OTHERS' VIEWS
SUNDAY 1-DEC
Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date
Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele
Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki
CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties
Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling
Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president
OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra
Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju
‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi
[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team
[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria
Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans
‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama
Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary
Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage
Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi
How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists
2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion
Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate
PRESIDENT Bola Ahmed Tinubu flies the world like a mother bird in search of food for the hungry in its nest. He is a tireless traveller traversing the world, signing strings of trade agreements to shore up a troubled economy.
He has embarked on 33 foreign trips in 18 months, visiting 18 countries. His favourite places being the United Kingdom which he has visited four times, and France, of the woolly Emmanuel Macron, which he has visited five times.
Just on Sunday, November 17, 2024 he touched down in Brazil for the two-day 19th Meeting of the G20 Leaders Summit. There, he signed a $1.2 billion cooperative agreement for Brazil to modernise Nigerian agriculture.
President Tinubu was in France for a three-day state visit from November 28, 2024 and then flew to Cape Town, South Africa on December 2, 2024 signing agreements.
Perhaps it is with France Nigeria needs to be most careful because of that country’s predatory politics. It eliminated two million Algerians when their country opted for independence rather than become a province of France. It physically destroyed infrastructure like roads, water pipes and vehicles in Guinea-Conakry when that country in 1958 voted for independence rather than remain a French colony. France on January 13, 1963 carried out the first coup in Africa and in the process, summarily executed President Sylvanus Olympio of Togo. For over 50 years, it forced 14 African countries to keep their foreign reserves in France under its control, ran a French CFA and sabotaged the ECOWAS Eco currency project. When in February 1960 it wanted to test its atomic bomb, it did so in colonised Algeria, not in France so that the French and Europeans would not be affected by its radiation effects.
When a coup took place in Niger Republic in 2023, then French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna arrogantly gave the coup plotters an ultimatum to hand back power or face invasion by a Nigerian-led ECOWAS military force.
Now, France, with its military kicked out of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger Republic, asked by pliant Chad to leave and, told by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye that it is inappropriate to maintain its troops in Senegal, is desperately in search of new military bases.
It has its sights on Nigeria; hence its offer to assist our security should be viewed with suspicion. Two countries have accused France of double dealing with Islamic terrorists. Back in 2021, Mali accused France of supplying arms to the Islamic terrorist group, the Ansar al-Din and creating a haven for them in the Kidal area. Burkina Faso President, Ibrahim Traore, claimed in July, 2024 that France “sets up operations with them (terrorists) and helps them to look after themselves.”
On November 25, 2024 at a meeting in Abuja on trade relations between Australia, Turkey, Indonesia, Mexico and South Korea under a coalition called MIKTA, and some Nigerians, the question was asked why our trade with these countries seem inequitable; should it not be a partnership of equals? The same question can be asked about the string of trade agreements President Tinubu has been busy signing. But can our trade with those countries be equitable if primarily all we offer is oil in its crude form, minerals in their raw form and begging for assistance?
Ambassador Joe Keshi, President of the Association of Retired Career Ambassadors of Nigeria, ARCAN, who was at the MIKTA meeting noted that while the five countries reeled out the progress they had made in the past 40 years, Nigeria had no corresponding story to tell.
He said Nigeria had virtually nothing to trade with, saying we are like the student in a class who does not pass, does not fail and does not leave the class. “We are not retarded, the fact is that we have refused to grow,” he said. His suggestions are that the country invests in the people and human capital development, returns to collective national planning , discipline and punishment for corruption.
I was taught as a kid that it is when a pupil does not know the answer to a question, that he stares at the ceiling; whereas the answer is never hidden there. Similarly, the answer to Nigeria’s myriad of problems is not in the sky. So, frequently taking to the skies will not resolve our problems. I wish President Tinubu would drastically cut his flights and concentrate on providing the answer to our problems.
A question is: why is Nigeria so big on propaganda, but so small in production with a hungry multitude, legion of jobless youths and a combustible army of 18.3 million out-of-school children? I know there are some who will immediately respond that these problems are not Tinubu’s creation, but I am not interested in apportioning blames. My interest is in the solution of our problems which the President out of his freewill offered to lead us to providing. I do not think he has started well as many of his appointments, especially in the ministerial cadre, amount to providing jobs for the ‘boys’ and ‘girls’ rather than appointing the competent, knowledgeable, visionary and, above all, the patriotic. His October 23, 2024 cabinet reshuffle was a mere motion without movement.
Perhaps the most vital direction to take is for his administration to run the country in accordance with the Directive Principles of State Policy as enshrined in Chapter Two of the Constitution and in the interest of the teeming populace. Not in accordance with the sophistry and interests of foreign powers and their enslaving institutions like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, IMF and the World Trade Organisation, WTO.
These suggestions are taking an urgent tone, not just because our people are hungry and getting desperate, but also for the fact that the international scene is changing rapidly. For instance, Nigeria on October 24, 2024 in Kazan, Russia joined the Brazil, Russia, India and China, BRICS, alliance of countries as a partner country. This was a salutary move.
However, 38 days later, the eclectic United States President-elect Donald Trump threatened BRICS and its partners with 100 per cent tariff slam and exclusion from selling into the US economy if they either create a new currency or back any other currency to replace the US Dollar.
This seems a mere threat as the US itself cannot survive such a fight; but we must be ready for the consequences were Trump to selectively implement it, picking on perceived vulnerable countries like Nigeria.
Another emergency we need to prepare for is Trump’s November 7, 2024 threat to deport 11 million undocumented immigrants and, Canada’s follow up threat to evict about five million immigrants. If these threats are carried out, a number of Nigerians from both countries will return to Nigeria.
For Dele, Christmas day is coming fifteen days earlier on December 10th. His present ordeal represents a climax of the crucial role he has played in the political firmament of Nigeria. He will be rapturously celebrated on that day.
The first time I encountered him was as the lawyer who perfected the title of a land I bought twenty five years ago. I never knew he was far bigger than that occupation.
The first notion I have of him as a public intellectual was a message I received from him while I was at the University of Oxford in 2020.
He wanted my permission to use a column (I had written on the passage of the erstwhile chief of staff to President Mohammadu Buhari in his book) “Don’t die in their war”. I, of course, had no reservations whatsoever in granting his request.
When I returned to Nigeria and heard him speak on the cable TV network, I realised we have another giant in our vocation of public intellectualism. I sought him out and we became brothers. I subsequently recruited him for the role of spokesperson, Peter Obi presidential campaign.
The uniqueness of Dele does not merely lie in his intellectual flair. He shoots from the hips and takes no prisoners.
Chief Afe Babalola is my uncle from my mother’s side. In the thick of the violation of the Yoruba territories by rogue fulani militia, I got President Olusegun Obasanjo and Professor Wole Soyinka to sponsor a Yoruba political summit.
In our search for a credible Yoruba man of sufficient stature, we easily resolved on Chief Babalola as the convener.
Of all his outstanding attributes, the one I admired most is his unwavering commitment to constitutional reforms with the specific objective of the restoration of federalism.
Hardly a month passes without Babalola advocating for this Nigerian life saver (true federalism) in his regular public interventions.
He is one of Nigeria’s biggest role model in the legal profession, education, community development leader and as an investor.
As my father’s pupil in the senior standard school in the forties. He did so well in an English language test that my dad scored him eleven over ten.
Babalola once told me a tragic experience he would never forget (a first hand experience of how destitute Nigerians had become).
About ten illiterate petty traders came to seek his financial support in Ado-Ekiti. He asked them how much they needed to start off. They said ten thousand naira per person. He said he rushed to the restroom to cry. Ten thousand naira!!!
Dele constantly briefs me on his difficulties with Babalola. When we recently had a ceremony in honour of Professor Jide Osuntokun, we had lined up Chief Babalola as special guest of honour.
Dele expressed reluctance to attend, drawing my attention to the attack he was certain to receive from the legal luminary and potentially two others who were going to play significant roles.
The first inkling I heard of his plight was from Chief Ayo Adebanjo whom he was getting set to visit when the storm troopers struck and bundled him into their vehicle en route to Ado-Ekiti.
Predictably, the backlash came thick and fast and in torrents. It is a public relations disaster for my Uncle (Babalola), the Nigerian police force and the judiciary. Given our contemporary experience with these dysfunctional institutions, this is not the company Babalola should be in active connivance. This is not the resplendent image we have of him.
To the contrary, this is Dele’s finest hour as the nation rose as one to canonise him as the embodiment of resistance to all that is wrong with Nigeria in this season.
ASUE, COMPLIMENTS OF THE SEASON
“That day will forever be etched in our history as one of our darkest moments, marked by the brazen theft of our mandate and the shameful subversion of the will of the people”- Asue Ighodalo
At a ceremony I attended a week ago, a side discussion ensued and centred on the recent Edo state governorship election and the experience of a mutual friend, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP governorship candidate, Asue Ighodalo.
I have not seen Asue for a while. But for the participation of Olumide Akpata, governorship candidate of the Labour Party, LP, I would have volunteered to join his political campaign. For Nigeran politics to stand a chance of development these are the kind of enlightened people, with unimpeachable pedigree, we would have to recruit into the political system
Human beings are a creation of hope and so despite myself, I prayed that his venture would be the exception to the rule of political depravity that has ceased Nigeria’s jugular. So I cannot claim to be surprised at his predictable fate.
A mutual friend observed that Asue was not looking his robust and vibrant self, the last time he saw him. I suggested that this is attributable to the ‘culture shock’ experience he encountered at the election.
Asue is relatively new to the culture of defiant gangsterism that passes for politics in Nigeria.
It is difficult to estimate just how brazen and blatant the culture has become unless you are a direct witness.The standard playbook goes like this.
The caucus of the status quo candidate (invariably the candidate of the All Progressives Congress, APC) will prevail on the INEC to declare victory for the candidate no matter the contrary outcome. Shoot first before asking questions.
Knowing fully well its a futile gesture, the practice of Nigerian democracy would now invite the victim to follow the mockery of seeking justice at the temple of a state captured compromised judiciary.
There the fate of the INEC declared losers will be sealed with the imprimatur of the Nigerian judiciary. And all righteousness would have been fulfilled having gone through all the constitutionally required procedure.
Then the outcome will be rationalised by such idle speculations and gossip that the election couldn’t have gone any other way, because Asue’s principal, Governor Godwin Obaseki has offended the divine king of Benin.
To the question, why would a man of Asue’s pedigree make frivolous allegations on the election, referencing it as “one of our darkest moments, marked by the brazen theft of our mandate and the shameful subversion of the will of the people”.
