On Wednesday, Senate President Godswill Akpabio finally defended himself since Kogi Central Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan accused him of sexual harassment. This is not the first time he has been accused of such, but this instance feels different. He denied the accusation by alluding to his record of awards as a “gender-friendly” governor and pointing out his cherished personal relationships with women that put him beyond such impropriety. Good for him, but there is also enough record of his public conduct to consider a pattern of his behaviour when dealing with women.

For instance, in 2020, when former Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission Joy Nunieh accused him of corruption, he went on television to talk about how many times the woman had been married. By pulling out the woman’s personal life, he wanted to set her up for ridicule in our society that associates a woman’s virtues with her marital status. Like every bus conductor who finds himself outwitted by a woman and quickly resorts to calling her “ashewo!” Akpabio, too, deflected the shame emanating from the corruption accusation.

Akpabio might have waited until his accuser submitted an official petition, but he has not been defenseless all this time. His female proxies have been doing so, some of them even stripping themselves of either their dignity or common sense just to defend him. On Saturday, some Akwa Ibom women protested the allegations against Akpabio. Typical Nigerians that they were, they did not say anything about seeking the truth; they just wanted the accusations to go away. What is there to say about those poor old women carrying placards they probably cannot read? Looking at their hungry faces, one shrugs in pity. Our politics is as tacky as other aspects of our Nigerian lives.

If those women can be dismissed as a hired crowd, how about Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s female colleague in the Senate, from whom one would expect reasonable intervention? When Senator Ireti Kingibe, one of the three remaining women in the Senate, spoke on the issue, she came across as conservative and more invested in upholding the norms of the institution than considering how it could be oppressive. First, she claimed that they (the other three female senators) have not been sexually harassed, and I wondered why she had to assume a corporate voice. Unless, of course, she is omnipresent, how could she have known that for sure? Is she privy to the battle each woman fought privately to get to the Senate? Why not just speak about your own experience?

In the same interview, Kingibe mentioned that Akpoti-Uduaghan had once told her she was supposed to discuss some official business with Akpabio, “but he said to meet him at a hotel”. So, the woman told you that in a prior conversation, and you could still boldly claim that you were unaware that she was being sexually harassed? So, what else defines sexual harassment in Kingibe’s book? How come she did not correlate Akpoti-Uduaghan’s present predicament with that hotel incident to at least understand her frustration with the Senate rules you are still asking her to obey unquestioningly? I do not blame Akpoti-Uduaghan for snubbing Kingibe afterward. I would do the same.

Then came another woman, Senator Abiodun Olujimi, who, though well-spoken, appeared just as tone-deaf. She thought the issue was Akpabio’s sense of humour, which makes him “vulnerable”. Olujimi is a polished woman who knows what vulnerability means. Her use of the word to describe someone like Akpabio makes me suspicious of her politics. In her interview, she went further to talk about the struggles of men in the Senate and how she has had to support them when they faced challenges from the domestic front. My heart goes out to the men who experience challenges because of their public service, but is the issue at hand about what the menfolk endure? That rhetorical manoeuvre is called whataboutism. For context, please recall that Olujimi was also the one who sponsored the serially rejected bill seeking gender equality. For someone who had such a grand vision while in the Senate, her present politics is rather contradictory.

The worst of all the female politicians wading into the issue is Senator Florence Ita-Giwa. She said that once a woman becomes a senator, she has “passed that stage of your life of being sexually harassed” because you somehow become gender neutral. That is a rather curious point to make. So, do the men and women also share the same restroom since their physical differences get magically erased once they are sworn in as senators? Ita-Giwa not only argued that sexual harassment cannot happen in the Senate but that even talking about it shows weakness on the part of the woman. My impression listening to her is that she has not only spent the bulk of her life bending over backward to take in a lot of ethical compromises, but she justified what she endured as female strength. Watching a younger woman who refuses to lie down and take it comes across to her as a weakness.

Then enters Mrs Akpabio herself. You know, no woman in Nigeria can be counted upon to overreach herself any more than the wife of a powerful man whose husband has been accused of sexual impropriety. You will see the woman take off her clothes in public to defend her husband, not necessarily because she believes in his virtues, but because she cannot stand to see her privileges jeopardised. Mrs Akpabio went to the extent of suing his accuser for defamation. She knows it is not a case she can win, but a typical Naija woman wants to impress her husband. Unfortunately, all she is doing here is making him look emasculated. She even described her husband as “disciplined and respectful”. The same man who made the disparaging “nightclub” comment for which even you had to reportedly urge him to apologise? That should be the very definition of irony. Speaking of “disciplined and respectful”, has Madam seen her husband’s charge sheet with the EFCC?

Akpabio is not the only one who has made disrespectful comments about Akpoti-Uduaghan; even his aide did! The only reason that one could do so publicly and confidently is because of his boss’ loose ethical standards. Akpoti-Uduaghan is human and would naturally feel the snide comments. It should not be too much to expect men in an institution like the Senate to be respectful of their female counterparts and treat them with professional courtesy. This was the same Senate where a former beauty queen appeared for appointment confirmation and some horny old goat openly leered at her. If they can do that during their official business, you want to put it past them that those ones will sexually harass?

