Even if Tinubu is in France and Wike is in London receiving care, there is nothing dishonorable in falling ill—they are human, like all of us. What is truly unsettling is the persistent silence and lack of transparency that keeps Nigerians uninformed and excluded from the realities of those who lead them.

Nigerians were told that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu would be in France on a “working holiday.” Yet, circulating reports, long-standing suspicions, and commentary from figures like Omoyele Sowore strongly suggest that the trip may be medical in nature. Around the same period, Nyesom Wike, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), was seen visibly limping within Nigeria, sparking concern about his health. Shortly after, he reportedly traveled to London, where he is believed to have hosted the 27 suspended Rivers State legislators. If Wike has gone abroad to seek neurological or related treatment, that is understandable and well within the human experience. After all, these men—whether they sit in Aso Rock or preside over federal appointments—are still human beings. They are not immune to the physical and mental pressures that come with life and public service. There is nothing wrong with needing rest, care, or treatment. Illness is not a scandal—it is a fact of existence.

What is troubling, however, is not the fact of illness itself, but the manner in which public officials in Nigeria—just as in many African nations—treat health-related information as a state secret. The deliberate silence, calculated deflections, and vague explanations only further alienate the public and promote distrust. This pattern of secrecy is a deeply ingrained tradition in African political culture, where leaders often choose silence over transparency and image over accountability. This silence does not project strength; instead, it suggests insecurity, elitism, and a complete disregard for the public’s right to know. Leaders forget that the people they govern are not foolish. They observe. They analyze. And when there is no information, they fill the gaps with speculation. The result is unnecessary anxiety, misinformation, and a growing distance between citizens and those in power.

The case of Tinubu mirrors a recurring pattern seen during the administrations of former President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and President Muhammadu Buhari. Both men faced major health crises while in office, yet the public was kept in the dark until situations worsened or could no longer be hidden. Tinubu’s previous trips to France, often labeled “private visits,” have long been suspected to be medically motivated. This current visit, under the label of a “working holiday,” echoes the same lack of candor. Nigerians are right to be skeptical. When a president is absent or unwell, it is not merely a private matter—it affects national decision-making, leadership continuity, and governance stability.

Similarly, the public appearance of Wike, visibly limping before his travel to London, raised natural concern. As a senior government official, his health is of public interest—not for sensationalism, but for assurance. His reported engagements abroad with Rivers State legislators, despite his physical state, further fueled curiosity. And yet, his camp has remained silent, offering no general update or clarity to the public. Nigerians are left watching blurry video clips, comparing walking patterns, and speculating on what should be addressed simply and respectfully. This is a psychological burden no citizenry should have to bear. In democratic governance, silence from power breeds fear and suspicion, not confidence.

The truth is, this issue is not political—it is psychological. It speaks to how a government respects or disregards the mental and emotional reality of its people. Psychological transparency matters. Leaders must not only appear accountable—they must be accountable. When they vanish without explanation or appear visibly unwell without acknowledgment, it signals that they owe no answers. It reinforces the dangerous idea that public servants serve only themselves. This is a crisis of trust. And Nigeria has seen it far too often. From Yar’Adua’s disappearance to Saudi Arabia, to Buhari’s extended medical stays in the UK, to this very moment with Tinubu and Wike—the cycle continues. A culture of concealment remains intact, while the public remains in the dark.

This must change. Holding public office comes with public responsibility. Tinubu and Wike are not private businessmen; they are public figures, carrying the hopes and mandates of millions. When a public official’s health directly impacts their ability to lead, the people deserve a general update. Nigerians are not asking for hospital charts or personal diagnoses. They are not demanding intimate medical details. All they want is a simple, respectful, and honest acknowledgment—something like: “Yes, I am currently receiving care; I remain stable and able to fulfill my duties.” That statement alone would reduce tension and restore calm. It is not hard. It is basic leadership.

In many real democratic nations, periodic health updates from public officials—especially heads of state—are the norm. In the United States, presidents undergo regular medical checkups, and the results are shared publicly in summary. In France, Germany, Canada, and other functioning democracies, transparency around a leader’s health is not seen as an intrusion, but as a necessary part of public service. This openness does not weaken leadership; it reinforces it. It builds trust. It affirms that the people matter and that the government has nothing to hide. The same standard should apply in Nigeria. There is nothing African or noble about secrecy.

Speaking openly about one’s health is not a sign of weakness—it is a sign of responsibility. It humanizes the leader and connects them with the people they serve. When citizens know their leaders are not gods, but humans doing their best, it creates empathy, not mockery. The current trend of silence, evasion, and image-protection only widens the emotional gap between Nigeria’s rulers and its people. And over time, that silence becomes noise—noise filled with rumors, conspiracy theories, and public resentment.

Even if Tinubu is in France receiving treatment… even if Wike is limping through London for medical reasons… there is nothing shameful about that. What is shameful is the state-sponsored silence that turns human vulnerability into political taboo. Nigerians deserve more than staged appearances and cryptic statements. They deserve a government that treats them with dignity—by simply telling them the truth.

