OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

SUNDAY 1-DEC

 

Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date

Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele

Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki

CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties

Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling

Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president

OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra

Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju

‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi

[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team

[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria

Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans

‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama

Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary

Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage

Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi

How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists

2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion

Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate

 

When Aleppo, Syria’s second largest city fell on Friday, November 29, 2024 , I thought it was a big blow, but that the Syrian Armed Forces would quickly recover and fight to retake it. However, in the following days, as the Syrian military melted away in the face of advancing Islamic terrorist rebels of al-Qaeda, Islamic State, ISIS and al-Nustra, now called the Hayat Tahir al-Sham, HTS, I was worried.

The Syrian government announced that its troop withdrawals were tactical and strategic moves. But it reminded me how the Taliban in Afghanistan raced through towns and cities within a few days before arriving at the gates of Kabul on August 15, 2021. They then entered the city without a fight.

My fears were confirmed on Sunday morning December 8 when a friend called to inform me that the rebels had entered Damascus. We discussed for about an hour as I tried to convince him that the fall of President Bashir al-Assad’s government is a tragedy of monumental proportions as it was the glue that held the country together. So, it will be a miracle if the country does not disintegrate.

 
 

First, it was the liberal Assad government, despite its frailties  that had kept the vicious Islamic terrorists from power. So Syria would now be run under a backward regime that would make it a virtual crime for Syrians to be Alawite Muslims, minority Christians, marginal nationalities or liberal-minded.

The HTS leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa alias Abu Mohammed al-julani, had at various times been the right hand man of ISIS leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi,  headed al-Qaeda in Syria and founded the terrorist al-Nusra Front which later changed its name to Jabhat Fateh al-Sham, JFS.

Only myopic Western leaders think robing Syrian Islamic terrorists in cassock would turn them into born-again liberals or democrats. 

Secondly, it was the Assad administration that kept expansionist Israel from rolling down the Golan Heights it seized in 1967, to occupy more Syrian territory. Now, within three days of Assad’s fall, Israel has rolled out its thanks, seizing more Syrian lands, claiming it wants to build a buffer between the Golan Heights it is occupying and the new regime in Damascus.

Thirdly, the fall of Assad would give Turkey which already occupies 8,835 square kilometres of Syria, the opportunity to further expand, using its surrogate Syrian National Army.

Fourthly, Assad’s absence may make the Syrian Democratic Forces, SDF, and its Kurdish Peoples’ Protection Units, YPG, fighting alongside Christian minorities, breakaway and establish a state of their own. Although currently, the SDF and the new regime in Damascus are not at loggerheads, the likely advance of the Turkish military and militia may force them into a war of survival.

The fall of Assad also presents an uncertainty for the US and its troops in Northern Syria who are holding over 40,000 ISIS combatants and their allies in various prisons. These prisoners and the jihadists now controlling Damascus, belonged to the same group and share the same jihadist ideology.

Yet another major factor in the unfolding tragedy is that the defeated Syrian armed forces, except for those who may defect to the new forces, have not been decimated. They are virtually intact. Some of their heavy arms have already been delivered to their allies in Iraq.

Also, the Alawites, a liberal Muslim movement which produced Hafez al-Assad, the father, and Bashar al-Assad the son as rulers of the country in the last half century, may build their own regional militia force that may be backed by Iran, Iraq and Russia.

Apart from the Americans and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, NATO, with military interests in Syria, there are the Gulf States, including Jordan, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia which had funded the establishment of ISIS primarily as a force to destabilise Syria and overthrow the Assad government. After ISIS became a Frankenstein monster and a beast to be put down, these regional powers continued to maintain links with its off shoots like the HTS that now holds power in Damascus.

Syria under Assad had its problems like all other countries, but the crises that led to its civil war was a contrived one. It was one of the countries the West and US pencilled down for regime change under various guises. The others included Iraq under Sadam Hussien, Afghanistan with Mullah Muhammad Omar as leader, Libya under Mouammar Ghadafi, Sudan with President Omar al-Bashir and, Iran. All those leaders are gone, remaining the leadership in Iran.

I have tried to understand the world and why we have ended up almost in a cul-de-sac. The overthrow of Assad gave me an added perspective. A world led by Western elites and their US first cousins, cannot but be a confused one because their philosophy is not about development, but acquisition and control.

This is not about their attempts to conquer the rest of humanity, slavery, colonialism and leading humanity into two World Wars, with a drive towards a nuclear-powered Third World War. It is more about being partially blinded by a myopia that sees weaponising religion thrice over, and expecting a different outcome.

The unfolding tragedy in Syria has its origins in the December 24, 1977 to February 15, 1989 conflict in Afghanistan. It was part of the Cold War battles. Pro-Soviet Union governments ran Afghanistan, and the US and its allies concluded that the best way to remove them and impose a Pro-capitalist government, was by mobilising Muslim youths across the world to carry out a jihad against the Afghan government which they labelled atheists. These youths became known as Mujahedeen and they succeeded in taking out the pro-Soviet regime, but could not agree on a new government.

When the Mujahedeen fighters returned to their various countries, their mainly conservative governments were afraid as they were battle-tested fighters who were outside the regular armies. When they moved against the returnees, the youths fled. Many re-assembled under a new internationalist organisation called al-Qaeda. It was led by US favourite, Osama Bin Laden. The al-Qaeda which was given refuge in Afghanistan, was later accused of masterminding the 911 attacks in US. For this, the US and its allies, invaded Afghanistan for two decades. When it was decided to invade Syria, the US and its Gulf allies, created ISIS and al-Nustra Front from al-Qaeda. ISIS like a mad dog turned against its owners and created a short-lived Islamic Caliphate spanning Iraq and parts of Syria.

