
OTHERS' VIEWS
China and Nigeria, two continental giants that entered the late 1970s with similar per capita incomes, have since taken opposite economic trajectories. In China, the decisive moment was Deng Xiaoping’s 1978 decision to “open the windows” and let the world’s capital know-how to blow in. In Nigeria, the same decade ushered in the oil boom that encouraged governments to depend on volatile export rents rather than the hard grind of production. Nearly half a century later, the contrast is stark: China ships $3.58 trillion a year worth of merchandise each year to the US, runs the world’s biggest high-speed rail and electricity networks, and has reduced extreme poverty to the low single digits, whereas Nigeria still relies on diesel generators to power most factories and holds the unfortunate record of hosting the planet’s largest pool of people living on less than $3 a day.
I was recently in China as part of a Nigerian business delegation that wanted to revolutionise rail freight. We toured Chinese rail manufacturing factories and saw the cumulative effect firsthand. At Yiwu, a market city once famous only for cheap toys, outbound trains roll directly into the customs yard, clear export formalities in hours and join a trans-Eurasian schedule that reaches Madrid in eighteen days. We counted five layers of the process—terminal handling, port queue, ocean leg, inland haulage, and warehouse sorting—that would each add days and dollars back home. We also noticed that the Chinese yard foreman carried a tablet tracking real-time wagon diagnostics; the Nigerian equivalent would be on a clipboard waiting on a generator to restart the Wi-Fi.
The macro numbers simply crystallise what we observed on the ground. Manufacturing generates roughly twenty-seven per cent of the Chinese GDP and employs more than one hundred million people. In Nigeria, the share by 2024 has slid below ten per cent and continues to fall. Chinese logistics costs average seven to nine per cent of a retail item’s final price; Nigerian goods often surrender a quarter to a third of their value to the road, the checkpoint and the generator. The pertinent question is, what made China succeed and Nigeria fail?
Policy consistency is the first, and perhaps most underrated, source of that divergence. Beijing’s five-year plans differed in detail but never in direction: everyone sought deeper industrialisation, more export capacity, and a higher rung on the technology ladder. By contrast, Lagos, Abuja and the thirty-six state capitals have veered from import substitution to outright deregulation to state-owned “transformation agendas,” each abandoned as soon as the next political cycle arrives or the oil price slumps. For investors deciding where to put a steel mill or a chip assembly plant, the difference between a twenty-year horizon and a four-year horizon is the difference between “build” and “walk away.”
Infrastructure magnified that gap. Beginning in the early 1990s, China poured roughly eight per cent of its GDP every year into roads, ports, airports and—most outstandingly—rail. A lattice of 45,000 kilometres of 250 to 350 km/h track now links almost every provincial capital; freight versions of those lines move 10,000-tonne trains from Chongqing to Shenzhen in a single day. One academic study finds that high-speed rail access lifts a connected city’s GDP by more than fourteen per cent within five years, mostly by slashing logistics times and widening labour catchment areas for firms. Nigeria, meanwhile, rehabilitated a few colonial-era lines and launched several standard gauge projects, but even its showcase Abuja–Kaduna and Lagos- Ibadan routes move fewer passengers in a week than China’s busiest corridor handles before breakfast. Most cargo still crawls along cratered highways where police checkpoints and kidnappers impose an unofficial “fear tax” on every bag of cement or basket of tomatoes.
China achieved rapid growth by heavily investing in manufacturing. This is unlike Nigeria, where manufacturing contributes less than 12.68% in Q2 2024 and more than 8.21% in Q3 2024. China’s investment in High-Speed Rail (HSR) has led to a significant drop in the cost of goods. Recent initiatives like “Made in China 2025” focus on advanced manufacturing sectors such as robotics, aerospace, new-energy vehicles, and biotechnology to increase the value chain and reduce reliance on foreign technology.
Reliable energy is the next Faultline. Guangdong province alone generates more electricity than the entire Nigerian grid, and it does so continuously; Chinese aluminium smelters, textile mills and data centres are designed around the assumption that the power will stay on. Nigerian manufacturers assume the opposite. They buy diesel gensets, pay triple the Asian price for each kilowatt hour they consume, and pass that cost on to consumers—who already face some of the steepest logistics markups in the world. When energy constitutes thirty per cent of a product’s ex-factory price, no patriotic marketing can keep that product competitive abroad.
China’s factories also had people who could keep the machines running. A high school graduate in Jilin can programme a PC and interpret a process control chart because technical and vocational colleges occupy a place of prestige that academic-heavy universities once monopolised. As a result, Chinese employers can field 3,000-strong shifts of technicians able to retool a smartphone assembly line on the weekend. Nigeria’s educational culture remains firmly certificate-oriented; private surveys suggest that more than four-fifths of recent university graduates lack basic spreadsheet or coding competence. The mismatch forces multinationals to fly expatriate engineers into Lagos or—more often—to put the factory in Ethiopia, Vietnam or Guangdong instead.
Automation sharpened the divide still further. In 2024 alone, Chinese firms installed nearly 300,000 industrial robots—more than Europe and the Americas combined. Robots weld car bodies and ship parts, insert smartphone cameras and package frozen dumplings; the technicians who maintain them earn multiples of the average urban wage. Nigeria ordered only a few hundred units that same year, primarily for soft drink bottling plants in Lagos and Ogun. Without automation, productivity plateaus; without productivity, wages stagnate; without rising wages, the domestic market stays too shallow to justify mass production. The cycle feeds on itself.
Oil dependence made everything worse. Crude accounts for well over half of Nigeria’s government revenue but employs fewer than one per cent of its labour force. When Brent prices soar, ministries hire, contractors splurge, and imports surge; when prices crash, capital projects halt, debts pile up, and Naira devaluations wipe out household purchasing power. Chinese planners did court commodity cycles—the country still consumes half the world’s copper and iron ore—but their fiscal lifeline was value-added, not raw rents. Tax receipts rose in tandem with factory output, giving Beijing a steadily expanding pool of local currency resources to finance the next port or rail line.
Insecurity compounds Nigeria’s structural costs. Hundreds of lives and thousands of work hours vanish each year due to armed robbery, terrorist attacks or kidnaping along the Lagos–Kano highway. Firms pay for private guards, convoy fees and kidnap insurance; those outlays translate directly into higher shelf prices and lower margins. China indeed grapples with crime and corruption, but industrial zones in Shenzhen or Suzhou are patrolled, litigated and powered in ways that let a container leave the factory gate and reach the port with minimal friction or added cost. Logistics is the key enabler of manufacturing.
Yet none of these gaps is destiny. Nigeria’s poverty is a product of a mix of bad leadership and bad choices. Nigeria’s heavy reliance on oil causes economic vulnerability. Nigeria’s education system emphasises certificates over practical skills, creating a gap between what is taught in schools and what employers need. Over 85% of Nigerian graduates lack digital skills, making them less competitive in the job market. The SMART schools championed by the Enugu State government aim to start closing the IT gaps, and other states in Nigeria are expected to create more of these schools.
Nigeria still has an unreliable electricity supply, inconsistent fiscal policies, shifting regulations, and excessive bureaucracy. Years of focus on ease of doing business have improved things, but we are far from average. Nigeria’s service-led growth has benefited the educated middle class and corrupt government officials and is less employment-intensive. Despite having a young population, massive arable land and growth potential, Nigeria has remained a country of poor people.
Nigeria still possesses assets China would envy: a median age under twenty, vast swathes of uncultivated arable land, abundant sunshine for solar power and a coastline perched between the Atlantic trade lanes and Africa’s interior. What it lacks is the deliberate sequencing that China pursued. Reliable baseload power and a north-south freight rail spine must precede, not follow, any talk of mega parks or local content mandates. Technical colleges must receive the same prestige and funding as universities. We applaud the efforts of the Minister of Education in creating and masterminding the technical and vocational school strategy. Special Economic Zones must specialise in textiles in Kano, agro-processing in Benue, and light engineering in Aba so suppliers and toolmakers can cluster rather than scatter. Nigeria must adopt Industrial clusters as a potential strategy. Industrialisation breeds employment, alleviates poverty, and creates high income and GDP growth, which creates wealth and a better quality of life for citizens.
If those choices are made and sustained, the virtuous cycle that lifted China is also ready to spin in Nigeria: hard infrastructure lowers cost, factories sprout, wages rise, domestic demand deepens, tax receipts multiply, and the next round of infrastructure becomes easier to finance. History shows that such cycles do not begin with genius inventions or windfall resources; they start when governments decide that electricity at midnight and freight trains at dawn are more important than oil rents at noon. China made that decision decades ago and grew rich. Nigeria still can. President Widodo of Indonesia grew their economy within ten years by furthering an export-oriented strategy with in-country value addition, embarking on expansive infrastructure development, reducing poverty to 1%, and almost doubling per capita income. Can we do this in Nigeria? Yes, we can! Today’s dismal rankings will look like a brief preface to a more prosperous chapter
Adelabu Adegoke was one of the most flamboyant and charismatic politicians in pre-independence Nigeria. When one day, the press asked him about deliberations in the Western Region House of Assembly, he replied that it was a “peculiar mess”. He pronounced the words with a Yoruba intonation making the two words sound like “Penkelemesi”. So, his sobriquet became Penkelemesi.
Today, his grandson, Adebayo Adelabu, is the Minister of Power who rather than do the job he is paid for, prefers serving Nigerians peculiar mess as menu. Under his watch, the national grid in 2024 on average, collapsed monthly and, power supply remains epileptic while tariff is astronomically increased. In other words, Nigerians under him pay astronomical electricity tariff for the darkness supplied.
However, rather than be quiet, Adelabu insults Nigerians at per second billing. For those who may not be aware, Nigerians as customers buy everything in the hope of being supplied electricity. We buy all: from wires, poles, transformers to meters with which we are billed. Despite these, Adelabu adds to the injury with insults and loads of Trump-like alternative truths. For instance, in April, 2024, Adelabu needed to astronomically increase electricity tariff in line with the biddings of the International Monetary Fund, IMF, and the World Bank who falsely claim that the cost of electricity is too cheap in Nigeria.
So, the grandson of Penkele spins a tail in which he blames and insults Nigerians for the epileptic power supply and why they had to be punished with high tariff increases. He said: “A lot of people will come back from work, they want to have dinner, or they want to see their colleagues down the road, they switch on the AC for the room to be cooling before they come back. Some people will be going to work in the morning, a freezer that you left on for days, they will still leave it on when all the items in the freezer are frozen and five, six, eight hours of their absence will not make it to defreeze, they will still leave it to be consuming power just because we are not paying enough.”
In his 2024 Independence Day message which also marked his one year in office, the Minister told Nigerians that over 40 per cent of us are enjoying 20 hours of electricity daily. The truth is that while some Nigerians have less than four hours of electricity supply daily, many have less. There are actually towns that were not supplied electricity at all within that period. In fact, as at April 18, 2025 areas in Kaduna metropolis like Romi and Sabo, for weeks, have had less than two hours power supply daily!
In any case, where did the increase in power distribution come from when for decades our maximum power distribution capacity remains 4,000 megawatts? Nigerians knew Adelabu was lying because that was not the reality of their existence. Also, Adelabu knew he was lying because as the Yorubas say, two persons cannot be deceived simultaneously; if the person being deceived does not know, the deceiver knows what game he is playing. However, Nigerians were too hungry to be bothered about debunking such optics by a man belching at the nation’s table. This spin by Adelabu on hours of power supplied is not original. It is an old template in the files of the Power Ministry. It was used on June 9, 2020 by one of his predecessors, Mamman Kwagyang Saleh, who on June 9, 2020 on the Nigerian Television Authority, claimed Nigerians were enjoying 18-24 hours of power supply every day.
Adelabu had also tried to play on the intelligence of Nigerians. While not increasing power distribution above the 4,000MW we have had for over a decade, he categorised consumers into what he classified as Band A, B, C. Under this false categorisation, he billed those in Band B, N63 per kilowatt-hour and those in Band A N209 per kilowatt-hour. After achieving the tariff increase, the Ministry decided to “regularise electricity tariffs” which is an euphemism for tariff increase and obliteration of the deceptive ‘Band’ system.
In his latest outing on April 17, 2025, Adelabu held a long, sonorous press briefing with no verifiable statistics to back his claims. He told Nigerians: “We have increased our generation to 6,003 megawatts, up by 1,700 megawatts in one and a half years since President Tinubu assumed office. It took Nigeria over 40 years to achieve an incremental 2,000 megawatts of average energy; we achieved this in less than two years.”