If we are agreed that Atedo Peterside is a credible third party, then he could not be reasonably expected to associate himself with a bogus claim of that magnitude. Yet here is:
“Ever since the election in Osun, where INEC came out with credible result sheets on IREV, it is as if something has changed right from the presidential election, they went rogue. I hope that I will be held accountable,”said Peterside
For personal and Party records purposes. I will not dissuade Ighodalo from going to court. Whatever the veracity of the claims, the Nigerian Supreme court is guaranteed to come down on the side of the party with the biggest machete. It has become a vicious cycle.
In the belief of our host, we might as well abandon the field to the APC and withdraw from participation in further elections altogether, if the role designed for our participation is lending legitimacy to the premeditated charade.
As noted by the American based Council on Foreign Relations, CFR, “The problems for champions of democracy run deep. The very meaning of the term has been called into question for too many populations who have experienced plenty of elections, but little in the way of real political choice or accountability.. when democracy is understood as a label applied to governments that simply stage elections, or a fig leaf that conceals corruption and repression, it is easy to devalue democracy”.
The perspective of President Olusegun Obasanjo is “Let me go back to the beginning where we got it wrong—the western liberal democracy, that is what the Europeans have. When you look at the western liberal democracy, it is a product of their history, a product of their culture, a product of their way of life”
“I have looked into most African languages, western democracy has what they call loyal opposition. What is opposition in African languages? Enemy. Western democracies called oppositions “loyal” because the oppositions are loyal to the monarchy. That’s where their loyal democracy began. They used to have monarchies”.
He believes that the notion of liberal democracy is alien to Africa and it is not consistent with the spirit of African communalism hence its contextual failure in the continent.
What I think the former President meant to articulate as the bane of post colonial African states is the absence of autochthony, (in which regard, it is the totality of the colonial transition that has failed) of which the bastardisation of democracy is an epiphenomenon.
The concept of autochthony is the Greek word translated ‘as springing from the land. It usually means the assertion of not just the concept of autonomy, but also the concept that the constitution derives from their own native traditions’.
Peter Ekeh illustrates “Take the Japanese, the Taiwanese, The Indian and the Chinese. They have evolve with their culture and tradition intact. They evolved, wearing their own clothes, speaking their own language, teaching every subject up to university level, on their own language, keeping their values, their gods, their own religion…
“They have all come out better for it. Their economy, education, health, orientation, better than that of the Blackman and in some cases, better than the whiteman’s”.
The biggest political challenge Tinubu confronted was the Buhari legacy of divisive and primitive nepotism bordering on apartheid rule. If this is the case, why does he want to travel the same road?. To become a Yoruba hero the way his predecessor remains the Hausa-Fulani folk hero?
That would be a wrong lesson to learn from the precedence of the Afenifere choice of Olu Falae over the late Chief Ajibola Ige as the AD candidate in the 1999 presidential election.
Professor Bolaji Akinyemi deems it ironic, that Afenifere college of electors, actually predicated the choice on the logic that Ige was the personification of Yoruba irredentist politics which may be a disability in the context of national elections.
Coincidentally the President was a member of that college and I have not seen a divergence from this position by Yoruba intelligentsia.
One major takeaway from the ongoing controversy over the tax reform bills is that Nigeria’s democracy is maturing. Although the debates initially evoked ethnic and regional emotions, the contestations have gradually moved towards discussing facts and figures, which should be central to the issues ab initio.
Signs of trouble emerged two weeks ago when 19 Northern governors and their top traditional rulers rose from a meeting, raising objections to one of the four bills because it was against the region’s interest. Somehow, they managed to convince the other 17 governors from the South to block the bills at the National Economic Council presided over by Vice-President Kashim Shettima.
The Council, which comprised the 36 state governors, Ministers of Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy, Budget and Economic Planning, and Federal Capital Territory, and the governor of the Central Bank, resolved to advise the President to pause the legislative process on the bills pending further consultations with relevant stakeholders. Of course, the Presidency initially rejected the advice, saying those opposed to the bills should engage with the legislative process to make their case.
Not a few people felt that the Presidency’s initial reaction was impolitic, given the governors’ influence on federal legislators, many of whom derived their positions from the benevolence of the state executives. It was not long before it became apparent that a hard time awaited the bills at the federal legislature, where they were headed for approval.
Despite passing the second reading in the Senate, the bills ran into a brick wall in the House of Representatives, which had to suspend their consideration to avoid being killed. Even the Senate has paused further consideration pending the outcome of negotiations by its 10-man committee, which was set up to consult with stakeholders over the bills’ grey areas.
However, it is important to note that only two clauses in one of the bills, the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill 2024, have attracted controversy, which threatens to endanger the remaining bills: the Nigeria Tax Bill 2024, the Nigeria Revenue Service Establishment Bill 2024, and the Joint Board Revenue Service Bill. The culprits are Sections 77 and 12 (12), which seek to increase the Value Added Tax from 7.5% to 10% in 2025 and 15% in 2030. They also seek to adjust the sharing formula by increasing the derivation criteria from 20% to
60%. Besides, there are complaints about attribution.
The Northern governors felt that these clauses would further impoverish their region and tilt the advantage in favour of a few states in the South, particularly Lagos, Ogun and Rivers, which host the headquarters of most of the VAT-paying companies. Interestingly, Lagos and Rivers have argued that they would lose 80% of their earnings, contrary to the North’s claim. Significantly, the debate has been engaging, shifting from emotional to rational arguments as stakeholders are challenged to state and defend their cases.
It is noteworthy that despite the complaints of the Northern governors, many people from the region have supported the bills, contending that they would challenge them to be more creative and productive. Some even argue that the governors’ position was baseless because the North stands to gain more from the overall intent of the bills.
Ironically, the bills aimed at fixing the economy to engender shared prosperity for all citizens have become enmeshed in steep controversy. Many analysts have argued that they contained more beneficial provisions to increase the country’s revenue base and move it closer to fiscal federalism. For instance, S77 of NTAB seeks to reduce the federal government’s share of VAT revenue to 10% while increasing the state and local governments’ share to 55% and 35%, effectively putting 90% in the pockets of the subnational governments.
In addition, the bills seek to reduce the tax burden on the poor and low-income earners while enhancing the environment for businesses to thrive. Subsequently, low-income earners will be exempt from paying income tax. This tax exemption would benefit about 90% of government and private sector workers. To cushion the poor, there will be 0% VAT on over 600 food items, education, health, electricity generation and distribution, and fuel. As for businesses, over 60 taxes have been collapsed into about 11. So, there is something in the bills for everyone. Yet, they have now been threatened by the ongoing bickering.
It remains to be understood how the product of an over 100-member committee, including 40 students, government officials, private sector players, and trade union organisations from the country’s six regions, has become so controversial that it has even been accused of lack of widespread consultation.
The good news is that all the warlords realised the need to approach the table for intelligible conversations that would engender trade-offs. This is commendable and shows that the nation understands that democracy is about dialogue to resolve issues of common interest. The Tayo-Oyedele-led Presidential Committee on Revenue and Fiscal Reforms should be commended for owning the bills and stepping forward to engage. Its chairman, Tayo Oyedele, a professor and tax expert, deserves special commendation for his calmness and articulate responses to stakeholders’ queries. It is reassuring that he has left no one in doubt that his committee’s proposals are not resistant to informed review.
The bottom line has to be the overall interest of Nigerians groaning under the weight of the prevailing economic hardship brought about by decades of mismanagement of the nation’s resources. President Bola Tinubu now has the mandate and responsibility to reverse this. As part of discharging that responsibility, he set up the Oyedele Committee to put the nation’s fiscal framework in shape for the revival of the economy. Now that the job is almost done, the President must take personal responsibility to engage and negotiate the grey areas for a fruitful outcome.
Adebiyi is the media aide to the Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Senator Abubakar Bagudu
After tempestuous agitations from Northern Nigeria, which appears to be more concerned with the sharing of revenue from Value Added Tax, the House of Representatives suspended deliberations on President Bola Tinubu’s four tax bills.
Nigeria’s tax administrators, who do not seem to recognise that Value Added Tax is different from Sales Tax, are confusing everyone, including the media (and the legislators, who may not have read the tax documents).
Just gauge the decibel of cacophony that legislators are making over the allocation of VAT proceeds without corresponding light! They don’t even realise that Value Added Tax is not charged on foodstuffs, pharmaceuticals, and educational materials.
The explanations about the sharing of Value Added Tax proceeds between the three tiers of government and among the states, by Taiwo Oyedele, Chairman of the Presidential Tax Reform Committee, are disingenuous, to say the least.
Surprisingly, neither the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria nor the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria tries to clarify the position, so that Nigerians do not suffer another round of ill-conceived public policy.
The current Value Added Tax Act allocates 15, 50, and 35 per cent of collection to the federal, state, and local governments, respectively. And 20 per cent of the 50 per cent allocated to all states goes to where the Value Added Tax is generated, 30 per cent is shared according to population, and the balance of 50 per cent is distributed equally among the states.
Northern Nigeria is worried that the new tax bills allocate 10, 55, and 35 per cent to the federal, state, and local governments, respectively. It also raises the allocation of states where the revenue is generated from 20 to 60 per cent—with the argument that more should accrue to states where wealth is created or income is earned.
The state where production takes place absorbs environmental costs of air and water pollution, stress on its roads, educational and health facilities, and infrastructure and should therefore be compensated accordingly.
As expected, Northern Nigeria, led by the Northern Governors’ Forum, swiftly rejected the new proposals and used their majority in the National Economic Council to demand a review from the president, who, however, rejected their request.
Senator Ali Ndume, obviously smarting from his removal as Chief Whip of the Senate, introduced his usual histrionics and theatrics, threatening to leave the All Progressives Congress over this Value Added Tax matter. It should be the private affair of himself and the APC whether he remains or vacates the All Progressives Congress.
When he begins to ask whether Nigerians who earn less than N800,000 per annum will be exempted from paying Personal Income Tax, one begins to wonder if he knows the difference between Personal Income Tax and Value Added Tax! No one knows what he meant by, “giving somebody something with the right hand and taking it back with the left hand.”
It will be a matter for regret if Senator Ndume is just finding out that the poor Nigerian consumers have been indirectly paying Value Added Tax from its inception in 1994. He appears to be prepared to muddy the waters just to advance petty regional interests.
By the way, if those professionals that he suggests are the teachers of the current tax czars of Nigeria gave him the wrong argument that he is bandying about, it would amount to what the Yoruba describe as “a monkey carrying a monkey atop a palm tree!” They must be suspect professionals.