As the writer and a psychologist, I must be clear: I do not know if either Tinubu or Wike is receiving medical attention while in France or London. I do not know if that is even the case. But assuming they are taking time for medical follow-up or recovery, I see absolutely nothing wrong with that. What I do wish, however, is that Nigeria’s healthcare system was strong and reliable enough that no leader—or citizen—would feel the need to travel abroad for care.

Let us hope that both men return looking well. No more signs of visible fatigue on President Tinubu’s face. No more limping or struggling movements from Minister Wike. Whatever their conditions may be, I simply wish them well as humans.

But when power limps—whether physically or metaphorically—the people should not be left in the dark. They deserve to be told something—something honest, something respectful, and something true.

This writer does not know any of the individuals involved; the focus is solely on upholding democracy, truth, and justice.

The question that continues to agitate many minds in Nigeria today is: Will Siminalayi Fubara return as the governor of Rivers State after serving out the six-month suspension imperiously slammed on him by President Bola Tinubu on Tuesday, March 18?

I have a hunch he won’t be reinstated by those who contemptuously and unconstitutionally shoved him off his high perch, unless Nigerians show proof that they will no longer tolerate the impunity of the Tinubu presidency as South Koreans did recently.

On June 3, South Korea will hold a snap presidential election to choose President Yoon Suk Yeol’s successor after the conservative leader was ousted over his imposition of martial law in December 2024. The announcement from acting President Han Duck-soo came four days after the country’s Constitutional Court – equivalent of Nigeria’s Supreme Court – unanimously removed Yoon from office.

Just like Tinubu’s narrow victory in the 2023 presidential election, the former president narrowly defeated Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party by less than a percentage point on March 9, 2022 and assumed office in May. Going by the country’s presidential term, which has been set at five years since 1988, he should be leaving office on May 10, 2027.

But like Tinubu did in Rivers State, the 64-year-old Yoon made an unprecedented power grab on December 3, 2024 when he declared martial law in South Korea, sending hundreds of soldiers and police officers to the National Assembly on the excuse that he sought to maintain order, a move which shocked all.

But hearkening to the admonition of John Philpot Curran, an Irish lawyer, who famously stated that “the condition upon which God hath given liberty to man is eternal vigilance” in a July 10, 1790 speech in Dublin, South Korean lawmakers, acutely aware that their president had just carried out a “coup” by taking actions “beyond the powers provided in the constitution,” indignantly stepped up to the legislative plate and the state of emergency and concomitant martial law only lasted about six hours. The parliament voted to block the decree.

Not even President Yoon’s excuse that martial law was needed to defend the country from nuclear-armed North Korea and protect free constitutional order could sway the piqued lawmakers, who voted to impeach him on December 14, 2024. In January, he was arrested and indicted by prosecutors for rebellion.

The hunter, having become the hunted, the disgraced president went to court to quash his impeachment. On Friday, April 4, South Korea’s apex court confirmed his dismissal and upheld his impeachment on the ground that he “violated his duty as Commander-in-Chief by mobilising troops” when he declared martial law.

Calling the former president’s action “a serious challenge to democracy,” Acting Chief Justice Moon Hyung-bae said, “(Yoon) committed a grave betrayal of the people’s trust.” Human Rights Watch concurred, calling the ruling a win for the country’s resilience, quest for human rights and democratic values.

In a message to South Koreans through his lawyers shortly after the ruling, a humbled Yoon apologised: “I am so sorry and regretful that I wasn’t able to live up to your expectations.”

Now, President Yoon failed in his gambit because the critical institutions of the Korean State – legislature and judiciary – held him to account.

Contrast that with Tinubu’s impunity. On Tuesday, March 18, 2025, he exercised powers he does not have by imposing a state of emergency in Rivers State and suspending Governor Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and all elected members of the House of Assembly for “an initial period of six months.” The implication is that if after the “initial period of six months,” Tinubu is not convinced that his ultimate goal has been achieved, he may well extend the suspension.

Tinubu said the decision was taken to restore stability in the state that has been witnessing political turmoil as a result of the disagreement between the governor and the lawmakers. But he was being economical with the truth, which is: Fubara’s disagreement is with his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory and Tinubu’s ally, and not with the lawmakers who are only pawns on the Rivers political chessboard.

Having successfully executed a coup d’état in the oil-rich state by the sudden and unlawful seizure of power from a democratically elected government with the apparent acquiescence of both the National Assembly and Supreme Court, Tinubu went ahead to unconstitutionally appoint former Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ette Ibas (retd.) as the sole administrator and sent hundreds of soldiers and police officers out on the streets of Port Harcourt. On Wednesday, March 19, Tinubu stretched the illegality when he swore in Ibas at Aso Rock cheered by his Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi.