The claim by Adelabu that it is the Tinubu government that has increased power generation to 6,003MW is contradicted by facts from the supervisory Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission, NERC. In its “Daily Energy Watch” for January 28, 2015, the agency stated that power generation was 6,421 MW. In January, 2017, Buhari’s Minister of Power Babatunde Fashola announced a power generating capacity of 7,000MW. When Fashola in his Monday, July 9, 2018 press briefing made similar claims as an indication of progress, the eleven distribution companies under their Association of Nigerian Electricity Distributors, ANED, issued a statement accusing the government of lying as the country had almost hit that mark before Buhari came to power on May 29, 2015.
So, Minister Adelabu’s claims ten years later, that due to hard work the Tinubu administration had significantly increased power generation to 6,003 MW, cannot but be a fallacy. Generally, contrary to the claims of Adelabu, our power sector is in a sorry state and urgent steps need to be taken. One of them is the overdue review of the demonstrably fraudulent 2013 privatisation which handed over the sector to mainly incompetent distribution companies some of which have gone bankrupt. The review has statutorily been due since 2018.
If need be, the privatisation should be reversed. The Dominican Republic did so in 2003, the German cities of Berlin and Hamburg also did, and California with a $3 trillion economy equally did. This led to the liquidation of Enron on July 16, 2005. Nigeria which began to generate and distribute electricity in 1896, has one of the best experiences in the world. Along with public power supply, we also had an independent or private power company called Nasco which was established in 1925. The latter was quite efficient and reliable. But the Federal Government smashed Nasco on the basis that no company should compete with NEPA/PHCN. Along with the reversal of the privatisation swindle, the Nasco model remains a viable one. Anybody interested in further reading can pick a copy of the 2020 book: “The light in the tunnel may be an oncoming train: A Research on Privatisation in Nigeria focusing on electricity”, which I co-authored with Ahmed Aminu Yusuf.
Two boys were playing together in the garden. Soon, the play degenerated into an argument, and they engaged in a shouting match. From afar, the father of the boys cautioned them to stop arguing and continue their play, but they wouldn’t budge. Shortly after, they lunged at each other and almost engaged in fisticuffs. The father, at this point, wades in. He ordered one of the boys, his step-son, to go to the naughty corner and face the wall for six minutes while he told the other boy, his biological son, to continue his play in the garden.
The above scenario aptly captures the developments in Rivers state. President Bola Tinubu on March 18 2025, declared a six-month emergency rule in the state, following the political crisis that pitched the state governor, Siminalayi Fubara, against the FCT minister, Nyesom Wike, on one hand and the state house of assembly on the other.
The disagreement was primarily between Wike, the immediate past Rivers state governor, and Fubara, one of his long-standing allies whom he installed as his successor. Wike’s angst was that he might lose his political status in Rivers as Fubara was allegedly trying to bring down the structures that helped him to become governor. After almost two years of unending strife without any headway, President Tinubu, as the father of the nation, decided to wield the big stick by suspending Fubara and his deputy for six months. He also suspended the members of the Rivers assembly, but every right-discerning person knows they are not the major gladiator in the battle, just a pawn in the game. He left Wike to continue his job in his cabinet.
Of course, the president’s action has elicited mixed reactions from Nigerians. While some have argued that based on the provisions of sections 1(2), 14(1)(c), 176(1) (2) and 305(1) of the 1999 Constitution, the suspension of democratically elected officials in Rivers state is unlawful and unconstitutional, others have justified the suspension, saying no responsible government will fold its hands and allow Rivers State, a major economic lifeline of the country to go up in flames.
However, the majority of Nigerians share the view that to be fair, the president should have also suspended Wike, who is a major player in the crisis rocking the state. This would have made him sober and take a deep introspection over the issues at stake. But that is not to be the case, as Fubara’s temporary displacement seems to have given Wike the feeling that he has the upper hand. He has been granting interviews with his characteristic bumptiousness while Fubara is at home licking his wounds and brooding over the incident.
In the latest media parley he had with some select journalists, Wike even expressed dissatisfaction with the presidential declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and suspension of the governor, saying what he wanted was outright removal.
Hear him: “As a politician, I am not happy with the declaration of Emergency Rule in Rivers state. I wanted the outright removal of the governor. But for the interest of the state, the president did the right thing to prevent anarchy in the state. The matter is in court, but people must say the truth. The governor was gone. It is not on my place to make it good for the governor. As a politician, my business is not to make him comfortable and that is why there is power plane.”
Wike’s remarks are grossly unacceptable, a direct affront to the president, and one would have expected the presidency to call him to order, telling him to face the task assigned to him in the FCT. Whether his intervention is constitutional or not, the president has acted in what he considers the best interest of Rivers. Fubara, who was at the receiving end, has quietly accepted his fate, but Wike continues to talk garrulously and pour petrol on fire. His comments, if left unchecked, can infuriate the supporters of Fubara, many of whom have been made redundant by the sole administrator, Ibok-Ette Ibas, who appears to be pursuing an ‘obliterate anything Fubara’ agenda.
Wike was even seen in a video last week in London, where he hosted the suspended lawmakers. Of course, that is one of the consequences of his not being suspended. In the recent media parley, he even said he is ready to forgive Fubara if he apologises to him. Except if he truly knows from within his heart that he wronged Wike, but if not, I think it will be very idiotic for Fubara to offer any apology at this point. If his fight with Wike is not because of any breach of agreement (Ngige-Chris Uba saga), if it is for the interest of the good people of Rivers state, then any apology from him will amount to utter wimpishness.
I am not in support of Fubara. He keeps creating an impression of a flawless ‘Sim’ple man, but that appears to be a mere facade. In fact, I was alarmed last week when I read reports that he donated the sum of N300 million to the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) to hold a conference in Rivers State. Only God knows how much of Rivers’ resources he has donated so far, yet he created the impression of a man who places a premium on frugality and is judiciously using taxpayers’ money. Nobody would have known this if not for his suspension from office and the fact that the NBA moved the conference away from Rivers state, which prompted the sole administrator to ask for a refund.
What, however, impresses me about Fubara is the maturity and dignified silence he has maintained since his suspension. One inciting word from him to his supporters could have set the state on fire. He has, however, remained silent, allowing Nigerians, especially Rivers women, to fight the battle on his behalf. That is quite commendable, and his silence shouldn’t be taken as a sign of weakness.
On the other hand, Wike too should have a sober reflection. The current face-off between him and Fubara, is it karma at work? The law of karma states that your deeds and actions, whether good or bad, will eventually return to you. I read an old news item recently where former governor of Rivers state, Rotimi Amaechi, was more or less lamenting his recommendation of Wike, who was his former chief of staff, to be a minister.
Amaechi while addressing clergymen of the Niger Delta Bishops’ Forum who visited him in Government House, Port Harcourt in August 2013 said: “I hear you also visited Nyesom Wike. I try not to talk about Wike. I say so because he is my subordinate, I try not to talk about him but I hear you visited him. Why I won’t talk about him is that Nyesom Wike, his second tenure as Obio Akpor council chairman was by the grace of God, but I was the architect of that second term. Nyesom Wike was appointed chief of staff by me. Nyesom Wike, as a minister of state, I nominated him. I was under pressure from the president to drop him, but I refused. The president persuaded me to drop him and bring a woman, but I refused. I hear he is going all over town saying I didn’t appoint him. I didn’t appoint him, the president appointed him, but I nominated him to be a minister as the chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum. I did, but you know, character doesn’t come easily, character is a very difficult thing, and I am a man of character.”
In writing this article, I sought the opinion of a senior lawyer on why the president didn’t suspend Wike. Though he chose to remain anonymous, he said: “It will appear that the president has taken a side in the Rivers crisis. Much as he tries to put up a face, it is very evident that he has leaned in the direction of Wike. For a balance of the situation, something should have been done to Wike to show a kind of fairness, but the presidency does not see it that way. Their view is that if Wike was suspended, it will seem like a punishment.
“They believed that the suspension of democratically elected institutions in Rivers is not seen as a suspension but as a temporary solution to the crisis. According to them, the governor would have been impeached and the crisis would have escalated, but by suspending him, the president has saved him from impeachment. However, that argument does not gel with the average Nigerian who thinks that Wike, being a major player in the crisis, would have also been awarded a penalty.”
In conclusion, there are pertinent questions to ask, which are very germane to the Rivers crisis. Will the president’s intervention bring a permanent solution to the crisis in the state? After the six-month suspension is over, what next? With no peace-making efforts in sight, will the president extend the suspension, thereby technically keeping Fubara out of office till almost the end of his tenure?
With Wike still firing from all cylinders and saying he wants an outright removal of Fubara, will that improve or worsen an already bad situation? Eleven PDP governors are challenging Fubara’s suspension in court; if they triumph, will the president respect the court order and terminate the reign of the sole administrator?
What happens if, after six months, the president restores Fubara to his position and the lawmakers loyal to Wike still go ahead and impeach him?
Akinsuyi, former group politics editor of Daily Independent, currently studies sustainability communications at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
On the evening of 5 April 2012, the prime-time bulletin on the television news of the Malawi Broacasting Corporation (MBC), announced to the country that the president, Ngwazi Professor Bingu wa Mutharika, “had been taken ill and had been flown to South Africa for specialist treatment.” At another end of the capital city, Lilongwe, a presidential convoy was on its way to the Kamuzu International Airport (KIA) where an air ambulance awaited with instructions to fly to South Africa a president who was supposedly alive but unwell.
Earlier in the day, around 11:00 in the morning, Ngwazi Professor Bingu had collapsed while receiving in audience the Member of Parliament representing the south-east constituency of the capital city, Lilongwe, Agnes Penemulungu. The judicial commission of inquiry which later investigated what transpired thereafter received evidence which showed quite clearly that the presidential court had not prepared nor practiced for the possibility of a life-and-death emergency involving the president. Elton Singini, a senior judge, chaired the inquiry.
The commission of inquiry established as a fact that the president died earlier in the day inside the ambulance en route to Kamuzu Central Hospital in the capital city. According to the inquiry report, “the President was brought in dead (BID) at Kamuzu Central Hospital [KCH] at around 11.25 in the morning” of 5 April.
At the time of the news bulletin announcing that he was to be flown to South Africa later on the same day, President Bingu had been dead for over eight hours. Despite being aware of this, the presidential retinue instructed staff at the hospital to apply cardio-pulmonary resuscitation (CPR) on the presidential remains for over two hours. In the process, they crushed his rib-cage.
More was to follow. At the airport, the air ambulance pilots from South Africa declined to board the body, citing the fact that their permission was to fly with a patient not a dead body. High level conversations ensued between Lilongwe and Pretoria. It may have helped and was certainly relevant that Malawi’s Foreign Minister at the time was Peter Mutharika, President Bingu’s younger brother who was also intent on stepping into the shoes of his just deceased brother. Peter needed time to set the wheels in motion to leap-frog Vice-President, Joyce Banda in the succession stakes.
South Africa’s President, Jacob Zuma who had retired for the day had to be woken up to personally authorize the flight. Shortly after mid-night on 6 April 2012, the air ambulance took off for South Africa. In Malawi, the people were told their president was headed to South Africa for medical attention. In South Africa, the authorities knew that the air ambulance on its way from Lilongwe would arrive with the dead body of Malawi’s president. Shortly after 02:30 on 6 April, the aircraft landed at South Africa’s National Defence Force (SANDF) Waterkloof Airbase on the outskirts of Pretoria. From there, it was transferred to a mortuary.
The authors of all this malign chicanery designed to deceive the people of Malawi, however, forgot to also notify the processes of bio-chemistry. By the time the body arrived the morgue in South Africa, it had been “in the open without refrigeration for about 18 hours after death.” As a result, the very important and high profile invitees to the state funeral of President Bingu which took place on 23 April, 2012, had to endure the uncomfortable company of flies, as well as the majestic fragrance of human of putrefaction. As the report of the Justice Elton Singini Commission of Inquiry recorded, “the body had started decomposing as evidenced by the smell and a few flies hovering around.”