Former Kano State Governor, Rabiu Kwankwaso, added his voice with a subtle blackmail: “We are aware that the Lagos young men are working so hard to impose taxes and take away our taxes from Kano and this part of the country to Lagos. Today, as we have seen, even the telephones that we… register here in Kano, efforts are there to take all the taxes to Lagos.”
Mr. Oyedele should find the time to explain to Governor Kwankwaso that Value Added Tax accrued from sales invoices issued for fabrics manufactured and sold in the sundry textile factories based in Kano will not be attributed to Lagos, even if they were sold to Lagos, for instance.
Section 145(1) of the new tax bill provides: “For the purpose of… this Act, a taxable supply should be deemed to have taken place at the time an invoice or receipt is issued by the supplier… or payment is due to, or received by the supplier in respect of the supply…”
The Northern political establishment should stop the emotional blackmail that has yielded neither Northern Nigeria, its poor citizens, nor the Nigerian economy any good. The North must come to terms with reality and allow Nigeria to move forward.
The matter has really come to a head when likeable Governor Babagana Zulum of Borno State begins to argue that when Nigerians who earn less than N800,000 annually Personal Income Tax states revenue will reduce. He omitted the increase to the tax rate of high-net-worth taxpayers.
Why is Mr. Oyedele failing to explain to the legislators and governors that while Value Added Tax, paid throughout the supply chain, is paid by distributors to manufacturers, who then remit to the tax collection agencies, and that Sales Tax is paid by consumers at the point of sale to retailers, who remit to the tax collection agencies?
The textile retailer in Lagos pays Value Added Tax to the textile distributor, who remits the Value Added Tax to the Kano-based manufacturer, Da Viva Textile Mills, or the importer, who forwards the same to the Federal Inland Revenue Service as a Kano State sale.
By this logic, the Value Added Tax will be recognised as revenue derived from Kano State for the purpose of remittance to the Federation Account. For emphasis, the Value Added Tax that is paid in Lagos State travels through the supply chain to FIRS in Kano State as a tax-deductible payment, with its separate ledger, of course.
But unlike Value Added Tax, Sales Tax, paid by the consumer to the retailer in Lagos, does not travel through the supply chain. It is remitted directly to Lagos Inland Revenue Service or a Local Government Authority. For instance, customers are required to pay some kind of Sales Tax to Ijebu-Ode Local Government for ram bought at Imowo Market in Ijebu-Ode.
Maybe the conversation should be that Value Added Tax should still be collected by the Federal Government and distributed according to an agreed allocation regime, while states charge and retain 100 per cent of Sales Tax. This should motivate states to rev up their economies.
Dr. Sani Abdullahi Shinkafi, who thinks that Northern Governors are whining “because how the money will be shared is based on performance and your contribution,” suggests that “most of these states (governors) are lazy; most of them (he says) are not ready to develop their states to (be able to) generate (internal) revenue,” and insists that “that is why they are complaining.”
Senator Seriake Dickson, representing Bayelsa State West Senatorial District, recalls that when the Petroleum Industry Act ignored the 10 per cent preferred by petroleum-producing communities and granted them only three per cent the heavens did not fall.
Northern Nigerian leaders, like Governor Zulum and Senators Aminu Tambuwal and Abdul Ningi, should stop issuing threats whenever there are plans to straighten things out for everyone. As former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon says, “The North must ensure that its actions are in the best interest of Nigeria.”
[OPINION] Fisayo Soyombo and the trouble with taking Nigeria too seriously - Abimbola Adelakun
AdminAfter many years of guarding oil pipeline installations, the Nigerian Army finally made its first high-profile arrest. It turned out to be a journalist! Investigative journalist and founder of the Foundation for Investigative Journalism, Fisayo Soyombo became the face of the Army’s eventual success in apprehending oil thieves. Of course, they regularly announce arrests of some faceless and nameless people. Hardly anyone bothers to follow up on their prosecution. We have all been Nigerian long enough to know that some crimes persist in the country, not simply because the criminals are resilient but because the ring of perpetration is so institutionalised that it should be considered an extension of the civil service. That is essentially the story of oil bunkering in Nigeria.
We were all here in 2019 when Rivers governor Nyesom Wike accused the Nigerian Army of running illegal bunkering in Rivers State. He did not insinuate; Wike specifically accused the general officer commanding the Army’s 6 Division in Port Harcourt, Jamil Sarham, of using soldiers to steal and sell petroleum products in the region. In a country that takes itself seriously, that sort of accusation would neither be flippantly made nor lightly received. However, this is Nigeria. The only thing guaranteed to happen is nothing.
Wike did not say anything anyone did not already know. By the time you reach the end of organised crime in Nigeria, you will discover it is an appendage of the administrative state. Oil theft is run by legitimate state actors. When the government says it is looking for oil thieves, what they are searching for are the unemployed youths who carve out their own spaces outside of the massive extra-legal operations that the government has created for itself.
When finally released from detention, Soyombo granted an interview on AriseTV where he noted that the sensitive information he shared with the officers somehow ended up with the oil thieves. By leaking details of the information he gave them, they ensured they jeopardised the rest of his investigations. Still, congratulations! Even with that outcome, one can argue that the investigation succeeded in a way that would not have been so well-illustrated if you had published it in the most poetic language a poet could have mustered. If anyone was ever in doubt that the state and the so-called oil thieves are in cahoots, here is irrefutable proof.
But if there is something Soyombo’s series of explosive investigations has repeatedly proven, it is also that Nigeria does not take itself too seriously. Those serious enough about Nigeria and even demonstrating it by putting their lives on the line end up appearing to be doing too much. For instance, during his AriseTV interview, Soyombo mentioned his earlier investigation that revealed a child trafficking ring in the country and how the same state officials who should act have stonewalled him. I remember reading the publication open-mouthed, genuinely shocked that the process of giving a child out to adopters in the country was that lax. In a society where the earth has eyes, the jaw-dropping revelations should have led to reforms in the child adoption industry. Nigeria slacks in many areas, but you would be forgiven if you took it for granted that we would at least protect the most vulnerable among us. For nothing to happen, you realise that Nigeria cares for none of its children.
Then, in 2019, he investigated the corruption of the Nigerian Prison Service. He also put himself on the line for that fact-finding mission. One would think that the Nigerian government would at least meet him halfway, but for where? What eventually woke them up to the sordid reality of the NPS was Bobrisky. Yes, Bobrisky did that for us. Before you knew it, the interior minister, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, had announced an investigation. The National Assembly set up a fact-finding panel and even invited a social media rabble-rouser to testify before them. Then you wonder why the sudden seriousness. The knowledge they needed to act was available in the public sphere all along, but they were only aroused to their duties when the matter had to do with sex.
Come to think of it, maybe that is how the outcome of investigative journalism should be published in Nigeria. Perhaps that was what was missing all along! Attach sex to reports of investigation in any form, and the relevant agencies will be tempted to pay attention. Who knows, sex might finally motivate state officials to take decisive action over the rotten state of another bureaucracy where Soyombo has conducted a series of investigations: the Nigerian Customs Service. He has investigated the agency and published a series of reports, but the silence from the same administration that was awakened during the Bobrisky saga can wake even the dead.
The good book says we will know the truth, and the truth will free us, but Nigeria defies that hope. We know the truth, and even the truth knows us back, but we are not yet free. We have been compromised on every front by leaders who cannot bring themselves to even feign any interest in social progress. Under their watch, virtually every decadent institution is allowed to progressively decay. The lesser their structural integrity, the more pliable—and better readied—they are for the machinations of these tyrannical leaders. Their disinterest in arresting the rot means it keeps spreading, eating into every organ, every nerve, every cell, every bit of the society.
What is eating up our society from the inside is gnawing at the brains now, God help us! In several directions you look, nothing seems to be taken seriously. Here is a recent and unfunny example: The Nigerian Presidential Compressed Natural Gas Initiative employed the services of some comedians and singers (one, the musician Innocent Idibia, popularly called TuFace; two, Waris Olayinka Akinwande, the social media jokester popularly called Ola of Lagos; three, musician Dauda Kahutu Rarara, and comedian Bright Okpocha, whom everyone knows as Basket Mouth) on a fact-finding trip to India to learn about Compressed Natural Gas and convince Nigerians at home that it was safe for use. One wonders, if the FG is serious about swaying people towards CNG, why hire comedians and singers? Whatever happened to actual experts?
Imagine that you are an engineer with years of training in this area. You have been honing your skills (maybe even up to PhD level), waiting for the day you will be called to serve society with the knowledge. Then you wake up one day and learn that those called to the serious assignment are the amusers. Imagine the betrayal you will feel when you realise that you wasted time taking Nigeria too seriously. Please note that this is not an argument against entertainers as people who can also positively influence their society. There are countless examples of comedians playing the role of a society’s intellectuals, but expertise is expertise. If we have sincere questions about what CNG would mean for the life expectancy of vehicles that would need to be retrofitted, are comedians the right people to ask?
When it eventually dawns on you that Nigeria is not a serious country, it hits so hard that being struck by thunder would have been gentler. You realise that you have been investing your passion in a country that is not passionate enough about itself; you embarked on a redemption quest for a country that is just not ready. When the rage that seizes you finally subsides, you experience a calm within. That is the moment you come to full Nigerian maturity. And you know that because when they start another round of noise over one thing, one thing in the Nigerian streets, you just enter your own house and close the door.
In the world of politics, bold choices often lead to both support and criticism. That is an intricate part of politics.
Kemi Badenock, the leader of the opposition Conservative party in the UK, stands as a remarkable figure, being the first black woman of African descent to reach such heights in British political history. However, her strong and persistent stance on immigration has sparked controversy, especially among her fellow Africans. While some see her views as a betrayal of her roots, it is crucial to understand that her actions stem from a commitment to her role as a British politician. Who, as the leader of the opposition is paid by the government of her country, with tax payers money.
Badenock’s immigration policies reflect her duty to prioritize the needs of the British people. As a member of the government, she is responsible for ensuring that resources are allocated effectively and that the integrity of the nation is maintained. For example, she has argued for stricter immigration controls to address public concerns about jobs and resources. This approach may seem harsh, especially to those who share her African heritage, but it is essential for a politician to balance the interests of all citizens in the country that she now identifies as home. In a role like hers, the focus must be on national concerns, even when it means making difficult decisions.
Some African critics often accuse Badenock of distancing herself from her African origins. However, it is important to recognize that being a politician requires a level of pragmatism. She must navigate a complex political landscape where the expectations of her party and her constituents often clash. For instance, Rishi Sunak, another prominent British politician and the immediate past prime minister of Indian descent, also faced similar challenges. Both leaders must demonstrate loyalty to their country while managing their cultural identities. This juggling act does not mean they forget their backgrounds; it simply illustrates the complexities of political life. Would Kemi Badenock have attained such political heights if she had ventured into politics in Nigeria? One would leave that to your conjecture.
