I am grateful to Seyi Sowemimo, SAN, and Abdul Jinadu respectively for taking the time to address matters of historical record from my column of last week. This column this week publishes their rejoinders (modestly edited for economy) without comment.  

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My Father Refused to Swear in Muhammadu Buhari after the Coup of 31 December 1983

By Seyi Sowemimo, SAN

I have in recent times come across two posts or write-ups put up by Professor Odinkalu containing some misinformation, which requires correction so that they do not become accepted for all times as the true versions of the events to which they relate.

The first has to do with the events of 31st December 1983 which heralded in the Buhari/Idiagbon Administration. From his account, the then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice George Sodeinde Sowemimo GCON (who happens to be my late father) was out of the country at the material time. The Military in his absence then proposed to swear in Justice Aniagolu in his place as Chief Justice but the learned Justice declined the offer.

I have some personal knowledge of the events of that day and it has therefore become necessary to correct some aspects of your narrative. Firstly, the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Sowemimo was certainly in the country at that time. What actually happened was that on the night of the coup, the military officers sent the then Secretary to Federal Government, Mr. Gray Longe to CJN’s official residence to invite my father to their gathering at Bonny Camp. In panic, my late mother sent word to me to alert me of the development but happily by the time I got to the house, my father had returned from Bonny Camp.

What happened at Bonny Camp was that the Military Officers requested that my father swear him General Muhammadu Buhari, as the new Head of State and possibly thereafter accompany him to the Television Station where he was to make his maiden Broadcast. The Chief Justice refused and impressed on them the fact that they had by their actions suspended the Constitution and that he could not therefore as the Chief Justice legitimately swear General Buhari as the Head of State. The military officers were persuaded by this explanation and General Buhari thereafter proceeded with the takeover without formality of a swearing-in.

When my father got to Bonny Camp that night, he met some Judges at the venue but their presence has never been fully explained. I, however, believe that if such offer was ever made to Justice Aniagolu it would be easy for me to appreciate his disinclination towards the offer as judges of their ilk were not consumed by ambition and Justice Aniagolu would well have recognized that there were other Justices of the Supreme Court who were senior to him and that an acceptance of such an offer would have created a very awkward situation for the judiciary, especially at the level of the Supreme Court. Anyone familiar with the level of camaraderie which existed amongst the Justices of that Court at the material time will readily appreciate why such an offer would have been spurned.

The second post concerns the compulsory retirement of Hon Justice Yaya Jinadu from the High Court. An aspect of the narrative which is incorrect concerns the claim that Hon. Justice Adefarasin, the then Chief Judge of Lagos State, unilaterally withdrew the Garba case file from Justice Jinadu. The version that I am familiar with is that it was Justice Jinadu who requested that the case file be reassigned to another judge. The Advisory Judicial Council made up of the Chief Justice, the President of the Court of Appeal and several other Justices actually called for the case file and observed for themselves the minutes by Justice Jinadu requesting that the case file be assigned to another judge. It is therefore not correct or fair to give the impression that the case file was unceremoniously withdrawn from him by Justice Adefarasin, the Chief Judge. What infuriated members of the Supreme Military Council was the fact that the Judge had made those false claims against the Chief Judge. This was the background to the compulsory retirement of Justice Yaya Jinadu.

Finally, you described as infamous the judgment of Justice Sowemimo which convicted the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo. You referred to the judgment as “infamous”. This characterisation clearly ignores the fact that the judgment was in fact upheld and confirmed unanimously by a panel of five justices of the Supreme Court [in] Michael Omisade & Ors. v. The Queen (1964) 1 All NLR, 23. 

The judgment in the Omisade case was in fact preceded by the judgment in the treasonable felony trial of Chief Anthony Enahoro, who was convicted and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment by Hon. Justice S.O Lambo on the very same set of facts, two weeks before the judgment in the Awolowo case. Chief Enahoro’s appeal was decided by another set of five Supreme Court Justices, who affirmed his conviction but reduced the sentence from 15 to seven years.

It is unfair in the circumstances to describe the judgment of the trial Court as infamous, considering the fact that 10 reputable Justices of the highest Court upheld the conviction of the accused persons. 