Four years earlier, in August 2008, Levy Mwanawasa, the president of neighbouring Zambia, died in a military hospital near Paris in France. While attending the summit of the African Union in Cairo, Egypt, on 29 June 2008, President Mwanawasa had collapsed following what was later understood to be an aneurysm (Stroke). He was stabilized there before being transferred to France where he died two months later. At his death, it came out that two years earlier, during his first term as president in 2006, President Mwanawasa had suffered an earlier stroke.
For that, he received extended treatment in the United Kingdom. No one told Zambians.
The year after the death of President Mwanawasa, in June 2009, Omar Bongo, who had ruled Gabon for 41years died in hospital in Spain. When he left Libreville at the beginning of the previous month, his compatriots believed that their president, the doyen and favorite of France Afrique, was away on a working visit – a phrase all too familiar to Nigerians – to his favorite haunts in Europe. At his death, it emerged that more than one month before his death, President Bongo had been hospitalized for cancer treatment in Spain.
President Bongo was not the last long-serving African president to die in Spain. On 8 July 2022, former Angolan president, Jose Eduardo dos Santos, died also there after prolonged cancer treatment. Following his death, a family crisis broke out over his funeral, which delayed the repatriation of his remains to Luanda for more than one month. Six weeks after his death, in the third week of August 2022, a judge in Spain finally authorized the return of the body of President dos Santos to Angola for burial.
When he departed Nigeria on 2 April, the presidency in Abuja issued a statement claiming that Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Nigeria’s president, was off to France on a “short working visit”, during which he would “retreat to review the progress of ongoing reforms and engage in strategic planning ahead of his administration’s second anniversary.” They barely stopped short of telling Nigerians that their president was headed to Lourdes for the grace of its historic apparitions. President Tinubu is a Muslim; it was in the middle of the Christian season of Lent and no one had apparently bothered to advise him or his image makers that it is usually Christians who undertake two week-long retreats in the middle of this season.
The day after the end of the initially announced 14 days, the same presidential retinue disclosed that the president had relocated from France to the United Kingdom, from where he was doing an excellent job as Nigeria’s president in Europe.
The evidence seems inescapable that President Tinubu has significant health challenges and needs regular medical attention from doctors overseas. For this, his destination of choice is clearly France. In 22 months as president, Tinubu has made at least eight trips to the country under different guises for a cumulative period of over 60 days.
While that he’s been away this time, hundreds – if not more – had been killed in massacres in different parts of Nigeria. As president, Tinubu is also the Commander-in-Chief of Nigeria’s armed and security forces. Yet, from Europe, he is reported to be passing the buck to state governors to do that which only he has the tools to accomplish under Nigeria’s constitution.
Excluding the five years and three months of the presidency of Goodluck Jonathan from February 2010 to May 2015, Nigeria has had a presidency in near-permanent occupancy of sanatoriums overseas for 15 years. The Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which Tinubu led, was aggressively voluble in asking for candour on the health status of a terminally ill President Umaru Yar’Adua.
After going into marriage with Muhammadu Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) to create All Progressives Congress (APC), they made virtue of unlooking when Buhari took up residence in foreign hospitals for much of his presidency.
It should be no news that a man of President Tinubu’s age is unwell. Those invested in concealing that reality from Nigerians are more interested in protecting their present perquisites than in the wellbeing of their principal or of the country.
The presidency is more than just an office. For those around the occupant of the office, it also means money, power, and privilege. To preserve it, most people in and around the presidency take liberties, sometimes, even with the wellbeing of their principal or with accountability to the people in whose name he holds office. For the country and even for the president, the wages of this interminable subterfuge are prohibitive.
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu
In a recent media outburst, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mr. Nyesom Wike taunted me for losing a case which he had won at the Supreme Court. Even though, I appear regularly in domestic and regional courts in Africa, Mr. Wike dubbed me "a television lawyer".
I did not join issues with him on that occasion because Mr. Wike is the only life bencher in Nigeria who has never handled a case in any trial court or appellate court. Another reason for ignoring Mr. Wike's vituperations is that it is no crime if a lawyer loses a case in any court. In other words, only a corrupt lawyer wins all cases in all courts.
A couple of days ago, Mr. Wike subjected me to another scurrilous attack in a press conference held in Abuja to showcase the Ministry of Federal Capital Territory. In the course of the press conference, he veered off and was alleged to have accused me lying about the defection status of certain legislators during an appearance on Channels TV.
While referring to a recent Supreme Court ruling that addressed the issue of defection, stating, “A few days ago, the Supreme Court settled this matter of defection." He then said that, "If someone of Femi Falana’s caliber can go on national television and lie, it’s very serious. Lies can cause a lot of crises. He expressed concern that such misinformation, especially from a respected legal figure, could escalate tensions if not addressed."
Specifically, Mr. Wike accused me of lying against the Supreme Court over its decision on the defection of 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly. Contrary to Mr. Wike's assertion, I did not lie against the Supreme Court in respect of the judgment in question. All I said was that the matter of the defection of the 27 legislators was raised _suo_ _motu_ and determined by the eminent Justices of the apex court.
My comment was based on the undeniable fact that the vexed issue of the defection of the 27 legislators was pending in the Port Harcourt judicial division of the Federal High Court at the material time. In addition, there are video tapes and a sworn affidavit where the 27 legislators had confirmed their defection from the People's Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressive Congress.
It is public knowledge that Mr. Wike had praised the Supreme Court to high heavens and held a thanksgiving service to celebrate the decision on the defection of the 27 legislators. However, he decided to attack me for commenting on the same judgment without any legal justification.
I wish to state, without any fear of contradictions, that my fundamental right to criticise the decisions of courts is guaranteed by Section 39 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended and article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights.
I would have ignored the minister's latest gratuitous attack but for the fact that he had recently called on the Body of Benchers to discipline lawyers who have the temerity to criticise the judgments of Nigerian courts.
However, unlike Mr. Wike who calls judges names whenever they disagree with his politics of opportunism, I have always criticised the judgments of domestic and regional courts with utmost decorum and in good faith.
While Mr. Wike believes that it is a professional anomaly to criticise the decisions of Judges, the Supreme Court of Nigeria has always welcomed the criticism and review of its judgments because the Justices believe that they are prone to make mistakes like all mortals. It is undoubtedly clear that Mr. Wike is not familiar with the case of Adegoke Motors Limited v Dr. Babatunde Adesanya 2 1989 3 NWLR (Pt 109) 250 at 274 where Oputa JSC of blessed memory said that, "We are final not because we are infallible; rather we are infallible because we are final”.
About five years ago, the then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammad said to lawyers, “As critical stakeholders in the task of justice delivery, you have the responsibility of drawing our attention to where things are going wrong or on the verge of going wrong." Justice Muhammad further stated that It would not be out of place for lawyers to subject Justices in the country to criticism where necessary as a step to ensuring improvement in the justice delivery system.
From time to time, many respected Justices commend my criticism of the judgments of courts and the defence of the Judiciary. It is on record that at a recent valedictory service held in Abuja, a retiring Justice of the Supreme Court referred to one of my critical comments pertaining to the Nigerian Judiciary.
In the light of the foregoing, Mr. Wike delibetately set out to incite the Supreme Court against me as the allegation levelled against me by him is spurious and tendencious in every material particular. Since he has become the unsolicited defender of the Judiciary, I challenge him to report me to the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee for professional misconduct.
No doubt, the minister's latest gratuitous attack but for the fact that he had recently called on the Body of Benchers to discipline lawyers who have the temerity to criticise the judgments of Nigerian courts.
However, unlike Mr. Wike who calls judges names whenever they disagree with his politics of opportunism, I have always criticised the judgments of domestic and regional courts with utmost decorum and in good faith.
No doubt, the decision of the Supreme Court is final on defection of legislators from the political party that sponsored them to another political party. In their wisdom, their Lordships said that defection can only be proved with the production of the register of members of political parties. My fear is that this decision will be waived by unpatriotic politicians to justify political prostitution in Nigeria.
In the interest of political stability and national morality, I have respectively called on the Supreme Court to continue to rely on
the cases of the Attorney-General of the Federation ?. Abubakar (2007) 10 NWLR (PT.1041) 1 at 178, Dapialong v Dariye (2007) 8 NWLR (Pt 1036) 332 and Abegunde ?. Ondo State House of Assembly & Ors (2015) LPELR-24588(SC) where it had been held that the consequence of a defection by a legislator is the automatic loss of his or her seat in the legislative house.
While Mr. Wike believes that it is a professional misconduct to criticise the decisions of Judges, the Supreme Court of Nigeria has always welcomed the criticism and review of its judgments because the Justices believe that they are prone to make mistakes like all mortals. It is undoubtedly clear that Mr. Wike is not familiar with the case of Adegoke Motors Limited v Dr. Babatunde Adesanya 2 1989 3 NWLR (Pt 109) 250 at 274 where Oputa JSC of blessed memory said that, "We are final not because we are infallible; rather we are infallible because we are final”.
About five years ago, the then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammad said to lawyers, “As critical stakeholders in the task of justice delivery, you have the responsibility of drawing our attention to where things are going wrong or on the verge of going wrong." Justice Muhammad further stated that It would not be out of place for lawyers to subject Justices in the country to criticism where necessary as a step to ensuring improvement in the justice delivery system.
It may interest Mr. Wike to know that from time to time, many respected Justices commend my criticism of the judgments of Nigerian courts and the defence of the Judiciary. It is on record that at a recent valedictory service held in Abuja, a retiring Justice of the Supreme Court quoted with approval one of my critical comments pertaining to the Nigerian Judiciary.
In the light of the foregoing, it is indubitably clear that the allegation levelled against me by Mr. Wike is spurious and tendencious in every material particular. To that extent, he
has failed in his desperate bid to incite the Justices of the Supreme Court against me without any basis whatsoever. However, it is high time that Mr. Wike was prevented from further parading himself as the unsolicited defender of the Nigerian judiciary.
[OPINION] Greed, Gullibility, And Get-Rich-Quick: Nigeria’s Endless Ponzi Nightmare - Isaac Asabor
AdminThere is a dangerous triad that has held many Nigerians hostage for decades, and it consists of greed, gullibility, and the relentless hunger for get-rich-quick schemes. This unholy trinity has birthed a cycle of scams so vicious that even after national heartbreaks like the collapse of MMM, thousands continue to fall victim to financial wolves dressed as investment messiahs.
The script has not changed. The actors keep rotating. Yet, the Nigerian public keeps walking into the same trap. The tragedy? They walk in willingly, eyes wide open, wallets even wider.
For those who may have forgotten, MMM was a Russian Ponzi scheme introduced into Nigeria around 2015. It promised a 30% monthly return. That is right, 30% return on investment in 30 days, with no verifiable product, no service, no business model, just a fancy website and testimonies from early beneficiaries.
Despite repeated warnings from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), and financial experts across the country, Nigerians poured in their life savings. Some sold land. Some borrowed money to “invest.” Others dragged family and friends into the scheme like modern-day evangelists. The result? A collective national financial collapse in December 2016 when MMM shut down and vanished.
Like an open wound left untreated, the vacuum MMM created was soon filled with other schemes that cut across Ultimate Cycler, Loom, Naira Wealth, Racksterli, Chinmark Group, MBA Forex, and several others. Each came cloaked in new branding, fresh buzzwords, social media glitz, and increasingly sophisticated lies. Not only that, the tactics remain eerily consistent with promise of insane returns, creation of artificial scarcity or urgency, recruitment of social media influencers and local ambassadors. Other baits adopted by the scammers include use of early payouts to seduce more victims.
Against the foregoing backdrop, it is not an exaggeration to opine that having successfully baited some greedy and gullible Nigerians into the Ponzi scheme, they would vanish into thin air, sometimes after issuing a well-crafted press release blaming “economic challenges, “and somehow, Nigerians keep falling for it.
At this juncture, it tempting to ask, “Why do we keep getting burnt?” To answer the foregoing question, let us call it what it is: a toxic mix of greed and gullibility. Many Nigerians, facing legitimate economic hardship, have grown impatient with the slow route to financial stability, they do not want to invest for the long haul; they want money to rain down in weeks, and so, in their desperation, they suspend logic.
Consider this: If a scheme offers you 50% returns in one month, what legitimate business in the world can sustain that? Oil and gas? Real estate? Forex? None. Not without massive risks or fraud. But greed blinds people to basic arithmetic. And gullibility finishes the job.
