 11 years in power (in both military and civilian capacity); Babangida who spent eight years; General Abdulsalami Abubakar who spent a year (less just a few days); Dr Goodluck Jonathan who spent five years and President Bola Tinubu who is nudging towards his second-year anniversary. So, cumulatively, these men have led the country for 36 of the last 60 years. When you combine that with all the richest men and women in the country as well as numerous former vice presidents, serving and former ministers, serving and former governors, against the background of the reality of Nigerian condition, it is difficult to fault the message.
What is remarkable is that anyone who has followed the overwhelming reactions to Babangida’s book would think that the only thing he wrote about was the June 12 election. There is so much more to read and learn about the complexities of policy, governance, issues of nation building, what it meant to be a military leader, and of course snippets of our history. But June 12, the Babangida albatross, overrides everything else. Without the annulment of that election, Babangida’s era could easily have gone down as transformative. And evidence abounds: Third Mainland Bridge, relocation of the Federal Capital to Abuja, Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), liberalization of the banking sector and electronic media, private participation in the oil and gas sector. etc. Despite these historic achievements, the only thing that comes to mind at the mention of Babangida is the annulment of June 12. And as we have seen, it will take more than one book to change that. In life, some conditions are permanent.
Meanwhile, contrary to what some readers think, I am not writing a new book on the June 12 crisis. As a reporter during the era, I wrote four self-published books that are no longer readily available. The first, ‘Fortress on Quicksand’ was on the futile efforts by 23 presidential aspirants in the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC) before they were all disqualified and banned from contesting elections. It took me several months to get an old copy. The second, ‘POLITRICKS: National Assembly under Military Dictatorship’, detailed the intrigues of Babangida’s civilian legislature as a military president. Although originally printed at a shop in Mushin in August 1994, I republished it in 2010 with a foreword by then Senate President David Mark, a retired Brigadier General who happened to be one of the central characters in the June 12 story. The third, ‘Abiola’s Travails’ was published in August 1997 to mark his (Abiola’s) 60th birthday at a period he was in detention. ‘The Last 100 Days of Abacha’ was written in 2005 to warn against ‘Third Term’. So, what I have just done is to combine (and edit) them into one book for release, hopefully in June this year.
Since Abacha is no more, it is unfortunate for his family that they will have to carry the burden of what is in the public domain about their late patriarch. But for Babangida, the lesson of the moment is also clear: One single chapter can define a book. And a single action can define a life!
What is the Population of Nigeria?
In June 2013, then National Population Commission (NPC) chairman, Eze Festus Odimegwu, inadvertently spoke to the architecture of electoral malpractices in Nigeria. Responding to the request for assistance on constituency delimitation exercise by then Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Chairman, Professor Attahiru Jega, Odimegwu said “The enumeration centers we have, some of them do not exist in reality. Some politicians bought them the way you will want to register voters, and some people will buy voter cards in order to have an advantage.” It goes without saying that once the number of enumeration areas is compromised, the integrity of the outcome of such exercise (whether census or election) becomes doubtful.
But the real issue here is not about how our politicians try to ‘rig elections at source’. Rather it is the difficulty in ascertaining the real population of Nigeria without which there can be no proper planning. The United Nations (UN) recommends a national census enumeration for every country at least once every ten years. The last census in Nigeria was conducted 19 years ago in 2006! “I don’t know how long we will keep running away from census, and we keep deceiving and lying to ourselves, by running away from the truth,” former President Olusegun Obasanjo whose administration conducted the last census told the current NPC Chairman, Mr Isa Kwarra, during a courtesy call on him in Abeokuta three years ago.
At a meeting with a delegation from the NPC on Monday, President Bola Tinubu proposed to set up a committee that will solve the logistical problems that hamper the conduct of a new national census. “We must ascertain who we are, how many we are, and how to manage our data,” the president reportedly told his audience, including the Minister of Budget and Economic Planning Atiku Bagudu. “Without an accurate census, we can’t successfully plan for employment, agriculture and food security.”
As much as I agree with the president, he—perhaps more than anyone else—knows quite well that Nigeria has had a chequered history of attempting to count its population. Virtually every effort to conduct a credible national census has ended in controversy, acrimony and rejection by one section of the country or the other. Two (1973 and 1991) were in fact annulled. Perhaps more ironic is that one of the people described as “Confusionists” by Obasanjo for disputing the 2006 Population Census report is Tinubu. Lagos State, according to then Governor Tinubu, had 17,553,924 residents as against the 9,013,534 he claimed was ‘allocated’ by the NPC. “The figure is totally rejected … The database is faulty. It has to be discarded,” Tinubu said at the time.
I once took time to study population figures in several countries. Over the last 100 years, the annual growth rate is mostly between 1 and 3. I then juxtaposed this with that of pre-independence and post-independence Nigeria. In 1911 for instance, our population was 15.9 million but ten years later in 1921, it had become 18.7 million—an increase of 2.8 million. In 1931, the figure had increased by 1.3 million to give us a population of 20 million. Instructively, all these were consistent with the global pattern. The next census took place 21 years later in 1952 by which time our population was 30.3 million people. But from that period, things changed.
With independence and its politics, the 1962 census gave us an extra population of 14.9 million people, thus pushing the threshold to 45.6 million. A year later (when another census was conducted) an extra 10.5 million Nigerians had been added to give us a contentious figure of 55.7 million that was eventually discarded. Ten years later in 1973, another set of 24.1 million Nigerians had come on board to make 79.76 million, although that census figure was also jettisoned. There was no census until 1991 when our population was put at 88.5 million. The census that would follow came in 2006 by which time (within a period of 15 years), another 51.5 million Nigerians had been added to the population data to make 140 million people.
The implication of the foregoing is that between 1911 and 1952, our population grew from 18.7 million to 30.3 million, an increase of 62 percent in 41 years. But between 1952 and 2006, a period of 44 years, the same population grew from 30.3 million to 140 million, an increase of about 360 percent! How can we sustain a system based on such transparent fraud?
Why is a simple ‘headcount’ such a difficult thing to do in Nigeria? I suggest it is because population determines how much each of the 36 states and 774 local government areas collect from the Consolidated Revenue Fund (CRF) disbursed monthly by the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). Yet, at no other time has a real census been more critical than now to allow for proper national planning. We must wean our nation of the distributive politics of oil rent that is at the root of corruption in our country, including in our politics and data collection.
Indeed, the absence of credible data accounts in large part for the state of our nation today. For instance, in a report on the mismanagement of the oil and gas sector in Nigeria in 2016, the Economist wrote: “…oil is also being stolen at a record rate and traders’ figures show output at well below the government’s figures. Information about Africa’s biggest oil industry is an opaque myriad of numbers. No one knows which ones are accurate; no one knows how much oil Nigeria actually produces. If there were an authoritative figure, the truly horrifying scope of corruption would be exposed.”
The census provides requisite information needed by the government to develop policies that will help run effective public services. We therefore need credible data about our population and the different demographics if we are to successfully tackle the challenges that plague our country. But until we see population counts as an instrument for economic planning rather than for the allocation of rent (unearned resources), census will continue to be a problem in Nigeria. Sadly, with ethnic/sectional cleavages already becoming more and more pronounced two years to the next election, how do we conduct a census which will produce an outcome that is both credible and acceptable in a nation of distrustful people?
The ball is now squarely in President Tinubu’s court!