Moreover, Badenock’s stance on immigration resonates with many British citizens, going by their massive votes for Brexit, who feel that immigration has impacted their lives. By taking a firm position on immigration, she connects with voters who seek reassurance and stability. This connection is vital for any politician who wishes win elections on the back of the massive loss of the Conservative Party at the recent elections and to be effective. It may be uncomfortable for some, particularly those from immigrant backgrounds, whose votes might not be materially significant to sway the electorate. But the goal of any political leader is to serve the needs of the majority while addressing some of the concerns of the minority.
In the world of politics, bold choices often lead to both support and criticism. Kemi Badenock, the leader of the opposition Conservative party in the UK, stands as a remarkable figure, being the first black woman of African descent to reach such heights in British political history. However, her strong stance on immigration has sparked controversy, especially among her fellow Africans. While some see her views as a betrayal of her roots, it is crucial to understand that her actions stem from a commitment to her role as a British politician.
Badenock’s immigration policies reflect her duty to prioritize the needs of the British people. As a member of the government, she is responsible for ensuring that resources are allocated effectively and that the integrity of the nation is maintained. For example, she has argued for stricter immigration controls to address public concerns about jobs and resources. This approach may seem harsh, especially to those who share her African heritage, but it is essential for a politician to balance the interests of all citizens. In a role like hers, the focus must be on national concerns, even when it means making difficult decisions.
Critics often accuse Badenock of distancing herself from her African origins. However, it is important to recognize that being a politician requires a level of pragmatism. She must navigate a complex political landscape where the expectations of her party and her constituents often clash. For instance, Rishi Sunak, another prominent British politician of Indian descent, also faces similar challenges. Both leaders must demonstrate loyalty to their country while managing their cultural identities. This juggling act does not mean they forget their backgrounds; it simply illustrates the complexities of political life.
Moreover, Badenock’s stance resonates with many British citizens who feel that immigration has impacted their lives. By taking a firm position on immigration, she connects with voters who seek reassurance and stability. This connection is vital for any politician who wishes to be effective. It may be uncomfortable for some, particularly those from immigrant backgrounds, but the goal of any political leader is to serve the needs of the majority while addressing the concerns of minorities.
Kemi Badenock’s immigration policies may attract criticism, particularly from those who share her African heritage. Nonetheless, her role as a British politician requires her to prioritize the needs of the nation. Balancing her heritage with her responsibilities is no easy task, but it reflects the reality of political life. Ultimately, the end justifies the means when it comes to serving the interests of the country. Embracing this perspective allows for a more nuanced understanding of her actions and the challenges faced by leaders in a diverse society.
One of the most pressing aspects of Badenock’s dilemma is the expectation to represent her community. As a trailblazer in contemporary British politics, she carries the weight of being a symbol for many who see her as a beacon of hope and change. However, her strict stance on immigration reform has led to accusations of betraying her roots. This creates a conflict between her personal history as a daughter of immigrants and her current role, where she must align with party policies that may not resonate with those who share her background. This situation mirrors the experiences of other politicians who have walked a similar path, such as Barack Obama, the first black president of the United States. Obama faced scrutiny from some African American communities for his policies that were perceived as not fully addressing issues impacting black Americans. Both leaders illustrate the complex balance of individual identity and the broader expectations of political leadership.
One can draw a similar line of reasoning with historical figures in the USA politics like Condoleezza Rice, who served as the U.S. Secretary of State, who faced similar dilemmas. Rice, a prominent African American woman in a significant government position, often had to navigate her identity while advocating for policies that sometimes conflicted with the interests of African Americans. Her experience highlights the challenges of being a representative of a community while also fulfilling the responsibilities of a high-ranking official. Like Badenock, Rice had to reconcile personal and political identities, often leading to criticism from those who felt she was not doing enough for her community.
Badenock’s situation also speaks to the broader narrative of representation in politics. As a leader, she is expected to advocate for diversity, equity, and inclusivity, while also addressing the concerns of the majority population. This balancing act is a common theme in political history. Figures such as Kamala Harris, the first female vice president of the United States, have similarly navigated the complexities of identity politics, often finding themselves at the intersection of advocating for their communities while adhering to the expectations of their political roles. Can Kamala’s loss to Donald Trump at the November presidential elections be attributed to what some observers think was her overt leaning too much to her ethnic background or America’s sexism and racism? These may ever remain in the realms of political speculations.
In a nutshell, Kemi Badenock’s position as a pioneering black British politician places her in a challenging dilemma where personal identity and political responsibilities intersect. History shows that many leaders, including Barack Obama and Condoleezza Rice, have faced similar challenges. The expectation to represent one’s community while fulfilling the duties of a political office can lead to complex dynamics and criticisms. Understanding these historical parallels can provide valuable insight into Badenock’s journey and the intricate balance that leaders must maintain in a diverse society. Nigerians, especially those in the UK, must try to understand that all politics is local. As far as practical and expedient, Kemi Badenock needs the vote of the British people for her Conservative Party- pure and simple.
Sonny Iroche
• Senior Academic Fellow. African Studies Centre. University of Oxford 2022-23
• Post Graduate AI. Saïd Business School. University of Oxford
LinkedIn: http://linkedin.com/in/sonnyiroche
[OPINION] Why Taiwo Oyedele’s VAT simulation could end derivation misconceptions - Hafiz Bakare
AdminChannelsTV, on Monday 2nd December 2024, held a Town Hall session on the Tax Reform Bills during which Taiwo Oyedele, Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy & Tax Reforms presented a simulation of the proposed VAT sharing formula to the public for the first time (at least to the best of my knowledge).
MTN Nigeria Communications Plc was used as a hypothetical case study for the simulation to highlight the difference between the current sharing formula based on the Remittance Model of Derivation which has the headquarters effect and the proposed sharing formula based on the Consumption Model of Derivation in the Tax Reform Bills.
It is a fact that companies currently remit VAT based on the location of their headquarters even though internally many of them have information about consumption activities in each state.
However, since the current VAT remittance model has never required location specific information, a number of companies may just need to start paying attention to their internal database for that purpose in preparation for the proposed VAT regime if it takes effect.
Perhaps that is why the information to showcase a comparison of the current and proposed models using a specific month on a complete basis may not be readily available and/or CREDIBLE at this point.
If that is the case as is likely so, then at least it is better to simulate using hypothetical data than not having any data to explain the impact of the proposed model.
The key point of misconception by Governors and a number of other stakeholders is the proposal to increase the percentage shared based on derivation from 20% to 60%!
The erroneous understanding is that the proposed 60% would still be based on the current Remittance Model of Derivation with the headquarters effect. Meanwhile, the proposal is 60% based on the Consumption Model of Derivation!
Before the referenced Town Hall session, the simulation was not in the public domain and even after the session, it hasn’t really circulated.
Most stakeholders (Governors, Lawmakers and other members of the public) would have better clarity with the visual illustration using data (albeit hypothetical), thereby making discussions more constructive.
There might not have been this level of opposition and distrust driven by misinformation if such an illustration comparing current and proposed scenarios had been readily available.
Something simple but crucial like the simulation might hopefully douse tension on the VAT issue with more clarity and better understanding by stakeholders. This would allow appreciation of other aspects of the Tax Reform Bills which have been obfuscated by the intense VAT debate.
The simulation should be circulated as widely as possible and used as the basis of engagement at different forums going forward.
I was watching the evening news on Monday night when two presenters used a word at different times that jolted me. I’ve heard and seen that word used often, especially by millennials and Gen Z, but I didn’t entirely pay heed because they were mostly in informal settings.
Anyways – I meant to write, anyway – I was jolted to hear that word, anyways, twice from two TV presenters on different programmes on the same station just minutes apart! My Use of English teachers would have beaten the straying “s” out of me if I had used that word even in error.
But that was at another time, before young adults invented more new words and other tokens of social expression, including memes and abbreviations, than at any other time in recent lexical history, thanks to technology and the prevalence of social media.
Words avant-garde
I’m trying to adjust, but I’m not quite there yet. And in this transition to a brave new world of avant-garde lexicography dominated by young adults, it’s improbable that I would have considered, anyways, a jarringly colloquial word, as proper form.
However, Oxford United Press (OUP), the bastion of rectitude, is leading the world in de-sensitising squeamishness in the use of the English language. In other words, sooner than later, I might well find myself loving and even using, anyways, in proper communication.
In a language and literary study in 2023 for the Word of the Year, OUP crowned “rizz” as the winner. The Press said it created a shortlist of eight words “all chosen to reflect the mood, ethos, and preoccupations” of the previous year and “rizz” emerged as the favourite after over 30,000 language lovers worldwide pared down the word soup to four finalists: rizz, Swiftie, prompt, and situationship.
Rizz up, darling!
In case you’re interested in a brief history of the etymology of how rizz might soon become mainstream, OUP explained that just as the fridge was from refrigerator and flu was from influenza, rizz (a noun), which can also be used as a verb, as in “to rizz up,” meaning to attract, seduce, or chat up), has its roots the word “charisma.”
I’m unsure which word might win OUP’s crown in 2024, but I have an in-vogue word slate that would be difficult to ignore. Perhaps lovers of language, especially millennials and Gen Z, the generational curators of these species of unusual words, might help crown a winner from my list for 2024 and share that list on any of my social media handles @azu ishiekwene or email This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.. Or text Word of the Year to +234 805 210 0356.
The first candidate for me is “steeze.” I was confused the first time I heard it and couldn’t immediately determine its meaning. An English language coach and content creator on Quora, Jasveer Kaur, described “steeze” as “A slang term which is a mix of ‘style’ and ‘ease’, that means ‘looking effortlessly cool, i.e., charisma or grace.” It’s a cousin of rizz, or “composure”, another synonym for steeze from the Gen Z corpus.
The lit vs the ill-lit
And how about “lit?” When I first heard that someone was “lit”, I thought they were alight, literally burning! It turned out that I was hugely mistaken. “Lit”, I later found out, means something different. It’s a slang derived from African American Vernacular English, which gained popularity in the 2000s. It’s been around for quite a while, but somehow, the “ill-lit” like me never quite thought it would soon be making its way to the mainstream.
But thanks to hip-hop and pop culture, it has become a favourite expression among millennials and Gen Z. If you say, “The concert last night was lit,” for example, or “Her performance in the game was lit,” there’s nothing more to add. It’s the highest expression of excitement and enthusiasm. In the same way, my father’s highest compliment was “noble”, as in “You’ve done noble!”
