According to Section 39 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999,”every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference.” To underscore the importance of this right, the constitution further expands the empowerment beyond private discussions by recognizing the use of the media to effect communication across the globe by anyone desirous of consummating the freedom of speech provided by the section. Hence, Section 39(2) explicitly empowers citizens to “own, establish and operate any medium for the dissemination of information, ideas and opinions.”It is perhaps to avoid the misuse of this powerful right, that Nigeria also has a law of defamation which protects citizens from being hurt by reckless statements made by anyone under the guise of freedom of speech.

It can therefore be argued that although the law of defamation derogates from the constitutional provision on freedom of expression, it is certainly one of those laws which Section 45 of the constitution regards as reasonably justifiable in a democratic society. For those who may not fully comprehend what defamation entails, the Nigerian judiciary has since made it easy by defining the concept as an attack on the reputation of a person which lowers one in the estimation of people or causes him/her to be shunned or avoided or exposed to hatred, contempt and ridicule. But then, not every criticism can qualify to be defamatory. A defamatory statement must not only be clearly false, it must also have been made known to not just a few people but to several persons or the world at large. The damaging statement must also have targeted a specific, identifiable person and not just some group of people.

When the above is applied to the ongoing popular case of legal giant, Afe Babalola and human rights activists Dele Farotimi, many can easily see a pointer to a case of defamation especially its stronger dimension of Libel. This is because the alleged offending statement is clearly published in a book written by Dele Farotimi which is in circulation worldwide. The statement also refers specifically to Babalola. What may be difficult to quickly conclude upon at this point is whether the allegations credited to Farotimi are true of Babalola. It is therefore in order that the aggrieved has sued the accused to prove his allegation or be penalized for making reckless weighty allegations. The case looks quite straight forward because Farotimi has not denied that he made such allegation. In the circumstance, it is a case that the judiciary can easily establish guilt. However, the simplicity of the case has become complicated with the involvement of the police. 

With the main issues in the case clearly laid, out not many have been able to understand what exactly the police have been or are still investigating to justify the continued detention of Farotimi in police custody. Is it so that the activist does not escape from trial or is he facing punishment for his alleged refusal to present himself early enough? If the truth must be told, the involvement of the police in the case merely reminds many people of the posture of the colonial police used by authorities and the elites to compel strong-headed citizens to fall in line. Police involvement in the case has actually created a bigger court on the subject – the court of public opinion. Indeed, the two people involved in the case are very well known to the public. In the case of Babalola, there is hardly any lawyer that is known to have made a bigger success of his career. On the other hand, no one is likely to believe that Farotimi would timidly dodge police invitation.

From the comments made by the Nigerian Bar Association and some senior lawyers including the fiery Femi Falana, the case has since moved away from that of defamation to the misuse of police power to suppress an underdog. Many people could not have been comfortable with the report that Farotimi’s arrest was done by operatives of the Ekiti State Police Command without prior notification to the Lagos State Police Command or even the higher Zone 2 Command. It is reported that the arrest took the gestapo’ style just as it was done without the convention of logging or booking the case in Lagos thereby leaving Assistant Inspector General of Police (AIG) Zone 2 Command, Adegoke Fayoade and the Lagos State Commissioner of Police Olanrewaju Ishola in the dark until the incident went public. This gives an impression that some actors in the game are more interested in toying with Farotimi’s right to liberty than ensuring justice.

Many questions have since been asked and irrespective of what side anyone chooses to support, Nigerians would no doubt gain from answers to such questions. First, having allegedly invaded Dele Farotimi’s chambers, why was it necessary for the Ekiti operatives to also harass the staff by seizing their phones? Was the choice to use the Ekiti police instead of their colleagues in Lagos where the accused works and lives strategic? Put differently, is it true that Lagos was being avoided because ‘the state of excellence’ has since 2011 decriminalized defamation? Again, how true is the allegation that the arrest of the activist was premature? This question has been asked because DSP Abutu Sunday, the Public Relations Officer of the Ekiti State Command issued a press statement that Farotimi “was in custody and will be arraigned as soon as investigation is concluded.” 