So, having failed to learn from those experiences, the West, US and their allies are hailing the HTS Islamist jihadists.

The world is likely to wake up tomorrow to the reality that ousting Assad for the Islamic fundamentalists, was a grave error.

As the Director-General of the Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies (MINILS) , yours comradely bear witness that almost one thousand participants registered and participated at the 10th Labour Summit held on Tuesday 26th in Ilorin. The Honourable  minister of Labour and Employment, Barrister  Nkeiruka Onyejeocha  was the  Chief Host of the significant event, convened by the esteemed premier Michael Imodu National Institute for Labour Studies (MINILS) statutorily mandated to build capacity of workers, employers and government officials in labour and industrial relations through training and research, to promote industrial harmony for sustainable development”.

In 2003 MINILS  initiated annual   National Labour Relations Summit (NLRS). It complements the Institute’s regular week- long  seminars and In-plant/Tailor-made courses in labour relations. The National Labour Relations Summit (NLRS) is a two decade long Annual largest gathering of the critical mass of  stakeholders  in Nigeria’s  labour  relations system. Scores of thousands of participants had attended the summits with distinguished presence of labour leaders, ministers, governors, local and international partners in the labour market. The summit deliberates on employment issues with the main objective of setting agenda for the  promotion of industrial harmony, social justice in work places and productivity for national development.

I commend the management and staff of MINILS for the 2024 revival of the summit which held last in 2013, some eleven years ago. The 2024 Summit assumes special importance. It is over a year, since

 the historic inauguration of President Tinubu as the 6th democratically elected President. An assessment of the labour dimension of the Renewed Hope Agenda of the administration is more than a partial commitment. Precisely “Because I was involved”(apology to late Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu).

On Monday, December 19, 2022 as the Director of Labour Directorate of the APC Presidential Campaign Council, I facilitated and set the tone at the Townhall meeting of Presidential candidate Bola Tinubu with Organised Labour at Chida Hotel Conference Centre in Abuja. Adjudged as the best and well attended by the leaders of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) and Trade Union Congress (TUC) then Presidential candidate Bola Ahmed Tinubu in no hold barred 4 hour session unfolded his Action Plan for a Better Nigeria. Ashiwaju’s quotable quote hinted at far reaching reforms with labour support  if elected;  “I seek a Nigeria where sufficient jobs with decent wages give people the chance to live better lives. Where the private sector thrives, we will not disrupt it. However, where the private sector cannot do it alone, my government will take the lead in lending a helping hand.”. Tinubu said his administration would make fiscal and monetary policies work for the workers and Nigerians so they can have a good life. True to his promise, President Bola Tinubu has come of age as an audacious reformer. He has initiated far reaching social and economic reforms within the framework of the comprehensive 8-point Renewed Hope Agenda. The objective to reposition Nigerian economy, tackle poverty headlong, achieve sustainable development and improve living standards of Nigerians. The most controversial are the immediate removal of the controversial Trillion-naira per annum subsidy payment on petrol products and liberalization of the foreign exchange market aimed at   blocking leakages in petroleum downstream sector, freezing  resources to fund critical areas like healthcare, education and infrastructural development. Expectedly the impact of the reform measures on the labour market with respect to employment, cost of living and general welfare have elicited mixed reactions.Enthusiastic supporters of the reforms on the one hand have pointed to the emerging benefits. On the other hand   critics allude to the adverse effects of rising inflation and worsening wage income poverty, caused by massive Naira devaluation. The 10th Labour Summit offered a  veritable platform to assess constructively the impact of the reform Renewed Hope Agenda on the future of work. Hence the Theme:The Future of Work and Renewed Hope Reform Agenda: Issues and Perspectives The Discussants included representatives of organized labour, employers, labour market institutions namely National Productivity Centre (NPC), National Directorate of Employment (NDE) NSITF moderated by Professor Emeritus labour, Dave Otobo Studies and age long friend of MINILS.

The  “Ilorin consensus” is that Nigeria needs reform and complete transformation from poverty to prosperity. With 70 per cent living below the poverty line, we don’t need a sermon to critically re-look at policies that hitherto pushed the majority on the margin. It was time to reverse the paradox of deprivation amidst abundant opportunities. So much work undone, yet so much youth unemployment and abysmal underemployment. To this extent participants commended  President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for being a change agent. The ongoing national and international debate on the reform is healthy for Nigeria. “Development”is back in discourse.  NBS NIgeria’s GDP  in the 3rd quarter has moved to 3.46 percent gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate, a sign that reform is yielding fruit. But it’s not over until Nigeria achieves minimum of  1trilliin dollar economy, double digit growth rates as desired by President Tinubu. The GDP must be driven by revival of labour intensive manufacturing sectors like textile and automobile factories. However industrialization is impossible without electricity. No thanks to addictive national grid collapses! Let’s  make and buy Nigeria. National  budgets must finance national development not other countries. Following the removal of subsidy on imported fuel, the 650,000 barrels per day (bpd) Dangote refinery is now a reality. Port Harcourt Refinery has finally commenced operations after undergoing renovation and modernisation that began in 2021 after the Federal Government secured a $1.5bn contract to rehabilitate the facility. There is indeed now alternative to unacceptable wholesale products imports that put pressures on Naira value. Renewed Hope indeed !. Innovative compressed natural gas (CNG) now powers buses and tricycles worth N100 billion to ease the transportation. There has been massive campaign for digital literacy to promote youth employability in the growing digital economy. MINILS has been part of the youth employability capacity building through skill acquisition.

For the first time in annals of Nigeria’s educational system, Federal Government launched a student loan scheme to serve as the platform for access to funds by prospective students.There  is growing optimism in the decisions taken by President Tinubu’s administration that reforms are not only desirable but inevitable for national development. Indeed there is an urgent need for a bipartisan national partnership for national development.