Rizz, lit, and dope, I’m told, are in the same class, with ritz (derived from the ostentation of Ritz, the famous hotel and hospitality brand) being at the higher end of the word spectrum.
Who’s the simp?
How about “simp”? It’s not exactly a new word. It has evolved, losing five original letters in the process, but gaining new meaning and currency with TikTokers. Back in the day, that word used to be “simpleton”, a man or woman generally thought or believed to be naïve, foolish. Hip-hop culture in the mouth of younger adults gave it a makeover.
They twisted it against men today, and now a simp is often used to describe a man who is overly anxious to please women. This seems to be the opposite of “demure,” a word formerly used to describe modesty in young ladies but now repurposed to convey cuteness in both sexes.
Instead of the “50-50 Love” Teddy Pendergrass crooned about in his album, a “simp” is a man who doesn’t mind five percent or less back for his affection and empathy in exchange for 100 percent. He is if you get my drift, a woman wrapper.
If you are already “vibing”, millennial-speak for “losing oneself in great music or conversation”, or feeling “shook”, the colloquial noun or verb for “surprise”, then welcome to the evolving vocab world of young adults fostered by the Internet. From activism to fashion, sports and dating, the language topography is changing, leaving older adults in a trail of incomprehensible slang.
Simply steeze
In the slang line-up for 2024, anyways, steeze, lit, rizz, vibing, shook, and simp are in the race. But the stage would be incomplete without “ghost” (to suddenly stop communicating with someone, as in ‘he ghosted me after our last meeting’), “no cap”, (the damn truth, no embellishment), as in ‘petrol prices will never return to N470/litre, no cap, or “snack”, (someone attractive, as in ‘she’s looking like a snack in that outfit’).
While these words have a global resonance, one would undoubtedly be at the top of your final list if you were a Nigerian young adult—at home or in the Diaspora: “E choke!” The harsher, more menacing version is “Hunger dey!” However, this latter expression has a broader application and is quite popular among older adults.
When young Nigerian adults say, “E choke,” they express the country’s severe economic hardship. This hardship has left many of them unable to have that shawarma or pizza, fix the braids they’d love to, or even chat for long without resorting to data mincing.
This ethos was expressed in the streets of many Nigerian states in August, when protesters, mostly angry youths, staged demonstrations captioned #Endbadgovernance, the lightning rod for economic hardship. But the word is used in more than one sense. It also conveys overwhelming pleasure, as in “Give me more, even if it kills me!”
E choke!
My five finalists for the words that most captured younger adults’ moods, feelings, imagination, and ethos in 2024 are e choke, steeze, no cap, vibing, and composure. I struggled to get the language tool on my laptop to accept these words. I had to overwrite them many times to retain them, as I wondered how examination bodies, like the West African Examination Council (WAEC), would cope with this lexical insurgency.
Is it an indication of the distance these words still have to travel in the transition from fad to mainstream? Or is society just too slow to catch up? No matter, as they say in millennia-speak, las, las, culture, language, and tool developers would be alright.
There is something really intriguing and fascinating about having a wonderful friend of yours grow into the septuagenarian circle. And this is even more crucial when that colleague has a history of stubborn ideological inclination that has kept him in shape as a scholar of note within Nigeria’s combustible intellectual firmament. From our mutual commitment to the political science scholarship and different approaches to the understanding of the Nigerian nation-building project, Professor Jibrin Ibrahim—Jibo to all of us—and I have become intellectual partners in progress. Both of us keep investing our intellectual and scholarly resources in the ongoing commitment to the understanding of the task of making the Nigerian state, on the one hand, more meaningful from the perspective of scholarship, and on the other hand, more citizen-friendly in terms of its capacity to leverage advocacy and discourse to achieve good governance.
Jibo is one academic that one can really say has kept up a coherent ideological trajectory since he emerged in the heydays of the radical Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movement as a key figure in the Nigerian Marxist circle. And yet it would seem that Jibo has made a critical shift away from the Marxist ideological framework that enabled his intellectual stature in the 1970s and 1980s. This shift says a lot about the current ideological state of the postcolonial Nigerian society. Professor Ibrahim was educated at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and in the virile Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at a time when the university campuses in Nigeria constituted the hotbeds of ideological theorizing and mobilization; when scholars from Bala Usman to Mokwugo Okoye and Eskor Toyo to Molara Ogundipe-Leslie to Patrick Wilmot to Bala Takaya, and from Claude Ake to Edwin Madunagu to Bade Onimode to Akin Oyebode rallied round Marxism as the pathway to radical intellectual traditions. For these intellectuals, Marxism provided the ideological commitments to reflect on the possibility of a progressive framework through which Nigeria could be re-visioned as a postcolonial state.
I do not know whether there is still any coherence to the concept of the Nigerian Left—a body of progressives that are connected by the collective Marxian ideological framework for rethinking the dynamics of the Nigerian developmental and national manifestations. And my reason is not far-fetched. It would seem that the depth and extent of the Nigerian postcolonial predicament, the reach and strength of the neoliberal capitalist hegemony, and the fluctuating fortunes of Marxism have outstripped the capacity of the Nigerian Left to keep up their intellectual mapping of the relationship between ideology and reality. Indeed, it would seem that the Nigerian Left has become so fragmented as to be incapable of mustering the coherence required to push a progressive front. And this could also be because the fortunes of Marxism keep shifting conservative Marxism to Antonio Gramsci, and from the neo-Marxism of Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse and Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School to the post-Marxism of Chantal Mouse and Ernesto Laclau, and from Samir Amin to Immanuel Wallerstein.
Maybe the fundamental issue in keeping Marxism relevant to the Nigerian postcolonial predicament would be how theoretically congruent Marxism and postcolonialism are. How, for instance, is Marxism’s Eurocentric foundation to be squared with the anti-Eurocentric stance in that animate postcolonial scholarship? Maybe this significant tension to get the utmost from an ideological position without any intellectual baggage is what led to the subtle shift of Jibo away from Marxism—or specifically activist Marxism—towards a more resilient and contextually malleable paradigm that enables the facilitation of radical politics within a space like Nigeria. For Jibo, the political end should justify the ideological means. He believes there must be a better way than doctrinaire Marxism to achieve radical politics that will reorient democracy and democratic governance on behalf of Nigerians.
This is where Jibo and I share many seminal platforms. The first critical platform is the political science scholarship in Nigeria. While I was the permanent secretary at the Ministry of Communication Technology in 2015, Professor Jibrin Ibrahim was asked to deliver the keynote paper at the 60th anniversary celebration lecture of the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. I was to be the chairman of the occasion. Jibo regrettably could not make the occasion. And the Department prevailed on me to take his place as the guest lecturer. In that lecture, titled “The Legitimacy of Political Science Scholarship in Nigeria,” I made the pungent argument that Nigeria’s postcolonial predicaments since independence have thrown series of debilitating unresolved challenges to query the relevance of political science scholarship in the country. Insurgency, corruption, youth unemployment, insecurity, dysfunctional federalism cum constitutional order, misgovernance, bad leadership—the list is endless—raise the critical question of the role of the Nigerian political scientists in the articulation of frameworks or paradigms of understanding and resolutions for redressing the Nigerian state and redesigning democratic governance.
These are not strange questions for me to ask as I have been a theorist and practitioner of public administration scholarship since I became a public servant many years ago. On resuming at the Presidency first in 1988, and much later in 1992, I was nudged by mentors to take on the additional task of studying the civil service as a means of understanding the dynamics of its dysfunction and the possible paths towards its institutional redemption. It was not too long for me to determine that the (mis)fortunes of the civil service system are tied in with those of the Nigerian state. My search for paradigms of institutional reform in Nigeria inevitably took me to expressing concerns for all forms of institutional reformative transformation, including those that affects political science scholarship. In that same lecture, I lamented not just the invisibility of Nigerian political scientists in the critical matters of the state, but also the ailing of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA), a reality that has since significantly improved.
However, one political scientist that constitutes the exception in my lamentation is Professor Ibrahim. He is not just the political scientist par excellence since he completed his doctoral dissertation at the University of Bordeaux in 1990. He has become the lone ranger in the fight to deepen democracy through civil society activism. Civil society for him was the continuation of the struggles for progressive politics by another mean. It was simply the other side of the same coin in the fight to entrench radical politics that put people on the front burner of government’s policy decisions. I would say, on his behalf, that civil society engagement is closer to realizing the objective of democratic reforms than academic Marxism that leans more on the theoretical than the practical. But that is not to say, as most scholars believe, tragically, that theory and practice are disjointed. As a development expert, civil service engagement allows for a cogent involvement with the public policy processes in ways that pushes the boundaries of policy participation and ideological influence. Civil society allows Professor Jibrin Ibrahim to keep democratic and policy discourses at the level of ideological fundamental, without the baggage of Marxism.
And this brings me to the second seminal platform that connect me with Jibo. When I had to also make the critical decision to continue my reform advocacy by other means; at the point when I had to painfully exit the civil service as a critical insider, the establishment of the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP) in 2016 was a most viable institutional platform that permits the articulation of my insider’s perspectives from the outside. And that “outside” allows me to deploy the critical significance of kindred intellectual, activist and advocate spirits in the task of making Nigeria work better for democracy and development. One of such is Jibo, of course! At the inauguration of ISGPP and in one defining piece in his celebrated column in the Premium Times, Jibo was enthusiastic about the determination of the School to return the discourse on government back to the table. According to him, “I welcome the idea, after twenty-seven years of discourse on that elusive and nebulous World Bank concept of GOVERNANCE, let’s get back to the essentials and start studying what ‘government’ actually does when it governs.”
This fundamental discursive element connects with, say, Jibo’s presence in journalism. The fight to raise the bar of fundamental issues that impacts the issues of political emancipation and democratic liberation cannot be limited to the pages of books and monographs. It must be delivered in digestible soundbites that an average Nigerian can understand and relate with. Indeed, the journalistic space further allows Professor Jibrin Ibrahim to bring the challenges of fixing the Nigerian state right into the context of the Nigerian masses and the need for them to also weigh into the determination of their destiny. And this speaks critically to the emergence of the post-truth social media. If democracy must be deepened through civil society vigilance, then Nigerian scholars, intellectuals and advocates need to mediate the tight rope between traditional journalism and the new media, plus the dangers of challenging social facts.
Professor Jibrin Ibrahim is a critical septuagenarian, the type of intellectual who never stops fighting, who is never slowed down by age, who keeps pushing the boundaries of what they believe. We can only pray that your dream for the Nigerian masses may be realize just in time.