If there is a reason Akpoti-Uduaghan’s issues resonate with many women, it is because what we are dealing with is a general problem. The truth is, Nigerian men in professional places have a woman problem. They can be insecure, and the only way they know to manage their inadequacies is by rudely putting down their female counterparts or by putting them in their supposed place. It is a cultural problem, and one must be used to being disrespected not to see it. Some women will confront such denigration by just shutting up and taking it so as not to be taken as weak. Some others will brook no such nonsense. Akpoti-Uduaghan is the latter.

Unless this is duly investigated, we do not factually know whether Akpabio is guilty or not. Still, he needs to check himself and his professional conduct. From how he talks and what the men around him say freely, there is enough to suggest his attitude towards female colleagues is pejorative.

If all goes well, Nigeria will have its first biometric population census before the 2027 general elections, paving the way for a more reliable and accurate enumeration of its citizens which, in turn, conduces to result-oriented economic reforms and planning. The last census was held in November 2006. Last week, the management of National Population Commission (NPC) briefed President Tinubu on its readiness for the exercise. The President promised to set up a committee to review the N980 billion budget proposed for the exercise. Tinubu stressed his commitment to ensuring adequate and reliable figures from the census to augment development planning, and this explains why he opted for biometric census rather than the conventional census.

 A biometric population census is a modern method of conducting census and it incorporates use of biometric technologies to collect and verify demographic data. While a conventional census only counts the number of people in each household under various socioeconomic classifications like gender; religion; ethnicity; income groups, etc; a biometric census goes further and obtain unique physical or behavioural characteristics such as finger prints; facial recognition or iris scans to identify and verify individuals. I should note that in Nigeria, religion and ethnicity are not included in the census questionnaire.

NPC seems prepared for the exercise. It has already produced digital maps for the country; procured digital tablets; demarcated the whole country and trained staff. Biometric devices and software are part of outstanding items to be procured as soon as the government gives the go-ahead. All that remains is for President Tinubu to proclaim the date for the next census – the first since 2006 – and the counting will commence. Biometric census has many benefits. It does not only help ensure that each individual is counted only once, thereby reducing errors and duplicates, it also provides an additional layer of security, making it more difficult for individuals to provide false information. Our previous censuses have been controversial due to suspicions that the numbers from some parts of the country were excessively bloated. Using biometric technologies would considerably reduce, if not eliminate, such problems. In addition, the biometric technology will add to the efficiency of the exercise as biometric data can be collected and processed quickly, reducing the time and resources required for data collection. Biometric data can also be used to create unique identification numbers, enabling governments to better track population dynamics and provide targeted services. Since Nigeria has already embarked on national biometric data collection through NIMC, data from the biometric census would be incorporated to the national data base.

At the NPC meeting, the President asked NIMC to be part of the budget review. He noted that biometric census will help the government to plan for employment, agriculture and food sufficiency and promised to engae with development partners for assistance. ‘’So many problems come up without adequate data’’, he said. It’s quite baffling that Nigeria has not been able to conduct a census in almost two decades. The delays have been largely due to funding difficulties, insecurity in certain areas and the COVID-19 pandemic. But the benefits of census are too important to overlook.

 Biometric census in particular enables governments to make informed decisions; develop effective policies and focus on services, such as healthcare and education, to those who need them most. Biometric data provides a transparent and accountable way to collect and manage population data and help governments respond more effectively to natural disasters and other crises. Related to reliable census is birth and death registration. A lot of births are not recorded in many states of the federation, making it difficult to measure population growth and other indices. It is the responsibility of governors to partner with officials of NPC in their states and launch an advocacy programme to encourage regular birth and death registrations.

Nigeria has a long history with population census even before the country was created in 1914; and as a citizen, I have been counted several times. It was first conducted in 1886 by the British Colonial government, specifically in the Colony of Lagos. Although limited in scope as it covered only Lagos, it marked the beginning of a series of censuses that would be eventually expanded to cover the whole country. The last exercise was in 2006. I was first counted as a baby in the 1962 exercise. I have faint recollections of the 1972 census conducted by the Gen. Yakubu Gowon government soon after the civil war. Gowon needed an accurate data to implement his post-war reconstruction and rehabilitation programme. In 1991, the Babangida regime conducted another exercise and I was counted in Ikoyi, Lagos. It was followed by the 2006 exercise carried out by the Obasanjo administration when I was counted in Lekki, Lagos, this time, with my wife and children. I look forward to the next one - a biometric census - that would, hopefully, eliminate those controversies that have trailed the previous exercises.

Overall, a biometric population census has the potential to provide more accurate and reliable data, improve governance, and enhance service delivery. President Tinubu should fix a date for the next census.