Although the president claims that his action was informed by the security situation in Rivers and the need to forestall a total breakdown of law and order, no one knows what mandate he gave Ibas. Meanwhile, to consolidate power, the sole administrator appointed a serving Naval Officer, Commodore Aminu Shehu, as his Chief of Staff.

Since then, he has been systemically and diligently dismantling all the institutions of governance in Rivers. Having been given all the money accruing to the state government contrary to Supreme Court order, the sole administrator proposed a fresh budget. Last week, he suspended all heads of MDAs and dissolved their boards with immediate effect. He also cancelled all pending procurement and tender processes. Then, on April 9, he announced the reconstitution of some of the boards, populating them with Wike’s loyalists.

It is laughable that the same Ibas who claimed the cancellation of all pending procurements became necessary following the Supreme Court judgment and the absence of an appropriation law, and even went as far as directing all MDAs that carried out such tender processes for projects to immediately refund such fees to the contractors, has been spending the billions of naira Tinubu is throwing on his laps without appropriation.

He has also appointed sole administrators to take charge of the 23 local government areas and reconstituted the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RISIEC) with Dr. Michael Odey as Chairman. These appointments were announced barely 24 hours after a Federal High Court sitting in Port Harcourt restrained him from doing so.

Truth be told, right now, there is no transparency in the handling of Rivers State resources. What is happening is tantamount to stealing the people’s patrimony. Meanwhile, as Tinubu disingenuously blames Fubara for all the crisis, quarantining him in Port Harcourt, Wike, the real villain is having a ball. This week, he hosted the suspended lawmakers to a lavish dinner in the United Kingdom.

So, as the days roll by and the sole administrator continues to consolidate power on behalf of those who sent him on the unsavory mission, the question that is concentrating many minds is: what happens after six months?

I am amused that some Nigerians are actually surprised at the sole administrator’s conduct. The truth is that he is never, as envisioned by the Dalai Lama, “a force for good” whose actions are inspired by a genuine concern for others. The idea of a sole administrator became tempting for Tinubu and Wike when the first option which was to use the House of Assembly to impeach both Fubara and his deputy failed. And it failed because the Rivers State Chief Judge, Justice Simeon Chibuzor Amadi, whose responsibility it is, as outlined in Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution, to appoint a seven-member panel to investigate the allegations against the governor refused to be arm-twisted. Had Justice Amadi acquiesced to the bullying, there wouldn’t have been need for a state of emergency. Fubara would have been sacked constitutionally.

And to justify the declaration, pipelines had to go up in flames with Fubara, who does not even control the police officers posted to Rivers Government House, as the fall guy. President Tinubu is the country’s chief security officer and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Security of lives and property is the exclusive remit of his office. So, why punish Fubara for a dereliction of duty that falls within the presidential purview? In any case, is it not possible that those behind the two alleged attacks on oil pipelines prior to the declaration of the state of emergency were the same forces who declared the emergency? Why has there been no investigations since the explosions served their purpose?

So, those who appointed Vice Admiral Ibas sole administrator of Rivers neither meant well for this much-abused country nor the survival of its constitutional democracy. His appointment, as has been globally acclaimed is illegal. Is it therefore any surprise that his actions, particularly the appointments he is making are patently illegal?

As Mr. Mohammed Abeny, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), rightly noted when the news of the appointment of sole administrators for the 23 local governments broke on Wednesday, “Apart from the subsisting court order which he has wilfully and recklessly flouted, Vice Admiral Ibas has also disobeyed the apex court’s various judgments declaring the appointment of administrators to run local governments as illegal and unconstitutional.”

A full panel of the Supreme Court, delivering a landmark judgment on July 11, 2024, in a suit which was ironically filed by this same Tinubu administration, unanimously affirmed the financial autonomy of Nigeria’s 774 local government councils and frowned against the use of unelected officials to govern at the third tier of government. And when Edo State Governor Monday Okpebholo suspended elected chairmen, Fagbemi called him out. But the same Attorney-General has kept mute in the face of Tinubu’s illegalities.

Going forward, I foresee the sole administrator hurriedly conducting local government elections that will be “won” by Wike’s surrogates. The idea is to hand back the grassroots to the former governor preparatory to the 2027 elections.

Does Fubara have a blame in all this? I believe he does but for a different reason altogether. I blame him for given up without a fight. As the saying goes, in a lawless society, it is criminal to be law abiding. Granted, he is a reluctant governor, but having been railroaded into the position, it was criminal of him not to have asserted himself when Tinubu came calling. If the suspension was illegal, then why obey it? Tinubu, as a governor, wouldn’t have obeyed any president’s illegality.

It would have been obvious to Fubara that he was the sole target. The inclusion of the 27 lawmakers was just a smokescreen. And anyone who believes that after six months, Tinubu will recall Fubara must be living in a fool’s paradise. That is definitely not Tinubu’s plan and it won’t happen unless he sees fire in the eyes of the people. If the idea was for Fubara to come back after six months, then there would have been no need for the state of emergency in the first place. If at all he comes back, it will only be because the impeachment plot has been firmed up with cast-iron guarantees and a Chief Judge that will deliver just as the sole administrator is delivering.