All the above call for continuous constructive engagement among the stakeholders. Regular dialogue, education and evaluation are essential to address the impact of the reforms on job creation, decent work, industrial harmony, productivity and compensation in the world of work., some features of the future of work are already here and Nigeria is not spared of its unsavory auguries. Already, Al (artificial intelligence), robotics, big data and increased computer powers are displacing human labour and big players – advanced countries and their big enterprises are strategically positioning to benefit from its trade-offs and complementarities. Remarkably, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has demonstrated significant sensitivity by initiating a number of profound measures to mitigate the adverse impact of reforms on costs of living, transportation and wages of the workers.

First unlike some past reforms  which “deformed” the public service through indiscriminate mass retrenchment of public employees, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has commendably ensured security of public service, avoided the pitfall of the least resistance of downsizing and retrenchment. Just like the former  President Muhammed Buhari who notwithstanding CIVID:19 commendably retained jobs and paid public servants during lock down. Significantly the President in response to protests by organized labour on the adverse impact of reform, initiated  policy measures to address the plight of the workers impaired by inflation and devaluation. There was the   Presidential  wage award of N35,000 to federal workers for six months and cash transfer of N25,000.00 monthly to some millions of the poorest and most vulnerable Nigerians for three months. The Most historic of the interventions is the enactment of 2024 National Minimum Wage Act of N70,000. This followed an intense  6 month long  tripartite (plus) collective bargaining process between the government, organized labour and employers of labour. I salute the 10th National Assembly,  President Bola Tinubu and Honourable Minister of Labour Nkeiruka Onyejeocha for the speedy enactment of the  6th National minimum wage Act since 1981 with a 3 year cycle from the old 5 year drag. All hail the state governors and private employers who have paid the minimum wage backed by law. Organized labour is right to put legitimate pressures on States and employers who refuse to pay the legally permissible least wage precisely because It  is illegal. But as significant as minimum wage is, it is not a living wage. President Bola Ahmed is fully committed also to living wage. I suggest that organized labour should continue the engagement through social dialogue and collective bargaining with the government on how to a have wage-job- led economic growth. Minimum and living wage should be complimented my minimum productivity and minimum discipline in the public service.

•Issa Aremu mni is the Director General, Michael Imoudu National institute for labour studies (MINILS), Ilorin.

The news from Ghana was not how John Dramani Mahama’s opposition party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), defeated Nana Akufo-Addo’s ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP).

The news was how Akufo-Addo managed to survive a full second term. Towards the end of his first and for much of his second term in office, he governed with his head on the block, just waiting for the axe to fall.

His party’s loss in the December 7 presidential election was a defeat foretold. It was barely two years after Akufo-Addo assumed office in 2017 when doubts about his party’s viability began to surface. It shouldn’t have been so.

His predecessor, the John Atta-Mills/Dramani government, made such a mess. Apart from divisions within the NDC, it was further weakened by a series of serious corruption scandals, the most remarkable of which were the government’s involvement in the transfer of $11 million and £9 million paid by a party financier and a litany of failed promises.

Dramani’s loss to Akufo-Addo relieved the loser, who only managed to finish Atta-Mills’ term after the latter died in office.

Hero to zero

As I wrote in a 2022 article, Akufo-Addo was off to a flying start. From New York to Beijing and Paris, he became the new face of the African Renaissance, saying the right things wherever he went on the global stage and raising a $3 billion Eurobond for Ghana’s restructuring that overperformed its order book by $21 billion.

Despite his best efforts, COVID-19 and the Russia-Ukraine War put Ghana in a tight spot. The country’s predicament was worsened by poor fiscal discipline, unstable commodity prices, and a capitulation to pressure from Labour to increase public sector wages to unsustainable levels.

Akufo-Addo’s party paid upfront for the country’s misery. Multiple protests rocked the streets of Accra and other major capitals, and voters couldn’t wait to bury the NPP with any remaining claims of good deeds at the polls.

Beyond elections

However, the election meant something more for the subregion than about angry and tired Ghanaian voters removing an incumbent government.

In the last four years, the subregion has been plagued by military coups reminiscent of a bygone era. Mali, Niger, Guinea and Burkina Faso have formed an arc of Delinquent States, with three of them sundering the decades-old Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) by creating a parallel Alliance for Sahelian States in defiance of the regional powerhouses and even the AU.

Successful elections and transitions in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Senegal, Nigeria, and Ghana have offered a counter-narrative. It’s all the more heartening that the ruling party’s candidate in the election, Vice President Mahamudu Bawumia, did not wait for the official result before conceding defeat, reinforcing a trend started in 2015 by Nigeria’s former President Goodluck Jonathan.

Job for powerhouses

The successful transition is good news for regional economic stability. Although the four break-away states constitute half of the ECOWAS area and only seven percent of economic activity within the zone, the economic sanctions imposed on them by the subregional group impacted swathes of the primarily poor populations across the region, where informal cross-border trade, mainly in food, make up about 30 percent of regional trade.

Stable transitions in Ghana and Nigeria, the region’s two economic powerhouses, would allow ECOWAS to reassess its options – a significant point in the agenda as the sub-regional group meets in Nigeria’s capital, Abuja, this week.

Delinquent Four on the agenda

Should ECOWAS continue to engage the breakaway states in its efforts at faster regional integration, especially in light of the fragile relations between these states and France, in an era where Russia and China are lurking and the US is self-absorbed? Or has the time come for the group to chart a new course and accept a future without the four breakaway states?