In a December 2016 piece titled ‘Tales of the Unexpected’, I used a ‘case study’ involving five scenarios to explain the Nigerian condition. And since every Nollywood movie must have a sequel, I crave the indulgence of readers to release ‘Part 2’ of that column today.

 SCENE ONE: In the course of a break-in at a local branch of the Central Bank (not Nigeria), one of the robbers, holding a pump action gun, shouted: “Don’t move, if you don’t want to die. The money in this bank belongs to the government while your life belongs to you.” With that message, everyone in the banking hall lay down quietly. That was a “mind changing concept”.

 When Mudashiru Obasa—who was removed as Speaker on 13 January 2025 by 36 out of the 40 members for alleged misconduct, abuse of office and financial impropriety—invaded the Lagos State House of Assembly last Thursday, his replacement, Mojisola Meranda, said he was acting a theatre. By Monday afternoon, it had dawned on Meranda that the forces bent on bringing Obasa back to office were not play-acting. Smelling the coffee, Meranda surrendered, and ‘King Obasa’ is now back on the throne! All the huffing and puffing of the past two months against a power-drunk presiding officer who has lorded himself over them for a decade have now been upended. After succumbing with tears, the Lagos State House of Assembly members now know that in Nigerian politics ‘two plus two’ does not always equal four. In our country, as Obasa has demonstrated, to adapt a popular saying, ‘one with God(father) is the majority’.

 SCENE TWO: When a lady in the banking hall lay on the floor in a suggestively provocative manner that exposed too much flesh, one of the robbers shouted at her: “Please cover up! This is a robbery, not a rape operation!” That is called “being professional”.

 The Office of the Auditor-General of the Federation recently presented its 2019 report to the National Assembly. It revealed that 178,459 firearms, mostly AK-47 rifles, were missing from various police formations nationwide. Some 3,907 assorted rifles and pistols could also not be accounted for as of January 2020. But the police high command, according to a Daily Trust report on Monday, has traced the development to negligence and poor knowledge of weapon handling by some of their personnel. Put simply, it is about lack of professionalism! While that may be true, it cannot be the only plausible official explanation for this malaise. “Countries that are experiencing conflict or widespread armed violence tend to lose control of ammunition in their national stockpiles, be it through theft, loss, or battlefield capture,” Conflict Armament Research, a UK-based non-profit organisation, once stated after revealingthat many weapons recovered from bandits in Zamfara State belonged to Nigeria’s security forces. The federal government must fish out and deal with the rogue elements within these agencies who are selling weapons to criminals.

 SCENE THREE: When the bank robbers returned home with the loot, the youngest of them (a graduate of a local university) asked the leader of the gang, who did not complete primary education, “Big brother, can we begin to count the money so as to ascertain how much we got from the operation?” He received an instant response: “You must be very naive! There is so much money in these bags that it will take us several hours to count. Just put on the television. It will not be long before we know from the news how much we took from the bank!” That is called “experience” which, as they say, is the best teacher.

 Almost all the Senators who have spoken on the sexual harassment allegation by Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan against the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio have been dismissive. Essentially because the allegation first came not on the floor of the senate but on television and only after Akpoti-Uduaghan had been dragged before the ethics committee. “The Senate does not conduct its affairs based on what is trending on social media,” chairman of senate committee on media and publicity, Yemi Adaramodu, said on Monday. “The only issue before the Senate is Senator Natasha’s non-compliance with the standing orders. All lawmakers are expected to speak from their designated seats, and any breach of this rule undermines order in the chamber.”

Even before Akpoti-Uduaghan formally presented her petition yesterday, I knew this matter would not go away quickly since it borders on alleged transactional sex. Nigerians enjoy such salacious stories. That perhaps explains why one of the most trending issues in the last two weeks has been the ‘bedroom cost’ of a Lamborghini between a female influencer and a top male musician. Yesterday, there was a public protest by Akpoti-Uduaghan’s supporters who were later countered by pro-Akpabio supporters. From experience, no matter what happens on the streets, it is not too difficult to predict that at the end, it is God’s-Will that shall be done!

 SCENE FOUR: When the robbers had left the bank, the manager directed the supervisor to call the police quickly. But the supervisor said to him: “Not yet time for that! Let us take $1 million from the vault for ourselves and add it to the $7 million that we previously embezzled”. That is called “thinking outside the box” or to put it in the proper Nigerian lexicon, “applying wisdom”!

Following last Friday’s Supreme Court ruling, Governor Siminalayi Fubara directed the recently elected local government chairmen in Rivers State to transfer power to Heads of Local Government Administration (HLGAs) in their respective councils to prevent any vacuum. The apex court had nullified the local government elections conducted on 5 October 2024, effectively removing the chairmen and councillors across the 23 local government areas of the state. But the forces against the governor are not relenting and he knows. That perhaps accounts for stories about the State Chief Judge mooting the idea of going on leave for one whole year! Regardless of all pretensions to the contrary, the fight in Rivers State is not, and has never been, about principle or public good. It is a fight for supremacy between a godfather and his estranged godson, even when public opinion appears to be on the side of the latter.