No matter our points of origin in the Nigerian encounter, we all share the experience of a fascinating national journey. Ours is the story of a thrilling past, an engaging present, and a most promising future. Today’s event reminds us that we are not just here to remember the past but to actively shape the present and envision a bright future with hope—a future that each of you, with your unique perspectives and contributions, will help build.
The first aspect of today’s event is the public presentation of my book of memoirs: A JOURNEY IN SERVICE. This memoir, a culmination of over three decades of reflection, significantly contributes to our understanding of our national history. Through the public presentation of this book, I believe I am paying a huge part of my debt to the public. Over three decades after leaving office, the most constant question I have had to contend with is this: When will you tell your side of the story? Understandably, our period of service has somehow evoked, and rightly so, many questions and stories among our public. This book, which chronicles my experiences, decisions, and challenges during our national service, tries to answer some of these questions from my modest perspective.
My colleagues-in-arms and I presided over significant change and turbulent reform. We confronted monumental challenges in the economy, the polity, foreign affairs, and defence and security spheres of our national life. We surmounted obstacles, sought change from old ways, encountered unusual obstacles, and devised innovative solutions. We all sought to leave Nigeria a better place than we found it, often at great personal sacrifice and in the face of significant challenges. I am deeply aware of the inconveniences and sacrifices the public endured during this period, and I acknowledge and appreciate their resilience and commitment to progress.
Although the reform caused inconveniences for our people, we built lasting national institutions, some of which are still in place today.
Undoubtedly, credible, free, and fair elections were held on June 12, 1993. However, the tragic irony of history remains that the administration that devised a near-perfect electoral system and conducted those near-perfect elections could not complete the process. That accident of history is most regrettable. The nation is entitled to expect my expression of regret.
As the leader of a military administration, I accept absolute responsibility for all decisions taken under my watch. June 12 happened under my watch. Mistakes, oversights, and missteps happened in quick succession. But as I say in my book, in all matters, we acted in the supreme national interest so that Nigeria could survive. Our nation’s march to democracy was interrupted, a fact that I deeply regret. But Nigeria survived, and democracy is alive, a testament to our resilience and commitment to progress.
This book is part of my personal story of that encounter with national history. I did not travel alone. I undertook the challenging walk of leadership in the company of many patriots. Many are still here, while others have gone the way of all flesh. I cannot name all our allies and fellow travellers. But let me acknowledge the contributions of men like the late Augustus Aikhomu, Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe, General Ike Nwachukwu, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, Dr Kalu Idika Kalu, Dr Tunji Olagunju, Chief Olu Falae (now Kabiyesi!), the late Professor Ojetunji Aboyade (who, by the way, was an outstanding man), the late Alhaji Rilwanu Lukman, the late Professor Humphrey Nwosu, the late Professor Omo Omoruyi, the late Professor Gordian Ezekwe, the late Professor Tam David-West, the late Professor Babatunde Fafunwa, the late Professor Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, the late Dr Shetima Mustapha, the late Alhaji Bunu Sheriff Musa, the late Rear-Admiral Patrick Koshoni, Lt-General Alani Akinrinade, General Aliyu Gusau, General Haliru Akilu, the former Senate President, Brigadier General David Mark, Brigadier General Tunde Ogbeha, Colonel Abubakar Dangiwa Umar, the late U. K. Bello, the late General Nuhu Bamali, Colonel Sambo Dasuki and a whole list of other prominent colleagues and friends, all of them fellow travellers in the challenging walk of leadership.
The second aspect of today’s event is establishing a befitting Presidential Library, which I consider a tribute to history and a contribution to the world of knowledge and leadership.
In this regard, I thank my friend and family member, our former Vice President, Namadi Sambo, who created a unique architectural design for the Presidential Library for my 80th Birthday. As you can see from the programme details, it is an outstanding design. Thank you, Mr. Vice President.
As leaders, our activities belong to history in the form of written records. These records will serve as evidence-in-chief for posterity long after we have gone. The proposed presidential library, which will house these records, would be a lasting tribute to our period of national service (1985-1993) and a resource for future leaders and scholars to learn from our experiences and decisions.
As I understand it, what members of the Library’s Board of Trustees have in mind is not a library as a museum where treasured historical documents and books are left to the dust. The plan is more of an interactive centre for lively exchange among people of different backgrounds and generations.
Once again, I sincerely appreciate and treasure your presence at this gathering. Your participation and the conversations following this event will undoubtedly contribute to a better Nigeria. I am grateful for your support and look forward to our shared journey towards a brighter future.
The task of recovering memory can never be easy. As I said in my acknowledgement pages in the book, apart from my publishers, Messrs Bookcraft, headed by Mr Bankole Olayebi, in writing this book, I acquired debts of gratitude to several other persons that deserve adequate mention. Dr Yemi Ogunbiyi (Mr Activity himself!), Dr Chidi Amuta, Mr Abiola Phillips, Mr Clement Fajimokun and Mr Tobi Soneye gave generously of their time, experience, and resourcefulness, not just in the area of research but also in painstaking editorial work. I thank Mr Oladimeji Bajela for the Book’s beautiful design.
Yemi Ogunbiyi’s unwavering commitment to ensuring the expert production of the book and his tireless work towards realising today’s event will never be forgotten. Thank you, Yemi.
Yemi’s efforts and those of his colleagues were amply complemented by the commitment of other young friends and colleagues, such as Mr Donald Duke, Mr Rotimi Amaechi, and Mr Francis Ogboro, who made several trips to Minna for consultations on this project. My gratitude to these and other friends who assisted is eternal.
I thank you all for your support.
I wish you all a safe return to your places of abode.
God bless you all.
God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Excerpt
I thought I should read an excerpt from the book which documents our efforts to deal with the challenging problems of the economy. I am reading from page 151.
“When I assumed office, I was convinced that we needed to reform the economy urgently. My colleagues and I shared the conviction that the economy was in bad shape, but we were also confident that the nation possessed the resources and human capital to chart a new path of reform. Even before assuming office, I believed that we needed to reform the economy along free-market lines to free our people’s energies and begin to realise the full potential of our economic endowments.
Over the years, I have made extensive acquaintances with knowledgeable and experienced Nigerians in various fields. I reached out to as many renowned Nigerian thinkers and persons of knowledge as possible, especially in business, finance and economics. I naturally started my consultations with those I had met and had practical contact with over the years. In this regard, I reached out to Professor Gabriel Olusanya, whose intellect and experience impressed me greatly during my tenure at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS). Through him, I expanded the group of reputable Nigerians to consult on how best to design an appropriate economic reform agenda.
In this regard, I contacted Professor Ojetunji Aboyade, Professor Ikenna Nzimiro, Mr Michael Omolayole, Professor Akin Mabogunje and Dr Chu Okongwu. We could rely on the technocratic expertise and vast bureaucratic experience of men like Olu Falae. Through Ike Nwachukwu, who had been the military governor of Imo State, I engaged and incorporated Dr Kalu Idika Kalu, who had done impressive work on the state’s economy. Before that, he had worked at the World Bank and served on the Asia Desk, where he garnered extensive knowledge on what became the Asian Tigers. In particular, his creative approach to rescuing the economy of Imo State made a positive impression on me. Under the famed ‘Imo Formula,’ he excited me, and I brought him to the federal level to help us with the economics of spending only what you have. Such prudent management and economic realism was what, in my view, our desperate economic situation required.
What I found exciting about working with these outstanding intellectuals, men of ideas and experience, was that they were a community of ideas. They knew and respected each other. With each one you consulted and brought on board; he had a string of other colleagues with similar expertise to bring along. In little or no time, we had a virtual faculty of people with extensive ideas, vast experience and diverse backgrounds.