Nigerians must brace up for the battles ahead. It is not about Fubara but our collective freedoms that Tinubu and his enablers have sworn to take away. The Rivers State governor is only but a metaphor. If he goes down as Tinubu and Wike have plotted, then we are all dead men walking. The state capture project must have been completed, with our patrimony to boot. In South Korea, the institutions of state did the job on behalf of the people. In Nigeria, those same institutions – National Assembly and Judiciary – are criminally compromised. As it is, the only thing that can bring Fubara back to power and restore our collective dignity is the people’s righteous anger.

The first head of government that declared a state of emergency in Nigeria was the then Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (December 1912-15 January 1966) and that was in May 1962. I was a student then at Olofin Anglican Grammar School in Idanre in Ondo state, along with Folu Olamiti, Prince Wale Olateru-Olagbegi, Olu Adegboro, Feyi Famutimi (75) and others.

He declared the state of emergency on Wester Region which now comprises of South-West and parts of South-South.

The crisis was an internal affairs in the then region which later consumed the whole country.

The crisis of the Action Group reared its ugly head at the party’s annual convention held in Jos, Plateau in January 1962 like a joke. It was at the convention that the General Secretary of the party, Chief Ayotunde Rosiji (1917-2000) resigned and Mr. Samuel Goomsu Ikoku (1912-1997) took over as the Chief Scribe of the party. Chief Anthony Eromosele Enahoro (1923-2010) became the deputy leader of the party. Mr. Ikoku had earlier defeated his father, Dr. Alvan Ikoku by 59 votes in the Eastern Nigeria House of Assembly election.

The 8th convention of the party was held in African Sports Club in Jos with Chief Ajibola Idowu Ige,SAN (1930-2001) elected publicity Secretary of the party and with Professor Samuel Adepoju Aluko (1929-2012), Prof. Hezekiah Adedunmola Oluwafemi Oluwasanmi (1919-1983), Prof. Victor Adenuga Oyenuga (1917-2010),Chief Arthur Edward Prest (1906-1976), Prof. H.E. Ajose, Dr. Sanya Dojo Onabamiro (1913-1985) and Prof. Akinlawon Ladipo Mabogunje (18 October 1931 – 4 August 2022), in attendance.

At the convention, the then leader of the party, Chief Obafemi Awolowo (1909-1987) was on one side, while the Premier of the Western Region at the time, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola (1912-1966) was on another side. The crisis snowballed into a major national crisis, the consequences of which we still face today.

Before the declaration of State of emergency, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa had issued a press statement on May 22, 1962. In the statement, he declared “the two factions in the Action Group have contacted the Prime Minister regarding the holding of another meeting of the Western Nigeria house of assembly today. The Prime Minister cannot stop the meeting from taking place, but because of the fight which has broken out in the house this morning, if the parties decide to hold a meeting of the house of assembly they may do so. It may be on the strict understanding that there will be no police protection within the chamber. If, however, any party insists on being afforded police protection within the chamber the police may be so present, but the federal government will not accept ant decision reached as a result of such proceedings in the chamber. If in spite of all efforts of the police there should be an outbreak of violence or any disorder, the police have authority to clear the chamber and lock up”.

Despite this clarification, no solution was found to the Western region crisis, in fact the situation became more tensed. However, the logistical problems of the army, which was transferring most of its battalion between the Congo and home depots, a token number of troops and armoured vehicles went to Ibadan to back up the police if necessary. The GOC of the army (General Welby-Everard) caused an administrative sensation by moving his tactical headquarters to Ibadan and setting up a joint ‘pol-mil’ HQ with the Inspector General of Police Sir Kerr Bovell (1913-1973). It was unprecedented. Some AG members asked Chief Anthony Enahoro to go abroad to tell the world of a threat to democracy.

On May 29, 1962, then Prime Minister, the Right Honourable Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (1912-1966) summoned an emergency meeting of the Federal House of Representatives which was then the Federal Parliament in Lagos during which he moved a motion on the Action Group crisis. The full motion is hereby reproduced and the reply of the then opposition leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo. The motion reads thus:” I rise to move the Resolution standing in my name which reads as follows: “That in pursuance of section sixty-five of the constitution of the Federation, It is hereby declared that a state of public emergency exists in Western Region and that this resolution shall remain in force until the end of the month of December, nineteen hundred and sixty-two.

“Members know the reasons why Parliament has reassembled to-day. For the past week or so there has been no properly constituted Government in Western Nigeria. I would like to recapitulate briefly the events which have led to this impasse and in doing so I would like to emphasise that the Federal Government had been motivated solely by the desire to ensure that peace, order and tranquility are maintained throughout parts of the Federation.