SCENE FIVE: That night, there were media reports that $10 million was taken from the bank. Meanwhile, the robbers counted and counted and counted, but they could only find $2 million. Immediately sensing what must have happened, the near-illiterate leader of the robbery gang told his boys: “We risked our lives for only $2 million while bank manager took $8 million with just a stroke of his pen.” Lost in thought, he began to hum Fela Anikulapo’s famous song, ‘Authority Stealing’ until others joined him: ‘Armed robber him need gun/Authority man him need pen/Authority man in charge of money/Him no need gun, him need pen/Pen got power, gun no get/If gun steal eighty thousand naira/Pen go steal two billion naira…’

I doubt there is any admonition I have repeated on this page as many times as that by Laolu Samuel-Biyi that “If you want to keep hope alive in Nigeria, don’t look at the budget.” Yet, I find it difficult to keep my own counsel. Anybody who has tried a run-through of the 2025 budget cannot but see isolated billions of Naira in many MDAs that are not tied to any specific projects— funds that are going to ‘disappear’ by December before we introduce another cycle of money-sharing (that the budgeting process has become in our country) for 2026.

Not knowing what to write about this week, I decided to ‘improve’ on that bank robbery joke first deployed nine years ago. The ‘five scenes’ offer embedded lessons, even if in a perverse sense, about contemporary events in our country. If the task of modern politics, is “to tame the power of the state, to direct its activities towards ends regarded as legitimate by the people it serves, and to regularise the exercise of power under a rule of law,” according to Francis Fukuyama, the crisis of Nigeria today, in practically all spheres of our national life, is that the elite cannot see that it is ultimately in their enlightened interest to subscribe to such ideals. That then explains why wherever you turn in Nigeria today, what you find is a flight of common-sense.

 A day in Kebbi Tomato Farm

 Armed with a ventilated plastic crate, each of the 600 young men and women (all wearing hijab uniforms) competed furiously penultimate Friday afternoon at the GB foods in Ngaski, Kebbi State. As they harvested tomatoes and I watched the workers (each of whom would be paid according to the number of crates they filled by the end of the day), I could see the opportunities for empowerment through agriculture that we have failed to harness in Nigeria. But first, what took me to the farm that also has a tomato paste factory?

 On my way from China last October through Qatar Airlines, I met a young man at the airport in Doha who introduced himself to me as Tokunbo Aderibigbe, a media/communication manager for GB Foods. After the usual exchanges, Tokunbo said he would like me to see what they are doing with tomatoes at their agro-processing farm in Kebbi State. While I agreed to the idea, I said that for security reasons, my visit would have to coincide with whenever a government delegation visited the farm. So, when Tokunbo informed me two weeks ago that the Minister of State for Trade and Investment, John Enoh, was visiting their farm in Kebbi, I signed on to the trip. And I was impressed with what I saw.

 Spanning 1,500 hectares, the farm boasts a 620-metric-tonnes-per-day processing plant that generates hundreds of direct jobs, which the company plans to double in the next expansion phase. By focusing on local production, GB foods and Tomato Jos, another leading company in the sector, are playing a key role in the reduction of our dependence on imported tomato paste. But much more importantly is how they are empowering smallholder farmers and creating employment opportunities for local people in the communities where they operate. On average, the number of casual workers engaged on the farm daily is put at about 1,200. Although one could see a heavy-duty tomato harvester machine on the farm, they chose to use the local people so that the community could own the project and in turn protect the farm—a very wise decision that has paid off.

 Nigeria is reputed as the second-largest producer of tomatoes in Africa after Egypt and the 13th-largest in the world. But with only about 2.3 million metric tons of tomatoes annually, our country still depends on the importation of tomato paste, largely due to post-harvest losses and the number of inadequate processing facilities. Meanwhile, the trip to GB foods in Kebbi from Abuja took us on a 50-minute flight to the airstrip in Kontagora, Niger State, before a punishing four-hour journey that should ordinarily take no more than one and a half hours if the road were good. The MD of GB Foods, Vincent Egbe with whom I rode, explained the seasonal nature of tomato planting which also requires a specific climatic belt for it to grow and thrive. While the yield at their farm in Spain is 100 metric tonnes per hectare, for Nigerian farmers who rely on rudimentary methods, the yield is 5 metric tonnes per hectare. At their mechanised farm in Kebbi, they have already achieved 78 metric tonnes per hectare.

 Tomato cultivation, as Egbe told me, requires a high level of sophistication. “It is an emotional plant that requires the right nutrients while the amount of water and fertilizer must be measured. The first 30 days determine the yield. Most Nigerian farmers plant directly in the absence of nursery (green house),” said Egbe who took me through the processes. “90 percent of tomato is water, so every seedling requires 180 litres of water minimum, and that is a challenge in our country. Four or five states in the north have the water but only three have other ingredients.”