In a society that idolizes wealth over process, people would rather look rich than understand money. That is why social media has become a breeding ground for scammers. All it takes is a few carefully crafted testimonies, a slick logo, and a few Instagram celebrities calling it the “next big thing.” Boom, the Ponzi fever spreads like wildfire.
We must spotlight the growing complicity of social media influencers. Many of them promote these fraudulent ventures either out of ignorance or pure selfish gain. They flaunt screenshots of returns, record videos talking about “God’s blessing through this opportunity,” and mislead thousands.
In fact, it will be recalled in this context that the SEC has recently warned influencers and celebrities against promoting unregistered financial products, especially digital asset platforms and meme coins, citing the new Investments and Securities Act 2025. The law mandates registration, transparency, and SEC approval for such promotions. Influencers must verify clients are licensed, use clear language, and label ads as sponsored. Violations attract fines up to ₦10 million, three years in prison, or both. The House of Representatives also cautioned public figures, stressing legal liabilities for misleading endorsements. The SEC aims to protect Nigerians from deceptive schemes often masked as entertainment or investment opportunities.
It is even more surprising that when the scheme crashes, celebrities and influencers who served as promoters of the scam go mute. No apologies. No accountability. Just a pivot to the next lifestyle brand. The authorities must begin to hold them responsible as co-enablers of financial fraud.
While the CBN and EFCC issue periodic warnings, their approach remains mostly reactive. By the time regulators announce an investigation, the scam has already milked thousands of victims dry. The SEC must move beyond issuing circulars, it must deploy intelligence tools to track, flag, and blacklist these fraudulent ventures before they go viral.
A central warning database listing suspicious schemes, names of promoters, and their bank details would be a great start. Collaborations with Fintech platforms and payment gateways could also disrupt these scams before they grow legs.
One of the most alarming developments in recent times is the growing number of Ponzi schemes being promoted from religious pulpits. Unscrupulous individuals now infiltrate churches and mosques, using God’s name to push lies. They offer testimonies. Some even deceive pastors into endorsing them. In a community driven by faith and trust, such endorsements are gold.
But when the crash comes, the betrayal cuts deeper. Not only are pockets emptied, trust in institutions is shattered. Religious leaders must wake up. You are not investment advisors. If your church or mosque becomes a tool for financial fraud, you are not just spiritually reckless, you are complicit in crime.
While it is easy to pity the victims of Ponzi schemes, we must start asking tough questions. How many people ask for business plans before investing? How many insist on company registration documents, audited financials, or even physical office addresses?
Too many people throw money into schemes because “someone in my estate has collected his payout” or “my church member just bought a car.” That is not investment that is herd mentality.
At what point do we stop being victims and start being willing participants in our own financial destruction?
At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “What Must Change?” regarding the issue of Ponzi scheme gone sour. To answer the foregoing question, it should be borne at the back of the mind of everyone that if Nigeria is to break this cycle, we must attack the root causes, and the first step would entail embarking on an aggressive financial education. This can be achieved by introducing mandatory financial literacy into school curriculums. Let children understand compound interest, risk, and scams before they leave secondary school. Adults must also have access to financial education through TV, radio, community centers, and local governments.
Secondly, naming and shaming should be adopted against scammers. Let us have a public, government-backed blacklist of Ponzi schemes and their operators. Through this, names of scammers can be published with their accounts frozen and their assets seized. This would no doubt make examples of them.
Another steps to be taken in nipping the tide of Ponzi scheme in the bud is by holding influencers involved in the promotion of any given scheme accountable. In fact, influencers promoting investment scams should be sanctioned, fined, and in some cases, prosecuted. Enough of the “I didn’t know” excuse.
In fact, there is an urgent need for our national values to be rewritten. Nigeria must stop celebrating wealth without context. We glorify “big boys” with no verifiable sources of income, yet scorn those building businesses the right way. This must change. We need a new narrative, one that applauds how the money was made, not just that it was made.
In a similar vein, whistleblowing must, more than ever before, be encouraged. This can be achieved by government agencies through the setting up of anonymous hotlines and rewards for whistleblowers who alert authorities early about suspicious schemes.
Nigerians must accept that the enemy is not just the scammer, it is also the unwillingness to learn from past mistakes. No matter how difficult the economy gets, there is no justification for voluntarily funding your own downfall.
Any scheme that promises to multiply your money without a clear, legal, and sustainable business model is a fraud. Always has been. Always will be.
If we do not collectively wake up, we will continue to ask the same painful question every year, “How did we fall for this again?”
[OPINION] Nsulu Airport Land Reduction: A Plea For Justice, Transparency, And Community Survival - Roland Ogbonnaya
Admin
The proposed Abia International Airport in Nsulu, Isiala Ngwa North, holds the potential for economic growth and connectivity in our state. As landowners, we recognise and value the potential benefits that such a project could provide. We are not against development. We welcome progress. However, the current approach to land acquisition for this project is deeply flawed, lacking transparency, and jeopardises the very fabric of our community. The Landowners feel compelled to speak out in protest and demand a just and equitable resolution that protects our rights and our future.
The initial euphoria over the airport project has given way to anxiety and distrust. What should have been a time of great joy and excitement has instead become a breeding ground for resentment, fueled by a lack of transparency, alleged inducements, and a disregard for established legal procedures. The proposed acquisition of a staggering 1025 hectares of land, effectively displacing countless families and livelihoods, is completely unacceptable. This is a land grab disguised as development.
Our primary concern is not obstructing progress, but rather ensuring our survival. We are not asking for the project to be abandoned; rather, we want it scaled back to a manageable and sustainable level. We propose that the land acquisition area be reduced to 400 hectares. This would allow the airport to be built while also ensuring that our community has enough land to farm, feed itself, and preserve our way of life. This is not an unreasonable request; it is a plea for our continued existence.
The current government approach, marked by secrecy and a lack of meaningful consultation, is deeply concerning. Instead of engaging in open and honest dialogue with the community, the government is accused of using underhanded tactics, such as sneaking around villages, harassing landowners, and offering pitiful sums - "peanuts," as we have been told - to persuade them to give up their land. This is not the way a responsible government should treat its people. It is a betrayal of trust and a violation of our basic rights.
We are particularly concerned about the alleged use of party agents and compromised villagers to advance the government's agenda. These individuals, often motivated by personal gain or political expediency, coerce vulnerable and often illiterate landowners into signing away their land for a pittance, without fully understanding the long-term implications. This is not development; it is exploitation.
Governor Alex Otti's administration has a unique opportunity to right the wrongs of the past and forge a new path forward, one based on trust, transparency, and community rights. We urge the Governor to personally intervene and ensure that this project is carried out in a fair and equitable manner, in accordance with international best practices and applicable laws.
The Land Use Act of 1978 governs the process of land acquisition in Nigeria, vesting all land in each state with the Governor of that state. While the Act establishes a framework for land acquisition, implementation is frequently fraught with difficulties, such as corruption, a lack of transparency, and a disregard for community rights. We believe that the current process in Nsulu falls far short of the idealised and comprehensive procedure outlined in the law.
Consider the government's processes to acquire community lands for projects in Nigeria.
- Project Identification and Planning Phase:
How thoroughly were potential environmental and community impacts evaluated during the early stages of project conception and feasibility studies? Were environmental impact assessments conducted transparently and with the participation of local communities? Were the initial consultations truly informative and inclusive, or were they merely formalities meant to stamp a predetermined outcome? It appears that the affected communities were not taken seriously during the pre-acquisition phase.
- Land Acquisition Phase:
The official notification and declaration of the intention to acquire land should have been a watershed moment, demonstrating the government's commitment to transparency and fairness. But was the notice promptly served on all recognised community leaders, landowners, and occupants? Was the notice published in the state's Official Gazette as well as widely circulated newspapers, ensuring that the information was available to everyone? Was the acquired land properly surveyed and demarcated, with clear boundaries, or was there ambiguity and confusion?
The land valuation and compensation assessment is probably the most contentious part of the process. Were qualified and independent valuers hired to determine the fair market value of the land, improvements, and other assets included in the acquisition? Did the valuation process take into account non-economic losses like displacement, loss of cultural heritage, and disruption of social networks? Was the valuation process transparent, with affected communities able to access the valuation reports?
The negotiation and agreement phase should have provided an opportunity for the government and the community to collaborate and reach a mutually beneficial solution. Were compensation packages negotiated with affected communities based on valuation reports and any additional losses? Was there active participation by community representatives in the negotiation process? Was the negotiated agreement documented in a legally binding contract that detailed the terms of compensation and any other obligations of the government?
The compensation payment and resettlement phase, if necessary, puts the government's commitment to fairness and justice to the ultimate test. Was the agreed-upon compensation promptly and fully paid to the affected parties? Was a comprehensive resettlement plan created and implemented for displaced communities, which included the provision of alternative land or housing, infrastructure and social services in the resettlement area, livelihood restoration programs, and culturally appropriate resettlement?
III. Post-acquisition Phase:
Project implementation must adhere to environmental regulations and social safeguards. Regular monitoring of the project's environmental and community impacts, as well as post-project evaluations to assess the effectiveness of the land acquisition and resettlement programs, are critical. Establishing a grievance redress mechanism to address any complaints that may arise during or after project implementation is also necessary.
- Important Considerations for a Fair and Effective Process:
Transparency and accountability, community participation, fair compensation, respect for cultural heritage, environmental protection, adherence to the rule of law, and a grievance redress mechanism are more than just buzzwords; they are the foundation of a fair and equitable land acquisition process.
Unfortunately, the current situation in Nsulu is marred by the issues that frequently plague land acquisition processes in Nigeria: corruption, a lack of transparency, insufficient consultation with affected communities, low valuation of land and assets, delays in compensation payment, poor resettlement programs, and limited access to justice for affected communities.
We are not against development. We are not against progress. We simply want our rights to be respected, our voices heard, and our future secured. We are willing to collaborate with the government to find a solution that benefits both the community and the state, but this can only be accomplished through open and honest communication, transparency, and a commitment to justice.
Our concern is not with the amount of compensation, especially since the appropriate land size has not been determined. We cannot begin to discuss compensation until the government agrees to sit down with us and negotiate a mutually acceptable land size. In accordance with standard procedure, the government committee should have informed our people about the expected compensation amount. Even so, we believe that the government should provide adequate compensation that reflects the true value of our land and the losses we will incur.
We understand that the government needs land to construct the airport, but we also require land to survive. We are farmers, and our livelihoods are based on the land. Taking away too much land will not only force us to leave our homes, but it will also deprive us of the ability to feed ourselves and our families.
We therefore reiterate our demand that the land acquisition be limited to 400 hectares. This will allow the airport to be built while also ensuring that our community has enough land to farm and sustain its way of life. We urge Governor Alex Otti to hear our plea and take immediate action to address our concerns.
The time to act is now. We are willing to engage in meaningful dialogue with the government, but we will not stand by while our community is destroyed. We will continue to fight for our rights, land, and future. We believe that a just and equitable solution is possible, but it will require a commitment to transparency, fairness, and respect for community rights. We urge the Governor to seize this opportunity to establish a legacy of progress and justice in Abia State. Let the Nsulu Airport be a symbol of inclusive development, rather than one that destroys communities and livelihoods.
Roland Ogbonnaya is a concerned indigene of Nsulu and a Journalist.
(Being Statement delivered at the Association of Nigerian Authors – ANA – Abuja Chapter 70th Birthday Event/Celebration of Dr. Wale Okediran and a Reading/Writers Dialogue held at the Mamman Vatsa Village, Abuja, on the 19th of April, 2025)
In this piece, I want to specifically pose the question of how literature and literary writing can serve the purpose of representing the significance of the public service to the Nigerian public. Narrating the nature, significance and dynamics of the public service, admittedly, is the sphere of the social sciences—especially of political science and public administration. But then, why can literature not come to the aid of the political scientists cum administrative scholar-practitioner in documenting the ups and downs of the public service and its role in enabling good governance?
Literary writings narrate humanity. the human experiences and endeavors in ways that reveal horizons and frontiers of possibilities while also laying bare the depth and dynamics of the familiar. The literary eye sees beyond the normal and transcends the ordinary. All literature reveals their time and context; and this is why literature is a dangerous endeavor: it poses narrative questions that do not reveal easy answers. And yet these questions enable us, if we keep unraveling them long enough, to find a way out of our mental cocoons, according to Elif Shafak, the Turkish novelist. We can all easily agree with C. S. Lewis therefore: “Literature adds to reality; it does not simply describe it. It enriches the necessary competencies that daily life requires and provides; and in this respect, it irrigates the deserts that our lives have already become.”