We interacted through a series of dialogues and consultations in very enlightening sessions. We became more like a community of friends and colleagues. But we were united by our shared commitment to making Nigeria self-sufficient and workable. We had endless brainstorming sessions on different aspects of national life, especially the economy.
I found our brainstorming sessions very enlightening and refreshing. People brought their vast experiences to bear on the problems that faced us then. In particular, I recall the insights of Professor Ikenna Nzimiro, who brought a lot of life to our sessions by relating our present problems to his experiences from the past. He would, for instance, jovially ask me how old I was when he was active in the Zikist movement!”
*(Above are excerpts from the speech delivered by former President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida at the public presentation of his memoirs entitled “A Journey in Service: An Autobiography” at the Abuja Transcorp Hilton on Thursday, February 20, 2025.)
[OPINION] Respect For Statesmanship: Why Obasanjo Deserves Due Regard From Nigeria’s Public Officials - Isaac Asabor
AdminFormer President Olusegun Obasanjo, a towering figure in Nigeria’s political history, has once again found himself at the center of a public controversy, this time with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL). Following his recent criticism of Nigeria’s failed refinery management system, the NNPCL extended an invitation to him to tour the rehabilitated Port Harcourt and Warri refineries. However, this invitation, described as “disrespectful” by Obasanjo, raises important questions about how political appointees and workers in ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs) treat former leaders.
The incident is not just a reflection of poor communication protocol; it underscores a worrying trend of diminishing respect for elder statesmen in Nigeria. Regardless of one’s stance on Obasanjo’s policies during his tenure, his contributions to the nation’s development and his role as a global statesman demand decorum and reverence from public officials.
Obasanjo’s record is replete with notable achievements that have shaped Nigeria’s political and economic landscape. As a military leader, he oversaw the transition to civilian rule in 1979, a rare feat in Africa’s history of military regimes. Returning as a civilian president in 1999, he championed debt relief, reformed the telecommunications sector, and laid the groundwork for democratic consolidation. These milestones are part of Nigeria’s collective heritage, and their architect deserves more than casual dismissal by state actors.
Beyond his achievements, Obasanjo’s age and status as a patriarch in Nigerian society should naturally command respect. At 87 years old, he embodies the wisdom and experience that younger generations of leaders can and should learn from. For public officials to engage with him dismissively, as seen in the NNPCL’s informal invitation through a spokesperson, is not only improper but also culturally insensitive.
This is not the first time Obasanjo has been treated with less regard than his status warrants. Over the years, there have been instances where his candid critiques of governance have been met with disdain rather than engagement.
For example, in 2021, when Obasanjo advised against excessive borrowing by the federal government, some officials dismissed his warnings as alarmist. Similarly, his advocacy for electoral reforms has often been brushed aside by those more interested in maintaining the status quo than in improving democratic practices. These instances reflect a troubling disregard for constructive criticism, even when it comes from someone with unmatched insights into Nigeria’s governance.
Against the foregoing backdrop, saying that the refinery invitation to Obasanjo was a height of insolence is not a misnomer in the eyes of anyone who understands the kind of protocol and respect a statesman in the caliber of Obasanjo deserves. So, his frustration is understandable. Rather than address the core issues he raised about the inefficiency and corruption plaguing Nigeria’s oil sector, the NNPCL chose to respond with what can only be described as a public relations stunt. Inviting him to tour facilities without a formal letter or acknowledgment of his statesmanship reeks of condescension. It is little wonder that he saw the gesture as an insult.
In fact, critics of Obasanjo may argue that respect is earned, not demanded. While this is true in principle, it is also worth noting that respect for elders is deeply ingrained in Nigerian culture. Even if some officials fail to recognize Obasanjo’s achievements, they should at least honor his age. In many cases, he is old enough to be their grandfather. That alone should command a basic level of courtesy.
It is also important to distinguish between engaging in healthy debate and outright disrespect. Obasanjo, like any public figure, is not above scrutiny. His policies and decisions are open to critique. However, critique should be grounded in facts and delivered with civility. Unfortunately, what we often see is a toxic mix of personal attacks and dismissive rhetoric that does nothing to advance public discourse.
The Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere, and the Coalition of United Political Parties (CUPP) have rightly condemned the NNPCL’s approach to engaging with Obasanjo. Afenifere’s Secretary-General, Chief Sola Ebiseni, called the invitation an act of “sheer arrogance and disrespect,” emphasizing that Obasanjo’s critique of the government’s management of refineries is valid and timely. The CUPP went further, describing the invitation as a distraction from the NNPCL’s inability to deliver results despite billions spent on rehabilitation.
These reactions should serve as a wake-up call to public officials. Disrespecting elder statesmen not only undermines their individual dignity but also sends a dangerous signal to younger generations. If we cannot respect those who paved the way, what hope is there for fostering a culture of respect and accountability in governance?
To avoid future incidents of this nature, MDAs and political appointees must adopt clear protocols for engaging with former leaders. Formal invitations, respectful language, and acknowledgment of their contributions should be standard practice. This is not about inflating egos; it’s about maintaining the dignity of public office and upholding cultural values.
Moreover, public officials should recognize that constructive criticism from former leaders is an opportunity for growth, not an attack to be deflected. Obasanjo’s critiques of the oil sector, for instance, highlight systemic issues that require urgent attention. Dismissing these observations only perpetuates the inefficiencies he has called out.
Respect for former leaders like Obasanjo is not just a matter of courtesy; it is a reflection of our national values. By treating elder statesmen with the decorum they deserve, we affirm our commitment to civility, accountability, and progress. As the debate over Nigeria’s refineries continues, let us not lose sight of the bigger picture: a nation’s greatness is measured not just by its achievements but by how it treats those who have served it.
If Nigerian political appointees and workers in MDAs cannot recognize Obasanjo’s statesmanship, they should at least honor his age. Anything less is a disservice to the ideals of leadership and respect that we claim to uphold.
Not a few Nigerians were relieved after former military President Ibrahim Babangida finally admitted, at the recent launch of his book, “A Journey of Service”, that Bashorun MKO Abiola indeed won the June 12, 1993 presidential election.
Though his attribution of the dastardly act almost solely to his subordinate, General Sani Abacha, who eventually succeeded Earnest Shonekan, his successor, may be a true and accurate account of who actually did what and why, it revealed a flaw in his character.
Gumsu, daughter of General Abacha, reportedly posted the cryptic remark, “Weakling,” to General Babangida’s “revelation” that he was in (faraway, unreachable outer Mongolia, Southern Succotash boondocks?) Katsina when General Abacha instigated the annulment of Abiola’s election.
By the way, Abacha’s son, Sadiq, who reportedly accused some faceless people of tarnishing his father’s image, and his sister, Gumsu, should appreciate that it is an exceeding act of cruelty if their father indeed caused the annulment of the election, and turned around to imprison MKO and ordered the assassination of Kudirat, his wife.
According to General Babangida, Nduka Irabor, press secretary of his vice president, Admiral Augustus Aikhomu, suddenly “read out a poorly worded statement from a scrap of paper, which bore neither the presidential seal nor the official letterhead of the government, annulling the presidential elections.”
Of course, he “was alarmed and horrified” about the poorly worded statement, and he, the indulgent patriarch, must have probably thrown up his arms in resignation, as he wailed (?), “These nefarious ‘inside’ forces opposed to the elections have outflanked me!”