It is worthy of note that some persons are also asking questions in favour of Afe Babalola. For example, should Babalola keep quiet and watch his hard-earned reputation destroyed through what looks to him as reckless statements? There is also the issue of the state of the law. Is defamation only a civil wrong? Here, attention is being drawn to the subsisting provisions of the Criminal Code on defamation which establishes clearly that in Nigeria, defamation is also a criminal offence. In addition, it is argued that no amount of compensations can repair the damage which the allegations have done to Babalola’s hitherto impeccable reputation. As we all await the verdict of the court, not much has been said about two aspects of the case. The first is the issue of veracity; who says Farotimi’s allegations cannot be true? Do we know what Farotimi knows about Afe Babalola that could make him think the legal giant does not deserve the high esteem of Nigerians?

The second is the dicey nature of defamation. Indeed, because defamation matters are usually premised on reputation, some defendants could bring up a dirty past that the plaintiff may have forgotten and which could be to the embarrassment of the parties and their children. Here, let’s recall the 1985 libel case instituted against NewsWatch Magazine by the late Chief Frederick Rotimi Alade Williams SAN. NewsWatch hired Chief Gani Fawehinmi who came to court to argue that his clients were justified in their publication insisting that Chief Williams who at the time was arguably the most respected lawyer in Nigeria had no reputation to protect. To illuminate his position, Gani exhumed a 1949 case in which Chief Williams was lampooned in court for a dishonourable conduct of misapplication of his client’s funds. Not much could be said thereafter.

This piece cannot end without reference to the fact that it is one thing for the court to uphold a person’s reputation but quite another thing for the public that a person wishes to please to fixatedly hold-on to a different opinion. Today, some segments of the Nigerian public and other international activists have already taken sides against Babalola. Many people are said to have rushed to purchase every available copy of the ‘forbidden’ book making Amazon to declare the book which initially recorded low sales to have attained a best seller status. Next Tuesday, activists are billed to gather at Kings College London to put pressure on the institution to cancel its Afe Babalola Centre for Transnational Education named after the legal giant for what the group perceives as Babalola’s abuse of power. We can only hope that the court case itself will not end in Pyrrhic victory – one obvious reason why cases of defamation by great men should be left to the courts without involving other exuberant actors.

Aare Afe Babalola, CON, SAN, stands as a radiant beacon of the extraordinary in Nigeria, illuminating the paths of countless legal minds. His influence is profound, and as one of his beneficiaries, I often reflect on a pivotal moment during my National Youth Service in Abuja. In my earnest pursuit of a sterling legal career, I was fortunate to have Hon. Justice Olaseinde Kumuyi, the esteemed former Chief Judge of Ondo and my then Director of Civil Litigation at the Federal Ministry of Justice, advocate for my potential. With unwavering faith in my abilities, he personally chaperoned me to meet Aare Afe at his office in Adamasingba, Ibadan.

In a gesture that exemplified his remarkable generosity, Aare Afe directed me to his Chicken House office in Abuja, where I was mentored by Dr. Olumide Ayeni, SAN, the then Head of Chambers at Afe Babalola’s Emmanuel Chambers. His kindness extended beyond guidance; he gifted me a modest yet significant sum of money, instructing me to use it to "clean my bib." This phrase, particularly when linked to such a considerable amount for caring for a newly purchased, starched bib, remains a delightful enigma, symbolizing both support and encouragement.

Though my time at Aare Afe Babalola Emmanuel Chambers was brief and without formal remuneration, each of his visits to Abuja brought tokens of generosity that exceeded the annual earnings of many lawyers. He is a true guru, a master of the legal field; his courtroom advocacy resonates with the eloquence of a seasoned lecturer, and each of his written addresses reads like a seminal paper.

From him, I learned not only the virtues of confidence but also the intricate nuances of legal practice, understanding that these elements are vital to success in our noble profession. He is indeed a Godsend to our jurisprudence and legal community.

It is deeply disheartening to witness unfounded accusations directed at him, disregarding our sacred Yoruba tradition of honoring our elders. To label an Ekiti man with allegations of corruption or theft without substantial evidence is a serious affront. We must cherish our community's icons and tread carefully to protect those we hold dear. Aare Afe Babalola is a luminary, not only for Nigeria but for the world; such baseless claims tarnish his dignity and legacy.