Seyi Sowemimo, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, practices law in Lagos

My Father was not Compulsorily Retired – A Response to Seyi Sowemimo

By Abdul Jinadu

It was with some sadness that I read a document which had been apparently circulating written by a Mr. Seyi Sowemimo dated 18 February 2025 entitled “Rejoinder to Recent Posts by Professor Chidi Odinkalu” in which the writer professes to address “two posts or write-ups put up by Professor Odinkalu….”

It is ironic that in purporting to correct alleged misinformation, Mr. Sowemimo himself traffics in misinformation and what one may charitably describe as errors of fact. He deals with two issues: the events of 31st December 1983 and the events surrounding my late father, Mr. Justice Yahya Abiodun Olatunde Jinadu’s resignation from the Lagos State High Court bench in 1984.

I have no particular position to take up with Mr. Sowemimo in respect of his first issue as I profess no particular knowledge of the matters which he discusses. However, I suspect that if he approached this first issue with the same standards of veracity and objectivity with which he addresses the second of his issues, Mr. Sowemimo’s account will be found to be somewhat lacking in fidelity to the truth.

I do take a firm position as regards Mr. Sowemimo’s comments regarding my father and the circumstances in which he resigned from the bench. It is lamentable, and perhaps indicative of the standards which currently obtain, that a member of the inner bar would display such poor skills as a legal researcher so as to assert that my father was compulsorily retired. If Mr. Sowemimo had carried out even the most basic research that one would expect of a first year law student at an average university, he would have discovered that my father resigned rather than bow to what he believed, and what history has confirmed, were egregious attempts by the Advisory Judicial Committee to interfere with the independence of the judiciary, all in the service of a military dictatorship. In his resignation letter (it is not clear on what basis one would write a resignation letter if he had been compulsorily retired) my father famously said that he was retiring “to protect his integrity and preserve the independence of the judiciary”.

I would recommend that Mr. Sowemimo search out a copy of the book “A Salute to Courage” written by Richard Akinnola and published by the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi’s Chambers which contains a more accurate account of the relevant events with reference to primary documents and interviews with some of the key actors. I am happy to provide Mr. Sowemimo with a copy should he so desire. The documents establish that Mr. Justice Adefarasin had unilaterally withdrawn the case file from my father on the instructions of the military dictatorship who were not pleased with the manner in which my father was conducting the trial. My father, long after he had retired, opined that he was aware that there was an attempt to use his court to wrongfully convict an innocent man and conscious of his judicial oath and his obligations as a Muslim mandated in the holy Quran that he abide no injustice particularly when he was appointed to the hallowed position on the bench, he was not going to allow that to happen. In my father’s words, the judiciary was the last hope of the common man.

This year marks the centenary of my father’s birth. He passed away five years ago surrounded by his loving family and confident in the judgment of history as still being the only judge in the history of Nigeria to have resigned on a point of principle.

It would have been a cause of immense sadness to him that an individual from the profession which he so revered and one who is the son of an individual who for a very long time he considered a dear friend would be the one attempting to rewrite history in this rather clumsy fashion. Fortunately, there are individuals alive today such as Alhaji Femi Okunnu SAN, who was one of my father’s closest advisors and confidants when this issue arose, who were first hand witnesses to the events in question.

Abdul Jinadu is a Barrister at Keating Chambers in London

Seplat Energy Plc, an indigenous oil and gas producer, is settling down to business in Akwa Ibom with its successful acquisition of the assets and liabilities of ExxonMobil Producing Nigeria Unlimited last year. It was one of the protracted corporate purchases in Nigeria’s oil industry lasting well over five years. ExxonMobil had operated in the state for over 50 years (It started as Mobil and in November 1999, merged with Exxon to form ExxonMobil) and had become an important part of the Akwa Ibom community until it was bought last year for $1.3 billion by Seplat. To make its presence easily felt in the state, Seplat appointed an eminent Akwa Ibom son, Senator Udoma Udo Udoma, as its board chairman. Early this year, the chairman led the company on a visit to Governor Umo Eno. I congratulate Senator Udoma on his appointment and I welcome Seplat to Akwa Ibom the state. But I have a few words of advice for the company.