 In its August 2017 report, ‘Tomatonomics – Examining Nigeria’s La Tomatina Prospects’, Augusto&Co, a research and credit rating agency, wrote that despite “the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development (FMARD) ranking tomatoes as the vegetable with the highest priority in Nigeria, the annual import bill on tomato is close to $100 million, as over 750,000 tonnes is lost yearly to wastages.” The situation has since improved with some policy initiatives by the federal government. For instance, the National Tomato Policy (2022 – 2026) was designed to cut down on post-harvest losses and curb the import of tomato concentrates by increasing imports tariff from 5 percent to 50 percent and an additional $1500 levy per metric Tonnes. But there are challenges.

 At a round table last October to enhance tomato productivity and reduce post-harvest losses, the National Tomato Grower’s Processors and Marketers Association of Nigeria, (NATPAN) president, Abdullahi Ringim, said the non-enforcement of ‘tomato levy’ has created a funding gap in the sector. He noted that some of the major inflationary costs of fresh tomatoes include the impact of pests and increased cost of transportation, among others. When you add insecurity in farming communities, high tariffs on machinery and spares, regulatory bottlenecks etc., one can understand the challenges faced by investors in the sector.

 Despite these challenges, Enoh commended the efforts of GB foods given what he saw and experienced. But the trip was quite revealing in other respects.  On the tarmac in Abuja, as we were boarding, I noticed the man in the cockpit who was clad in kaftan. “Is that not Bala?” I asked to which I got an instant response from Tokunbo, “Yes, that is Senator Bala Ibn Na’Allah.” Until 2023, Na’Allah represented Kebbi South Senatorial seat and was the Deputy Majority leader in the 8th Senate. Incidentally, GB foods is in his constituency. “Bala, is this your hustle now?” I asked the moment I entered the aircraft and in typical Nigerian fashion, Na’Allah replied with a question, “Is it not a legitimate hustle?”

Na’Allah’s story in the aviation sector started about two decades ago when his second son, now a captain, was then studying at Cape flying school, South Africa. The young man challenged the family at a breakfast table to go and learn how to fly if they considered it an easy vocation. As Na’Allah once told me, they took up the challenge and he secured admission at the Nigerian College of Aviation, Zaria while his late eldest son, Abdulkareem, went to Phoenix Aviation in Florida. His last daughter, Aisha, who was by his side in the cockpit on our trip two weeks ago, studied at the Aviation College, Ilorin and later in Florida. That was how they built a family of pilots. So smooth was our flight and flawless the landing that when we arrived back in Abuja, there was a spontaneous applause for the Na’Allahs from all of us. The message Bala Ibn Na’Allah, who is also a lawyer, sends to many of his colleagues is that politics should be a vocation. Not something on which to build their lives.

But back to GB foods . I believe that the federal government should assist such enterprises with special agricultural subsidies to reduce the cost of fertilizers, pesticides and other farm inputs. Addressing the challenge of regulatory bottlenecks that impede most businesses in Nigeria is equally important. We should also encourage other stakeholders to enter the sector. Interestingly, the Executive Secretary/Chief Executive Officer of the National Agricultural Land Development Authority (NALDA), Cornelius Oluwasegun Adebayo, has been sharing with me his vision of farm clusters across the country and with what I saw at the GB foods in Kebbi, I believe we can use agriculture to address the challenge of poverty, food insecurity and youth unemployment in Nigeria.

THE TYRANNY OF DEATH AND THE INDOMITABLE SPIRIT OF MANKIND

Death, shame on you. You have always killed the body, not the soul; never the legacy. Such is the fate of the last two men standing, Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark and Chief Ayo Adebanjo, who died few days from each other. From the dawn of existence, mankind has lived under the unyielding shadow of death. It is the ultimate oppressor; the force that acknowledges neither power nor piety; neither nobility nor knowledge. It is the great leveller; the final conqueror before whom all men- kings and commoners; heroes and villains; patricians and plebeians; rich and poor-must bow. Wearing a monstrous visage with fangs bared, death stalks us unseen. It strikes without warning. It is indifferent to the hopes, aspirations, dreams and struggles of humanity. Like our shadow, it follows us everywhere, sticking to us like a second skin. Viktor Franki was dead right when he wrote, “Death is the greatest tyrant of all, it is the one that can take away our freedom, our dignity, and humanity”. Perhaps the most eloquent tribute to death came from Thomas Sowell. Hear him: “Death is the greatest leveler, the ultimate democrat, but it is also the greatest tyrant, for it treats all lives as equal in their insignificance”. 