Legacy and reputation are the cornerstones of our personal and professional lives. They define how we are remembered and the impact we leave on others. When individuals engage in malice or grandstanding at the expense of others, they not only diminish the reputation of their targets but also tarnish their own legacy. Such actions stem from insecurity and a desire for fleeting attention, ultimately leading to a cycle of negativity that harms everyone involved.

Both civil and criminal laws exist to protect reputation, safeguarding individuals from defamation and unjust harm. These laws remind us that our words and actions carry profound weight, influencing lives long after they are spoken.

As we navigate this complex terrain, we must also remember that to err is human. Mistakes are an inherent part of our existence, and acknowledging this truth is crucial in our pursuit of justice. While accountability is essential, I believe that justice should mirror Aare Afe’s generous spirit and be tempered with mercy.

When we make errors—whether in judgment, action, or decision—it's vital to approach these situations with compassion, recognizing the potential for growth and rehabilitation. As the Quran beautifully states, “And do not let the hatred of a people prevent you from being just. Be just; that is nearer to righteousness” (Quran 5:8). Similarly, the Bible teaches us to “do unto others as you would have them do unto you” (Luke 6:31).

In the spirit of our rich traditions, let us honor our elders and protect the integrity of our community, nurturing a legacy of respect, compassion, healing and understanding that will inspire generations to come.

The discussion point of the second part of this serial harped on when we could develop a ‘national creed’ to deal a blow on this enemy called national greed, whose effects have continued to destroy our national grid.

We need to get back to this discussion point because some of the power elite who need to develop a national creed for the most populous black nation on earth just returned from three powerful nations, France, Brazil and South Africa where the governments cannot ignore the expediency of reducing energy cost to boost business and enhance welfare of the people. I hope they are deepening their understanding about why we need a national creed to destroy national greed that has also diminished the stature of Africa’s most populous country.

As I ponder the perpetual darkness that has become the norm in our beloved country, I am again reminded of the age-old adage: “greed is the root of all evil.” It seems that our collective greed has become the primary obstacle to enjoying a reliable and efficient national electricity grid. The other day, I was at Ilupeju SPAR (supermarket) for a haircut at my usual salon. I was shocked to discover that Black&White unisex salon that had a thriving shop of many young professional hairdressers, barbers, manicurists, pedicurists, facial beauticians, etc had disappeared from the premises of the biggest mall in Ilupeju. I called the Black & White salon manager who apologised profusely to me. He said, “Uncle, sorry, we had to close that shop because we couldn’t cope with the electricity bills there. Everything we were making couldn’t pay the electricity bills. Sadly, we haven’t got a new place. All of our professionals are jobless now…”

For decades, Nigeria has struggled to provide stable electricity to its citizens and entrepreneurs. Despite the abundance of natural resources, including oil, gas, and hydroelectric power, our national grid remains in shambles. The consequences are dire: businesses suffer, industries stagnate, and the overall quality of life deteriorates.

So, what’s the root of this problem? Is it corruption, incompetence, or a lack of investment? While these factors certainly play a role, I firmly believe as I have been saying that our ‘national greed’ is the primary culprit.

Greed, in this context, refers to the insatiable desire for power, wealth, and influence that seems to drive our national agenda. It’s the same greed that leads politicians to embezzle funds meant for infrastructure development. It’s the same greed that prompts business leaders to prioritise profits over people. And it’s the same greed that encourages individuals to sabotage the system for personal gain.

Until we address this ‘national greed’, our electricity grid will continue to suffer. The grid is not just a physical infrastructure; it’s a symbol of our collective well-being. When it fails, we all suffer.

So, when will our national greed collapse, allowing our electricity grid to work efficiently? The answer lies in our collective willingness to prioritise the greater good over personal interests.

A call to action
To achieve this, we need a fundamental shift in our national mindset. We must recognise that our individual successes are inextricably linked to the success of our nation. We must prioritise investments in critical infrastructure, including the electricity grid that keeps collapsing amidst ‘Band A’ fallacy.