During the visit to the Government House, Senator Udoma told the governor that the company is willing to partner with the government for sustainable development and would ‘’support the socio-economic development of Akwa Ibom State’’ and improve the wellbeing of the host communities. He said ExxonMobil was acquired by a subsidiary of Seplat known as Seplat Energy Offshore Limited, and clarified that the new entity will now be known as Seplat Energy Producing Nigeria Unlimited (SEPNU) and that all assets and liabilities of the previous company would be retained. Gov. Eno welcomed the company and promised cooperation from the government.

The specific roles and contributions of oil companies to the host communities are well spelt out in the Petroleum Industry Act and I am sure that SEPNU will do well to adhere to the provisions of this law and establish healthy relationships with its host communities in particular and Akwa Ibom State as a whole. But there are other items that I wish to bring to the notice of the company in terms of its relationship with Akwa Ibom State. First, ExxonMobil was a very responsible corporate citizen and through its conduct; it endeared itself to the people and the government. It had a lot of Akwa Ibom people in its senior management cadre. My good friend, Udom Inoyo, who is also well known to Senator Udoma, rose from a junior executive position hired in 1989 to the position of Executive Vice chairman from where he retired a few ago. There were many other Akwa Ibom sons and daughters in senior positions as geophysicists; engineers; lawyers; HR; finance; communications and IT specialists, etc.

Now, these people are retiring, and I want to advise that SEPNU should replace them with other Akwa Ibom people who are qualified to hold these positions. SEPNU should not make the mistake of replacing them with people from other places with the hackneyed excuse that ‘’there’s no qualified Akwa Ibom person for the job’’. I have heard such silly excuses from other companies, and I believe that with Senator Udoma as chairman, Seplat will not insult our people with a similar justification. In fact, SEPNU may have to draw up an affirmative action to ensure the employment of our people in all cadres; with at least two Akwa Ibom people in executive positions. There are many qualified Akwa Ibom persons and they are capable of competing for any position in the company. Akwa Ibom people will resist every attempt at cleansing out our people who were hired, trained and groomed by ExxonMobil from SEPNU.

ExxonMobil had also built and maintained a large pool of competent contractors and service providers from Akwa Ibom State. I imagine that SEPNU will continue to use them and add more to the list in future. In fact, it would be cost-effective for SEPNU to encourage service providers to be located close to QIT instead of mobilizing them from Warri, Lagos or Port Harcourt to its shallow water platforms. In terms of educational intervention, SEPNU should also offer generous scholarships to Akwa Ibom students at various educational institutions. ExxonMobil was also very good at this. The technical training centre built by ExxonMobil in Eket which served as a training facility for the technical staff will have to be upgraded to a full-fledged engineering centre.

ExxonMobil had planned to establish an engineering centre at the University of Uyo, but unfortunately, the plan was not fully realized before it exited the State. An engineering centre is relevant for the Nigerian oil industry as a training facility for the core professionals in civil, mechanical, petroleum and alternative energy engineering. SEPNU may wish to go ahead and either upgrade the training centre to an engineering centre or complete the one ExxonMobil was planning to build at UniUyo as well as continue with the trauma centre it was planning for the University of Uyo Teaching Hospital.

The location of ExxonMobil’s corporate headquarters in Lagos was a major concern to the Akwa Ibom people and the state government. The company resisted pressures from successive governors to relocate to Akwa Ibom despite the incentives and conducive business environment the state offers. As a renowned corporate lawyer, Senator Udoma understands the intricacies of oil politics and he’s in a position to guide Seplat on the issue of headquarters location. Seplat will do well to respect the people; interests and cultures of our people and work to establish mutually beneficial relationships with the people and their government.

I have a word for the host communities and the state government. Undoubtedly, they have their respective roles in making a success of Seplat’s entry to the state. While the PIA authorizes oil companies to pay royalties directly to the host communities, it is the responsibility of the host communities to manage these funds efficiently, and transparently and develop the communities. The monies are not to be shared among community leaders.