The Psalmist explains man's fragility better: “Man is like a breath; his days are like a fleeting shadow.” (Psalm 144:4). Indeed, life is but a mist that appears for a little while and then vanishes. James 4:14 puts it better when it proclaims, “Why, you do not even know what will happen tomorrow. What is your life? You are a mist that appears for a little while and then vanishes” And now, that fleeting shadow has claimed the twin colossi of Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark and Chief Ayo Adebanjo. These were two towering figures whose lives were totally dedicated to the attainment of justice, democracy, and the eternal struggle against oppression. They stood like ancient baobabs in the political landscape of Nigeria, their roots intertwined with the fight for equity, their voices thunderous in the corridors of power.

  Expressing the fleetness of life, Macbeth in Act 5, Scene 5 of William Shakespeare’s Macbeth, intoned that “Life's but a walking shadow, a poor player, that struts and frets his hour upon the stage, and then is heard no more. It is a tale

told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.” 

Yet, for all their power and defiance, they too have fallen to the callous hands of death; embraced by the inevitable grasp of mortality. “The death of a righteous man is never the death of his deeds, nor the end of his influence.” This is the paradox of existence: death takes men, but it cannot take away their legacy. It silences voices, but it cannot silence the echoes of the truth they spoke. It buries bodies, but it cannot bury the fire they ignited in the hearts of those they left behind.

Consider the tale of Achilles, the greatest warrior of Greek mythology. He was given a choice: a long, uneventful life or a short life filled with glory that would make his name immortal. He chose the latter, knowing that though his body would perish, his name would be sung in eternity. Like Achilles, Pa Clark and Pa Adebanjo chose the path of impact over the comfort of obscurity. Their names, their struggles, their legacy, will not be forgotten. NEVER!!!

Death, in its arrogance wrongly believes it has silenced them. But can death truly claim victory over men whose legacy outlives their mortal forms? The answer is an emphatic no. Death may take the body, but it cannot take the impact. It may silence the voice, but it cannot silence the ideology. The greatest flaw of death is its inability to erase the echoes of greatness. The African proverb is right that “the dead are not gone; they are only in another room”. As Haruki Murakami once put it, “Death is not the opposite of life, but a part of it”. Julius Caesar in Williams Shakespeare’s epic by the same title, “Julius Caesar” defanged death when he refused the entreaties of Calpurnia, his wife not to go to the Capital for fear of being assassinated by the conspirators. He shredded death thus, “No, Caesar shall not.  Danger knows full well that Caesar is more dangerous than he. We are two lions littered in one day, and I the elder and more terrible”. (Act 2 Scene 2).

CHIEF EDWIN CLARK, THE LION OF THE NIGER DELTA

This Nationalist spent all his life in ceaseless advocacy, ensuring that his people were not reduced to mere spectators in a nation built on their resources. He was not just a politician; he was a movement, a force of nature. He spoke for the voiceless, demanded justice for the marginalized, and carried the weight of an entire region’s hopes on his shoulders. Beyond these, his common cliché was “we are all Nigerians” a clear exemplification of this Pan-Nigerianity.

CHIEF AYO ADEBANJO

Chief Ayo Adebanjo, on the other hand, was the embodiment of ideological purity. As a disciple of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, he stood firmly by the principles of federalism, free education, and self-determination. His words carried the weight of history. His defiance against injustice never wavered; and his belief in a restructured Nigeria remained unshaken even in his final days. He was, as Marcus Garvey once said, “a lion who did not live to entertain hyenas.”

Yet, death still claimed them as it has claimed countless others before them. Death will still claim more. Its bacchanalian propensity to consume mortals like Bacchus the good of wine is unhinged. The finality of mortality forces a painful question upon us: If even men of such towering stature cannot defy death, then what hope does mankind have? 

But therein lies the irony. True death is not the cessation of breath but the erasure of memory. These men are not truly gone. Their essence remains, immortalized in the ideals they fought for, in the words they spoke, and in the lives they touched.

We are reminded of the African proverb: “A man dies twice. The first is when he breathes his last; the second is when his name is spoken for the last time.” Pa Clark and Pa Adebanjo, by virtue of their works, have ensured that the second death shall never come. Their names will be inscribed in the annals of history; their voices will continue to echo through the ages. In the grand battle between mankind and death, memory is the battlefield. And men like Clark and Adebanjo never truly lose out.

THE GIANTS AND THEIR ETERNAL STRUGGLES

To understand the lives of Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark and Chief Ayo Adebanjo is to understand the very fabric of Nigeria’s history, its triumphs and tragedies, its betrayals and its resilience. These were not men who merely lived through history; they made history themselves. They were not silent observers; they were architects of change and warriors in the relentless fight for justice.

Yet, even the greatest of warriors must one day lay down their swords. The passing of these two titans forces us to confront the painful reality that no man, no matter how powerful, can defeat the tyranny of time. It is as the Bible states in Ecclesiastes 9:11, “The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, nor does food come to the wise or wealth to the brilliant or favour to the learned; but time and chance happen to them all.”