Furthermore, we need to hold our leaders accountable for their actions. We must demand transparency and accountability in the management of our national resources that have been wasted on the power sector’s dubious expansion. We must also support policies and initiatives that promote the greater good, even if they require short-term sacrifices.

The collapse of ‘national greed’ requires a new era of cooperation and collective responsibility. We must work together to build a Nigeria where the electricity grid is a symbol of our national pride, not a source of shame. As we strive towards this goal, we must remember that the collapse of national greed is not a destination; it’s a journey. It requires patience, perseverance, and a commitment to the greater good by our leaders who keep pursuing frivolous projects such as overhead bridges and water boreholes that can’t enhance humanity and human development indices.

As I reflect on this topic again this week, I’m reminded of the wise words of Nelson Mandela: “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” Nigeria has fallen many times, but it’s time for us to rise again. Let us rise above our national greed and work towards a future where our electricity grid is a symbol of our national pride. Let us rise above our individual interests and prioritise the greater good. Here are some good examples of what the governors of the 36 states and Abuja can do now that there is power sector freedom in federalism.

Deliverables and lessons from Redemption City and Covenant University
The examples of Redemption City of RCCG Mission and Covenant University/Canaan Land, Ota, both in Ogun State, Nigeria, demonstrate the feasibility of independent electricity power generation and distribution. These institutions have successfully implemented self-sufficient power systems, providing 24/7 electricity to their communities.

The deliverables
*Decentralised Power Generation: Both institutions have invested in decentralised power generation, using a combination of diesel generators, gas turbines, and renewable energy sources. This approach allows them to generate power independently, reducing reliance on the national grid.

*Private Sector Participation: The success of these institutions’ power systems is largely due to private sector investment and management. This highlights the importance of public-private partnerships (PPPs) in developing and operating power infrastructure.

*Community-Based Power Distribution: Redemption City and Covenant University have established their own power distribution networks, serving their respective communities. This approach ensures reliable and efficient power supply, with minimal transmission losses.

*Regulatory Framework: The Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) has played a crucial role in enabling these institutions to generate and distribute power independently. The regulatory framework has provided a level of certainty and stability, encouraging private sector investment in the power sector.

Implications for State Governors:
The examples of Redemption City and Covenant University demonstrate that state-based power generation is feasible and can be effective. State governors can explore similar initiatives to address power shortages in their respective states.

*Public-Private Partnerships: State governors can leverage PPPs to develop and operate power infrastructure, reducing the financial burden on state governments. Oyo state has begun this in the capital city, Ibadan.

*Decentralized Power Distribution: State governors can consider decentralised power distribution models, where power is generated and distributed at the local level, reducing transmission losses and improving efficiency.

*Regulatory Support: State governors can work with NERC and other regulatory bodies to create an enabling environment for private sector investment in the power sector.
Post-Deregulation Opportunities

*State-Based Power Markets: With the deregulation of the power sector, state governors can explore the creation of state-based power markets, where power is generated, transmitted, and distributed within the state.

*Independent Power Producers: State governors can encourage independent power producers (IPPs) to invest in power generation projects within their states, providing a reliable source of power.

*Mini-Grids and Micro-Grids: State governors can support the development of mini-grids and micro-grids, which can provide power to rural and underserved communities.

In the main, the examples of Redemption City and Covenant University/Canaan Land demonstrate the potential for independent electricity power generation and distribution in Nigeria. State governors can learn from these examples and explore similar initiatives to address power shortages in their respective states. The post-deregulation landscape provides opportunities for state-based power markets, IPPs, and mini-grids/micro-grids, which can help to improve the overall efficiency and reliability of the power sector in Nigeria. Let’s ask what the governors are waiting for?

As I noted in the first part of this serial on March 20, 2022, let’s not get it twisted, unless there is a collapse, yes collapse of this public enemy number one, called national greed, we will not be able to sing any redemption songs in the energy sector comprising electricity and oil and gas resources. It is bad enough for our country that now after 25 years of unbroken democratisation and politicking (29 May, 1999-29 May 2024) couldn’t lead to credible revival of our oil refineries. What is worse, our power (electricity) sector too hasn’t raised what Ngugi wa Thiong’o calls, “hope of a better tomorrow as “the only comfort you can give to a weeping child”. So, instead of praying for restructuring and revival of our accident-prone national grid, we should pray fervently for the collapse of national greed at all levels of leadership and followership here.