Though he alleged that he “would later find out that the ‘forces’ led by General Sani Abacha annulled the elections”, he did nothing other than to acknowledge that he “was caught between ‘the devil and the deep blue sea!”
He adds, “From then on, the June 12 elections took on a painful twist, for which… (he) would later take responsibility.” It is, of course, easier to take responsibility for a wrong, willfully carried out by a dreaded subordinate than risk looking down the barrel of that subordinate’s gun.
Prior to what now amounts to General Babangida’s one-witness narratives, National Electoral Commission Chairman, Prof Humphrey Nwosu, had, “without (General Babangida’s) prior knowledge and approval… announced the suspension of the June 12 elections results ‘until further notice’.”
Though he “knew instantly that certain fifth columnists were at work”, General Babangida did not bother to fish out or sanction them. He (tactically?) withdrew “to (his) home in Minna to reflect and hold series of meetings with various (nameless?) people, within and outside the military, on the situation, oblivious that something even more severe and sinister was about to happen”.
You might be correct if you thought that General Babangida chose to be a gentleman and preserved his life, rather than be an officer who would be brave enough to lay down his life if necessary. Lt-Col Adekunle Fajuyi, the first military Governor of Western Nigeria, had offered to die with his Commander-in-Chief, Major General JTU Aguiyi-Ironsi, when the counter-coup plotters came calling on that fateful day in July 1966.
If General Babangida indeed told his confidant, Prof Omo Omoruyi, that “I see disaster for myself and family,” and asked in desperation, “Where do I go from here?” you will appreciate the mindset of a coward.
If IBB had stood his ground and called the bluff of General Abacha, he may have lost his life (probably alongside MKO), but he would have been the hero that would have been celebrated every June 12 in Nigeria. Wouldn’t that have been more honourable for a four-star general?
The Yoruba would say that it is better for a man to prostrate for his in-law than to fall down for nothing. If you agree with the Yoruba, who seem to agree with British economist John Maynard Keynes that “In the long run we are all dead,” you might also agree that it would have been more honourable for a general to die in the defence of the honour of his country.
Think of the number of Nigerians who died and the businesses that perished needlessly in the wake of the criminal annulment of the free and fair election. Also, think about Hafsat Abiola-Costello and her siblings, who lost their dad, MKO, and their mom, Kudirat, because a general lost his courage.
General Babangida should have written this whitewashed autobiography while General Abacha was alive. But Nduka Irabor needs to help clarify these gaps, omissions and inconsistencies by confirming who asked him to release the innocuous press release.
All this is not to beatify General Abacha, with his innumerable warts, but to recognise that a general feared a subordinate general to the extent that he would compromise the national interest and security of his country to preserve his own life.
When William Shakespeare averred, “Cowards die many times before their death,” no one could tell if he had in mind some Nigerian generals, who shot other generals, who happened to be their childhood friends, for allegedly planning a coup against them.
In executing General Mamman Vatsa for an alleged coup attempt, General Babangida had argued, “I had to choose between saving a personal friend and the nation’s future… The national stability and the cohesion of the armed forces were too high on the scale of priorities to be sacrificed for personal considerations. The law and the imperatives of order and national security are overriding.”
Pray, which did he choose between the consequences of arresting and sanctioning General Abacha for annulment of the June 12 presidential election, a clear breach of national security, and tactically choosing to preserve his own life, even if Nigeria became an abyss of chaos, civil unrest and instability?
By failing to stand up to General Abacha, Babangida’s dedication of his book to “To our fallen heroes, my comrades-in-arms, who fought gallantly to protect the unity of Nigeria”, appears hollow, insincere and just plain trying to be politically correct.
He needs to tell Nigerians if he eventually went along with General Abacha on the willful annulment of the election, or not. He could also suggest what actions should be taken against those who initiated the annulment and those who merely went along with the perfidious act.
Col. Abubakar Umar, who General Babangida described as one of his trusted allies, seemed to have done what his idol could not do. He was reportedly picked up for canvassing support within the army for a reversal of the annulment of the election and the installation of MKO Abiola as president. Though he was eventually eased out of the army, he still openly criticised General Abacha’s plan to transmute into an “elected” president.
In case General Babangida is not aware, actions like those of Col. Umar are the stuff that brave (and maybe foolhardy) soldiers are made of. The general should not have waited for more than 30 long years to reveal who annulled the election, which he admits that Abiola won.
Finally, General, if your career in the military and government was “A Journey In Service,” it would not be an apt definition of altruism, but an obscene adventure in self-service. And as for “dignitaries” at the book launch, and those who shelled out N17bn…
The payment of access fees, otherwise known as tolls, by road users, is a global practice that also has a long history in Nigeria. Before former President Olusegun Obasanjo stopped the tolling of federal highways and demolished the toll gates in 2003, motorists paid a token for using some of the federal roads. Even after the Federal Government stopped tolling 22 years ago, some states and federal agencies still collect tolls for road usage. For example, there was the collection of tolls at the Lekki area of Lagos (where the controversial #EndSARS protest took place in Lagos in October 2020). Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria better known as FAAN also collect tolls from motorists using the airport road.
This newspaper in its February 4, 2025, online edition reported that the Federal Government had officially launched toll operations on the Abuja–Akwanga–Lafia–Makurdi Road corridor to repay the $460.8m loan obtained from the China Exim Bank for the road’s rehabilitation and upgrade. It also announced that motorists using the highway would begin paying tolls ranging from N500 for saloon cars to N1,600 for multi-axle vehicles. However, police and military vehicles are exempt from toll fees to facilitate their operations.
The toll gates on the route are divided into four sections: Keffi, Akwanga, Lafia, and Makurdi. The 227.2km road was rehabilitated and upgraded through a preferential credit loan from the China Exim Bank. The last administration secured a $460.8m loan from the bank, covering 85 per cent of the project’s $542m total cost. As part of the loan agreement, the Federal Government committed to tolling the road upon completion, with revenue collected from toll operations prioritised for loan repayment.
Speaking at the inauguration of toll operations at the Garaku Toll Station in Nasarawa State, the Minister of Works, David Umahi, reiterated the government’s commitment to ensuring the proper maintenance of Nigeria’s federal roads through sustainable funding mechanisms. Represented by the Minister of State for Works, Bello Goronyo, Umahi stated that the road was rehabilitated and upgraded through a preferential credit loan from the China Exim Bank. According to him, funds generated from tolls would also be used for the maintenance of federal roads nationwide, adding that toll operations would help sustain road networks across the country. He explained that in 2023, the previous administration executed a 25-year “Operate and Maintain” concession agreement with Messrs China Harbour Operations and Maintenance Company Limited in partnership with Messrs Catamaran Nigeria Limited.
The minister stated that the project aligned with the priorities of President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, which aimed to build a robust and interconnected infrastructure network. He was quoted as saying, “It is important to state that the toll order/fee schedule has been gazetted as follows: saloon cars will be tolled at N500, SUVs/jeeps at N800, minibuses at N1,000, and multi-axle vehicles at N1,600. However, frequent road users, such as commercial light vehicles defined under the Federal Highway Act, will enjoy a 50 per cent discount. Additionally, tricycles, pedal vehicles, motorcycles, and other two- or three-wheeled transport modes primarily used by disadvantaged populations will be exempt from toll charges.” Other roads listed for tolling include the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, Second Niger Bridge, Abuja-Kano Road and Makurdi-9th Mile Road. The nine roads listed for concessions are under Phase I of the Highways Development and Management Initiative.