Is the writer then a revolutionary? From Chinua Achebe to Naguib Mahfouz, Wole Soyinka to Mariama Ba, from Niyi Osundare to Abdulrazak Gurnah, from Ngugi wa Thiong’o to Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie and from Nadine Gordimer to Odia Ofeimun, we have writers who have championed a rebellious forthrightness in narrating the conditions for the existence of their postcolonial existence and future. We have writers who enable us to see our ordinary experiences and to transcend them. Let us take Odia Ofeimun’s The Poet Lied (1980) as a starting example. That poetry collection signals Ofeimun’s sensibility as a poet who has a deep understanding of the sociopolitical and economic anguish Nigerians have been going through for much of Nigeria’s sixty-five years of existence. As a poet, according to him, “I cannot blind myself/To putrefying carcass in the market place.” In the poet titled “A Foot Note,” Ofeimun laments:
In our model democracy
The magic promises of yesterday
Lie cold like mounds of dead cattle
Along caravans that lead nowhere…
More specifically, in “A Civil Servant,” Odia Ofeimun highlights a critical dimension of any civil and democratic government in terms of the machinery that makes any government function efficiently. This is in terms of policy formulation and service delivery of the dividends of democracy to the citizens.
A dull day:
you sit on the dung-heap
of boredom, a lizard
basking in the cold sunshine
of banal precedents.
Your lymphatic smile
is decorated with the painless anguish
of pedestrian hours
An idle star
streaks across your sky
This dull day
you bear the unproductive patience
of a dismantled industrial spider
you cannot say, for certain, what you want.
This poem represents not only a scathing critique of the neglect of the civil service by any Nigerian government, a neglect that makes the civil servant “sit on the dung-heap of boredom” like a lizard basking in a “cold sunshine.” It is also a poem that hits very hard and poetically at what I have called the bureau-pathology of the Nigerian public service, and its capacity for blind conformance at the expense of productive efficiency. A civil servant, Ofeimun aptly remarks, bears the “unproductive patience” of a “dismantled industrial spider”!
In Niyi Osundare’s “My Lord, Tell Me Where to Keep Your Bribe,” written in 2016 at the height of the corruption scandals that traumatized the sensibility of Nigerians, and especially the undermining of the professional integrity of the Nigerian judiciary. Imagine a servant bowing constantly in fake submissiveness, and asking, “My Lord, where should I keep this bribe?” merely asking that question, with the two contraries of “Lord” and “bribe”, already implies a deep and bruising moral judgement. When we conjoin that with the suggestions of the various hiding places, then we see that the judge being addressed has already, in the space of that monologue, been stripped of all honour. In “No Hiding Place for Politicians,” Osundare was at his poetic height in railing against corruption, embezzlement, clientelism and the betrayal of democratic trust. Take just these lines:
When the man of power
Tells you his tale
Ask him to wait till
You bring a sieve
****
Whoever believes what the politician says
His ear is blocked by the carcass of truth
A politician tells you to wait
And you heed his words…
Your sole will tell you
The biting pains of folly
These few lines already project not only the politician’s alienation from truth, but also the futility of listening to any form of “politicspeak” by which politicians have deceived Nigerians from independence to date. The “biting pain of folly” is what has indeed attended the constant optimism which has characterized Nigerians’ trust in the politicians who come, make noise, get our votes and then turn to stab us all in the back. But then, it behooves the poet, and the writers that a nation has produced, to bring the citizens to awareness. This is exactly what Barbara Kingsolver had in mind when she said, “What a writer can do, what a fiction writer or a poet or an essay writer can do is re-engage people with their own humanity.”
Wale Okediran, who celebrates his entry into the septuagenarian circle this year, provides a larger and more experiential context for examining the mindset of an average Nigerian public servant. In his Tenants of the House (2010), Wale Okediran fictionalized his short-lived experience as a member of the Nigerian House of Representative. That was an experience, we can say, that was stranger than fiction. We get to read the fictional account of what we all know has been going on—the greedy consumption of Nigeria’s commonwealth by a few who translated democratic stewardship into a license to steal and loot. What makes Odia Ofeimun’s and Wale Okediran’s literary accounts so graphic and significant is that both have traversed the public service space in Nigeria for a while. They were not just fictionalizing hearsays and the fecundity of their imagination. Any Nigeria, from what we daily encounter about the shenanigans of the political class, can fictionalize their misdeeds. But when one had walked the corridors of power and perceived the dark odor of political corruption, the literary imagination becomes even more effective than it could have been when fashioned on the imagination alone.
Nigerian literature serves as the handmaiden of social scientific and humanistic inquiry into the state of the Nigerian sociopolitical affairs. As a social commentary, it provides a complementary analysis of where the rain began to beat us as a nation, to quote Chinua Achebe. Indeed, the Nigerian literary space itself suffers significantly from Nigeria’s bureaucratic pathology and policy inchoateness. We all know the cost implication of getting published by a traditional publishing firm today. Many of Nigeria’s literary figures, from Chimamanda Adichie to Nnedi Okoroafor, get published elsewhere. This provides an occasion, therefore, to memorialize the great and persevering efforts of the Association of Nigerian Writers (ANA) for keeping the Nigerian literary spirit alive, and for serving as the breeding ground for literary effervescence.
Nigeria is a literary space; the precarity and suffering instigated by misgovernance and the policy somersault of consecutive administrations in Nigeria provide the occasion for rebellion of the literary imagination. In fact, I am very glad to call on the literary figures in Nigeria as collaborators in the institutional reform of the Nigeria state and its public service machinery. I have often written that institutional and governance reformer is a lonely figure even in social scientific analysis. For more than twenty years, I have been raising the alarm about the debilitating state of the public service in Nigeria, and how institutional reform, as well as the political will of any government, can reverse the rot and restore the machinery of government to an efficient state.
However, these critiques and analyses cannot compare with the fictional narration of Nigeria’s democratic struggles, the greed of its political class and the suffering of Nigerians. Chris Abani’s Graceland (2004) tells the story of Elvis Oke and his struggle to overcome the poverty, violence and corruption of ghetto life in Lagos. Wole Soyinka’s Chronicles of the Happiest People on Earth (2021) consummates his damning and devastating literary chronicling of the political corruption that has perpetuated a season of anomie in Nigeria since independence. And there are more: Chika Unigwe, Abubakar Adam Ibrahim, Helon Habila, Chinua Achebe, Unoma Azuah, and many others. When even an average Nigerian encounters these writers and their fictional narration of the inefficiency of the Nigerian government and the suffering it engenders, the novels and short stories mirror their experiences. There is no Nigerian lady who will not empathize with Sisi, Efe, Ama and Joyce, the three ladies –in Unigwe’s On Black Sisters Street (2011)—who left Nigeria to become sex workers in Belgium in order to make a good life for themselves.
Literary activism is the response of Nigerian literature to institutional reform that demands that the administrative dynamics must be responsive to the yearning and aspirations of Nigerians. Literary activism encounters the Nigerian public service as the seat of misery and of transformation. Most Nigerians encounter the Nigerian state from the deficiencies of infrastructural debilitation—bad roads and highway networks, inefficient healthcare facilities, inadequate education sector, etc. Literature engages politics from the perspectives of literary visions of possibilities. We can tell the stories of the civil servant who refuses bribes; the Oga who stands up to the powers that be for the sake of efficiency; the public servant who champions transparency even at the cost of losing her legislative slot; a group of civil servants who presents alternative policy implementation blueprints, and many other possible stories of administrative events that can inspire.
Here, ANA has a lot to still do in terms of its commitment to literary activism as a mode of speaking truth to power. I think that the genre of the administrative literary genre should be added to existing genres. Rather than the appearance of the public service as a monolithic endeavor in the literary imagination, ANA can encourage Nigerians to harness their experiences of the multifaceted dynamics of the Nigerian public service system to articulate poems, novels and short stories that speak specifically to civil servants, procedures, departments, and systemic experiences and narratives. I will be glad to see special calls for literary editions around the public service and its dynamics. Such special literary editions can elevate the consciousness of Nigerians on what it means to reflect imaginatively on the present and future of the public service in relation to human flourishing in Nigeria.
For the Russian poet, Boris Pasternak, “Literature is the art of discovering something extraordinary about ordinary people, and saying with ordinary words something extraordinary.” We owe it to the institutional reformers and literary activists to transform the banality of human suffering in Nigeria to the refreshing discovery of the extraordinary power of social change.
Let me end with a tribute to Dr Wale Okediran at 70. Dr. Okediran has come a long way and has blazed many trails so consistently that at a beautiful age of seventy, he has achieved a sublime legacy that embodies existential fulfilment.
Dr Okediran is in my estimation Nigeria’s answer to C. P. Snow’s two-culture thesis. According to that thesis, there is a significant and unbridgeable divide between the humanities and the natural sciences in ways that ensure seeming lack of communication between the two. The literary intellectuals and the natural scientists pride themselves on their inability to understand each other, and this, Snow argues, leads to an inhibited intellectual progress. In Wale Okediran, we have a fluid and exemplary personification that firmly undermine that thesis. Dr Okediran fluidly incorporates the love for science and the humanities. He is the very embodiment of the renaissance man—the multi-talented man imbued with a secular sensibility that draws on the human condition to articulate an Afropolitan sensibility of humaneness, compassion, strength, open-mindedness, passion and empathy.
It was almost inevitable that Dr Okediran’s love for medicine and literature would be deployed in the service of the humanity in Nigeria and on the continent. Medicine is not just physiological and psychological, at least not in Africa. Medicine ministers to the brutalized bodies of Africans. As a medical doctor therefore, Dr Okediran has the unenviable space to confront the many psychotic manifestations of governance failure in Nigeria. His literary interests and skills provide the opportunity to tell the postcolonial Nigerian stories as he encountered them over the course of his own personal existential and professional trajectories. And this explain Dr Okediran’s path into politics; what better way to effect significant changes than being in the corridor of power?
One could only wonder how long a man of such literary sensibility would last within the murky space of Nigerian politics. Fortunately, public service is not restricted to being a member of the House of Representatives. Dr Okediran’s public service space encompasses the local, the national and the regional—from the National Old Student Association of Olivet Baptist High School to the Pan African Writers Association (PAWA). Dr Wale Okediran’s literary sensibility enables him to build a community of service. The Ebedi International Writers Residency at Iseyin is unique defining sense a built metaphor for Okediran’s enlarged sensibility that draws in people and create possibilities.
[OPINION] Here is how Nonye Soludo and Remi Tinubu are making Nigerians healthier - Ebuka Nwankwo
AdminNonye Soludo, wife of the governor of Anambra State, and Senator Oluremi Tinubu, wife of the president of Nigeria, bring a lot of experience and value to the administrations of their husbands. The case of Senator Oluremi Tinubu is particularly interesting. As someone who has been a first lady in Lagos State for 8 years and a senator for 12 years, she comes with a lot of experience. This is evident in the maturity and class she brings to her work as Nigeria’s first lady. She is obviously in a good position to mentor other first ladies at the subnational levels.
Those who argue that first ladies to not have a constitutional role in Nigeria and try to talk down some of the achievements of some of the hardworking first ladies Nigeria has produced miss the point and seem to have forgotten some of our recent history. One of the greatest and most ambitious poverty alleviation programs in the history of Nigeria – the Better Life Program (BLP) – was championed by one of Nigeria’s first ladies, Mrs. Maryam Babangida. Here is what a 1990 research publication of the Central Bank of Nigeria had to say about BLF: “An overall view of the performance of the rural economy since the inception of the Programme [Better Life Program] suggested some improvements, all of which may not be attributable to the BLP alone. Among these were the growth in income per capita and agriculture in 1988-89; moderation of rural price inflation and unemployment rates of mostly illiterate rural women; marginal improvement in the nutrition status and health of the people; overall awareness of the need for immunization and birth control techniques; marginal improvement in the level of literacy of the rural women, and remarkable improvement in recreational opportunities of a few rural dwellers’’. (CBN (1990). The better life programme and the rural economy of Nigeria. CBN Economic and Financial Review 28(3), 41-58.)