The state government is expected to deploy tax revenues and contributions from the oil company to create an enabling environment for the growth of business. I recall that in 2011, ExxonMobil paid N8 billion to the Akwa Ibom government when Godswill Akpabio was governor as its contribution to the repairs and expansion of Eket-Ibeno Road. But quite curiously, the Udom Emmanuel administration that succeeded Akpabio later denied that the money was paid. The denial created quite a furore and resulted in an unfortunate and needless controversy which embarrassed our people, including Akwa Ibom executives in the company. It was enough to discourage future CSR initiatives from the company. The government has a responsibility to manage its resources responsibly and transparently to earn the confidence of the citizens and investors.

I’m pleased at the appointment of Senator Udoma as the Chairman of Seplat. In 2021, I put him and 12 other persons on the cover of my book on the struggle for the abrogation of the onshore-offshore oil dichotomy. As a senator between 1999 and 2007, he fought hard to ensure the abrogation of the obnoxious dichotomy and with that, Akwa Ibom has been receiving billions every month in oil revenues. Senator Udoma is one of the most upright; decent and honest Nigerians. I’m sure that he will protect our interests.

Thirty-two years after leaving power, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida has assumed full responsibility for what happened on the June 12th 1993 annulment of Chief MKO Abiola’s presidential election and its attendant consequences.

He has explained the circumstances under which it happened and has not only acknowledged that Abiola actually won the election but that he was also unfairly robbed of his mandate when he and his military regime annulled it.

What he didn’t say was that if he had not annulled the election, those who wanted it aborted would have killed him, key members of his government, MKO Abiola, MKO’s family and everyone else who opposed them and his government would have been toppled in a very violent and bloody coup which would have definitely led to a long, brutal and protracted civil war.

IBB has told his side of the story and explained to us what actually transpired. He refused to remain silent, he did not shy away from speaking the truth or refuse to accept responsibility and he did not pass the buck. Instead, he came clean, displayed immense courage and did the proper thing.

That is what leaders are meant to do and he did it without fear or favour regardless of whose ox was gored. Kudos to him. We need to appreciate this gesture, eschew all bitterness, let go of all our pent-up anger, forgive him for what many perceive to be his sins and move on. Equally, we need to accord him his rightful place in history as one the the greats despite his fallibility. He is after all a mere man, albeit a great one, and not God.

Only God is free of fault and is infallible and there is not one man that has ever lived, led or ruled that is infallible. All those insulting and abusing him today for putting the facts and his experiences on record in his book are malevolent, bitter, twisted souls & unenlightened, ignorant, cowards who have no appreciation of history or what this man actually achieved in his eight years in office or the events that led up to June 12.

They only see things in part and are allowing their emotions rather than their heads to rule them. I was in the NADECO trenches during that difficult time and like many others paid my dues too but I can say that outside of the June 12 matter, IBB did more for Nigeria than virtually any other president or head of state.

He left power 32 years ago and yet every single living former Nigerian president and head of state, bar President Muhammadu Buhari who he had removed from power in a coup in 1985, attended his book launching in person and despite all, Buhari actually sent a representative.

It was an extraordinary event and I witnessed it with my own eyes because I had the privilege of being invited.

If the number of leaders that attended — which included President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former Head of State General Yakubu Gowon, former Head of State General Abdulsalami Abubakar, former President and former Head of State President Olusegun Obasanjo, former President Goodluck Jonathan, former President of Ghana Nana Akufo Addo, former President of Sierra Leone President Koroma, former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, former Vice President Sambo and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar — did not tell Nigerians the high esteem that the ruling elites have for him, then nothing will.

May God continue to be with this great and inspiring man who has displayed immense discipline, resilience, dignity, self-respect, courage and humility throughout his distinguished life. I pray he continues to share his vast reserves of knowledge & wisdom & make his contributions to national development for many years to come.

Whether his numerous detractors like it or not IBB remains an enigma, an institution and the most consequential head of state and president in our history. No one can take that from him and we are very proud of him. I wish both him and his family well.

Since Thursday when his autobiography, A Journey In Service, was launched, former military president, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, has taken centre stage of national attention. The autobiography reminds me of James Hadley Chase’s Make the Corpse Walk. It is the story of eccentric millionaire, Kester Weidmann, who in his weirdest best, believed money could buy everything, life and death inclusive. So, one day, Weidmann woke up with the crazy idea that his dead brother could be brought back to life. He then enlisted the services of a voodoo specialist to perform this crazed task. Rollo, crooked nightclub, owner was his perfect find to act out this massive con artistry of a lifetime. Things however went awry with the cast of this weird task who soon told themselves that Weidmann’s wealth was more attractive a pie than his absurd voodoo fabrication.