I have granted several media interviews since the reintroduction of the tolls on our highway and I have offered my support with a caveat. I agree to the reintroduction provided the mistakes of the past will not be repeated. Recall that Nigeria previously had tolls on her highways, mostly those owned by the Federal Government until 2003 when former President Olusegun Obasanjo shut them down. Obasanjo, in his justification of the decision to abolish the tolls, said the roads should be maintained through revenue from the increase in fuel pump price, which meant petrol tax. He also said the tolls generated only N63m daily and claimed the revenue was insignificant in terms of the opportunity cost of operating them. Additionally, the then-president noted they were a cesspool of corruption because the government found it difficult to track their earnings.
It is heartwarming that the payment of toll on the Akwanga–Markurdi Road is cashless as motorists are to pay with debit cards. This initially caused delay, which resulted in long queues, but this teething problem has been surmounted. I travelled on that road in September 2024 and I dare say commuters and motorists on that axis are very happy, as it has cut the travel time between Abuja and Makurdi by two to three hours. It is now possible to come to and from Abuja to Markurdi on the same day, which was impossible before due to the hitherto bad road. In fact, the road is very smooth, well-paved and well-lit. My friends who are from Plateau State wished that the Akwanga to Jos road could be similarly fixed to give them a sweet travelling experience.
Aside from providing revenue to be used for road maintenance, toll gates will also stimulate the local economy as micro-small and medium enterprises will spring up within the vicinity of the toll gates. Food vendors and those who sell water and beverages, farmers selling raw farm produce, grocery store owners, vulcanisers and mechanics will take advantage of the toll gate to make brisk business. Just imagine the beehive of activities around the Lagos-Ogere-Ibadan Expressway tollgates. That is what will be replicated along all the corridors where tollgates will be reintroduced. The vicinity of the tollgates will also provide security to motorists because there will be the presence of heavily armed security patrols.
I am happy that commercial vehicles have been offered a 50 per cent discount while tricycles, motorcycles and bicycles are exempt from toll payment just as military and police vehicles are. This is commendable. I, therefore, recommend this Federal Government model of public-private–partnership in the form of Build, Operate and Transfer to states and local government authorities. Sincerely, no tier of government can single-handedly fund road construction and maintenance. But for the PPP arrangement, it would have been daunting for President Bola Tinubu’s government to raise N15tn to fund the Lagos–Calabar Superhighway. It is a lack of sufficient budgetary allocations that has led to the abandonment of many road projects in Nigeria.
I am baffled that the Keffi–Makurdi Highway does not have weighbridges. Could this be an oversight? Weighbridges are very important to deal with the menace of stubborn drivers who overload their trucks and articulated vehicles. It is this category of road users that shortens the lifespan of our roads. Every truck has approved tonnes they are expected to carry. It is at the weighbridges that measurements will be taken to know if the truck drivers have complied with this maximum carrying capacity. I am, therefore, using this opportunity to call for the reintroduction of weighbridges as well. Most importantly, as the saying goes, to whom much is given, from him much is expected. The Federal Government must keep its side of the bargain by ensuring prompt and proper maintenance of these tolled roads.
Some broken hearts never mend/Some memories never end/Some tears will never dry/Our pains over June 12 will never die! (Adapted from Don Williams’ “Some Broken Hearts Never Mend”).
On the day former self-styled military President Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida (IBB) celebrated his 70th birthday, I was in Minna, the Niger State capital where the self-styled “evil genius” has his palatial home called the Hilltop villa. Self-styled Chief Servant, Aliyu Babangida Muazu (no relation of IBB) was the Niger state governor at the time. Towards mid-day, State Correspondents assigned to the Governor’s Office packed bags and baggage and were hurrying somewhere. SOJ, as my former staff at The WESTERNER newsmagazine was fondly called, hurried to me and said, “Oga, let us go. They are going to the Hilltop Villa. Today is IBB’s birthday”.
We quickly followed. Getting there, we were ushered into a sitting room on the ground floor by some of IBB’s aides. He must have been expecting the journalists. Or did he send for them? It most likely was a ritual understood by both sides. Anyway, the birthday of a personality like IBB would be news any day, anywhere.
I surveyed the environment while we waited for him. I had noticed that the tar on the driveway had collapsed in a few places. Looking around the reception I also noticed that the window blinds had given way here and there. The place was not well kept as I would have expected. That, obviously, could not have been the room where IBB receives very important visitors. As we left the Governor’s Office to IBB’s Hilltop Villa, I asked questions about the relationship between the Chief Servant and the two former military Heads of State (IBB and Abdulsalami Abubakar) that he must play host to.
I was pointed in the direction of Abubakar’s own palatial building (as I was told) but we did not go there. Having two former Heads of State under one’s roof, as it were, was a privilege that also came with responsibilities which, I was told, was like walking a tightrope. Again, I heard that dealing with one was less demanding than dealing with the other.
I was still lost in my own thoughts when IBB stepped in. We all stood at attention as he made the rounds exchanging pleasantries and shaking hands. His trademark gap-toothed smile (with which he disarmed coup leader Buka Suka Dimka, as we learnt) was still with him. When it got to my turn and I introduced myself, he said, “Ah, my enemy!”. I replied: “I am not your enemy, Your Excellency, but the enemy of your obnoxious policies, especially the annulment of June 12!” He smiled and moved on.
That must have been on August 17, 2011. Nearly 14 years later, Babangida found it inescapable to return to the same June 12, 1993 presidential election annulment issue, which nothing anyone did was able to wish away. Better, then, to confront it headon than continue to play the ostrich! I had requested for an interview, which IBB agreed to grant. He handed me over to one of his aides, a retired military officer, but that one was another Maradona in his own right! June 12; Dele Giwa; Maryam, IBB's late wife’s Better Life for Rural Women’s pet programme, which the wife of a military governor had told me was a cover to accumulate spiritual powers nationwide for the Babangidas to remain perpetually in power, were some of the questions I had wanted to ask him.
One of the big donors at last Thursday’s launching of IBB’s library project described the former military president as the father of the private sector in Nigeria; he may be right, but that is not the only offspring sired by IBB. He is also regarded as having fathered the “settlement syndrome” (euphemism for corruption) in Nigeria. If you hear them say that everyone has a price, it is said to have started with IBB’s regime. What of the ruination of seniority and esprit de corps in the military, when junior officers gained ascendancy over their superiors? That was when Majors, Lt.-Colonels and Colonels began to hold positions that trampled Generals.
Like the proverbial Adepele’s teeth, how many of the Ajantala offsprings of IBB can anyone count? Is it the Hercules air crash? The Gulf War oil windfall that vanished into thin air? The execution of Vatsa? The unending return to democracy rigmarole? The list is endless!
IBB’s confession on June 12 is worthless as it changes nothing. It came too late. Now, it is, quoting Shakespeare, all sound and fury, signifying nothing. The results of the June 12, 1993 presidential election that he now pretends to validate were not only known but were also widely disseminated even before the election was annulled. The results were already in the public domain before the annulment announcement was made by Nduka Irabor. I was the editor of The PUNCH/Saturday PUNCH newspapers at the time and we not only had the results but also declared them.
That was one of the many “sins” compelling the military dictators to shut down and proscribe the PUNCH newspapers many times while I as the editor tasted detention. That was also why the media at the time started addressing MKO Abiola as “the presumptive winner” of the election. Before then, we had been blunt in referring to Abiola as “winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election” before we were advised to err on the side of caution. I remember we had to seek legal opinion before we now settled for the phrase “presumptive winner” So, IBB’s confession on June 12 brought nothing new to the table.