That would not only be an economic decision. It also carries significance for subregional security. Burkina Faso and Mali are out of the ECOWAS multinational joint task force. Protracted or failed elections in Ghana would have further weakened the group’s crisis response mechanism at a time when Nigerian military authorities are grappling with new security threats from Lakurawa, an ISIS franchise.

It’s unlikely that the new government in Accra, on the watch of Mahama, one of the mediators during the post-election dispute in The Gambia in 2016, would depart significantly from the leading role that Ghana has played in subregional peace support operations, which goes back to its role in ECOMOG in the 1990s.

Go to court!

At a more granular level, there are other reasons why Ghana’s election matters, especially in relations between Abuja and Accra. Already, the commentariat in Nigeria is holding up Ghana’s election as a model for the election management body in Nigeria. Apart from former President Jonathan’s pre-emptive concession of defeat nine years ago, Nigeria is perhaps the continent’s capital of disputed elections.

Of course, Nigeria’s election management body needs to raise its game. Fundamentally, however, the chaos reflects the winner-takes-all mentality among Nigeria’s political elite, which has increasingly seduced the courts to decide elections. Often, when Nigerian politicians taunt their opponent to “go to court” after an election, they are confident of a favourable outcome.

Ghanaian Jollof

Nigerians also envy Ghana’s rise as the new destination for big business, a prospect that could only have been enhanced by the smooth election. Despite Ghana’s economic crisis, Nigeria has lost several fintech and manufacturing companies to its western neighbour in the last three years.

Guinness, for example, has moved its operational headquarters to Accra, while others, such as Afprint, President Industries and Aswani – all in the textile sector – are reportedly contemplating relocation. Because of Ghana’s stable and predictable political environment, tech giants, including Google, X (formerly Twitter), and Facebook, have not hidden their preference for it despite Nigeria’s significant market size.

Whether, apart from its business attraction, Ghanaian jollof would also best Nigeria’s jollof in the unending cuisine war between both countries in the next four years under Mahama remains to be seen.

Voters’ psyche

If there’s anything that the outcome of Ghana’s election teaches, even beyond the subregion, it is that voters don’t forgive politicians who leave them feeling worse off. You may have saved them from COVID-19, the fallouts of global conflicts elsewhere, or the headwinds afterwards. However, what weighs on their mind when they cast their ballot is whether they’re feeling better off today.

That was why Rishi Sunak lost to Keir Starmer in Britain, and Vice President Kamala Harris lost to Donald Trump in the US. It was also why Akufo-Addo survived his second term by the skin of his teeth but failed to hand over the baton to his deputy in Ghana.

 

The Leader of the Senate, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele, recently claimed that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu sleeps well at night, assured by the leadership of Senate President Godswill Akpabio. Speaking during Akpabio’s 62nd birthday celebration, Bamidele emphasized Tinubu’s confidence in Akpabio’s ability to provide good leadership. While these statements were intended as a celebration of camaraderie within Nigeria’s political elite, they inadvertently highlight a glaring disparity. Tinubu and his inner circle may sleep soundly, but can the same be said for millions of Nigerians facing unprecedented economic hardships?  

The rising cost of living, economic instability, and dwindling public services have left many Nigerians tossing and turning in frustration. If President Tinubu and the Senate leadership truly wish to lead a nation where everyone sleeps well, their focus must shift toward actionable policies that directly alleviate the struggles of the people.  

Since the removal of fuel subsidies, Nigeria’s economic landscape has become a nightmare for many. Transportation costs have more than doubled, food prices have soared, and inflation has pushed even basic necessities beyond the reach of many households. Small businesses, the backbone of Nigeria’s economy, are collapsing under the weight of these economic pressures.  

 

For most Nigerians, the removal of the fuel subsidy was not just an economic adjustment; it was a seismic shift that disrupted daily life. While the government touts the potential long-term benefits of this policy, the immediate consequences have left a nation on edge. Families are skipping meals, children are dropping out of school, and people are losing jobs. The daily struggle to make ends meet has robbed millions of their peace of mind.  

If Nigeria’s leaders are genuinely interested in fostering a nation where everyone can sleep well, they must focus on policies that prioritize the welfare of the people. 

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to opine that areas that demand immediate attention cut across economic stabilization, transparent use of palliatives, Job Creation and Youth Empowerment, Affordable Healthcare, Education for All and Security and Safety. Another area that demands immediate attention is inclusive governance.

 

In fact, the soaring cost of living is one of the greatest challenges Nigerians face today. Leaders must implement robust economic policies to stabilize inflation and reduce the burden of daily expenses. This includes, subsidized public transportation, to ease the pressure of high fuel prices on commuters. Also is price controls on essential goods so as to ensure that basic necessities remain affordable for all. Also is the need for support for small businesses, including tax reliefs and grants, to help them survive and thrive in the current economic climate.  

Again, the government should ensure there is always transparent use of palliatives. This is as the government has at different periods announced palliatives to cushion the effects of subsidy removal, but these efforts have been marred by concerns over transparency and equitable distribution. Therefore, leaders must ensure that these palliatives reach those who need them most. This can be achieved by establishing an independent body to oversee the distribution of palliatives.  

The foregoing can be achieved by using technology to track and verify recipients, ensuring the process is transparent and inclusive as well as providing regular updates to the public on the progress and impact of these measures.  

 

In fact, unemployment remains a significant challenge, especially among Nigeria’s youth. Leaders must focus on creating jobs through policies that encourage investment in sectors like agriculture, technology, and manufacturing. Additionally, vocational training and entrepreneurship programs can empower young people to become self-reliant.  

Without a doubt, access to quality healthcare is a fundamental right, yet many Nigerians cannot afford even basic medical services. The government must invest in healthcare infrastructure and introduce policies that make healthcare affordable and accessible. This includes expanding the National Health Insurance Scheme and ensuring rural communities have access to medical facilities.  