Greed is an uncontrolled longing for increase in the acquisition or use of material gain; or social value, such as status, or power. Greed has been identified as undesirable throughout known human history because it creates behaviour-conflict between personal and social goals… An example of greed is when you are obsessed with getting more and more money. A selfish or excessive desire for more than is needed or deserved, especially of money, wealth, food, or other possessions. It sometimes drives inordinate ambition and so that is where we find people’s greed for power.

This is the cause of near absence of common good in Nigeria. Most people who seek power in Nigeria are driven by this uncontrolled longing for increase in the acquisition or use of material gain, or social value or power, not for the purpose of service delivery or public good. The powers, I mean the business elite that acquired the electricity power stations from former President Goodluck Jonathan were largely driven by this same common disease called national greed, because they were just obsessed with getting more and more money than is needed or deserved. They artfully bamboozled the nation for what they thought were lucrative power stations. They didn’t intend to invest more to get our national grid working. They were supported and shielded by the very federally greedy power elite in Jonathan’s government.

The national greed in all of them is the reason our electricity national grid will continue to collapse. So, until the national greed in all of the business and power elite in Nigeria is made to collapse through a national creed and revolutionary movement to make the world’s most populous black nation an entrepreneurial nation, we will continue to read from the book of lamentation called constant collapse of national grid. Oh yes, it is the national greed of our leaders and their business elite collaborators that should be made to collapse, ‘lest we should be the last’ in the new world order as the iconic Kwesi Brew warns.

What I would call a routine conversation with a former Nigerian leader inspired this write-up. After expressing his concern about certain developments in the polity, the retired general said he was worried about how Nigerians keep promoting ethnic and religious sentiments at a time the country needed all the unity it can afford to make progress. “What really are we benefitting from playing up these sentiments on virtually every national issue that has nothing to do with ethnicity or religion?” he asked me — and I could feel and touch his despondency. Regrettably, it was not as if I had an answer to his question. All I always try to do is put a question mark on the most popular answers.

“Your Excellency,” I ventured a response, “it is a natural thing to expect in a federation of this nature where there is a fierce economic and political competition. The mutual suspicion will always be there. People often feel the need to cling to their primordial affinities on national issues because they think they will gain or lose… I am just amazed at how some people who have served in very senior national positions retreat to their ethnic cocoons when they retire. I wonder what they must have done quietly while in public office to promote their sectional agenda. People always feel the need to defend their lines… and the intense competition is turning people to ethnic champions—”

“But if we are all speaking for our ethnic groups,” he cut in, “who will speak for Nigeria?”

This conversation took place about six months ago, but it keeps coming to my mind, more so in the light of the ongoing rumpus over the tax reform bills. Most comments have been sectional and sentimental. Only very few comments are from informed positions. I have seen people from states that will benefit campaign against the reform, thinking they will lose. I have also seen people from states that will lose support the reform, thinking they will gain. Many are just following the crowd, parroting what someone from their part of the country says. The airwave is full of many protagonists and antagonists who have not studied the bills. This is the bit about us that bothers me all the time.

As I argued in an article, ‘PIA and the Triumph of Mischief’ (August 22, 2021), most of those who make initial comments on a national issue and stir long-lasting controversies often have two things in common: ignorance and mischief. These are very powerful tools for the perpetuation of underdevelopment in any country. The initial comments on the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) were based on the wrong interpretations of “profit oil”, “profit gas” and “frontier exploration” which were portrayed as an attempt by one section to cheat the other. I started hearing statements like “this is the most anti-Niger Delta legislation in our history” despite the improved benefits for the region.