What Professor Humphrey Nwosu, chairman of the National Electoral Commission that conducted the watershed election, shied away from doing in his book “Laying the foundation for Nigeria’s democracy: My account of June 12, 1993 presidential election”, the immediate past president, Muhammadu Buhari, achieved in 2018 when he not only declared MKO Abiola as the winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election but also posthumously awarded him the highest national honour of Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR) as well as extended unto him all the benefits and privileges due to the president of the Federal Republic of NIgeria. This was something the three presidents before Buhari (Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, and Goodluck Ebele Jonathan) had failed to do.
So, of what use is Babangida’s belated confession that leaves nothing but sour taste in the mouth, and which is akin to surreptitiously dancing on MKO Abiola’s grave? Who needs IBB’s crocodile tears? The book launch ought to have been a very solemn occasion if IBB was truly penitent and remorseful! Not an occasion for all the wry jokes of the Master of Ceremonies! Not an occasion for the display of obscene wealth and vulgarity by the country’s ruling elite! Not an occasion for IBB to smile all his way to the bank with 17 billion Naira and even more! A minute silence for Abiola, his wife Kudirat, Pa Alfred Rewane, Dr. Omosola, Bagauda Kaltho and the countless other unheralded fallen heroes of June 12 would have been met and proper if they all meant well and were not just playing to the gallery.
Did IBB think we have forgotten his SAP without a human face? Nothing speaks better to the hypocrisy and chicanery of that gathering than that the same Obasanjo who had lambasted IBB and his SAP, was chairman of the cheerleaders at the book launch. IBB started the mindless devaluation of the Naira with SAP, which laid the foundations for today’s unthinkable hardship. The real target of the book launch was to launder his image and deodorise a name that never stops leaving a sour taste in the mouth. What is needed, if perchance that task would be achieved, is not the construction of an IBB presidential library but the tearing down of all the ignoble legacies of the IBB years that still hang around our neck like an albatross!
MKO Abiola in his end-years and IBB represent different tendencies. They stand on two opposing ideological pedestals. You cannot love one without hating the other!
June 12: The significance of IBB’s confession
The confession of IBB on the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election is a significant revelation; indeed, it is heartbreaking to acknowledge that IBB’s admission of MKO’s win came decades late. The annulment was a classic case of power-hungry individuals prioritizing their interests over the well-being of Nigerians. To me, IBB’s confession seems belated, especially since the authentic results had already been published. It is likely that IBB wanted to make amends with his conscience, especially at this stage of his life. To honour Abiola’s legacy, I think it is essential for Nigerians to demand genuine electoral reforms. The country must learn from the June 12 experience and ensure that future elections are free, fair, and credible. This includes implementing measures to prevent electoral malpractice, promote transparency, and safeguard the people’s votes. Ultimately, Nigerians must rise up and speak with one voice, demanding a better electoral system that truly represents their will. By doing so, they will be upholding the principles of democracy and justice that Abiola fought for. - Professor (Retd. Justice) Alaba Omolaye-Ajileye.
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[OPINION] Governor Soludo Unveils Bold Infrastructural Plans For Orumba South, Pledges Lasting Development - Christian Aburime
AdminIn a resounding demonstration of commitment to sustainable development, Anambra State Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo recently embarked on a strategic visit to Orumba South, reinforcing his administration’s dedication to improving infrastructure, boosting economic opportunities, and enhancing community security.
During the visit, Governor Soludo announced plans for the construction of a crucial road linking St. Augustine Rest Assured Hotel to the Community High School and the Umunze Ultra-Modern Market. This significant infrastructure project will greatly improve mobility for residents and visitors, seamlessly connecting Umunze to the Umuchu Bye-Pass Road.
The governor emphasized that the initiative aligns with his administration’s broader strategy to drive economic growth, ease transportation challenges, and improve the overall quality of life in Anambra State.
His tour included key stops in Ogbunka and Owerre-Ezukalla before he addressed a large gathering at Nkwo Umunze. Acknowledging the resilience of the local populace despite security challenges, he commended their determination to build a thriving and prosperous community.
"Despite the security issues we face, the spirit of the community remains strong," Soludo stated, urging Ndị Igbo to reconnect with their roots and foster collective efforts toward lasting peace.
"Let us unite as one people and resist the tide of insecurity. The government is doing its part, but lasting peace requires the cooperation and vigilance of the entire community," he emphasized, warning those involved in criminal activities that they would face the full weight of the law if they refused to change their ways.
Beyond infrastructure and security, Governor Soludo revealed ambitious plans to develop notable attractions such as the Owerre-Ezukalla waterfall and cave, alongside the renowned Ogbunike cave. This initiative aims to boost tourism, create job opportunities, and stimulate economic growth in the region.
Echoing the governor’s vision, local officials expressed gratitude for his leadership and commitment to development. The Mayor of Orumba South, Mr. Shaedrack Azubuike, commended the governor for his relentless efforts to transform the region.
"Your leadership has instilled hope in our communities and set a new benchmark for development," remarked Dr. Foster Ihejiofor, Commissioner for Agriculture.
Community leaders, including Chief Oliver Okolo (President General of Owerre-Ezukalla), Sir Ezekiel Anyazo (President General of Umunze), and Sir Timothy Ikedinma, lauded the governor’s initiatives and pledged their support for further development efforts. They also highlighted pressing community needs and called for continued collaboration with the state government.
The event attracted a diverse and engaged audience, including former Deputy Governor Chief Emeka Sibudu, Chief of Staff Mr. Ernest Ezeajughi, Special Adviser on Markets Chief Evarist Uba, Chairman of the Anambra Urban Regeneration Council Architect Mike Okonkwo, traditional rulers, and other key stakeholders—all united in their vision for a progressive Anambra State
The make-up of Babangida’s Abuja crowd during the public presentation of his autobiography- ‘A Journey in Service ‘last week was in character with a leader who like ‘Maradona’ takes delight in devious scheming. On hand to give him solidarity were five of his fellow former military Heads of State who see manipulation of the governed as great asset. They all believe that government doesn’t need to ask what the governed want. Why are they leaders if they cannot dream for their people?
The second group is made up of former products of Babangida’s school of democracy; he personally christened them ‘new breed’ politicians. They were from the onset forbidden from making contact with neither the past nor their corrupt leaders. Today, some are in the private sector while others have become part of our current governing class. The military is their role model and for them, government is about sharing spoils of war. They didn’t have problem raising N17billion towards the building a presidential library for their godfather, ex-President Babangida, accused by detractors of institutionalising corruption in Nigeria.
Babangida, the self-styled evil genius, often obsessed with self-preservation, loves none but self. He is as selfish as he is self-centred. He is a leader with no abiding faith. Babangida was the leader who carried out a palace coup against his principal he accused of not carrying people along in decision making only for him to take IMF loan roundly rejected by Nigerians as shown by the result of a national survey he commissioned. Despite experts’ advice and general rejection of the Structural Adjustment Programme, it was embraced by Babangida even as the result was the turning of our country into a dumping ground for foreign manufactured goods from all over the world. And finally, the evil genius, thinking he knew what we want, took a multi-cultural and multi-religion nation like Nigeria into OIC without consulting Nigerians.
This is why I think his last week act of contrition over his role in the June 12 1993 fiasco during the public presentation of his autobiography- ‘A Journey in Service’ was an assault on sensibilities of thousands of Nigerians beaten by and detained by the police or killed by soldiers while demonstrating in Lagos and across Nigeria against Babangida’s coup against the nation.