A major policy of the Tinubu administration designed to overhaul the nation’s inefficient tax codes and enhance fiscal performance of the government has run into unexpected opposition from key members of the President’s party and important stakeholders. I’m convinced that the reason some governors and lawmakers do not seem to understand or appreciate the intentions and objectives of the tax reform bills is because there was no adequate consultations and communication to sensitize and educate them. As we know, the Tinubu administration is not good at engaging with the citizens before it announces any policy decision. The fuel subsidy removal and the return of the old National Anthem are just two instances in which the administration rushed through decisions without deep thinking, planning and consultations. That most of the governors and lawmakers who are against this legislation are members of the President’s party is a pointer to its internal weakness as a political platform.
For a policy initiative to succeed, it must have the support of a cross section of citizens, particularly those for whom the policy is designed, and to gain such a support, there should be a well designed and implemented package of strategic communication strategy and engagements with the relevant stakeholders. From what we now know from the government, the tax bills are meant to eliminate double taxation; remove low income earners from the tax bracket, reduce the federal government’s share of VAT income and change the sharing formula for VAT to achieve equitability. Had the government mounted an effective communication and stakeholders’ engagement, some of the misunderstandings about the bills’ objectives, benefits, impacts on the revenues of the Northern States and the fates of some agencies like TETFUND would have been addressed. It’s a shame that there was no public hearing on the Tax Reform Bill before it was rushed to the National Assembly. It speaks to the hubris of the administration which is obsessed with overwhelming sense of self importance
In the absence of effective communication strategy, the bills became a subject of rumours, misleading information and wrong interpretations of its provisions. For an administration that has 17 spokespersons and is headed by a man who owns a TV station and a newspaper house, it is a surprise that citizens’ engagement is lacking in its staple. It’s an unspeakable mediocrity in a democracy to treat the people with so much disdain.
In 1988, the IBB military government rolled out a massive privatization programme which led to the sale of over 300 government’s assets to private and institutional investors. Before the programme kicked off, the agency that managed the massive sale, a massive sensitization programme was launched to educate Nigerians on why privatization was inevitable and that helped to blunt some of the criticisms. The communication team was headed by Emeka Maduegbunam, a seasoned TV anchor and PR professional. The messages were lucid, vivid, logical and convincing. I give kudos to Dr. Hamza Zayyad and Dr. Shamsuddeed Usman for the competencies with which they ran the privatization and commercialization programme. In March 2010, President Barrack Obama signed the Affordable Care Act (ACA) into law, making it one of the landmark legislations of his Presidency. Commonly known as the ObamaCare, ACA is the comprehensive health care reform law that addresses health insurance, health care costs and preventive care. The bill was widely opposed by the Republicans, but through a combination of masterly political skills, exceptional communication strategies and advocacy, the law was passed by both houses. I will advise the Tinubu team to read the relevant chapter of President Obama’s memoir, A Promised Land, on details of how he secured the vote at Congress and the support of Americans for this important legislation. Leadership is a serious business.
But what do we get from the Tinubu media team? A constant barrage of lengthy insulting and abusive press releases targeted at Peter Obi, Olusegun Obasanjo and just about anybody who tends to hold a different view from the government. Uncouth, abrasive and full of hubris, the team is obsessed with constant power struggle and jostling for power which has sapped it of energy and creativity. It lacks overall strategic focus and coherence in message and messaging. I do not know any member of the team that has impressive credentials in strategic communications and PR.
In terms of discipline, APC has not done well either; otherwise the party would have addressed the concerns of its vocal members like Prof. Zulum ; Senator Ali Ndume and a few others who have been constantly attacking the legislation and the perceived intentions government. It’s unusual for party luminaries to disagree so openly with their President and his policy. It is telling that Prof. Zulum is the successor to Vice President Shetima as Borno State Governor. While the governor is huffing and puffing, the VP has been quiet. Does it mean that the VP has not been able to convince Zulum on the good intentions and benefits of the bills, or is the VP himself not well briefed on them? If this were a parliamentary government, the lawmakers would probably be going for a No Confidence vote as we saw in France this week.
Effective communication and stakeholder engagement is an integral part of modern governance. Unfortunately, this administration has been very weak at it. This President has not held a news conference; press interview or town hall since he took office. He has only been to one or two states on a condolence visit. But we have seen harassments of many journalists and read so many derogatory press statements. It is just as well that President Tinubu has instructed the Ministry of Justice to work closely with the National Assembly to review the contentious portions of the draft legislation and the Senate, ever so compliant to to the Presidency, has suspended deliberations on it. While the review proceeds, the government should develop strategic communications and engagement plans to explain the bills better to stakeholders. They should keep in mind the seven Cs of communication (Clear; Correct; Complete; Concise; Concrete; Considerate and Courteous) as the engagements proceed.
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As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration embarks on its ambitious economic reforms, one of the most contentious and consequential initiatives is the proposed overhaul of Nigeria’s tax system. Not only been touted to be a critical measure to revitalize the nation’s finances when fully implemented, the reform aims to address chronic revenue shortfalls, curb tax evasion, and expand the tax base. Yet, as with any transformative agenda, the tax reform has sparked a wave of apprehension across different sectors of the economy.
The proposal to expand the country’s revenue streams, including through a harmonized Value Added Tax (VAT) system, has drawn criticism from various quarters. Notably, governors in the northern region of Nigeria have raised objections to certain aspects of the reform. Their resistance, combined with a broader cultural and socio-political debate, underscores the complexity of implementing such a sweeping policy.
Despite the baseless apprehension which the move has sparked across the nation, there is no denying the fact that there is an urgent need for tax reform. As gathered, Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio, which stands at about 6.1%, is one of the lowest globally, far below the average of 16.5% for sub-Saharan Africa. This anomaly has long hindered the nation’s capacity to fund essential services and infrastructure. Given the foregoing statistical backdrop, which is no doubt appalling, Tinubu’s tax reform seeks to correct this by improving compliance, plugging revenue leakages, and promoting equity in tax collection.
The proposed reforms include measures to simplify the tax code, introduce digital tax systems, and ensure progressive taxation where wealthier individuals and corporations contribute a fairer share. While these changes promise to boost government revenues, they have also unearthed deep-seated fears among key stakeholders.
Governors from northern Nigeria, who are no doubt largely guided by Islamic principles, have expressed reservations about elements of the tax reform, particularly those relating to VAT. A significant portion of VAT revenue in Nigeria comes from alcohol sales, a product prohibited in many northern states under Sharia law.
Despite their objections to alcohol and their enforcement of bans on its sale and consumption, northern states have consistently benefited from the federal allocation of VAT, including revenue generated from alcohol sales. This paradox has fueled widespread criticism, with observers pointing out the inherent contradiction: how can states destroy beer trucks on one hand and still partake in the sharing of revenues from alcohol taxes on the other?
The issue raises fundamental questions about equity and consistency. If northern states wish to remain beneficiaries of national VAT revenues, they must adopt a fairer stance towards products and industries contributing to the tax pool. Alternatively, they might need to advocate for a regional or state-specific VAT system where revenue generation and allocation align more closely with local practices and laws.
While the political pushback from northern governors garners significant attention, the business community has also voiced apprehension. Many private-sector players worry that increased tax obligations could exacerbate the financial strain on businesses already grappling with inflation, high energy costs, and foreign exchange volatility. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs), in particular, fear that stricter compliance measures might disproportionately affect their operations, pushing some to the brink of closure.
Corporate executives argue that implementing new tax measures during an economically turbulent period could stifle investment and innovation. They call for a phased approach that allows businesses time to adapt to the changes while safeguarding their profitability.
For ordinary Nigerians, the fear is more visceral. With rising living costs and dwindling purchasing power, any hint of increased taxes feels like a dagger to the heart of survival. Tinubu’s administration has repeatedly assured citizens that the reforms are designed to target high-income earners and large corporations rather than the poor. However, skepticism remains widespread, fueled by a history of mistrust in government initiatives.
The question lingers: “Will these reforms truly avoid cascading effects on consumer prices, or will Nigerians find themselves paying more for basic goods and services?” For many in the northern region, where poverty levels are disproportionately high, the fear is even more pronounced.
At the heart of the controversy surrounding the VAT allocation is the question of alcohol taxes. In northern states where Sharia law is enforced, alcohol is often treated as contraband. This has led to frequent raids and destruction of alcohol products being transported to markets.
While these actions reflect the cultural and religious sentiments of the region, they also create an ethical dilemma. Should states that actively prohibit and destroy a taxable product be entitled to share in the revenues derived from its sale? This question has ignited debates across the country, with many southern stakeholders calling for a reevaluation of the VAT-sharing formula.
Critics argue that it is unjust for northern states to reject the production and consumption of alcohol while benefiting financially from its taxation. This situation, they contend, highlights the need for a more transparent and equitable revenue allocation framework that respects regional differences without fostering dependency or contradiction.
In fact, Tinubu’s tax reform has also faced resistance within political circles. Critics argue that the administration should focus more on cutting government waste and improving expenditure efficiency before increasing taxes. Some elites, accustomed to exploiting loopholes to avoid paying their fair share, are predictably unsettled by the prospect of tighter enforcement.
Political analysts suggest that these opponents may deploy their influence to stymie the reform’s progress, framing it as anti-business or punitive. This opposition underscores the high stakes of the reform agenda and the entrenched interests it threatens to disrupt.
Without any iota of exaggeration, it is not a misnomer to opine that the success of Tinubu’s tax reform will hinge on the administration’s ability to address these regional and sectoral concerns transparently and inclusively. This is as public engagement is crucial to dispel fears and garner support. The government must also demonstrate fiscal discipline by addressing corruption and ensuring that revenues generated through the reform are channeled into tangible improvements in infrastructure, education, healthcare, and social services.
For the northern states, this may require a difficult but necessary reckoning. If they wish to continue benefiting from national tax revenues, they must adopt a more equitable stance on industries contributing to the tax pool. Alternatively, Nigeria may need to explore a federal VAT system that allows states to keep revenues generated locally, incentivizing them to adopt policies that encourage economic activity.
Without a doubt, Tinubu’s tax reform is a litmus test for his administration’s resolve to address Nigeria’s fiscal challenges. While fears abound, they should not overshadow the reform’s potential to catalyze a more sustainable and equitable economy.
The controversy over northern states’ stance on alcohol taxes encapsulates the broader challenge: balancing cultural, religious, and economic considerations in a diverse nation. The question is not just “Who is afraid of Tinubu’s tax reform?” but also, “Who is willing to embrace it for the greater good of Nigeria?”