As a result, nobody was thinking about Nigeria, nobody was speaking for Nigeria. And we missed a fine detail: that the national oil company and industry regulators quietly used the PIA to corner considerable oil revenues and remit less to the federation account. A lot of the oil revenues that should go directly to the federation account and be shared by the three tiers of government are now being retained by these entities. Some agencies have become richer than many states. One even budgeted N50 billion for “welfare” for 2024. The PIA created what I would call parallel governments, depriving federating units vital revenues. But we were blindly arguing over “frontier exploration”.

A similar pattern has emerged over the tax bills. Many comments are being built along regional lines. Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, former minister of defence and former presidential candidate who wanted to lead the whole of Nigeria, said the bills are meant to colonise the north. He said taxes will be collected from Kano and sent to Lagos. But as simulated models on VAT derivation are showing, Lagos will be one of the losers while Kano will be one of the gainers. (By the way, this worries me. I live in Lagos. If the state loses huge revenue from the removal of the “headquarters factor” in VAT derivation, I am afraid the Alausa taxman will go into a revenue overdrive to make up for the loss.)

People can have sectional opinions over national issues. It is legal. However, it would be more helpful to stick to the facts. Opinion leaders should realise that their words carry weight and their followers may not have the capacity to fact-check them. The academia is not spared. I read the widely circulated position paper of a professor of accounting at the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), one of Nigeria’s most respected academic institutions. He kept saying the new VAT derivation formula is not in the bill, even when it is stated in section 22(12) of the tax administration bill that it shall be by the location (not origin) of supplies. His position probably shaped the opinion of many northern leaders.

I got one insightful response to my article of last week. I found someone speaking for Nigeria, devoid of our dyed-in-the-wool sentiments. Please indulge me to quote him extensively: “I loved your lines about data above religious and ethnic sentiment. There is one area I wanted to point out which has not been much tackled and which this issue throws up: that’s the issue of VAT on agricultural products. If agriculture makes 25% of Nigeria’s GDP and the North makes up 94% of agro produce (according to circulating data), then the North is producing over 23% of Nigeria’s GDP. This is staggering. The issue here is VAT is not taxed on agricultural products, unlike many other countries.”

He expanded his argument thus: “The North is being deprived of 7.5% of 23% of GDP. Estimates say this could be well above between N4 trillion,  based on current GDP (N240 trillion) and current food consumption levels. This is more than the total collected VAT today by all 36 states. Imagine what an extra N4 trillion could do in Northen States? I know firsthand because I am from Akwa Ibom. I saw what 13% derivation did, propelling our state from one of the poorest in the country to one of the richest almost overnight. Despite very high levels of corruption, our state leaders simply had more cash and could do more. They could build roads, bridges, airports, hotels, power plants, etc. 

“At a point they even took over Federal Government responsibilities valued at hundreds of billions. Hence, just like the oil region collects a derivation based on taxes from its own resources, in all fairness the North should be able to collect taxes on its ‘natural’ resources. Thus, for the sake of justice if the North cannot earn VAT from agriculture as it stands possibly due to the impact on food costs on the rest of the country, justice would demand the rest of the nation appreciates and acknowledges this and duly compensates the North from other income sources. If this cannot happen then the tax bills should introduce VAT on agricultural produce. 

“The argument that it will increase food prices is debatable because if the FG plans to increase VAT to 10% and 15% it will equally have inflationary effects. Adding VAT to agriculture would equally serve to raise more tax money without increasing VAT percentage… This current issue is another form of ‘resource’ fight. The hawks are out against the North, with all manner of anti-North statements, claims and articles. These hawks forget that this is the region feeding the nation. A region that produces 94% of food supply is critical to existence. A mismanagement of this issue could lead to unintended consequences such as famine! And the solution could take decades to resolve.”

I doubt up to 94 percent of Nigeria’s food supply comes from the north but it is evidently huge. Yet, northern leaders hardly argue from the position of strength. It is usually from the emotional standpoint of “this is anti-north” as if what serves the interest of Kebbi state automatically meets the needs of Sokoto state next door. The use of the ubiquitous word “north” creates an antagonist relationship with the rest of Nigeria. The compelling argument canvassed about the north being Nigeria’s food basket and the need for revenue compensation is what northern leaders should be articulating — but they prefer to go defensive. This often leads to an aggressive conversation.