For anyone who is familiar with the style of the ‘Maradona’ who dribbled the academia, the media that made him, and the traditional institutions that bestowed on him honours without end across Nigeria including the (Opu Omu Alabo), the chief war leader of Rivers, the Oka ome Eme (a man of his words of Enugu) and the Comforter of the Igbos), it is not difficult to dismiss his last week act of contrition over his June 12 1993 coup against Nigeria an assault on sensibilities of Nigerians
And if one may ask, what is the Maradona apologizing for after blaming everyone else for the coup except self? As if the evil genius thinks he is still the Commander-in-Chief 32 years after Nigerians angrily chased him out office, he is identifying those Nigerians should hold responsible for the 1993 coup many believe he masterminded but executed by his friends. He has identified, Arthur Nzeribe, the Association to Better Nigeria (ABN), he admitted was his friend as the one who secured an illegal midnight judgment that threatened the conduct of the election; he named his Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Clement Akpamgbo who in clear violation of Decree 13, which barred any court from interfering with INEC’s conduct or scheduling of the elections, he said misadvised government and Akpamgbo’s godson, Justice Ikpeme, whose Abuja High Court granted the ABN an injunction stopping NEC from conducting the June 12 elections.in the dead of night. Babangida also wants Nduka Irabor sanctioned. According to him the June 12 elections “was annulled on June 23, 1993 through “a terse, poorly worded statement from a scrap of paper, which bore neither the presidential seal nor the official letterhead of the government, read out by Nduka Irabor”.
Unfortunately, Babangida forgot that in spite his current denials and buck passing, he validated, all the above decisions he now says were not approved through a public broadcast and press conference where he also laid out plan for his Interim National Government contraption.
Sadly, Babangida, a common trickster thinks no one sees though his subterfuge. The other five perfidious generals who were out with him last week suffer from the same affliction
But how did we get here?
We are an endowed nation. At independence, Nigeria was seen as the hope of the black race. The East was rated as having the highest growing economy in the world, The West had television ahead of Belgium and Germany and was through welfarist policies including free education and free health services, was on the verge of creating an egalitarian society. Our dreams and hopes came into an abrupt end when ethnic irredentists turned the Nigerian Army into an army of balance of terror in 1966.
It is precisely because Babangida style is not different from those of other Nigerian former generals that ruled us like conquered people that I want us to look beyond his Abuja crowd and interrogate how total disrespect for Nigerians by our successive military leaders from Aguiyi Ironsi to Abdulsalami Abubakar has brought the nation to her knees.
First let us take a journey through memory to see how we got here.'
There was a military insurrection in January 1966. Ironsi who emerged as the new leader of the country in a moment of madness promulgated Decree 34 of 1966 that overnight turned a multi-cultural Federal Republic of Nigeria into a unitary state. Unitarism was a social system long canvassed by the Igbo ethnic group.
The response of the north to unification was the July 1966 vengeance coup that led to the killing of many Igbo military officers, massacre of Igbo people in the north and eventual civil war.
Gowon played the ethnic card by allowing himself to be railroaded into power in breach of espirit de corps of the military which favoured Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, then the most senior surviving military officer as Head of State. Of course, there wouldn’t have been any civil war but for Gowon’s refusal to abide by the terms of the Aburi Accord.
Obasanjo also betrayed the country when he, as an umpire in the 1979 election, chose to support Shehu Shagari. The rest of the country viewed Obasanjo’s action as a form of payback to the northern hegemonic power that allowed him to succeed assassinated Murtala Mohammed in 1976.
Buhari actually believed he could rule Nigeria without Nigerians’ consent. In 1984, he treated northern politicians with kid gloves while he sent their southern counterparts who, as government, officially cornered contract commissions to build universities and health facilities for the mass of their people in Edo, Ondo, Ogun and Lagos to prison years ranging from 100 to 200.
Besides stealing the country blind, Abacha, the maximum dictator ruled the country on his own terms. He waged war against Abiola and his Yoruba people while preparing himself for self-perpetuation
Abdulsalami, besides imposing the 1999 Constitution regarded by many as Decree 24 as it was never discussed by Nigerians, believed he and other northern military officers that brought Obasanjo out of prison, and imposed him as Yoruba preferred candidate and went on to work for his victory, have neither patience or respect for the sensibilities of the Yoruba people.
The net effect of this on the nation was that at the birth of the fourth republic in 1999, there were no politicians with experience in parliamentary democracy or even or even the party system. What we had were military-baked new breed politicians that saw only the outgoing soldiers as role models.
This was why Ayo Opadokun, a former NADECO chieftain, speaking on the legacies of Ayo Adebanjo and Pa Edwin Clark who died after lifelong struggle on Channels Television last week said he holds exception to being told our current political class are politicians. To him as well as to many other Nigerians, they are military apologists who since 1999 could not even guarantee the status of citizenship Nigerians enjoyed under colonialism especially in terms of constitutional engineering.
As a way forward, Opadokun says President Tinubu who understands and has been part of the struggle for nation-building should engage the leaders of ethnic nationalities, the owners of Nigeria.
I think it is time to stop playing the ostrich and let those who claim they don’t know the meaning of restructuring that it is a quest to return our country to a federal arrangement which most multi-cultural societies in the world believe guarantees unity in diversity.
The ordeal of Herbert Wigwe’s children, who have been caught up in a legal tussle between their grandfather on one side and the testaments of their deceased father’s Will on the other, has shone some light on what other fatherless children and their mothers are going though in the hands of oppressive relatives. Whether their fathers died interstate or testate, many Nigerian children and their mothers have been cheated out of their legal inheritance by greedy and callous relatives, especially if they had nobody to fight for them. Herbert Wigwe’s children are lucky to have their father’s friend and business partner, Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, stand up for them. Aigboje should be commended for his principles and capacity to stand by the law and protect Herbert’s children according to the wishes of their departed father, despite pressures and attempts to cow him.
Other children who have not been so fortunate to have a strong pillar of support have been dispossessed of their heritage and pushed out into penury and hopelessness. This tribute is to all such unfortunate children and their mothers and to all men of goodwill and father figures who have decided to take sides with these fatherless children (and widows) who are fighting to claim their inheritance. A recent piece by Onikepo Braithwaite, a law columnist with Thisday newspaper, on this subject matter is quite enlightening and educative.
Herbert Wigwe left behind both a Will and a Revocable Trust to protect his estate and ensure a smooth inheritance for his children and wife. But, unfortunately, his wife died with him. The laws governing the administration of estates of deceased persons in every state of the federation explicitly define the dependents of the deceased who are entitled to benefitting from the inheritance of the late breadwinner. In Lagos, for example, where Herbert Wigwe lived most of his life and raised a family, Section 2(1)(a) & b of the Wills Law refers to the deceased’s spouse(s) and children as the family dependants of the deceased who are entiled to benefit from his estate; not the deceased’s grandparents and siblings. Section 4 of the law provides that for a Will to be valid, the Will must be in writing; the Testator (the person writing the Will) must sign it in the presence of two witnesses who must, in return, attest and subscribe to the Will in the presence of the Testator. A Will made outside Nigeria can also be valid in Nigeria.
The second scenario in death, intestacy, is a case in which a person dies without a Will. In the case of Herbert Wigwe, his Will named three people alternatively to be his personal representatives and three people alternatively to be his trustees. Herbert listed his wife Doreen (who unfortunately died with him) and his cousin, Uche Wigwe to be both his trustees and personal representatives. Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuee is also listed as the second alternative trustee, while an American citizen, Ms Blanco, is listed as the second alternative personal representative. Ms Blanco subsequently declined to be the personal representative.