A couple of weeks ago, I recall citing Dr. Nina Mba’s description of biographers as “People who knead people.” It was in the process of taking a bird’s-eye view of Chief Bisi Akande’s autobiography, My Participations. My interpretation of Mba’s phrasal coinage was that biographers knead their subjects like bakers make raw flour into edible pancake, doughnut or bread. I also found my own label for autobiographers. Many a time, I submitted, they are self-conjurers. A Journey In Service didn’t just attempt to knead an edible dough out of an IBB Nigerians would love to hate, it is a re-conjuration, a Nigerian Kester Weidmann ex-head of state’s attempt to knead a compelling dough from his raw self perception in the estimation of history.

Make no mistake about it, very few, if there are any, Nigerian rulers possessed General Babangida’s intelligence, brilliance and savvy. It is why I easily agree with Gen Yakubu Gowon, in his foreword to the autobiography, who says “General Babangida was arguably one of the most remarkable military officers this country is blessed with.” While the last 25 years of civilian rule have paraded accidents as leaders, Babangida wanted power, romanced power, was besotted by power and prepared for power, mentally and physically. While in office, his statecraft and style of leadership were a total lift from and replica portraiture of the precepts in The Prince, 16th-century Italian writer, diplomat and politician, Niccolo Machiavelli’s famous but deadly portrait of and prescriptions for tough leadership.

To reinforce this and create a look-alike model of Machiavelli’s quintessential ruler, IBB garnished power with the image of a lethal ruler. In the same vein, he decorated the cottage of power with the sweet icing of a patrimonial leader. Like Machiavelli, Babangida concentrated and centered power around himself. This gave the semblance of a leadership that was people-centred, under the pretence of running a government that carried the people along. He was also unpredictable with power, like the Machiavelli Prince, springing surprises at the drop of a hat, a portraiture that is a dip into the playbook of Machiavelli. In the same way, like a concentration camp, he gathered people of contravening persuasions into government, sucking them in via gifts and purchase of their loyalties. Respected academics fell to his suasion through appointments while his smiles hid the graffiti of a sadistic rule.

Like Machiavelli, IBB silenced opposition. His smilingly harmless look turned his opposition into jelly. For instance, he swayed hitherto unbending critics like Tai Solarin who he brought into the People’s Bank and subsequently humiliated. Babangida ran a government that was unpredictable and which he manoeuvred to sustain his hold on power. He was a genie of a genius, deservedly earning the sobriquets of “evil genius” and “Maradona.” But, as a replay of the epic downfall of emperors, rulers and suzerains of old has shown, wisdom kills the wise. Many times, the wise die in graveyards dug by the unwise. My people render this as “Ogbon pa ologbon”.

Very few Nigerian leaders built institutions that endure like Babangida. He went on a binge of self-adulation when he made a recount of these in his book. Babangida established organisations like the Mass Mobilization for Self Recovery, Social Justice and Economic Recovery (MAMSER), Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure, (DIFFRI) Code of Conduct Bureau, AMCON, etc. Many of the political institutions he established, some of which still stand today, were products of the tirelessly innovating mind of the military leader. He also introduced some palliative measures into the economy, especially after the early 1990s SAP riots like the Urban Mass Transit Programme; Better Life for Rural Dwellers Programme; non-interest small loan-funneling community banks like the Peoples Bank, among others.

In A Journey In Service, Babangida gave the impression of a ruler who was not driven by self to serve. Which was not completely true. By the time he vacated power in 1993, allegations of frittering off more than $14 billion 1992 Gulf War oil windfall hung on his head like a Sword of Damocles.

While A Journey In Service contains the histrionics of Babangida’s eight-year rule, it sidestepped some basic realities that Nigerians had to grapple with within this period. Of a truth, IBB was one of Nigeria’s smartest rulers. As against the Bola Tinubu government which is being clever by half in its lickspittling for the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Babangida literally retreated when Nigeria roared against his decision to accept IMF’s multi-billion-dollar financial aid to cushion the economy.