“ A political crisis developed within the Action Group which was the party in control of the Government of Western Nigeria. Following the crisis the National Executive of the party deposed Chief Akintola as Deputy Leader and asked him to resign his appointment as Premier of Western Nigeria. On the 20th of May, the Premier advised the Governor of Western Nigeria that in view of the political crisis which had been developed in the Region and of the rival claims of the two factions to a majority support of the electorate in the Region His Excellency should exercise his powers under section 31 of Part III of the Constitution of Western Nigeria to dissolve the Legislative House of the Region. The Governor refused.

“On the same day the Premier asked the Speaker, for the same reasons, to convene the Western House of Assembly for Wednesday, May 23rd to consider and pass a Motion for a vote of confidence in the Government of Western Nigeria but the Speaker also refused. The following day the Governor purported to exercise the powers vested in him by section 33(10) of the constitution of Western Nigeria set out in the Fourth Schedule to the Nigeria Constitution Order-in-Council 1960 and purported to remove Chief Akintola from his office as Premier of Western Nigeria with effect from the 21st of May. Chief Akintola thereupon filed a Motion in the High Court challenging the power of the Governor to remove him from office in the manner he did. The matter is still before the court for determination.

“The Governor, nevertheless, proceeded to exercise the powers in normal circumstances vested in him by section 33(1) of the Constitution of Western Nigeria by purporting to appoint Chief D.S. Adegbenro to be Premier of Western Nigeria with effect from the 21st of May. A meeting of the Western House of Assembly was summoned for the 25th of May.

“As Members know, two unsuccessful attempts were made on that day to hold meetings of the Western House of Assembly; the first one ended in a violent uproar and disorder. The police had no alternative but to use tear gas to disperse all Members, but before then the House had become a shambles. I was then approached by one side to the dispute to allow the Nigeria Police to guard the Chamber of the Western House of Assembly so that another meeting could be held, this time, in the House of Chiefs which was to be used as the House of Assembly. The other side almost immediately warned that it would be unwise and risky to allow such further meeting to be held. Before the attempt to hold a second meeting I felt impelled to issue the following release: “The two factions in the Action Group have contacted the Prime Minister regarding the holding of another meeting of the Western Nigeria House of Assembly today. The Prime Minister cannot stop the meeting from taking place but because of the fight which has broken out in the House this morning if the parties decided to hold a meeting of the House of Assembly they may do so. It must be on the strict understanding that there will be no police protection within the Chamber. If, however, any party insists on being afforded police protection within the Chamber the police may be so present, but the Federal Government will not accept any decision reached as a result of such proceedings in the Chamber. If in spite of all the efforts of the Police there should be an outbreak of violence or any disorder, the Police have authority to clear the Chamber and lock it up.”

“Shortly after the release had been issued, I received a further report from the Inspector-General of Police that an attempt had been made to hold a meeting under Nigeria Police protection but that it has resulted in a far greater uproar and commotion than the earlier one. The Police therefore cleared the Chamber and locked it up.

“ In the afternoon of the same day, May 25th, the Council of Ministers met to discuss the situation. The same evening, I made a nation-wide broadcast explaining the position of the Federal Government in the matter, and in the course of any broadcast, I made the following observation:

“No responsible Government of the Federation could allow an explosive situation such as that which now exists in Western Nigeria to continue without taking adequate measures to ensure that there is an early return to the Region of peace, order and good Government.”

“I said a few moments ago that the past week or so there does not appear to have been any validly constituted Government in Western Nigeria. In the light of the violent incidents on May 25th which badly shattered both Houses of Assembly, it is difficult to see how the public affairs of the Western Region could possibly be carried on in an atmosphere of warring factions of a party in power so sadly rent asunder in the old world struggle that will ultimately do nobody any good inside and outside Western Nigeria. This is the background against which I ask honourable members to assess the situation and to authorize the Government of the Federation to take appropriate measures in accordance with the provisions of our constitution.

“Allegation of conspiracy have been made against the Federal Government, that it had planned the whole crisis in order to take over the Western Nigeria Government. It has also been said in certain quarters that this parliament would be abusing its powers were it to declare a state of emergency because the sad and unfortunate occurrences had not extended.

“Nothing could be rather from the truth. We are surely not responsible for the chain of events that led to the party and personal wrangles and the attempted by-passing of the Western Legislature and to the mutual dismissal and counter dismissal between the Governor and Premier. The question at issue is whether in the absence of a duly constituted Government in Western Nigeria, the Federal Government have no responsibility for ensuring peace, order and good government in that region. The main purpose of this Resolution is to seek Parliament’s approval for measures which the Federal Government proposes to adopt in order to ensure an early return to Western Nigeria of peace, order and good government.

“I ask all Nigerians to co-operate and support the Federal Government at this momentous turning point in our national history. It is not yet two years since we began the adventurous but arduous talk nation building. The eyes of the whole world are upon us, particularly now when we, a responsible and friendly people are seeking to exercise our development plans and to increase the happiness and prosperity of our people.