In navigating this delicate terrain, the government must remember that meaningful reform requires not just bold ideas but also empathy, fairness, and inclusivity. If managed correctly, these reforms could lay the foundation for a stronger, more unified Nigeria where all states contribute equitably and benefit proportionately.
In the labyrinth of Nigerian politics, where loyalty is often sacrificed at the altar of ambition, the story of Donatus Matthew, a former Okada rider turned federal lawmaker, serves as a glaring illustration of opportunism. Matthew’s remarkable ascent to the House of Representatives as a representative of Kaura Federal Constituency in Southern Kaduna under the Labour Party (LP) banner was a beacon of hope, a testimony to the power of grassroots support. However, his recent defection to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) reveals the darker side of Nigerian politics: the propensity to betray the very platform and people who propelled one to power.
Matthew’s journey from being an Okada rider to a federal lawmaker captured the imagination of many Nigerians. His victory over Gideon Gwani, a four-term incumbent and Minority Chief Whip of the House of Representatives under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), was nothing short of revolutionary. It symbolized a shift in the political dynamics of Kaura Federal Constituency, fueled by the “Obidient wave” led by Peter Obi’s Labour Party.
His story resonated deeply with Nigerians disillusioned by the political status quo. Matthew embodied the aspirations of ordinary citizens seeking representation by leaders who understood their struggles. His victory was celebrated far and wide, with activists like Stephen Kefason hailing it as a victory for the people of Southern Kaduna.
Yet, less than two years into his tenure, Matthew has dealt a heavy blow to his supporters by defecting to the APC. This defection, coming from a man whose rise was rooted in the grassroots mobilization and ideological fervor of the Labour Party, is nothing short of a betrayal. It is a painful reminder of the opportunistic tendencies that plague Nigerian politics.
Activist Stephen Kefason, one of Matthew’s early supporters, expressed his disappointment in a scathing post on X (formerly Twitter). Kefason did not mince words, describing Matthew as “opportunistic” and accusing him of capitalizing on Peter Obi’s popularity to secure his position, only to abandon the movement once his political ambitions were achieved.
Matthew’s defection is not an isolated incident. It is symptomatic of a broader culture of political nomadism in Nigeria, where politicians shift allegiances for personal gain rather than ideological convictions. This behavior erodes the foundation of democracy, which thrives on accountability and trust between leaders and the electorate.
In Matthew’s case, the timing and nature of his defection suggest that it was motivated by political convenience rather than any principled disagreement with the Labour Party’s ideology. The APC, as the ruling party, offers access to resources, patronage, and political cover, temptations that many politicians find irresistible.
However, this culture of defection has far-reaching consequences. It diminishes public trust in politicians and undermines the credibility of political parties. When leaders like Matthew abandon the platforms that brought them to prominence, they send a message that political promises and commitments are expendable.
Matthew’s actions raise serious questions about his character and priorities. His victory was not merely a personal achievement but a mandate entrusted to him by voters who believed in the ideals of the Labour Party and the broader “Obidient movement.” By defecting to the APC, Matthew has disregarded the trust of his constituents and aligned himself with a party that many of his supporters view as emblematic of the problems they sought to change.
Critics have also pointed to Matthew’s underwhelming performance as a lawmaker. Since joining the National Assembly, he has reportedly not sponsored any bills or motions. This lack of legislative activity further fuels the perception that his defection is less about serving his constituents and more about securing his political future.
Matthew’s defection underscores a troubling reality in Nigerian politics: the absence of ideological commitment among many politicians. Parties are treated as mere vehicles for achieving power, with little regard for their principles or the electorate’s aspirations. This trend undermines the development of strong political institutions and perpetuates a cycle of instability and disillusionment.
For voters, such betrayals deepen cynicism and apathy, making it harder to mobilize grassroots support for future movements. Why invest time, energy, and hope in a leader who might abandon their mandate at the first opportunity?
At its core, Matthew’s defection is a betrayal of trust. The Labour Party and the “Obidient wave” represented more than just a political movement; they symbolized a collective desire for change, for a new kind of politics that prioritized the needs of the people over personal ambition. By abandoning the Labour Party, Matthew has not only bitten the hand that fed him but also trampled on the hopes of those who believed in him.
Matthew’s defection should serve as a wake-up call for political parties, voters, and institutions. Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to opine that a few steps that can help mitigate the damage caused by such betrayals cut across strengthening party discipline, instilling voter accountability, instilling civic education, and reforming the political system.
The put the foregoing steps in details, it is expedient to opine that political parties must establish mechanisms to discourage defections, such as requiring defectors to relinquish their seats. This would ensure that mandates remain tied to the parties that earned them.
In a similar vein, constituents must hold their representatives accountable, demanding transparency and engagement throughout their tenure. Defections that betray the electorate’s trust should be met with public condemnation and political consequences.
Also in a similar vein, there is the need for the education of voters about the importance of ideological consistency and the role of political parties in governance can help create a more informed electorate.
Added to the above steps is that Nigeria’s political system must be restructured to prioritize service delivery over personal gain. This includes addressing the excessive perks and privileges that make political office so attractive.
In fact, Donatus Matthew’s defection from the Labour Party to the APC is more than a personal decision; it is a reflection of the broader challenges facing Nigeria’s political landscape. By biting the hand that fed him, Matthew has not only betrayed his party and supporters but also highlighted the urgent need for reform in how politics is practiced in the country.
For the electorate, Matthew’s actions serve as a stark reminder to scrutinize leaders not just for their promises but also for their commitment to principles. Trust is the currency of democracy, and when it is squandered, the cost is borne by all.
As Nigeria grapples with its political challenges, one thing is clear: the path to a better future requires leaders who are not just opportunists but true representatives of the people. Donatus Matthew’s story is a cautionary tale, a lesson in the dangers of placing hope in leaders who prioritize ambition over service.
[OPINION] Afe Babalola: At 95, What Are You Doing to Your Legacy, Your Name, Your Home Place—and to Dele Farotimi? - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminAfe Babalola, at 95 years old, your name carries immense weight in Nigeria. You are a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), a legal titan, and a celebrated builder of institutions. You have lived a life many could only dream of—a career that began in the 1960s, when you returned from London armed with degrees and a calling to shape Nigeria’s legal landscape. Your influence spans decades, reaching your birthplace, Ado Ekiti, where you are not just a son but a kingmaker. But now, at the twilight of your life, you have allowed anger, ego, and a thirst for vengeance to taint the legacy you spent a lifetime building. Good God, Afe Babalola—at 95, what are you doing?
Farotimi and the Unchecked Wrath of Your Ego
Dele Farotimi, a human rights lawyer and fearless critic, dared to write something that bruised your pride. In his book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, he accused you of influencing the judiciary—words that clearly struck a nerve. Yes, defamation can sting; it challenges how others perceive you. But Babalola, was this how you chose to respond? By unleashing AK-47-wielding police officers to storm his legal office, abduct him like a fugitive, drag him across state lines to Ekiti—your birthplace and sphere of influence—and lock him in prison?
This wasn’t a pursuit of justice; this was rage, unchecked and weaponized. At 95, instead of offering a dignified rebuttal or seeking redress through lawful civil processes, you turned to brute force and intimidation. Babalola, are you proud of this road you’ve taken—a road paved not with law and reason, but with power and vengeance? Does this bring you peace, or does it simply reveal the fragility of a legacy built on influence but now shaken by a single book?
This is not the justice you spent decades advocating for. This is not the Afe Babalola who established institutions to educate the next generation. This is not the legacy of a man who became a beacon of excellence in the legal profession. This is something else entirely—an act of revenge, a misuse of influence, and a display of unchecked power. At 95, is this the story you want to be told about you? That you used the police, the judiciary, and your immense sway in Ekiti to crush a man who dared to say something that offended you?
Your Place of Birth and Influence: A Stage for Intimidation
Ekiti State, your birthplace, carries a legacy intertwined with your name. Ado Ekiti is more than a town; it is the foundation of your life’s story, a place shaped by your influence. Yet, like so many parts of Nigeria, it is not immune to whispers of judicial compromise—where magistrates often face undue pressure, judges tread carefully under the shadow of reprisal, and the decisions rendered sometimes reflect the weight of power more than the rule of law. It is within this complex and fragile system that Dele Farotimi now finds himself, facing circumstances that call into question the very principles of justice and fairness.
Farotimi was hauled into an Ekiti magistrate court and denied bail in a state where your word carries the force of law. A man locked in a cell not because he committed a heinous crime, but because he wrote words that angered you. Good God, Babalola, think about the pain you are inflicting on this man—not just the physical pain of imprisonment, but the mental torment of being victimized by a system you so thoroughly dominate. Is this what you want for your birthplace? For Ekiti to be remembered not as the home of a great legal mind but as a place where the powerful crush dissent?
What Will You Tell the Next Generation?
You are a teacher, a builder, and a mentor to countless lawyers. What will you tell them about this chapter of your life? That you used your immense legal knowledge to teach the importance of justice, or that you used your influence to exact revenge? What do you want young lawyers to learn from this? That defamation, an emotional wound, justifies weaponizing the police and judiciary? That the power you’ve built over a lifetime is best spent silencing critics rather than uplifting the law?
At 95, you are closer to meeting your Creator than most of us. When that time comes, what will you say to Him? That you allowed your anger to overshadow your achievements? That you used the police not as enforcers of justice but as tools of intimidation? That you let ego, not wisdom, guide your final years?
Farotimi’s Pain: What Have You Done?
Dele Farotimi’s arrest has not silenced him. It has amplified his voice. The pain you have inflicted on this man—dragging him from his legal office, imprisoning him in Ekiti, forcing him to endure a system that you know is broken—has not made you stronger. It has exposed the very abuses he speaks of. Farotimi has long said that the powerful in Nigeria use the police and judiciary to serve their interests, and here you are, proving him right.
What satisfaction have you gained from this? A fleeting sense of power? A temporary quelling of your wounded ego? Or are you simply consumed by anger, unable to see the damage you are doing—not to Farotimi, but to yourself, your legacy, and the place you call home?
A Judiciary Under Pressure, a Police Force Without Direction
Babalola, you know the judiciary in Nigeria is compromised. You’ve seen it all—the bribes, the pressures, the rulings dictated by influence. Judges in Ekiti, like in most parts of Nigeria, often act under duress, fearing the repercussions of defying powerful figures like you. You know this, and yet you allowed Farotimi to be locked up in this system. What does this achieve? What is the point of having a magistrate remand him when the system itself is so riddled with flaws? Is this the justice you want to be remembered for?