Babangida’s economic programmes, especially the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), have been adjudged to be the beginning of the obliteration of the Nigerian middle class. That class was a major anvil of the Nigerian economy with its features of sophistication. SAP obliterated this class and also led to violence in the polity. Some of these were inter and intra-ethnic violence, religious uprisings like the 1991 Katsina and Bauchi riots, the Zango-Kataf riots of 1992 and the Ogoni crisis which later snowballed into the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa under Sani Abacha. IBB’s ECOWAS Peace Keeping Force (ECOMOG) in Liberia had Nigeria propitiate billions of Naira to a non-existing god of cooperation in West Africa while also constituting a massive drain on the economy.

Of all these, Babangida’s handling of the political transition programme of his administration would seem to have inflicted the hugest pain whose hurt has refused to disappear from the Nigerian backbone. This makes Chapter 12 of his memoir, which comes under the title “Transition to Civil Rule and the June 12 Saga” the most contentious of the autobiography. Therein, IBB made spirited efforts to explain his clear-mindedness and intention of bequeathing a civilian government to Nigerians. Data on the ground however point to a self-vaunting ambition for life rule. He started off by rationalising his government’s political agenda, beginning with the political bureau. The more he explained June 12, the more he revealed gaping holes fraught with his demonstrable intention to transmute into a civilian president. His romance with diarchy is a clear example.

The above got him a harvest of dead and dislocated Nigerians. South west became the graveyard of recorded and unrecorded casualties. I clearly recall one of the incidents aftermath of the June 12 election fiasco in Lagos where the death of 75 people was recorded. Gen Sani Abacha, the secretary of defence and chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, had to summon Michael Otedola, the civilian governor of Lagos state, over the violence. Nigeria subsequently became an ungovernable state with soldiers deployed on the streets of Lagos and other southwest cities.

Babangida, in a national broadcast which was his first statement on the voided June 12 presidential election, rather than the ambivalent portrayal he made of himself in his autobiography, rationalised the annulment of the election. He had said: “It is true that the presidential election was generally seen to be free, fair and peaceful” but in the same vein, went into a long list of reasons he claimed his government annulled the election.

During the twilight of his rule, with the June 12 fiasco becoming a whirlwind, it was as if Babangida was shopping for justifications for the annulment of the election, right, left and centre. One of these, he said, was that some military officers had sworn that Abiola would be president over their dead bodies. He then glibly called for a new election which would still lead to the handing over of power on August 27, 1993 and set new criteria for eligibility to contest. The whirlwind eventually swept him off, with him making a quieter admittance that he was “stepping aside” from power.

A Journey In Service, while collating some of the events above, attempted to rationalise Babangida’s decisions for taking fatal decisions of state but the rationalisations fell face flat, and fatally, too. For instance, he attempted to state that he was not a power-besotting ruler, which was a wrong self-appraisal. As he retreated to Minna in August 1993, palpable fears hovered in the polity that he would yet take over the reins of office of Nigerian president in the shortest time. On August 15, 2006, in an interview he granted the Financial Times, he gave an inkling of his intention to fulfil this fear. He had vaguely told the newspaper that in 2007, he would run for office “under the banner of the Nigerian people”. Less than three months after, specifically on November 8, 2006, he showed up to pick the party nomination form of the PDP which the then chairman, Ahmadu Alli, personally issued him. Not long after, IBB timidly fled like a frightened cat, from his aspiration, citing a reason people found untenable. He had said that his withdrawal was due to a “moral dilemma” because the younger brother of Shehu Yar-Adua, his late military boss, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, was also in the race. The speculation was however that he scampered away for fear of electoral disgrace. Again, in September 2010, the retired general expressed the desire to run for the 2011 presidential election but withdrew the intention almost immediately.