“I solemnly assure you that the power we shall soon be forced to assume will be exercised in as humane and democratic a manner as the circumstances will permit and that as soon as reasonably may be, the Federal Government will actively promote and encourage a situation in which an early return to the normal process of Parliamentary Government could be guaranteed for all classes of people of Western Nigeria. I beg to move.” The Prime Minister’s motion was seconded by the Federal Minister of Finance, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, representing Warri constituency.

In reply, the Leader of Opposition in the Federal Parliament, and Leader of the Action Group, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, said: “I beg to move the following Amendment to the Motion already proposed by the Prime Minister:

“To delete all the words of the Motion after-that – and substitute – “This honourable House declares after having regard to the provisions of section 65 of the Constitution of the Federation of Nigeria a state of public emergency does not exist.”

“May I draw the attention of honourable Members to the provisions of section 65 of our Constitution. It is not usual for Members to read the Constitution unless occasion such as this arises or some other incidents which affect us occur.

Section 65 reads: “65(1) Parliament may at any time make such laws for Nigeria or any part thereof with respect to matters not included in the Legislative Lists as may appear to Parliament to be necessary or expedient for the purpose of maintaining or securing peace, order and good government during any period of emergency.”

“The section 3-(3) In this section “period of emergency” means any period during which (a) the Federation is at war; (b) there is in force a resolution by each House of Parliament declaring that a state of public of emergency exists; and (c) there is in force a resolution of each House of Parliament supported by the votes of not less than two-thirds of all the members of the House declaring that democratic institutions in Nigeria are threatened by subversion.

“That is the section, Mr. Speaker, and I hold the view very strongly- and that view is in no way shaken by the speech made by the Prime Minister that the step which the Federal Government now proposes is uncalled for and unwarranted.

“The first question which any reasonable person ought to ask himself is this. Is there a state of emergency in the Western Region? That is the most important question which the Prime Minister and the Cabinet must ask themselves. I submit with greater respect that a state of emergency does not exist in Western Nigeria.

“Not long ago after independence, there was rioting of a most severe nature in the Tiv Division of Northern Nigeria. Several lives were lost, several properties were destroyed, there was arson and a host of other crimes were committed. At that time, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was the Prime Minister as he is the Prime Minister, today. He did not think it fit to call this Parliament to declare a state of emergency in the Northern Region. Also, in Okrika, there was widespread rioting in Okrika; again, several lives and properties were lost. I understand that this widespread rioting in Okrika occurred twice in the Eastern Region. The Prime Minister and the Cabinet did not think it fit on that occasion to declare a state of public emergency in the Eastern Region.

“But, because the Action Group is pursuing the normal democratic processes as laid down in our Constitution to oust someone who happens to be very close friend of the Prime Minister, and also because the Action Group is looked upon as a moral foe to the N.P.C., this very far-reaching provision of our Constitution is now being invoked, only in respect of what might be described as squabbles inside the Chamber of the Western House of Assembly. It is doing violence to our Constitution and doing violence to the construction of words to suggest that what happened in the Western House of Assembly amounts to a state of public emergency.

“I was present there myself and when I left that Chamber, those who were outside the Chamber did not even know that anything was happening inside the Chamber. Ibadan is peaceful – the whole of the Western Region is peaceful; it is true that the newspaper have been exaggerating the situation in the Western Region, the Prime Minister himself has lent his support to this exaggeration; he cancelled all his engagements- whether they existed or not I do not know; the Governor- General was suddenly summoned back from his holiday in Nsukka to come to Lagos even when there was no deterioration in the situation in the Western Nigeria.

“I maintain that this is a calculated, premeditated attempt on the part of the Prime Minister and his Cabinet to try, if they could, to castrate the Action Group, to disturb the welfare of the people of the Western Nigeria who have always been looked upon as the foes of the N.P.C.

“May I say that I can understand the yearnings and the wishes of the N.C.N.C. and the stand of the N.C.N.C. in this matter. Every political party wants to be in power- we want to be in power here in the Centre one day, and by the grace of God we will. But the N.C.N.C. wants, naturally, to fish in troubled waters. If I were in their shoes, I would think that no occasion is more favourable than now to have a dissolution of the Legislature of the Western Region, because this dissolution now would mean a split in the votes of the Action Group. It might be that by such a split, they could sort of fluke in and form the Government of Nigeria. In any case, whatever happened after that dissolution, the N.C.N.C. would not be any worse off than they were before, namely to be in the Opposition- that is the worst that could happened to them. But there is a chance- the off-chance- that they may just manage to win.

“Therefore, I can understand the action of the N.C.N.C. in this matter, because that is the party in opposition in the Western Region. The N.P.C. has no foothold in the West, and it is doing its very best to find a foothold in the Western Region.

“There are a number of persons who call themselves N.P.C. Members for Ibadan, but they are by themselves; they have some following of a type among people who live in Mokola, Ibadan, that is to be understood; but the N.P.C. as such has no following in the Western Region, and it is the N.P.C.  dominated Federal Government that now wants to impose its rule on the people of the Western Nigeria, simply because there was what the Prime Minister called uproar in the Chamber of the Western House of Assembly- not an uproar in Ibadan as whole; not uproar in Ogbomoso the home of Chief Akintola who is involved in this matter; not an uproar in Ijebu-Remo; not an uproar in Ikorodu, not an uproar anywhere in the Western Region. The Prime Minister thinks that this very far-reaching provisions of the Constitution should be invoked merely to save a friend!