While donating the sum of 1 billion naira to the National Cancer Fund to support the fight against cervical cancer, here is what the wife of the President had to say: “No matter what wealth you have as a nation, if your population or majority of your population is sick, you are just the poorest as far as I am concerned”. In Anambra, Nonye Soludo also shares this mindset. Madam Nonye Soludo’s passion for ‘healthy living’ has resulted in visible lifestyle changes and health benefits in Anambra, according to recent data.
Today, in Anambra State, there are Healthy Living Clubs and Farms in all the 21 local government areas. These clubs have grown in number through the passionate drive and support from Nonye Soludo, who has continued to pass the following message to young people: ‘’Your health is your forever asset and once lost, it’s gone’’. Today, members of Nonye Soludo’s Healthy Living Club have fitness groups and centers all over Anambra. Members of this fitness club are motivated by Nonye Soludo’s passion for fitness and healthy lifestyle. Members support fellow members with exercise and fitness materials and equipment. (Nonye Soludo’s Instagram page shows she leads by example when it comes to body fitness).
And the impact of this over the last 3 years in Anambra has been phenomenal.
Here is what a 68 year old member of the Nonye Soludo Healthy Living Club (real name withheld and would be referred to as Nkechi) had to say about the miraculous healing she received after battling with arthritis for 15 years: ‘’I use to think exercise and owning gym equipment were for people who are rich and have lots of time at their disposal but when I got introduced to these daily routine exercises – including some cardio and weight lifting exercises – I started liking it and I made sure I set out time to do it. A member of our group [Nonye Soludo Healthy Living Club] also gifted me with some light dumbbells. Today, my aching knee that I have been taking painkillers for in the last 15 years has stop troubling me. Most Saturdays, I do 10,000 steps before going to the market, where I trade’’.
Nkechi also has a Healthy Living Farm in her small backyard in her home. Through Nonye Soludo’s Healthy Living Initiative, Madam Soludo has encouraged residents of Anambra to grow healthy and organic foods in available spaces in their homes. Today, in Anambra State, there are large Healthy Living Farms in all 21 local government areas, owned by cooperatives – folks who have used their own resources to cultivate these farms. Vegetables mainly grown in these farms include: tomatoes, green pepper, cabbage and green vegetables. There is a total change of mindset in Anambra when it comes to living a healthy life.
Nkechi’s story is not alone in this kind of testimonies. Beneficiaries of Nonye Soludo Healthy Living Pap have more touching stories. The Healthy Living Pap is an easy to make meal which is made from granulated groundnut, soyabeans and corn. It is reach in vitamins and nutrients. It solely manufactured in a factory in Anambra which is fully funded by Nonye Soludo – without any government support whatsoever. A sachet of this meal weights about 250kg and so far, 10,000 sachets have been distributed to children and nursing mothers in Anambra. There are testimonies from mothers of children, who suffered malnutrition, and are now very healthy as a result of these free meals.
This is also the mindset of Nigeria’s first lady and wife of the President. Through her personal capacity and under her pet project, the Renewed Hope Initiative, Senator Remi Tinubu has pioneered causes that will have long-term impact in the health and wellbeing of Nigerians (this is outside the several economic empowerments she has championed). She is leading by example. Senator Remi Tinubu has donated thousands of professional kits to nurses and midwives around the country. Her support for cervical cancer has enabled the immunization of 12 million girls between the ages of 9 and 13 in the first nine months of the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine introduction, according to the National Cancer Fund. The first lady has also donated towards the construction of new hospitals.
Senator Remi Tinubu has received support from well-meaning Nigerians who believe in her cause. “Many of the donations are under her Renewed Hope Initiative… Well-meaning Nigerians are on the governing board and of course it is in the public space. Reputable business men and men of means, with credibility, they have been the ones donating to the Renewed Hope Initiative’’, the Special Adviser to the First Lady on Media, Busola Kukoyi, clarified.
Nonye Soludo and Senator Remi Tinubu have shown that wives of elected public officers can add enormous value to the administrations of their husbands. This is a culture that has existed in the country and even in America, where Mitchelle Obama was known for her fight against childhood obesity and her crusade to encourage healthy lifestyle in children during the administration of her husband, with her Let’s Move crusade. With this program in America, Mrs. Obama partnered with schools, communities, states, private sector, etc.
Nwankwo is the special adviser to Soludo on special projects.
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At a recent symposium in Lagos on ‘Corruption in the Nigerian Judiciary’ the speakers persuasivelypresented facts and figures to amplify the popularly held opinion that Nigerian judges are probably the most corrupt group in the country. In truth, none of the speakers said anything new.
After all, some 6 years earlier, a survey by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes (UNODC) and the National Bureau of Statistics NBS had revealed that “20 per cent of those who had contact with the Nigerian judiciary were confronted with a request for the payment of bribe.” A year later, the UNODC published another reportwith a focus on gender and corruption which statedthat “male judges are far more likely to be involved in bribe-seeking conduct than their female colleagues.”
The ‘question-time’ segment at the Lagos symposium was particularly exciting as the speakers referred copiously to disparaging remarks on the nation’s judiciary by senior lawyers and even retired judges who were in agreement that corruption amongst judicial officers had eroded public confidence in the judiciary and indeed the country’s justice delivery system. On its part, the media tends to believe that it would be difficult to find a Nigerian judge that is not corrupt. I disagree with the hypothesis. To start with, there is no empirical basis for such a sweeping statement. In addition, it is ethically unacceptable for the media to support any unproven generalization because one of its own ethical values is to maintain balance and objectivity by projecting with equal emphasis,all the sides to an issue.
Based on the above, we need to throw ample light on some Nigerian judges who amidst the stinking corruption in their sector have at one point or the other shown considerable evidence of uprightness while performing their duties. The main area of interest to look atwould certainly be election and political cases where many judges had because of materialism dropped the ball. With a good effort at dissecting even cases in that lucrative area, it is not really difficult to identifyand applaud some judges as I will show shortly from an overview of such cases. Starting from the interesting stories in Imo state where at a time the impeachment of deputy governors was in vogue, there were wonderful judges who stood their ground and kept democracy on-going in the state.
In 2018, the Imo State House of Assembly having been mobilized by the state governor to impeach his deputy, Eze Madumere swung into action; a hurriedly prepared list of gross misconduct was served on Madumere while the Chief Judge of the state also set up a panel to investigate the allegations against him. The embattled deputy governor rushed to the judiciary to stop the process whicha high court judge in Owerri, Justice Benjamin Iheka saw as meritorious. He then swiftly restrained 3 parties, namely: a) Paschal Nnadi the Chief Judge of the state, b) Acho Ihim, Speaker of the State House of Assembly and c) the State House of Assembly from taking any further action in the impeachment process until the hearing and determination of the suit.
Despite Iheka’s restraining order, the state assembly and the impeachment panel went ahead with the impeachment process in which 19 out of 27 members of the house purportedly impeached the deputy governor. Justice Iheka thereafter courageously nullified the impeachment and stopped the swearing-in of a new deputy governor. The judge also flayed his own Chief Judge as well as Militus Nlemadim, the commissioner for justice, for not adhering to the provisions of section 188(5) of the 1999 constitution on impeachment. That put paid to the fake event. Of course, Iheka could have been swayed by material benefits to allow the travesty but he did not. Whether or not the current judges in the same state can still display such uprightness is a different matter. The example of Iheka has howevershowed that there are still some decent judges in our clime.
Ondo State presents another scenario in which some judges prefer to lose the favour of a governor and his marauding ruling party than to pervert the cause of justice. Indeed, but for the judiciary, the present governor of Ondo state, Lucky Aiyedatiwa would have had his political career scuttled following attempts by some party chieftains in the state to impeach him as deputy governor. The state house of assembly had requested the state’s Chief Judge (CJ)Justice Olusegun Odusola to set up a panel to investigate allegations against the then embattled deputy governor with a view to impeaching him. But the CJ reportedly declined to do so in compliance with the order of an Abuja Federal High Court halting the impeachment process. This removed Aiyedatiwa’s impeachment steam but it is simplistic to imagine that Justice Odusola could not have acted differently like some other judgesusually did in some other states.
In addition, Odusola must have had at the back of his mind what a former CJ of the state, Justice Olaranwaju Akeredolu, had wisely done in the same circumstance in 2020. At that time,the State Assembly under the leadership of Speaker Bamidele Oloyelogun had arranged to impeach the then deputy governor, Agboola Ajayi.To ensure that justice was served Justice Akeredolu formally wrote to inform the Speakerthat the lawmakers had not completed the constitutional process that would lead the Speaker to invite her to set up an investigative panel as stipulated by the Constitution. She also took judicial notice of the fact that the matter of the impeachment of Ajayi had become subjudice. As an upright judge, Akeredolu held-on to the provisions of the constitution which compromised judges would have conveniently overlooked.
One reason local government elections are a shade worse than the poor general elections conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC is because all the members of a state electoral commission are usually friends, political associates and relations of the state governor. As a result, the conduct of a local election is always programmed for the ruling party to ‘sweep’ any local polls. It is usually so badly handled that every result would ordinarily have been nullified. But since it is a state affair in which almost everyone is in the governor’s pocket, not many judges can act professionally. Yet, Edo state had one Justice Alero Edodo-Eruagawho some years ago dared the state governor by nullifying the controversial Esan North East chairmanship election where a fake winner had been declared.
What Eruaga did was to openly deprecate theillegal act of declaring a winner when votes cast in several areas had not been counted. She also frowned at the fact that the hurried declaration was made in Benin City instead of the premises of the Eguare Primary School Uromi the prescribed location for the conduct of the election. Accordingly, unlike what happens elsewhere, Eruaga courageously nullified the Esan local election which was clearly marred by several infractions. It is worthy of note that the judgment wasnot in favour of the state governor’s political partywhich could bring many dangerstothe judge’s way for doing what is right and thereby offending a governor.Justice Eruaga like her above listed colleagues in Imo and Ondo states can berecorded among judges who were neither influenced by material benefits nor the discomfort that antidemocratic elements may inflict on upright judges.
This piece cannot exhaust the list of Judges that Nigerians should honour in their hearts, but we need to quicklyrecord the outstanding performances of two judges in Akwa Ibom state, Justices Agustine Odokwo and Bassey Nkanang. Election malpractices have remained unabated in our country because some of our judges are materially compromised to use technicality to let known electoral criminals off the hook. The duo of Odokwo and Nkanang are standing tall here for ensuring thattwo professors were sent to jail for election fraud.One of them, Ignatius Uduk, a professor at the University of Uyo (UNIUYO) was indicted for announcing and publishing false election resultswhile serving as the returning officer for Essien Udim State Constituency.
The other convict, Professor Peter Ogban a professor of soil science, at the same UNIUYO, was jailed for tampering with election results. He had been mandated to serve as returning officer for Akwa Ibom North-West District in the 2019 general elections. However, the issue today is not about professors but about upright judges who would be positively remembered by posterity for refusing to be compromised to subvert justice and heighten Nigeria’s unending experiences of failed elections. The Nigerian judiciary would remain indebted to them because it is through their performances that we can say with confidence that not every Nigerian judge is corrupt.
“Traditional democracies will end up on the garbage heap of history” – Alberto Fujimori, 1938-2024, Peruvian President, 1998, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ, p 37.
I started the VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS in 1965 and got it published in 2007 – 42 years after. The first quote which caught my attention was by Dr Samuel Johnson, 1709-1784, “Patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel.” It upended everything Nigeria had taught me about being a loyal citizen. I was launched on an adventure.
Fujimori was elected President of Peru, became a dictator and uttered the statement above about a week after my escape from death in Abacha’s detention. As a life-long believer in democracy, and suffering for that belief, I found the utterance repulsive. I debated with myself whether or not to include it in the book. Two decision rules compelled me to retain it. One, intellectual honesty demands that the researcher should include all the evidence available with regards to an idea – those in support and those against.
Two, a quick look around the world in 1998 revealed that democracies too often degenerated to dictatorships instead of the other way around. Maybe Fujimori was right. The USA provided me the assurance that democracy had a chance in the world. The USA and Trump have extinguished any hope for democracy in the world in my life time. Just look around and count. America, land of the brave and home of the free, voted in November 2024 to surrender both its bravery and its freedom.
Democracy died in the US – hitherto its strongest and most vocal defender (though damned hypocritical) when the people in a nation, whose people were always regarded as intelligent, voted for a presidential candidate who openly announced that he will be a dictator if elected. Because, as Joseph De Maistre, 1753-1821, warned mankind about two hundred years ago, “Every country has the government it deserves.”