The book is also a fatal deconstruction of a Babangida whose heroism and valour were almost a legend. It would have been better if  Babangida had continued playing the ostrich on June 12 by not talking about it at all. Nigerians, and indeed the world, would have continued to be beguiled by the facade they had of a tough hombre Babangida. With this, Babangida would have gone to his grave with the impression of a man of valour. Recall that, at some point in his rule, he had told a news magazine that he loved dreaded military generals, Shaka and Hannibal. Shaka the Zulu was a 19th-century general often depicted with a long throwing assegai and heavy shield. Hannibal was also a Carthaginian military general and statesman who led the forces of Carthage against the Roman Republic. When the interviewers reminded Babangida that both were ruthless and dreaded, he merely flashed his gap tooth in a weird grin.

What we have in A Journey In Service is a pusillanimous army general that didn’t resemble the picture of General Babangida we had. The general in that book, on the outward, merely wears the epaulette of a valiant four-star general but was a buck-passer. How does the world reconcile the picture of a Babangida who fought valiantly in the civil war and got wounded in the process; one who smilingly and fearlessly almost disarmed Lt- Col Bukar Suka Dimka inside the Radio Nigeria studio; who had the steely heart to order the execution of his best friend, Mamman Vatsa, now selling himself in the portraiture of a Sani Abacha bootlicker? The book is a portrait of a military general who didn’t want to die after Gideon Orkar fiercely dealt him a mortal blow inside Dodan Barracks. It appears to every reader, back-grounded by what we heard in April 1990 that, though IBB refuted it, after his rescue by Abacha in the Orkar coup, a blood oath made between the duo to hand over power to the Kanuri-born psychopath. All the fatal decisions Babangida later took were predicated on this assumption. He was sore afraid of Abacha and his sadism and in the process, cost Nigerians their lives in their thousands. Again, this vicariously triggered the disequilibrium Nigeria witnessed post-June 12 and IBB was also responsible for the trillions of Naira Nigeria wasted. Babangida can also be said to be vicariously responsible for the ghastly rule of Abacha, the many people he killed and the stagnation of reason during his time in government.

That chapter on June 12 drowned the other revealing and intellectually stimulating chapters of the book which are historical nuggets. Unfortunately, virtually all the dramatis personae of the election are now deceased. Did Babangida wait for this auspicious moment to unleash his revisionist chapter of his memoir? Or, was it merely to make peace with history and his creator when he passes? Whatever it is, that chapter was poor artistry. It is akin to eccentric millionaire, Kester Weidmann’s weird attempt to make a corpse walk, an absurd fabrication of sainthood for himself. Thirty two years after, the anti-hero of that grisly political drama which almost splintered Nigeria and was on the verge of tossing the country into a huge internecine war, chose to canonize himself.

However, A Journey In Service has shown the path of a road to travel wide open to travellers in government. Babangida traced his geneology from grandfather, Malam Ibrahim, a prominent Muslim cleric and wanderer who migrated from Sokoto to Kano and Kontagora who settled in Wushishi. He also wrote about how Ibrahim married his pretty wife, Halima. He traced the family roots up to his father, Malam Muhammadu Badamasi, ostensibly to explain how he got his middle name, ‘Badamasi’ which many confused with ‘Gbadamosi’ a Yoruba name. Now, or in the future, we will expect President Tinubu, VP Kashim Shettima’s and others’ autobiographies as well. They must all write their memoirs so that we can indeed meet the characters who govern us.

Lastly, many have disdained the gathering in Abuja for the book launch and the huge billions of Naira announced as donations. No one remembered to even offer a minute silence for the dead of and from June 12. The gathering has been explained off as elite regrouping and this class’ clear disconnect from the everyday issues of the average Nigerian. It should serve as a lesson to the Nigerian people. In Osun State now, power-mongers are seeking state capture, the same way IBB sought to, over three decades ago. The APC is baring its fangs, using Bola Tinubu’s hold on federal power as Malacca-cane with which to grope in the dark. The Attorney General of the Federation is rudely descending into the Osun arena with partisan and needless threat laced in the garb of a harmless advice, while the IGP is flexing his muscles with impunity.

As they all gathered by the feet of IBB last Thursday, they should have learned a fundamental lesson from the senescent General: that it is only an allotted time that power-wielders use; no one wears the apron of power forever until it becomes a tattered rag (Igba l’onigba nlo; enikan o lo ile aye gbo). It speaks to the temporality and ephemerality of the power they use to harass Nigerians.