Also, it should not be forgotten that education is the key to breaking the cycle of poverty, yet many children are out of school due to rising costs. Leaders must prioritize education by providing free or heavily subsidized education at the primary and secondary levels, offering scholarships and financial aid for tertiary education. Also is investing in school infrastructure and teacher training to improve the quality of education.  

 

In a similar vein, no one can sleep well in a nation plagued by insecurity. From banditry to kidnapping, the lack of safety remains a significant concern for Nigerians. The government must strengthen security agencies, improve intelligence gathering, and foster community policing to ensure every Nigerian feels safe in their home.  

In fact, leadership must be inclusive and responsive to the needs of all Nigerians, regardless of their socioeconomic status. Leaders should actively engage with the public through town halls, community visits, and open dialogues to understand their challenges and craft policies that address them.  

Above all, for Nigerian leaders to create a nation where everyone sleeps well, they must embrace a new era of governance that prioritizes the people. This requires empathy. Leaders must understand the struggles of ordinary Nigerians and ensure their policies reflect this understanding.  

 

Also is for leaders to be exhibiting a high sense of accountability. This is as transparency in governance is essential to rebuild trust between the government and the people. Therefore, Leaders must be held accountable for their actions and promises.  

Similar to the foregoing, leadership must be driven by a clear vision for a prosperous Nigeria, with long-term strategies that address the root causes of the nation’s challenges.  

President Tinubu may sleep well, but true leadership is about ensuring that everyone else does too. The challenges Nigeria faces today are daunting, but they are not insurmountable. With the right policies, actions, and mindset, Nigerian leaders can foster a nation where peace of mind is not a privilege for the few but a right for all.  

 

The question remains: “Will Nigerian leaders rise to the occasion?” “Will they work toward a future where the struggles of the masses are eased, where opportunities abound, and where every Nigerian, regardless of their status, can sleep well at night?” Until these questions are answered with action, the divide between the leadership and the people will persist, and the dream of a peaceful, prosperous Nigeria will remain just that, a dream.

Social media, once dismissed as a frivolous pastime, has evolved into a powerful tool for communication, commerce, and even activism. Its transformative impact on society and economies worldwide is undeniable. Countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada have already recognized this reality, incorporating social media studies into their university curricula. Yet, Nigerian tertiary institutions appear to lag behind, clinging to traditional approaches that fail to address the dynamic realities of the digital age. To stay relevant in a rapidly changing world, Nigerian universities must embrace social media as a body of knowledge worthy of academic study, placing it under the broader umbrella of Mass Communication.

Globally, institutions like the University of Southern California (USC) and the University of Florida offer specialized programs in social media as part of their communication and media studies departments. USC, for example, provides a Master’s in Digital Social Media, which equips students with the skills to navigate and leverage social platforms for strategic communication. Similarly, Birmingham City University in the UK offers degrees in Social Media Management, underscoring the relevance of these courses in modern education.

These programs explore the multifaceted nature of social media, from its role in shaping public discourse to its impact on marketing strategies. By providing a structured academic framework, they prepare students to harness social media’s potential in diverse fields, including journalism, advertising, public relations, and political communication.

 

In contrast, Nigerian universities have yet to fully embrace social media as a legitimate field of study. This gap is concerning, given the pervasive role of platforms like Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok in shaping public opinion and driving societal change.

The integration of social media studies into Nigeria’s tertiary institutions is not just an academic necessity but a strategic imperative. Social media is no longer merely a medium for casual interaction; it has become a primary channel for news dissemination, brand communication, and political engagement. 

In fact, there are several reasons why Nigerian universities should prioritize this discipline:

 

First and foremost, it will prepare students for the Job market. Without a doubt, the global job market is increasingly demanding digital skills, and proficiency in social media is now a critical requirement. Careers in digital marketing, social media management, content creation, and data analytics are flourishing. By offering courses in social media studies, Nigerian universities can equip students with the skills needed to excel in these roles. Graduates would be better prepared to compete for jobs both locally and internationally, addressing Nigeria’s high unemployment rates.

Secondly, social media studies would promote digital literacy. In fact, digital literacy is no longer optional; it is a necessity for navigating the modern world. Social media studies can teach students how to critically analyze online content, distinguish credible sources from misinformation, and responsibly engage with digital platforms. This knowledge is particularly crucial in Nigeria, where the spread of fake news has far-reaching consequences for society and governance.

Without a doubt, social media has proven to be a powerful tool for societal change, from mobilizing voters during elections to organizing protests against injustices. By studying social media, students can learn how to effectively use these platforms to advocate for social justice, promote civic engagement, and contribute to national development. Nigeria’s future leaders need to understand the dynamics of social media to harness its potential for positive change.

 

The rise of social media has revolutionized entrepreneurship. Many young Nigerians have built successful businesses by leveraging platforms like Instagram and TikTok for marketing and sales. Offering social media courses would provide aspiring entrepreneurs with the tools to effectively brand their businesses, reach their target audiences, and analyze consumer behavior. This would contribute to the growth of Nigeria’s economy by fostering innovation and creating jobs.

Without a doubt, education systems worldwide are evolving to reflect the realities of the digital age. Universities in countries like the United States, Canada, and the UK are already offering specialized programs in social media. By failing to adapt, Nigerian institutions risk falling further behind, making it difficult for their graduates to compete on a global stage. Incorporating social media studies would align Nigerian universities with international standards, enhancing their reputation and attracting more students.