The Wills law and administration of estate law in Lagos define dependents as spouses and children, and in scenarios of testacy and intestacy, the children and the spouses are priorities in the hierarchy of inheritance. In intestacy, the children are the most superior, in that, where there’s no spouse, whether there are parents or siblings of the deceased, the children take the whole estate of their father; but if there is a surviving spouse and no children, the spouse will only take half, and the other half goes to the parents of the deceased in equal shares. It goes without saying that being a biological relative of the deceased person does not confer a right to inheritance. Rather, it is the wishes of the deceased as stated in the Will that confers the right of inheritance; or where the deceased left no will, the provisions of the law will prevail.
Herbert Wigwe left behind a Will and by the Wills Law of Lagos State; his four surviving children are the true inheritors of his estate. It is therefore mindboggling that Herbert’s father and cousin, Christian, are fighting to be in control of the estate by first seeking an Order of the Court to change the administrators of the estate. Typically, it is the children of the deceased who fight over their father’s Will. I have never seen a situation in which a 90-year-old man is taking on his granddaughter in such an embarrassing feud. This is why Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, himself a lawyer, is determined to protect Herbert’s children and preserve their inheritance for them as enshrined in their father’s Will. Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede should be commended for standing up for Herbert’s children in spite of all the innuendoes thrown at him. But who will protect the tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands of other Nigerian children and their mothers who have been disposed of their rightful inheritance just because they do not have someone to fight for them? What can our governors do about this? In many Nigerian societies, the siblings of the deceased are always eager to step in and confiscate the deceased’s properties and chase the widow and children away.
Professor Humphrey Nwosu, will, finally, go back to mother-earth on Friday, March 28, 2025. On that day, he will finally find peace and satisfaction which his country, Nigeria, denied him while alive. And that, inspite of his selfless sacrifices for it.
On that day, Nwosu will, finally, find that peace, denied him by his country when his body embraces the bosom of his beloved Ajalli, Orumba North Local Government Area Anambra State, to meet his Ancestors who must be proud of his sojourn on Earth. They will tell him: “Great son of ours, you have done well. You did well for your country. And we are proud of you”.
It was the erudite and urbane and calm and unassuming Nwosu, a Professor of Political Science who oversaw the June 12, 1993, Presidential Election adjudged by Nigerians and the International Community as the freest and fairest election ever conducted in Nigeria, a Country which every of its election is covered by corruption as water covers the sea. Nwosu was the Chairman of the National Electoral Commission 1989 – 1993 when he was unceremoniously kicked out for conducting a free Presidential Election.
That election, held after years of Military Rule was meant to usher Nigeria into the circle of decent Nations, governed by civilians, law and order. It was between Chief Moshood Abiola of the Social Democratic Party, SDP, and Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Convention, NRC. The two political parties were created by the Military Regime of President Ibrahim Babangida. He had dubbed one a little to the right, and the other, a little to the left.
When Nwosu was appointed the Chairman of the Electoral Body to birth Nigeria into the world of democracy by Babangida, it was a job he took seriously. It was a job he gave his all, and inspite of all the dribbles and obstacles, did a good job.
The SDP Candidate, Chief Abiola, was clearly, undisputably, in the lead. There was nothing to stop his victory lap, and that of Professor Nwosu – Abiola’s for his overwhelming victory, and Nwosu’s for delivering a perfect baby.
But just when Nwosu, all smiles, was ready to name the baby he had just delivered, the smile was brutally wiped off his face. The baby was snatched from him and killed. It was camouflaged like a still birth. But no. The baby had already been seen alive by most Nigerians. They were celebrating, already, a new dawn. But, the Military Regime, led by Babangida, inexplicably, annulled the election. Nwosu was left empty and broken.
It is not known whether Professor Nwosu ever recovered from that brutal smack on his face and reputation. An undeserved question mark had been put on his credibility. And capacity. He withdrew into his shell. He never granted any major interview to discuss June 12; the pressure he underwent; the trauma he went through; the threats he endured. He never let on.
In those very fluid days, between June 12 and the day the Election was, finally, annulled, he never discussed where he was. Was he under house arrest? Was he surrounded by trigger-happy soldiers? Was a gun, or guns, pointed at him with a threat not to make “pim” or …? Anything could have happened. What was going on inside his head? Was he afraid? Did he fear for his life, that perhaps, he could be wasted just like that by an unappreciative Country and people? What were his regrets? Did he feel betrayed by Babangida, the man who appointed him? Did he feel abandoned? Did Babangida call him to apologize or explain what happened? Was he thinking of his time, years, now wasted, and the trillions of Naira gone down the drain.?

With Professor Nwosu’s passing on 24th October, 2024, in the United States of America, a good chunk, indeed, what could have been the most authentic June 12 story is gone. For, the Professor never wrote a book to tell his story. Nigerians have been denied of all that by his passing. Now, who will tell his story?
The question one has been asking since February 20 when Babangida presented his own side of June 12 story in his autobiography – A Journey In Service – is: What could have been Nwosu’s response to Babangida’s tale? Babangida’s book was sadly presented behind Nwosu, as it was behind a whole number of those who played prominent roles in that very dark phase of Nigeria’s history. Most of them are gone. They left the world in silence as if their mouths were celotaped. The only real main character remaining is Babangida. That irks.
But perhaps, what irks most is that Professor Nwosu was not alive to hear Babangida validate the June 12 Election. He was not alive to hear Babangida say “Yes, Professor Nwosu was right, I was wrong; that the election was clean; that Nwosu did a good job, and I was the one, along with my colleagues, especially, the goggled one, who rubbished it, and took Nigerians on an endless journey. Sad.
Yet, the worst is that Professor Nwosu is going home unsung, unappreciated, uncelebrated by a Country he gave his all. Nobody has recognized him. Nobody is even remembering him. No National Honour has been bestowed on him. No National monument has been named after him. None. Why?
On the day Babangida presented his book, I never heard any speaker pay glowing tributes to Professor Nwosu. I never heard any talk about Nwosu’s pains and sacrifices. And resilience. Just as I never heard any of them pay tributes to the hundreds of Nigerians who lost their lives over that scandalous incident.
And, unless I missed it, when he died, I never read any letter of condolence to his family from the Federal Government. In the preparation for his final send- off from mother-earth, I have not heard of any contributions made by the Federal Government of Nigeria. What role is the FG playing for a man who offered us the democracy we are enjoying today? Is he being given a state burial? Will the Nigerian flag adorn his casket?
From the programme of events released by the Family, not by the Federal Government, or in conjunction with the Federal Government, the closest I saw of Nigeria’s involvement is a Service of Songs for him which will be held at the Nigerian Embassy, Washington on March 1. Will the Federal Government be represented? There is no Ambassador at the Nigerian Embassy yet. So, who? There will, also, be a Night of Tributes at the Shehu Musa Yar’adua Centre, Abuja on March 28. Who is organizing that? The Federal Government or friends and family?
Yet, as the saying goes, it is better late than the late. Any time one wakes up, it is, also said, is one’s morning. The Federal Government still has a chance to redeem itself. Nigeria still has a chance to celebrate its son who is the architect, the hero of the democracy we are enjoying today, no matter how weak, and disjointed and corrupted it is. It is still better than a Military Regime.
On March 28, the day Professor Nwosu will be interred, the FG should honour him by naming a National Monument after him.
May his great and patriotic soul rest in perfect peace. Amen.