But if time has claimed their mortal frames, it has not diminished their impact. Death has never been able to claim greatness. It has tried throughout the ages but failed abysmally. Silencing Socrates did not kill philosophy. Crucifying Christ did not end Christianity. Assassinating Martin Luther King Jr. did not halt the civil rights movement killing Adaka Boro and Ken Saro Wiwa did not end Niger Delta agitation. Likewise, the passing of Chief Clark and Chief Adebanjo will not end their struggle.

EDWIN CLARK: THE INDOMITABLE VOICE OF THE NIGER DELTA

The story of Edwin Clark is the story of a man who refused to be silent or silenced. His life was defined by resistance, relentless advocacy and the ceaseless fight for equity. From his earliest days, he knew that the Niger Delta, despite being the economic heartbeat of Nigeria, had been condemned to perpetual marginalization and squalor. Oil flowed beneath the feet of his people, yet poverty sat on their shoulders. Their land was rich, but their lives were poor. There is water everywhere, but like in the ancient Marina, none fit enough to drink. Clark refused to accept this as man-imposed destiny.

He fiercely championed resource control, fiscal federalism and the rights of the marginalized, knowing that freedom is never freely given but must be fought for and won. His voice thundered in political arenas; his presence was felt in the highest echelons of power; and his influence shaped the policies that sought to address the inequities of his time.

One of Pa Clark’s defining moments was the 2005 National Political Reform Conference, where he led the South South Delegates Forum in one of the most historic protests against the injustice of oil revenue allocation. When Northern delegates refused to allow an 18% derivation formula for oil-producing states, Clark led a mass walkout. This was not just a political maneuver; it was an act of defiance, a statement that injustice must never be negotiated, tolerated but must be rejected. I was the spokes person for the entire South South delegates at the Conference.

A true leader does not retreat, and Clark never did. Even at 97, Pa Clark was still on television screen, pontificating, advocating, teaching, directing and crusading for good governance, restructuring and strong Nigerian nation. His life was a testament to the words of the legendary poet Dylan Thomas, who wrote: “Do not go gentle into that good night. Rage, rage against the dying of the light.” Clark never surrendered to injustice. And though death has claimed him, his voice will continue to echo in every struggle for equity in Nigeria. His light will continue to illuminate dark paths towards national regurgimento, restructuring, equity, egalitarianism and social justice.  

AYO ADEBANJO: THE ETERNAL FLAME OF IDEOLOGY

If Chief Edwin Clark was a warrior for the Niger Delta and enthronement of justice in the Nigerian space, Chief Ayo Adebanjo was a lion of ideological purity. In a world where political leaders switch allegiances as easily as changing tissue papers, Chief Ayo Adebanjo remained unwavering in his ideological beliefs. From his earliest days in the Action Group, under the mentorship of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Adebanjo embraced a set of principles that would define his entire life-true federalism, free education, regional autonomy, and social justice. While many leaders evolved into political opportunists, Adebanjo remained a true disciple and guardian of Awolowo’s ideals, unshaken by the temptations of power.

Pa Adebanjo was imprisoned, harassed and exiled; yet he never compromised. In 1993, when the military annulled MKO Abiola’ selection, Adebanjo was at the forefront of NADECO (National Democratic Coalition), risking his limbs and life to demand the restoration of democracy. He was not one for silent negotiations; his brand of politics was radical, bold and unapologetic. "There is no diplomacy in truth," he often said.

Chief Adebanjo’s fearless advocacy extended into his old age. In his 90s, he was still one of the loudest voices demanding the restructuring of Nigeria. While younger politicians hesitated or defected, fearful of repercussions, Adebanjo spoke with fire and clarity, insisting that Nigeria’s survival depended on true federalism. His courage reminds us of Winston Churchill’s words: “To each, there comes in their lifetime a special moment when they are figuratively tapped on the shoulder and offered the chance to do something unique to them and their talents. What a tragedy if that moment finds them unprepared or unqualified for what could have been their finest hour.”

Adebanjo did not just seize his moment; he made sure every moment of his life was dedicated to fighting for justice. If Edwin Clark and Ayo Adebanjo have taught us anything, it is that death’s greatest weakness is its inability to erase legacy. It is said that when Alexander the Great lay on his deathbed, he ordered his generals to carry his coffin with his hands stretched out. When asked why, he said: “Let the world see that even the greatest conqueror leaves this world empty-handed.” 

But some men do not leave empty-handed. They leave behind them movements, ideas, ideologies, revolutions and a generation greatly inspired to carry on their good works. That is the difference between ordinary men and legends. Clark and Adebanjo were legends.

Death thought it could silence Chief Clark and Chief Adebanjo, but death has yet failed. It could not erase or silence names which are now immortal, etched into the pages of Nigeria’s history. Their ideas and ideals will live on in the youthful activists who demand a just Nigeria; in the communities that still fight for fairness; and in the common people who refuse to accept oppression as their fate.

Therefore, even as we mourn these two legends, we must recognize that they have won the only battle that matters-the battle against irrelevance; against obscurity. Surely, their bodies will rest, but their fight continues.