All my life, what I have been hearing from self-conceited southerners is that northerners do not add value to Nigeria, that they are parasites on “our oil”. I have argued for decades that there is no part of Nigeria that is not bringing anything to the table. It is prejudice that distorts reality. Millions of northern farmers toil to produce a chunk of the food, beef, fruits and vegetables that 200 million Nigerians eat. They trek daily for kilometres to their farms, deploying crude implements under harsh conditions. Meanwhile, “our oil” is produced mostly by foreigners — under heavy security and with sophisticated equipment — and not by trekking villagers. But the northern farmer is the “parasite”.

I have nothing against states expressing concerns because they are likely to lose if the proposed VAT sharing formula is passed, but I have everything against those turning this into a sectional issue. For sure, increasing derivation from 20 percent to 60 percent at a go is suspicious. It will never fly. But there is no evidence that the gains and losses will be limited to one region. Still, my position remains that we should first do a dry run. Let companies report consumption by location. That way, we will also get to know if they have the capacity or capability to disaggregate consumption data. That way, we can have actual data rather than simulations. That way, we can have an evidence-led debate.

I must necessarily suggest at this point that every part of Nigeria needs a new generation of leaders and thinkers that will focus on the bigger picture rather than their cocoons. Whatever happens in one part of the country affects the other. We should stop addressing every national issue with sentiments. Those who said 15 years ago that insecurity in the north “is their problem” can see the impact on the entire country today. We are all paying the price. More so, those who want to tamper with any revenue sharing formula should understand that it is one political issue that can set the nation on fire. If it is so easy to change, we would have done it long ago. Know this, know peace.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

STATE VS FAROTIMI

The arrest of Mr Dele Farotimi, lawyer and social critic, by the police over allegations of criminal defamation of Chief Afe Babalola is generating a lot of heat. Farotimi made serious allegations against Babalola in his book, ‘Nigeria and its Criminal Justice System’. It is now left for him to prove them in a court of law. But, without prejudice to the outcome of his trial, we need a massive campaign for the decriminalisation of defamation in all the states. I do not think it is the duty of the state to fight for anybody’s reputation. I, hence, propose that defamation should remain a civil case to be pursued by individuals — not to be prosecuted by the police. It is open to abuse. Draconian.

GWARINPA II

When Gen Sani Abacha, the former military ruler, built the Gwarinpa Housing Estate in Abuja three decades ago, it was celebrated as the largest single housing estate in West Africa. Gwarinpa now has a competitor.  A former government official — whose identity is yet to be officially confirmed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) — was in the process of building something to rival Gwarinpa. The estate has now been forfeited to the federal government by court order. The estate reputedly measures 150,500 square metres and contains 753 units of duplexes and other apartments. What next? I hope it will not be demolished or allowed to waste away. Monumental.

A MOTHER’S AGONY

Life must have been too hard for Mrs Rosemary Oromoni, who recently passed away. Her son, Sylvester, a student of Dowen College, Lagos, died under cloudy circumstances in 2021. She reportedly developed medical issues which might not be unrelated to the death of her pre-teen son. The family believed he was bullied and fed with a chemical substance by his colleagues. An initial autopsy appeared to confirm the chemical part, but it was discredited and his death was deemed as natural. The coroner’s decision did not go down well with the bereaved family. They believed the truth was buried. Regardless, Mrs Oromoni has now gone to her grave with a broken heart. Tragic.

NO COMMENT

It has happened again. Four members of the house of representatives elected on the platform of the  Labour Party (LP) — and presumably because they rode on the popularity of Peter Obi, the party’s former presidential candidate — defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC) on Thursday. They are: Hon Chinedu Okere (Owerri municipal/Owerri north/Owerri west, Imo), Hon Mathew Donatus (Kaura, Kaduna), Hon Akiba Bassey (Calabar municipal/Odukpani, Cross River), and Hon Esosa Iyawe (Oredo federal constituency, Edo). They said they defected because of the crisis in the LP. Oh yes, there is plenty crisis there. But why didn’t they go to AAC or YPP? Why the ruling party? Wonderful.