“Secondly, what is a public emergency? What is a state of public emergency? May I say that my view quite candidly is that a state of public emergency arises only when there is widespread violence in any part of the Federation. In this particular case there is no widespread violence or rioting or disturbance in the Western Region. And yet, the Honourable Minister for War- for Defence- sent soldiers to Ibadan as a matter of routine I think, because the soldiers there have been moved to Congo; and then he went on the air to say”Oh yes, we have sent them there because of the tension in Ibadan.” Where is the tension in Ibadan? I may walk about the streets of Ibadan, and if the Mnister of Defence challenges, I invite him to come along to Ibadan and go about the streets of Ibadan. But they want to create this artificial tension in the Western Region in order to invoke this far-reaching provision of the Constitution.

“Thirdly I say- I said it outside this House and I want to repeat it on the floor of this honourable House- that the action now being taken by the Federal Government is a gross misuse of power; I do not say abuse because as far as I can see there is no abuse yet- I hope the Federal Government does not abuse its power in the process of implementing this Resolution, but so far it is a gross misuse of power; the circumstances which should warrant the use of this power have not yet risen.

“What is more? The Prime Minister was very, very careful in stating the events which led to his having to decide to take this action which he is now taking. I never knew him to be journalist, I know him to be an educationist, a politician and a statesman, but like some journalists he has put a little bit of twist and slant in relating the events, so as to show that it is the Action Group, vis-à-vis Chief Akintola that is at fault in this matter. Why did the Prime Minister not tell this House the story which the Police have no doubt told him concerning the events in the House of Assembly on that day! He knows the story but he has chosen not to tell it, and since he has failed to tell it, I will tell that story and challenge the Prime Minister to deny it.

“The truth is that in the House of Assembly that day, Honourable Members were assembled as we are here now assembled; prayers were said and then immediately after that, one Mr. Oke, a supporter of Chief Akintola, a Member from Ogbomosho, jumped on the desk and was running about on the desk and then lifted a chair and struck somebody on the head. That is how it started, and then thereafter one Mr. Ebubedike, the Member for Badagry, who lives in Ajeromi, took the Mace and then in an attempt to strike the Speaker with the Mace, the Mace struck the Table and broke into two. These events were witnessed by the Police and then chairs were lifted and were thrown all over the place by supporters of Chief Akintola.

As they say “the majority will have their way while the minority will have their say”.

By 232 to 44, the Prime Minister’s motion was passed.

Parliament approved the emergency regulations, which created the post of administrator western region, and gave the holder powers to nominate commissioner to exercise ministerial powers under his direction, to make any orders necessary in the absence of any other laws adequate to restore law and order and good government, and to amalgamate the local government police forces into the Nigeria police. He could imprison anyone spreading misleading reports, prohibit processions and meetings, detain or restrict persons in the interests of public order, and search premises without warrant.

Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa exercised his new prerogative to appoint his doctor friend, Senator Chief Moses Adekoyejo Majekodunmi, the minister of health who still belonged to no party, as administrator.

The two people who gained from the declaration of the state of emergency were Chief Majekodunmi (1916-2012) and his then ADC, Captain Murtala Mohammed GCFR (8 November 1938 – 13 February 1976), who later became the head of state and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces in July 1975, when the government of General Yakubu Gowon (90) was overthrown. His appointment as ADC was his first contact with government activities.

Teniola, a retired director at the presidency, wrote from Lagos.

It’s a most unlikely crime scene. I travelled by road from the Benin airport to Uromi, Esanland’s most significant town, for a wedding about three years ago.

The fear of kidnappers is a constant worry for road users. I was nervous for nearly four hours of the taxi ride, especially as we turned off the busy Agbor Road and veered onto narrow, lonely roads meandering through many forested small towns and villages.

I was nervous. When the driver ran into a pothole, and a loud noise suggested we might have lost a wheel or something, I insisted he should keep moving, as long as the car could still move, until we later discovered it was the wheel cover.

Entering Uromi

It was not until we passed Ubiaja, the hotspot between Biafran and Federal troops during Nigeria’s civil war and cultural capital of Esanland, and reached Igueben, the rusty town of one of Nigeria’s famous politicians, Tom Ikimi, about 20 minutes’ drive from Uromi, that I started breathing easy. It was my first visit to Uromi, a town I had known and heard about since my teenage years.

Memories from the past

My earliest memory of this town was when my mother worked as a cook at St. Theresa’s Hospital, Kirikiri Ajegunle, Lagos, owned at the time by Dr. Okoli, an Igbo man, and his wife, a nurse and an Esan from Uromi. Occasionally, when there was some social event in Uromi, the Okolis took my mum along to cook, and she returned with plenty of palm oil, large tubers of yam, and fresh fruits.