And the police—those who stormed Farotimi’s office with rifles, as though they were capturing a dangerous criminal—what message does this send to the world? That in Nigeria, a man can be treated like a fugitive for words he wrote in a book? That the police exist not to protect citizens but to serve the anger of the elite? Babalola, this is the system you have chosen to align yourself with. This is the system you now represent.
Afe Babalola’s Painful Choices—Will the Nightmares Ever End?
Here you are, going to sleep tonight with Dele Farotimi locked up in prison, awaiting his next hearing on December 10, as ordered by Magistrate Abayomi Adeosun. For defamation—a matter long recognized as civil—and with the police attempting to justify their actions under the pretext of cybercrime, this charade is nothing short of tragic. Cybercrime, a convenient catch-all accusation in Nigeria’s legal landscape, was introduced here as a desperate attempt to add weight to a case that should never have escalated beyond civil litigation.
How do you reconcile this with your legacy, built over decades of legal excellence? Will the nights ahead be haunted by dreams of him, locked behind bars because of your wounded ego—a 95-year-old man with a name revered across Nigeria, now risking it all in an act of power-driven vengeance?
What justice is there in using your influence to imprison a man for words? Your legacy deserved better, but now it will carry the weight of this moment—a moment where wisdom gave way to anger, and power overshadowed fairness. Will these decisions let you sleep in peace, or will they leave you questioning the choices that have brought you here?
Afe Babalola: Fighting Words with Guns—Is This the Legacy You Want?
No matter the AK-47s or the heavy-handed tactics, at the core of this spectacle lies a wounded ego, Babalola. Farotimi’s 2024 book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, questioned your legacy with allegations that you influenced Supreme Court judgments for your clients, casting shadows over the judiciary’s integrity. Instead of meeting these words with truth, debate, or the dignity expected of a man of your stature, you chose a path of force—arming the police to silence a critic. Babalola, do you truly believe this brutal display of power will restore your name, or does it reveal a deeper fear of the very words that challenge your legacy? At 95, is this what your decades of excellence have come to—a battle against words with guns?
Turning Farotimi’s Book Into a Symbol of Resistance
Oh Babalola, in your fit of emotional outrage and abuse of power, you have achieved the very opposite of what you intended. By targeting Dele Farotimi, a human rights lawyer, you have turned him into a symbol of defiance against oppression. His book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, once an underappreciated critique of systemic corruption, is now a sensation. Thousands are Googling it, publishers are overwhelmed with orders, and now, more than ever, they will know the rot you sought to bury.
The words you tried to silence are echoing louder than ever, exposing the very system you are a part of. Afe, your actions have amplified his truth, and this is what you get—turning a critic into a hero and your legacy into a cautionary tale of ego and misused power.
What Will You Tell God?
At 95, you have seen more of life than most. You have achieved what many can only dream of. But in these final years, what will you tell God when you meet Him? That you used your influence to lock up a man who challenged you? That your anger over words in a book drove you to misuse the very institutions you once upheld? That the power you spent a lifetime building was ultimately spent silencing dissent? Babalola, is this how you want to go out of this life?
A Civil Matter Turned Cruel—Why Has Justice Been Forsaken?
Babalola, this is the painful ending you have chosen for yourself at 95. A legacy built on decades of legal excellence and national respect now overshadowed by an act of vengeance. Dele Farotimi, a human rights lawyer, sits locked in a Nigerian prison—a place of overcrowded cells, no sanitation, and unimaginable suffering—all for words he wrote in a book. Words.
Defamation, firmly rooted in civil law, should never have spiraled into this grim spectacle. Criminal defamation, long abolished in Lagos and dismissed by modern legal standards, has no place here. And even if it did, the principles of bail and humane treatment demand fairness. Yet here we are, with a man stripped of his freedom, dragged from Lagos to Ekiti, and left to endure conditions that break the human spirit.
This was never about justice. It’s about a chilling message—not just to Farotimi but to anyone who dares to speak truth to power. Why, in a matter so clearly civil, must the punishment be so brutal and disproportionate? Even if the system could somehow justify these charges, why take a route so steeped in cruelty and ego-driven vengeance? Why allow your towering legacy to be tarnished by actions that defy compassion, fairness, and wisdom?
A Legacy at Risk: Your Final Chapter Is Being Written
Babalola, your legacy, built over decades, is being rewritten—not by your achievements but by this act of anger. It is no longer about the institutions you built or the respect you earned. It is about this moment, a moment where your choices have overshadowed everything else. Farotimi’s imprisonment is not just a story about him; it is a story about you, your choices, and the path you have taken in the twilight of your life.
At 95, you stand at a crossroads. Will this be the final chapter history remembers—a man who let ego and wounded pride define his legacy? Or will you step back, release Farotimi, and allow wisdom to guide your final years?
The world is watching, and history will not forget. Good God, Babalola—at 95, is this really how it ends?
Indian Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi‘s state visit to Nigeria from 17-18 November 17 – 18 to “strengthen the current India-Nigeria Strategic Partnership” was but a renewal of over six decades of bilateral relationship between India and Nigeria dating back to 1958 – two years before Nigeria secured her independence from Britain. While the two leaders spoke of the immense potential for collaboration in the fields of trade, investment, education, energy, health, culture, Prime Minister Modi also offered India’s experience in agriculture, transportation, affordable medicine, renewable energy, and digital transformation to Nigeria.
Nigeria has always benefitted from her close relationship with India. For instance, besides the support of India teachers and doctors which Nigeria enjoyed immediately after independence, it is on record that it was India that established the National Defence Academy in Kaduna and the Naval War College, Port Harcourt. Today there are about 60,000-strong Indian expatriate community in Nigeria and over 200 Indian companies with investment portfolio of over $27 billion.
As post-colonial nation-states created by Britain to satisfy her greed for continued exploitation of resources of conquered and colonized territories, India and Nigeria share some parallels. Both are heterogeneous and multicultural societies where groups at different levels of cultural development were forcibly merged together without consultation. While Nigeria with a population of over 200m has about 350 ethnic groups, India with a population of about 1.4 billion has over 2000 ethnic groups. Sowing the seeds of future instability by Britain was not by accident. British officials, after all, had earlier boasted that it was their presence alone that had prevented the newly created states of Africa and Asia ‘from disastrous descent into turmoil of warring sects’. Institutionalising a federal arrangement for strange bed-fellows as a strategy for exploiting ethnic consciousness of federating ethnic nationalities was not out of place.
India is ethnically diverse with significant diversity within regions; almost every state and several districts have its own distinct mixture of ethnicities, traditions, and culture. But India, unlike Nigeria has been able to manage her diversity because India’s political elite saw their pluralism as strength and accepted the challenge of living together. They saw nothing wrong with tribes and made conscious effort to create states on basis of languages spoken by citizens such as Maharashtra, Punjab and West Bengal.
The federal system of India provides equality to all the citizens as well as freedom of expression and freedom to practice their religion, etc. In terms of financial relations, India follows a system of fiscal federalism, where financial resources are distributed between the central and state governments. The constitution provides for the sharing of taxes and grants-in-aid to ensure financial autonomy for the states.
Like India, our own 1957 constitution also laid down the framework for a federal system of government clearly defining the powers and responsibilities of the central and regional governments. The regional list includes subjects of local or regional importance, such as police, public health, and agriculture. The concurrent list includes subjects on which both the central and state governments can legislate. Fiscal federalism ensures or guarantees financial autonomy of federating regions.
Sadly, unlike India’s elite, our deceitful political elite undermined our own federal arrangement by unconstitutionally interfering in the affairs of the regions, and assaulting the tribes, the building block for African societies, claiming, albeit falsely, that it is possible to love Nigeria more than your family or your tribe which will be like climbing the palm tree from the top.
Despite the provision of the 1957 constitution, the feudal lords in the north did not allow freedom of religion. The 1963 republican constitution, the first to be wholly midwifed by Nigerian elite provided the coalition partners an opportunity to insert a clause that would allow them to arrest and detain people without court order for expressing their opinion. The first victim was Obafemi Awolowo who was detained for criticizing Anglo-Nigerian defence pact.
However, while India was busy setting up technology special schools (India Institute of Technology (IITS), the India Institute of Science (IISc) and National Institute of Technology (NITS) that attracted the best brains among India’s youths which has today resulted in Indian engineers heading most of the leading tech companies in the world, we were busy replicating federal government unity schools across Nigeria.
India started the arduous task by first taming the feudal lords, who had to be replaced by the capitalist class who know how to mobilise the people to secure power. India did this without underestimating the intrigues of the metropolitan powers. As President Bola Tinubu moves from France to Britain and to Germany, he must not forget the duplicitous role of Britain as foremost promoter of ethnic consciousness, secret supporter of Fulani claim of ownership of Nigeria, and betrayer of Biafra that had expected her support as chief promoter of ethnic consciousness.
India therefore emerged as a union of nationalist groups that respect the culture and values of federating members. Apart from Hindi, the official language spoken by about 40 percent, there are about 20 other recognized languages. They understand their challenges include taming the feudal lords who have to be replaced by the capitalist class. They did not underestimate the intrigues of the metropolitan powers in the guise of promoting ethnic consciousness. Or preventing the disintegration of areas amalgamated without consideration for their level of cultural development and favoured one group above the other.
Patriotism for Indians is not about loving India. That comes naturally from the union of nationalities. They don’t have to set up unity schools, institutionalize quota system of admission to tertiary institutions or into bureaucracy, discriminatory admission marks for JAMB or decree a National Youth Service in pursuit of elusive unity.
Instead, they set up competitive tech schools that attract the best of their youths. The result today is that most of the best tech companies in the world are headed by Indians. Indian leaders don’t need to decree patriotism. The billions of dollars repatriated back to India yearly by their tech experts in high demand in Europe and North America speak louder than the voices of those turned their brainwaves to state policies.
India’s visionary leaders didn’t have to mouth unity or patriotism. All they did was to invest in the education of their youths. The product of such schools are today in charge of India’s economy, ranked fifth in the world by GDP and in fact projected to become the third largest economy by the end of the decade.
We institutionalized quota system of admission into the unity schools to accommodate those who as a result of lower scores could not compete with their counterparts. In the name of unity, we set up JAMB to accommodate those who have no business in the universities, and quota system of recruiting third class graduates at the expense of first class graduates into the bureaucracy.
We don’t need to search far as to why India has become choice destination for Nigeria’s medical tourism, why our best graduates are moving in droves to seek greener pastures in Europe, Canada and USA and why India’s elite has been able to stabilize their democracy, their economy, sent satellite to the moon and became a nuclear power while our own elite remain the scourge of our nation.