One of the criticisms often leveled at Nigerian tertiary institutions is the disconnect between academic programs and industry needs. Social media studies offer an opportunity to bridge this gap. By collaborating with industry experts and incorporating real-world case studies, universities can ensure that their curricula are relevant and practical. Graduates would leave school with skills that are immediately applicable in the workforce.

 

Though, there is no denying the fact that social media has its downsides, including cyberbullying, addiction, and the spread of harmful content, but by studying social media, students can gain a deeper understanding of these issues and learn strategies for mitigating them. This knowledge would empower them to use social media responsibly and advocate for ethical practices online.

At this juncture, it is expedient to opine that universities should collaborate with industry experts and international academic institutions to design curricula that address the theoretical and practical aspects of social media. Core subjects could include social media strategy, digital content creation, analytics and metrics, ethics in digital communication, the role of social media in crisis management and case Studies on Social Media Campaigns

In a similar vein, integrating social media as a body of knowledge into Mass Communication should be a matter of urgency as it is indispensable.  In fact, positioning social media studies as a subset of Mass Communication would ensure its seamless adoption, leveraging existing expertise within Nigerian institutions. This approach would also attract students already interested in communication and media studies.

 

Also, establishing partnerships with tech companies, advertising agencies, and media houses would provide students with practical exposure and real-world experience. Internship opportunities would allow students to apply their knowledge in professional settings, enhancing their employability.

Close to the foregoing viewpoint is that to effectively teach social media studies, universities must invest in modern technology. This includes high-speed internet, multimedia labs, and access to analytics tools. Such investments would not only benefit social media programs but also improve the overall quality of education.

In fact, universities should launch campaigns to educate prospective students and parents about the importance of social media studies. Highlighting success stories of individuals and businesses that have leveraged social media can help dispel misconceptions and generate interest in the field.

 

On the way forward, it is germane to opine that the world is moving at a breakneck pace, and social media is at the forefront of this transformation. Nigerian tertiary institutions must rise to the occasion by integrating social media studies into their mass communication curricula. By doing so, they will not only keep pace with global educational standards but also equip their students to thrive in an increasingly digital world.

Without a doubt, social media is no longer a luxury; it is a necessity. It is high time Nigerian universities recognized its significance and gave it the academic legitimacy it deserves. By embracing social media studies, they can prepare a generation of students who are not only digitally literate but also capable of leveraging technology for personal, professional, and societal advancement.

The recent election of Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah as Namibia’s President has once again highlighted Africa’s capacity to break the glass ceiling for women in leadership. It is a moment worth celebrating and reflecting upon, especially when juxtaposed with the global landscape of female political leadership. Africa, often saddled with stereotypes of patriarchal dominance, emerges as a beacon of hope, challenging and redefining traditional power structures. 

Historically, African continent has demonstrated remarkable openness to women in political positions, with leaders such as Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia, Joyce Banda of Malawi, and Samia Suluhu Hassan of Tanzania paving the way. In comparison, many continents that boast of being bastions of democracy and gender equity lag significantly in electing women presidents or prime ministers. 

The recent U.S. presidential election demonstrated the ongoing gender barriers in global politics, as Americans, despite having a highly qualified candidate in Kamala Harris, chose not to vote for her. Harris, with her extensive political experience and qualifications, was widely regarded as a more competent candidate compared to Donald Trump. Yet, the reluctance to elect a woman to the highest office in the land highlights how even nations that pride themselves on democracy and gender equity often fall short when it comes to breaking the glass ceiling. This stands in stark contrast to African nations like Liberia, Malawi, and Tanzania, where women have risen to leadership positions, proving that gender does not preclude political excellence.

 

Ostensibly to boost African record in this regard, Namibia’s president-elect, Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah, will be the first woman to hold the position since the Southern African nation gained independence from South Africa in 1990. Unless the legal challenge mounted by the opposition against the election results giving victory to the ruling SWAPO party succeeds, she will be sworn in as head of state in March next year. 

For the sake of clarity, this piece explores Africa’s historical and current strides in gender inclusivity in political leadership, contrasts this with the global context, and examines why Africa remains the most amenable continent for women presidents.

In fact, Africa’s relationship with female leadership is neither new nor accidental. Historical records reflect the reign of powerful queens and matriarchs, such as Queen Amina of Zazzau, Queen Moremi Ajasoro of Ife, Madam Efunroye Tinubu, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, Margaret Ekpo as well Queen Idia and Queen Iden of the ancient Benin Kingdom. 

 

Apart from notable queens who emerged from Nigeria in the ancient days, there were Queen Nzinga of Ndongo and Matamba (modern-day Angola) and the Dahomey Amazons of present-day Benin. These women were not only political figures but also military strategists and cultural icons, showcasing the continent’s early recognition of women’s capacity to lead.

In modern politics, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s election as Liberia’s President in 2005 marked a watershed moment. As Africa’s first elected female head of state, she ushered in a new era, earning a Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts in women’s empowerment. Joyce Banda of Malawi followed suit, albeit in a transitional capacity, and demonstrated an ability to steer her country through challenging times.

Samia Suluhu Hassan’s ascension to the Tanzanian presidency in 2021 further solidified this trend. Her leadership during a politically turbulent period cemented her reputation as a unifier and a progressive leader. These trailblazers have not only shattered societal expectations but also built a legacy that inspires younger generations of women to aspire for leadership.

 

Without a doubt, several factors contribute to Africa’s relative openness to women presidents, despite persisting challenges of inequality, and such factors cut across matriarchal and gender-inclusive traditions, activism and women’s movements, legal frameworks and resilience of African women. 

To put it comprehensively, it is germane to opine that while patriarchy is pervasive, many African societies historically had matriarchal systems where women held significant political and social influence. These traditions, albeit eroded in some regions, still resonate in the collective consciousness, creating an environment where female leadership is not entirely alien.