But there’s another memory of Uromi apart from my mother’s work and travels. It’s the historical significance of this town in the old Benin Empire. More contemporary references might be about the exploits of some of Uromi’s notable people, such as the three Anthonys – Enahoro, Olubunmi-Okogie and Anenih – whose footprints in politics and liberation theology cannot be easily forgotten. 

Innocence lost to rage

Yet, these notable persons were inspired by the town’s extraordinary heritage of struggle and resistance to oppression. Uromi resisted the expansionism of the Benin Empire during Oba Ozolua’s reign and fought the British colonial invaders.

Though many of the town’s original settlers are believed to have come from central Nigeria, migrants from other places also settled there, highlighting its tolerance for visitors and diverse heritage as the town grew into one of Esanland’s most important agricultural trading posts.

That diversity, enterprise and welcoming spirit now seem like a story from a bygone era. After the tragic killing of the 16 travellers reportedly going to Kano to observe the Eid on March 28, the town has lost its innocence. For a long time, it will be remembered not as that place my mother frequented as a cook or the homestead of Enahoro, one of Nigeria’s greatest patriots and nationalists, but as a crime scene.

Agony of bereavement

The heartbreaking story of Hauwa Bala (whose husband, Isah, was among the Uromi 16) who went into premature labour upon hearing of her husband’s tragic death or Sadiya Sa’adu, who lost a brother and a nephew will haunt the community, as will the stories of each of the dead, and indeed the unfolding horror in Uromi now under siege and a brutal crackdown. The security services are poised to forget their complicity and instead crush the town in a mocking search for justice.

Journey to anomie

How did we get here? Kidnapping and banditry have grown from a fringe business to a N2.23 trillion naira industry, and hardly any part of the country is spared this misery. In the last 10 years, clashes among rival cult gangs have been rife in Edo State, as have been reports of severe violence as a result of farmer-herder clashes. One report said in 2020, Edo was the third most affected by violence in the Niger Delta after Delta and Rivers States.

Violent clashes between farmers and herders have led to significant loss of lives. In February alone, 27 farmers in Edo were reportedly killed by herdsmen. This figure is only a tiny part of the bloody trail that often includes grotesque stories of rape, murder and wantonness wrecking many farming communities across the country as herders roam southwards for pasture.

Politicians’ fake outrage

While the affected communities writhe in anguish, official response, especially by politicians and the police, has ranged from chewing the microphone with empty promises of justice to sheer indifference and, in fact, alleged complicity in supplying weapons to the herders in some cases. We’ve seen this repeatedly across the country, from Uromi in Edo to towns in Benue and Plateau States.

When the state, expected to guarantee security and maintain law and order, abdicates its responsibility, turns a blind eye or becomes complicit, people take the law into their own hands. What happened in Uromi on March 28 is one of the tragic outcomes.

The appearance of shock and outrage amongst politicians and the security services is hypocrisy disguised as empathy. They can fool themselves all day long. Unless they begin to rebuild trust in communities and people – whether farmers or herders – can see that there are consequences for breaking the law, Uromi will not be the last tragic crime scene.

Citizens’ dilemma

Yet, while many communities are under attack, residents are on their own. The Supreme Court recently gave a judgment upholding the death sentence on Citizen Sunday Jackson and criminalising self-defence even in the face of a clear threat to life. The judgment is an absurdity that compounds the dilemma of communities coping with security services often unwilling, unable or unavailable to protect citizens.

If unarmed Jackson had known that self-defence against herdsman Boua Bururo, who stabbed him seven times on his farm, would not avail him, that if he didn’t die by his attacker’s knife, he would have still been killed by the law, he might have surrendered to his attacker. What a fate!

What kind of society gives the victims the short end of the stick? If communities cannot trust that the police can defend them and courts will not provide justice, self-help prevails. As things stand, respect for life and private property rights is endangered, and to pretend otherwise is to enable jungle justice further.

No excuses

What happened to the Uromi 16 stands condemned, but sadly, the fake outrage by politicians obscures the history behind the tragedy. It neither guarantees that a proper investigation will be done and the perpetrators brought to justice, nor does it assuage current tensions and paranoia in many communities across the country.

Open, unrestrained grazing must stop. The Federal Government must also fast-track community/state policing, which will hopefully use modern surveillance tools and techniques to prevent and fight crime. The current security system is unfit for purpose.

Burden of kindness

I’m sorry for the truck driver who, after driving past the stranded passengers early on, turned back nearly two kilometres to pick up the Uromi 16 and other stranded passengers from the roadside. Even though he escaped the mob attack in Uromi, he now lives with the guilt of a bloody reward for his act of kindness, the tragic consequence of a society where trust and compassion have declined.

Neither the Uromi I read about in history nor the one my mother visited is the same as the present crime scene. Something is broken, and false outrage won’t fix it.