DEFYING DEATH THROUGH LEGACY 

As I reflect on the passing of Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark and Chief Ayo Adebanjo, I am struck by one immutable truth: death may take the man, but it cannot take his legacy. The true measure of a life is not in its duration but in its impact. These two titans of justice and democracy may have departed, but their spirits remain embedded in the struggles they fought and the victories they secured. The philosopher Marcus Aurelius once said, “What we do now echoes in eternity.” And indeed, Chiefs Clark and Adebanjo lived lives that will echo far beyond their years. They were not merely politicians; they were symbols of defiance, embodiments of truth, and sentinels of justice who challenged impunity and spoke truth to power.

Their deaths, like those of all great men, force us to ask: What remains after the body has returned to dust? What is the true test of immortality? If it is in the endurance of one's impact, then these men have conquered death itself.

MY PERSONAL ENCOUNTERS WITH PA ADEBANJO

I have had the rare privilege of knowing and working closely alongside these giants in their lifetime. My undiluted respect for them is not borne out of distant admiration, but from personal experience; from standing in the trenches with them in the many battles for a better Nigeria. Of Chief Ayo Adebanjo, I had earlier written with conviction thus:

“Chief Ayo Adebanjo is truly one of the very last of the Mohicans – the last men standing. Here’s wishing and praying that he outlives his father and continues well beyond his 100-year anniversary in good health, fine cheer, and peace that passeth all understanding."

(https://www.google.com/search?q=CHIEF+AYO+ADEBANJO%253A+A+MEMBER+OF+THE+DWINDLING+MOHICANS; https://mikeozekhomeschambers.com/chief-ayo-adebanjo-a-member-of-the-dwindling-mohicans/,  

Papa Adebanjo’s passing is therefore not just a personal loss but a national one. He was more than a political figure; he was an ideologue, a moral force in a landscape often devoid of conscience. He lived not for himself but for the idea of a fair and just Nigeria, and his unyielding advocacy for restructuring will not be forgotten. While he fought from the NADECO flank, I fought from the human rights and pro-democracy odeon. We always converged towards achieving common goals of having a better and more equitable Nigeria.  

MY PERSONAL ENCOUNTER WITH PA CLARK

My encounter with Pa Edwin Clark was equally profound. I remember vividly the 2005 National Political Reform Conference, where I was entrusted with the role of Publicity Secretary and Spokesperson for the South-South Delegates Forum. It was there that I saw first hand Clark’s brilliance, his uncommon courage and defiance; and his ability to command respect from all and sundry. He was the undisputed leader of the South-South Delegation, and under his guidance and leadership of a field Marshal, we fought for a well-structured federation; for devolution of power; and for a fair derivation formula for oil-producing states.

Thus, when our proposal of a modest 18% derivation was rejected by the Northern delegates who said the South-South should even be grateful for 13% it was having, Clark led the historic walkout; an event that has since been termed the “First Walkout” in Nigeria's conference history. It was a moment of historic reckoning, a statement that the oppression of the oil-bearing communities of the Niger Delta would not go unanswered. I stood with him, alongside other progressive minds, as we challenged the status quo and demanded justice and fairness. That was the kind of man Pa Clark was-fearless, courageous, bold, unrelenting and unbowed.

Pa was a father to all; a mentor; a scholar; and an activist who led from the front. He loathed sycophancy, servility and political opportunism. You either loved him passionately or hated him malevolently, but never could you ignore him.

THE FINAL DEFIANCE: A LEGACY THAT CANNOT BE BURIED

It is often said that “a man dies twice: once when his body ceases to function, and again when his name is spoken for the last time.” If that is true, then Clark and Adebanjo will never truly die. Their names will be spoken for generations to come, their contributions studied in classrooms, and their courage invoked by young activists who refuse to accept a Nigeria that is anything less than just.

Like Moses leading the Israelites through the Red Sea, they parted the waters of oppression and repression, clearing a path of for those who would come after them. Like Socrates drinking the hemlock, they stood by their convictions even when the price was too high. And like Mandela in Robben Island, they fought a system designed to silence them and won.

If death thought it could erase them, it has grossly miscalculated. For their works remain; their speeches still resonate; their ideas still shape the destiny of Nigeria.

It is a cruel paradox of existence that we must often celebrate greatness in the shadow of its departure. That we must find words to honor titans whose very absence renders language inadequate. But if time is the great equalizer, then it is also the thief of presence. It robs us of our icons, leaving us with only echoes of wisdom where once stood the steadfast guardians of justice. And yet, not all echoes fade.

As I write this elegy for two legends, my heart is heavy and sad for Nigeria; but my resolve is strengthened. The best way to honour them is not through words but through action. To those of us who remain, their deaths must not mark the end of their battles; it must mark their rebirth in those of us left behind.

They have passed the torch to us. It is now our duty to ensure that their labours and sacrifices are not in vain.

Rest well, Chief Edwin Clark.

Rest well, Chief Ayo Adebanjo.