In a similar vein, grassroots activism and the influence of women’s movements across Africa have been instrumental in pushing for political inclusivity. Organizations such as the African Women’s Leadership Network and the African Union’s emphasis on gender parity have created platforms for women to ascend to leadership roles.

 

Also, many African countries have adopted legal frameworks that promote gender parity in politics. Rwanda, for instance, boasts the highest proportion of women in parliament globally, with over 60% representation. This trend creates a pipeline of experienced female politicians ready to assume presidential roles.

Again, the resilience and resourcefulness of African women, often shouldering the burden of economic sustenance and community leadership, make them natural leaders. Their lived experiences enable them to connect with the electorate on a deeply personal level.

Globally, women leaders remain a rarity. Europe, often perceived as a bastion of progressiveness, has seen its share of female leaders, including Angela Merkel of Germany and Margaret Thatcher of the UK. However, these examples are sporadic and rarely reflective of broader societal acceptance. In the Americas, female presidents such as Dilma Rousseff of Brazil and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner of Argentina have risen to power, but the U.S., despite its global influence, has yet to elect a woman president.

 

Asia has a mixed record, with countries like India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh producing iconic female leaders such as Indira Gandhi, Benazir Bhutto, and Sheikh Hasina. However, these leaders often hail from powerful political dynasties, suggesting that societal structures, rather than meritocratic processes, propel their rise.

In stark contrast, Africa’s female leaders often emerge from diverse backgrounds, embodying the potential for broader societal acceptance. For instance, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s journey from exile to presidency exemplifies resilience rather than hereditary privilege. Similarly, Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah’s career trajectory as a diplomat and freedom fighter underscores Africa’s willingness to reward competence and dedication.

While Africa’s progress is commendable, significant challenges remain. Cultural stereotypes, limited access to political funding, and gender-based violence in the political sphere still deter many women from pursuing leadership. Furthermore, the tokenistic inclusion of women in politics, often relegated to symbolic roles, undermines genuine progress.

 

Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah’s election is a call to action for African nations to address these barriers. Her leadership provides an opportunity to advocate for more comprehensive gender inclusivity across political, economic, and social landscapes.

Africa’s progress in electing women leaders should not merely be a celebratory milestone; it should inspire sustained efforts toward gender equity. Policymakers must prioritize education and leadership training, economic empowerment and political reforms. Put in detailed perspective, it is expedient to opine that investing in programs that nurture young women leaders will create a sustainable pipeline of talent, even as women’s economic autonomy is critical to their political ascension.  In fact, policies promoting financial inclusion and entrepreneurship among women are vital.

In a similar vein, affirmative action policies, like gender quotas, should be complemented with structural reforms to dismantle systemic barriers.

 

Looking at the issue from global perspective, it is not a misnomer to opine that Africa’s embrace of female presidents is not just a continental achievement; it is a global inspiration. As the world grapples with increasing polarization and governance challenges, the leadership style often exhibited by women, characterized by inclusivity, empathy, and pragmatism,  offers a path forward. 

In the face of global crises, from climate change to economic instability, women leaders like Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah are well-positioned to steer the world toward solutions that prioritize collective well-being over divisive politics.

In fact, the election of Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah is not just Namibia’s triumph; it is Africa’s reaffirmation of its capacity to lead the world in gender inclusivity. While challenges persist, the continent’s trajectory offers lessons for others. By celebrating and supporting women in leadership, Africa continues to dismantle archaic power structures and inspire a new era of governance. 

 

The global community must take note: the future of leadership is female, and Africa is leading the charge.

The rejection of President Tinubu’s tax reform package of four main bills: the Nigeria Tax Bill, the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, the Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill, and the Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Tax Reform Bill” by predominantly northern political leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, the Northern Governors Forum and some 73 members of the National Assembly, has once again brought the past to pain by reminding us of our intractable crisis of nation-building.

Predictably, while the bill received the blessing of Ohanaeze, the Igbo socio-cultural group, Afenifere, its Yoruba counterpart and N/Central geopolitical zones who believe the bills represent a transformative opportunity for the rejuvenation of SMES, it was roundly rejected by its northern opponents in spite of the capacity of the bills to “simplify the tax landscape, reduce the burden on small businesses, and streamline tax collection processes”.

But as we say in this business, the medium is the news. Precisely because attack on the opponents of the four bills are coming from southern politicians and social media assailants who hardly understand the issues at stake, I cannot but sympathise with those opponents of the bills who have come under intense stress and strain these past two weeks. They are, in my opinion, the only set of politicians who know what they want out of Nigeria and how to fight for it. They have an unwavering commitment to their demand no matter how sectional or parochial since “Nigerian nationalism became fractured by the dynamics of power politics, or the struggle for the so-called national cake”. (Mogwugo Okoye, African Guardian, Dec 27, 1993).

Many have long concluded that the problem of Nigeria politics is the problem of the dominant ethnic groups, who insist that no one gets what they cannot get, their hypocritical educated elites and their political parties. Of the three competing dominant groups, the confused Yoruba who seem not to know what they want out of Nigeria, is most guilty. It is on record that while the more conservative elements among their celebrated leaders such as Bode Thomas, SLA Akintola and Rotimi Williams, wanted regionalism to protect their Yoruba nation from the reign of one-eyed king, their leader, Obafemi Awolowo, was an unrepentant federalist. This many have argued was because the Yoruba are by nature federalist. Others have also argued that it was because federalism guarantees unity in diversity in deeply divided societies following “the purgatory of two world wars in the 20th century” when federal revolution was regarded “as the only safeguard for peace and stability in a rapidly changing world.” (Daniel Elazer). The less charitable have argued that Awolowo was a victim of his ambition to rule Nigeria having blamed Awolowo for developing  a messianic complex believing he could replicate the giant strides he made in the West. The question northern hegemonic powers who detested Yoruba arrogance, according to Professor Banji Akintoye who recently narrated his encounter with a northern colleague, has always been “who told Awolowo, northern youths wanted free education?”