Americans, including Leon Musk, who have lost trillion dollars of their wealth in the last month and a half, have only themselves to blame for whatever befalls them. Certainly, their losses are just starting. The most obvious is financial. Staggering as that might be, right now, unfortunately, more wealth is destined to be wiped out. Leon Musk, one of the architects of the American tragedy, has lost $100 billion of his fortune within weeks. Nothing can save him from losing more. On the aggregate, most billionaires worldwide, irrespective of nationalities, are also destined to share in the financial catastrophe which one man’s election in a democracy would have unleashed on our planet and outer space.
MONEY IS NOT EVERYTHING
“Money makes everything legitimate – including bastards” – Jewish Proverb.
“Money! Money! How much sorrow it creates in the world” – Leo Tolstoy, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ, p 163
Trump was honest with Americans during the presidential campaigns about two things. One, he would destroy other nations’ economies by imposing huge tariffs unless they bowed to his wishes.. Two, he would “Make America Great Again” by turning the planet Earth hell for billions of people – including poor and middle class Americans. Other people in other nations were not involved in the decision to provide him the opportunity to prove his points.
Trump was “Made in America”; so are the global economic and political calamities unfolding. Like all dictators before him, wanting to play God, he and his inner caucus of advisers, particularly Elon Musk, very quickly discarded one of the eternal lessons history has taught us – nobody can single-handedly create the world as he chooses. Unintended and frequently unpleasant consequences result from such attempts. More often than not, millions of human beings die in the attempt.
Already, experts in various fields of endeavour, from the armed forces of several nations to agriculture and food production, manufacturing and markets, are predicting an unprecedented humanitarian crisis worse than what the world experienced during Covid-19 in 2020. Unknown millions will die globally because the repercussions of Trump’s policies will leave them without a dime and without any means of support – all over the world and in America.
Money is indispensable; it can also lead to the death of millions by its sudden withdrawal. Trump and Musk are aware of this. It is quite possible that a study had been conducted to provide them an estimate of the millions of people to be rendered destitute from the abolition of USAID, Social Security for tens of millions of Americans, and, above all, global imposition of tariffs. No leader in history has ever been able to wipe out hundreds of millions of fellow human beings by merely signing an Executive Order.
Hitler was inefficient. He spent millions building detention centres, transporting victims all over Europe and building gas chambers. Americans have given the world Trump and Musk, two Arch-angels of death, who can now delete one billion dispensable victims, selected by Musk’s Artificial Intelligence, AI, outfit, with just a flick of the pen. America is already great again – but, for the wrong reasons. By the time Trump is finished with his second or third term, the USA would have rendered millions of people expendable who never threatened its security or waged war against it. America would also have become a full-blown dictatorship; grinding the citizens of a formerly proud and free nation into dust.
CONSEQUENCES OF THE RISE OF DICTATORSHIPS
“The lamps are going out all over Europe; we shall not see them lit again in our lifetime” – Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, on August 3, 1914, on the eve of World War I.
Working on the VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOATIONS was almost like staying in a university to read ten or more courses. I certainly read more history books – over 300 – than most graduates of History. From them it has been possible for me to discern when current global or national events repeat those that led to certain repercussions in the past. For instance, most people, including Presidents Trump and Xi – of the USA and China respectively – are not aware that World War III has started. All that is left is the shooting.
Everything possible, including Artificial Intelligence, AI, is being weaponised. Trump, like the leaders of any strongest power, facing a challenger threatening to replace it, invariably opts for war before the upstart becomes stronger. National interest dictates it. And, what is national interest? “National Interest is defined in terms of power”. Hans J Morgenthau, 1904-1980, a key American figure in International Relations in the last century, was the author of what had become central to America’s conduct of foreign policy.
Underlying the concept was the notion, alien to history, that the USA would perpetually remain the strongest military power on the planet. The leaders of the nation which gave me the opportunity to read history obviously have forgotten that “Fortune, ever fickle, will assail with sudden stroke, the kingdom of the proud.” (Geoffrey Chaucer, 1342-1400). Incidentally, Professor Morgenthau taught me International Relations, in my Senior Year as an undergraduate in 1968.
He symbolised the proud and complacent American; who believed that no nation will ever challenge the USA. I remember one of my classmates, Willie Ndongo, a Cameroonian, telling Prof that “One day America will be fighting for its life – like the Roman Empire.” He was almost thrown out of the class for the impudence – which has now become a prophecy. Obviously, great scholars can also be myopic.
Morgenthau was taking his position at the time when the sun of the British Empire was setting – contrary to the pronouncement of an English author and fool. Today, America is scared of the Chinese and getting ready to fight for its life. Unfortunately, the US has also turned its back on democracy and freedom. A dictator has replaced a President. The lights of freedom have gone out. God’s Own Country has been taken over by the Devil. When a war breaks out, every leader becomes an autocrat out of necessity. America is at war; which it might lose – despite the breast-beating by dictator Trump – for a simple reason the Americans lose sight of.
On Page 28 of his very provocative book, The Present Darkness: A history of Nigerian organized crime, (2016) Stephen Ellis, British historian and Africanist, compared Nigerian politics to con artistry. Their practices, he said, were not different from acts of fabulists and fraudsters. Ellis’ take on Nigerian leaders synchronizes with a Henry Louis Gate’s The New Yorker piece of September 25, 1995. With the title, “Powell and the Black Elite,” the piece quoted ex-American Secretary of State, Colin Powell, as saying, “Nigerians as a group, frankly, are marvelous scammers… I mean, it is in their natural culture.”
As it is done in scholarship, traditional Africa also gives justification for the Ellis comparison. It says, when the shape and size of a peanut’s shell bears striking semblance to the coffin of a species of rat called Eliri, then a justification is successfully established. Last week, there was an eruption of weeping, wailing and gnashing of teeth in many homes. Investors in the digital financial platform called CBEX met their financial waterloo. CBEX ultimately unraveled as a Ponzi scheme, with about 600,000 Nigerian victims in tow. It has given critical minds an opportunity to examine whether there is a meeting of minds between Ponzi chancers and Nigerian political leaders. Why do we dwell so much on Nigerian economic scams and scammers, while we sacralize the equally cancerous virus of political scammers?
The genealogy of this crave for quick wealth dates back in time. In 1925, J. K. Magregor, headmaster of Scottish-Presbyterian-founded, Hope Waddell Institute, of which the great Nnamdi Azikiwe was an alumnus, had written the Nigerian governor-general. His complaints were based on a motif of pupils of the school writing incredibly suspicious letters to unknown persons abroad. In the letter, the pupils asked to be sold medicines of esoteric teachings which guaranteed success and happiness. They turned out to be quack. In a single mail delivery, said Ellis, Magregor discovered 125 of such scam letters. One laughable example was a 12-year-old pupil who had purchased through post from India a “Mystic Charm” with an instruction to him to send more money so that he could be sent “blessings from the Hindu deity Siddheswari”. The letter also told the boy that the sign he would get to confirm the efficacy of the deity was “by watching the flow of his nasal mucus”!
Our visible connect to this pre-colonial crave for mysticism was re-enacted during the First Republic Nigeria. During this period, secret societies played pivotal roles in governance. The barbarism and primitivism of killing people for sacrifice in order to gain ascendancy in political circles became rife. The Ogboni cult held a supremacist place in Western Nigerian politics. It was only the northern part of Nigeria that was saved the barbarity. By the end of the Third Republic, however, military despots like Sani Abacha had reportedly began to seek spiritual interventions of Muslim brotherhoods of Senegal for a mystic buy-in into their infernal rule. Cows were reportedly buried alive in all outposts of Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory by the goggled General. By the Fourth Republic, politicians had fully imported into Nigeria this Islamic mysticism which was spreading in sub-Saharan Africa. The marabouts were Islamic priests who combined Islam with the syncretic practice of local healers, fortune tellers, spiritual guides and diviners. Today, virtually all Nigerian politicians, like that 12-year Hope Waddell old boy, still seek mysticism, either from Islamic mullah, clergies, Babalawo or Senegalese marabouts to guarantee their political happiness and success.
Economic chancing of the CBEX kind is not purely native to Nigeria. In August 1920, after months of covert investigations by Clarence Barron, Boston Post newspaper’s top financial journalist, of the activities of Charles Ponzi, burst his bubble. Barron had found out that Ponzi, an Italian, born 1882, who immigrated to the United States in 1903, was a notorious con artist. In January 1920, Ponzi had established a “Securities Exchange Company” where he promised investors returns of up to 50% in 45 days. The scheme attracted thousands of local investors who, mimicking early Christians of Jerusalem’s mode of spread of the religion, engaged in a mouth-to-mouth spread of the “good news”. Gradually, they escalated its rapid growth and staggering participation. At the height of the scheme, Ponzi collected not less than $250,000 a day from unsuspecting victims, quadrupling his wealth to over $15million. Immediately after Barron’s investigation leaked, Bostonians rushed to and camped outside Ponzi’s offices. They were panicky crowds of local investors demanding a return of their money. Last week, same scenario was reenacted as angry and exasperated Nigerian victims of CBEX stormed its Nigerian offices.
The divide separating economic, political and leadership Ponzi in Nigeria is very thin. As Ponzi scammers feed fat on the red blood corpuscles of trickery and deceit, so do Nigerian leaders and politicians. Ellis insinuates that scam can be found in the bloodstream of Nigerian politics and political leadership since they first began in the 1940s. If you break Ponzi to its most basic moral component, it is driven by unrighteousness, desire to outwit the other person, gain personal advantage and in most cases, leave sorrow as mementos. Nigerian politics and leadership are founded on same nefarious aspiration.
Only last week, the United States District Court for the District of Columbia ordered top US law enforcement agencies to release confidential information generated during a 1990s federal investigation. One Mr. Greenspan had, between 2022 and 2023, filed 12 FOIA requests seeking information about a joint investigation of the FBI, IRS, DEA, and the US Attorney’s Offices for the Northern District of Indiana and Northern District of Illinois. He wanted the charging decisions on the activities, including money laundering, of a Chicago heroin ring that operated in the early 1990s made open. The Nigerian president is said to be located at the vortex of this investigation.
While reacting to the American court ruling, the Nigerian presidential media office dismissed it as “having been in the public space for more than 30 years,” and did not in any way “indict the Nigerian leader” while concluding that “lawyers are examining the ruling.” My people say, if someone does not move in gaits that resemble an African pouched rat’s, no one would ask them to eat a meal of palm-nut seeds that is the culinary preference of this species of rats. (Bi eeyan ko bá rìn ìrìn awasa, wón o ní fi ekurọ lọ). The fact that the president’s name is enmeshed in such shame is already a national disaster. I don’t know of any scam bigger than a presidential Ponzi of paying millions of dollars to American lawyers so as to keep blocking American courts from disclosing to Nigerians and the world the truth or lie in the allegation that our president was involved in a heroin trade in the 1990s.
Ellis provided a nexus, no matter how tenuous, to the Ponzi. As far back as 1952, he wrote, Nigeria had become a staging point for heroine drug trade. According to him, the country was “a heavy dope traffic” from the near East to the USA via Europe, with one of those implicated at the Nigerian end of this pipeline being “one O. Chagoury.” Ellis’ conclusion on this pee-independence Nigerian drug trade gives the reader of the book today the latitude to connect its frightening nexus. He had written: “A few decades later, a Lebanese family with the same name had become very influential in both business and in political finance: Gilbert Chagoury, born in 1946…He was very close to the military dictator of the 1990s, Sani Abacha…It seems he is a descendant of a heroin trader who arrived Nigeria in 1952…the heroin trade may provide start-up capital for other forms of business…” You may find this on Page 92 of Ellis’ book.
While we lament the Ponzi scam of CIBEX, I put it to us that we are merely being hypocritical. Ponzi, MMM, CBEX, either figuratively or literally, have always constituted our ways of life. In our individual, collective and national relations, our modus operandi has never been dissimilar from these scammers’. We take delight in sucking the nectar of the joy of our fellow man. We elect known scammers into political offices and when they scam us, we complain. We are like the farmer who knew that the land he planted peanuts on was squirrel-infested. At the time of harvest, this same farmer became grumpy because squirrels had eaten up all his farm proceeds. When a man tells his people he was going on a two-weeks “working vacation,” which we all knew was a euphemism for a date with his Chagoury business partners or a date at the infirmary, didn’t both the man who spun the yarn and we, the people who received it, know we were mutually involved in a CBEX transaction? Or, didn’t we know that the spinner of the lie wasn’t dealing with us straight? Our forebears sounded alarm on characters like this in their saying that, when you meander round truth and refuse to walk straight, you are most likely encumbered by issues of finance (Sàn làá rìn, ajé ní mú ní pẹ kọ̀rọ̀).
Our scam began from the very beginning when Nigerians brought in a presidential baggage they didn’t have access to its constitution. Last week, the White House released President Donald Trump’s annual health report. Nigerians are left to make guesswork on what ails theirs and the billions of their patrimony spent to maintain it. Our president’s health is run like a coven, which reminds one of the miasma that surrounded the health of monarchs of pre-modern Africa. The king must not be seen to have taken ill like a commoner. It is a sacrilege. What Ponzi is greater than this, full of its opacity!
Replying to criticisms that, after almost 200 Nigerians had been killed in the president’s absence, he is still oscillating like a spirit from France to London, his media office told us he could rule Nigeria through remote control from anywhere in the world. Nigerians instantly remembered they had walked that punishing road before. At Easter, the statement purportedly issued by the president was that, “evil forces will not triumph in Nigeria” at a time when Evil had been crowned as King. What evil is greater than the carnage ongoing in Plateau and Benue States which, as usual, was dressed beautifully in a refrain, “the president has ordered decisive action”. Both of us, the president and Nigerians at large, know that this statement is a complete scam. There is no action coming from anywhere, not to talk of its being decisive. When the killers strike again soon, the presidency will recalibrate the commiseration refrain. Charles Ponzi must be happy he has identical offspring in the Nigerian presidency.
Wherever you turn, Nigeria is a an ocean where sharks feast on sharks and lesser fishes devour one another. Atiku Abubakar and his co-travelers on a coalition have started spinning their own political Ponzi which they know its end is not basically for the Nigerian people. Peter Obi is busy with his own Ponzi as well. Muhammadu Buhari, who regressed Nigeria colossally in eight years as president is the one to decide Nigeria’s political future now because he is patrons to millions of Almajiri voters who know not their right from left. As the week was ending, Reno Omokri, the Peter Obi-hating political Smart Alec, spun another of his serial Tinubu intervention Ponzi yarns. “Nigeria is safer now under Tinubu”, he said. If any of Omokri’s family members had been among the almost 200 victims of Nigerian Ponzi rulers killed in Benue and Plateau in the last two weeks when Nigeria had not even a scare-crow in Aso Rock, will the “Ambassador” spew this undiplomatic puke?
What is glaring is, by the time this current CBEX government in Aso Rock finishes with us, we will have a long roll-call of victims.
[OPINION] Pomp, colour, controversies and intrigues at Alaafin’s coronation - Bolanle Bolawole
AdminI was nowhere near the venue of the coronation of the new Alaafin of Oyo but, thanks to technology, I fed my eyes with a lot of happenings at the colourful and eventful event. The media, be it traditional or digital, electronic or print captured the event for posterity and beamed it to the world for everyone so interested to watch and read from the comfort of their homes or workplaces. The new Alaafin’s colour sense – or was it his wife’s? – was baam! He must have a liking for bright colours like Nelson Mandela. The late South African president loved bright colours. Long may you reign, Kabiyesi!
The controversies and intrigues that trailed the coronation did nothing to detract from its importance or momentum; such big events cannot but attract all sorts – what the Yoruba call “iru wa, ogiri wa”. While “iru” has a smell that is “fanimorous”, as they say, “ogiri”, on the other hand, fouls the air and offends the nostrils. Growing up in my native Owo, the Iya Olojas selling “ogiri” at Ulede or Oja-Oba market had their stand closest to the toilet – if you understand what I mean! Yet, both “iru”and “ogiri” are time-honoured seasonings that have great medicinal value.
The controversies surrounding the choice of the new Alaafin started immediately when the previous Alaafin joined his ancestors. Usually in Yoruba land, all interested princes from the ruling house would be free to compete for the throne. Everyone deploys whatever arsenal is at his disposal to get the job. In the olden days, Ifa oracle was heavily relied upon but even then, occasions were recorded when either the custodians of Ifa or the kingmakers perverted the course of justice. Corruption is as old as humanity itself. Chief Hope Harriman, brother of his better known brother, the diplomat Leslie Harriman, told me in an interview when I was still an editor at The PUNCH that injustice is not a new phenomenon but that it started yester-years. God Himself said the heart of man became corrupted in his youth and that it repented Him that He created man.
So, I was not surprised when the process of choosing a new Alaafin was mired in controversy. One of the princes favoured by some of the kingmakers was alleged to be the candidate of the Sokoto caliphate and but for the timely intervention of the Oyo State governor, Seyi Makinde, he would have been railroaded into the sacred palace of the Alaafin, which is one of the pricest Yoruba palaces regardless of what anyone may think, say or do. A reporter’s gumption is that there is no smoke without a fire. Eventually, Ifa was approached and the outcome was the choice of the new Alaafin. The unassailable integrity of the man who said “Ifa said” was enough for everyone to file behind the choice of the new Alaafin.
And that is of utmost importance. The new Alaafin must not forget that. I heard him say he did not lobby anyone or manipulate the process to become the Alaafin. If Ifa chose him, then, he MUST not turn his back on Ifa. If he acts otherwise, God sparing our life, we will still be around to remind him! The river that forgets its source will do what? The religion, customs, traditions, medicine, body of knowledge, and belief system of our ancestors are nuggets of wisdom which, unfortunately, we have thrown away on the altar of all things foreign, which profit us little, if anything at all. Instead, they are at the roots of the wars, insecurity, corruption, bad governance, acrimony, confusion, and hatred that bedevil our society today. Alien culture breeds habits that are alien to our land. This is apart from the fact that no matter how much we try, we can never master anything alien as their originators or owners. Shina Peters told us that “O-ni-n-kan l’a n je o se” Abi no be so?
Today, I bring to your reading pleasure a piece written by Wale Olajire Ajao, a friend, classmate and comrade at the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), Ile-Ife, on the lingering Alaafin-Ooni controversy which, unfortunately, was also said to have reared its ugly head at the coronation of the new Alaafin. I watched a video which alleged that the Ooni was not accorded the dignity and recognition due to his office as the Ooni of Ife, the Arole Oodua, whereas other important traditional rulers outside of Yoruba land were so dignified. Can that be true? I hope not! Shouldn’t our charity begin from home? “Ile l’a ti n k’eso ro’de” is the wisdom of our elders. Should the age-old nonsensical spat between past Alaafins and Oonis begin so soon with the new Alaafin, Iku Baba Yeye?
The treatment meted out to the Oluwo of Iwo was even worse, allegedly! He was shown on television being denied entry through a particular gate purportedly reserved for a certain category of dignitaries. If I may ask, is the Oluwo of Iwo no longer a first-class Yoruba Oba? What qualifies the Sultan, an Emir or Oba from elsewhere that did not qualify a Yoruba first-class Oba? We must watch it! What you call your cloth is what others will call it with you. Orlando Owoh crooned that whosoever sells his own person very cheap in the marketplace will not be able to buy him back with the same amount. The wisdom of our elders is that it is not every cloth that we spread out to dry in the sun. I am averse to the theatrics of the Oluwo as a person but it is our fault that he sits on the throne of Iwo. Did he appoint himself? Was he not appointed by some people? As our people will say, the “oyibo” that made pencils also made erasers. If we are no longer comfortable with him, remove him but the throne of Iwo, a first-class Yoruba throne, must be kept sacrosanct – “Iwo Odidere, Iwo omo ajagun” as Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey crooned.
Because of space constraints, I can only bring you snippets from Wale’s piece titled “Monarchy, democracy and development in Nigeria”. When we return, I will make concluding remarks. Enjoy it:
“History may turn out an unintended tool of self-destruction if its interpretation and essence are misused or misunderstood advertently or inadvertently. As the younger generation of historians go about the business of interpreting and presenting past events, they must keep in mind the fact that we study the past to do better now and in the future. In his article titled “It is the turn of Alaafin Owoade”, Dare Babarinsa indirectly referred to the unending and needless debate on who is superior between the Alaafin and Ooni. He gave the impression that the Ooni is superior because Ooni Adesoji Aderemi was chairman of the Western State council of obas all through the reign of Ladigbolu I, Adeyemi II, Ladigbolu II, and Adeyemi III. His submission led Ajisebi Oyo radio TV to respond with their own version of history as they argued that Alaafin is superior to the Ooni because Ladigbolu II was also at a point chairman of the Western State council of obas even when the legendary Oba Adesoji Aderemi was still the Ooni of Ife and also Governor of the Western Region. In these presentations, both Ajise bi Oyo TV and Babarinsa revisited a needless debate that has been overtaken by events.
This is a debate which one of the leading Yoruba historians, Professor Siyan Oyeweso, deliberately avoided in his address at the coronation of Alaafin Abimbola Owoade on Saturday, April 5, 2025. I imagine that Oyeweso would have thought that revisiting the superiority debate is needless. Yoruba land is now part of a nation created by nineteenth-century British imperialism. The Nigerian state today must address the major challenges facing all neo-colonial states. That task is about how the disparate political and administrative structures bequeathed to all former British colonies can be recreated to achieve democracy and development. In our world today, democracy and development have become the major yardsticks of assessment of the performance of nation-states. In this regard monarchy, no matter how effective it still may be in some parts of the world, will also be assessed in relation to how far it can bring development to the people. It is in this sense that historians have no choice but to relate monarchy to its usefulness in contributing to the development of a nation. It is also in this sense that the role of the Ooni and Alaafin in Nigeria’s contemporary history must be assessed.
In her quest for development, the Nigerian state has made efforts to restructure the dysfunctional aspects of the neo-colonial state. For example, the colonial state created three regions – North, West, and East – and made the North bigger in land mass and convoluted census figures… More states have been created since then. Still, many still say that the Nigerian federation is imbalanced because those who own the resources do not control them. The central government controls the resources and tells the real owners what share they can have. Neither the Alaafin nor Ooni has a say in this very critical matter. The Alaafin and Ooni are now under different state governments and who is superior has no relevance to the administration of their two different states. It is a waste of time, energy and resources for both monarchs to flex muscles over superiority when nineteenth-century British imperialism had turned them both into cheerleaders of whoever is the governor of their respective state.
All Alaafin agreed that they originated from Ife. However, their claim to superiority is because they eventually built an empire which controlled more than half of Yorubaland. But this was useful only in the pre-colonial era. The foremost Yoruba historian, Samuel Johnson, in “History of the Yoruba” suggested that both the Alaafin and Ooni be given equal leadership roles. He advocated that the Alaafin should be the political head of the Yoruba nation while the Ooni should be its spiritual head. Professor Adeagbo Akinjogbin and Professor Ade Ajayi advocated that the Ooni ought to be the leader because of the “orirun” concept in Yoruba culture. This means that where a person originated from takes precedence. But colonialism brought the Yoruba into a new nation.
It is true that the colonial masters recognized Alaafin as the leader of the Yoruba because he was the head of the Oyo empire from which Ibadan and Ogbomosho and other Yoruba towns took instruction. The Oyo empire even extended to the present-day Benin Republic and parts of Togo. Yet we need to move forward and read history forward… The idea of classification of obas as first class or second class flows from colonialism. No oba is superior to another oba as no people are superior to other people in a democracy. Ife is not superior to Oyo just as Oyo is not superior to Ife. Babarinsa, in referring to Adeyemi III, kept saying that he reigned from 1970. The correct sequence is from January 14, 1971. But this is just by the way…”
Well said, Wale! Wale, Oyeweso and my humble self were classmates at Ife. While Wale and Oyeweso read History as their major, I read History and Political Science combined. Babarinsa, on the other hand, is my professional colleague and contemporary as a journalist. The controversy over superiority between the Ooni and Alaafin is a mere academic exercise; but it is also a rich source of mischief-making for enemies of Yoruba unity and progress. Professor PLO Lumumba said: In a controversy between two dwarfs, what sense does it make for one dwarf to say he is taller than the other, seeing that both still remain a dwarf! Neither the Ooni nor Alaafin wields effective power anymore! They are both relics from the past! Let no one disturb our peace over non-issues!