Of course Awo paid for his audacity. Shortly after Sardauna, Tafawa Balewa and Michael Okpara had mooted the idea of a preventive detention system in the country, Balewa declared state of emergency in the West on May 29, 1962 while Isaac Boro’s Ijaw uprising and Benue/Jos uprising that were suppressed by the military by force of arms did not attract declaration of state of emergency.

 

Balewa went on to illegally inaugurate Coker Commission of Inquiry to look into the operations of Western Region’s corporations. In case that failed, Balewa also inaugurated treasonable felony probe which later jailed Awo and his supporters. Ahamdu Bello, according to Trevor Clark, “saw an opportunity to do in Awolowo, while the NCNC saw an opportunity to destroy AG and Western Region”. (Trevor Clark: Balewa the Right Honorable Man,  pages (550-554).

The Igbo of the east are perhaps the best at the game of ostrich playing – hiding their heads in the sand believing no one sees them. Their goal, like that of the hegemonic power in the north, is the control of Nigeria. Zik as an Ibo jingoist gave this away in his presidential address to the Ibo Federal Union in 1949 when he declared: “It would appear that God of Africa has specially created the Ibo nation to lead the children of Africa from the bondage of the ages…” In 1948, another Ibo leader and member of the legislature had said the domination of Nigeria by the Ibo is a question of time.

The game plan was promotion of a unitary system in a multi-ethnic society, or in the alternative, splitting the country into unwieldy 17 states that could not sustain themselves and where federating states have no power to eject criminals who import fake drugs into their states or armed immigrant herdsmen who illegally occupy federating states’ reserved forests.

Zik like Awo was also humbled. He allowed northern elite to root for the status quo because it has given them so much in addition to entrenching their hegemony in the nation in spite of creation of smaller state out of the huge former northern region. The north and its political elite have demonstrated that they are by far more astute politicians and more shrewd bargainers. Unlike the Yoruba and Ibo adept at playing the ostrich, they have never pretended about their goal which is Nigeria that would serve as home to stateless Fulani across West Africa.

 

The north could not have asked for a better supporter than the British colonial masters who in an effort to protect her neo-colonial interest in Nigeria, encouraged and actively aided our northern ruling elite to betray Nigeria. Britain easily acceded to the 1951 northern three points demand: i.e. 50% of membership of the Legislative Council as against 25 for each of the regions,  revenue allocation based on per capita and retaining the boundaries especially between the north and west. (The 1951 census exercise was based largely on assumptions. With the rejection of the 1962 figures by northern leaders, a new census held in 1963 discovered additional 8.5 million people in the north bringing the northern population to 31m).

And just as the 1951 allocation of 50 percent of the total seats in the House of Representatives to the Northern Region meant that only laws acceptable to the region would be passed by the house, today’s opponent of Tinubu’s tax bill are counting on their numerical strength to decide the fate of the bill.

Another demonstration of British support for the north was James Robertson’s decision to call on Balewa to form government on December 15, 1959 with voting returns showing  that NPC was trailing the two other parties by 116  to 150, a decision that rendered the final result of NPC 150 seats  to  the other two parties 162 seats and independent 8, that came later on the December 19 just ‘a force majeure’.

Ahmadu Bello rather than deny that Britain aided the north to hold the nation hostage, explained on page 33 of his book, My Life: The Sardauna of Sokoto that “The British were the instrument of destiny and were fulfilling the will of God in the way they did it all”.

While Zik and Awo kept on playing the ostrich long after the death of nationalism, Prime Minster Balewa who had earlier described Nigeria as a British intention” insisted revenue must be based on need rather than derivation of resources”.

In an answer to those who challenged him to act as a patriot, he had said ‘we are trying to build a mighty house on a foundation of straw … the question I have always asked: do we want Nigeria to be a happy place for everybody or a hell to the masses and a paradise for the few? North would very much like to march with the rest of Nigeria just at a reasonable speed, not at an impossible speed for the north”.

Like their forbears, this is the same message northern critics of Tinubu’s tax bills are passing. The joke is on southern politicians including  Zik, the foremost Nigerian nationalist and celebrated intellectual who told reporters in London in 1957 that he and Ahmadu Bello’s position on the minority issue was taken in the interest of Nigerian unity. Sixty four years after, Nigerians are haunted by the echoes of Zik’s October 1, 1960’s “we are today no more a geographical expression” to deride Awo, his more discerning opponent.

For all his pains, the celebrated Zik of Africa became a titular president, an onlooker while Balewa exercised all powers by virtue of the September 19, 1963 Republican Constitution which abolished the Judicial Service Commission, replaced the Privy Council in London with the Supreme Court as the highest court of appeal, and  the  enactment of  a Preventive Detention Act to restrain personal liberty.

Today, the consolation for Nigerians who love our country is that President Tinubu by his ongoing efforts at walking the tight rope understands the imperative of addressing the national question.

 

Contrary to assertions by some so-called experts who have been prattling all week that Dele Farotimi wrote what he could not logically substantiate in his book Nigeria and its Criminal Justice System, this was a pre-meditated confrontation. Having depleted the legal means to get justice, he wrote to re-litigate the case in the court of public opinion. He seems calculatedly driven by the Yoruba proverb that says no one dies at the same spot they uttered blasphemy. In the time between your speaking and being punished, much can happen to change social dynamics. From the potpourri of events in the past week, Farotimi got what he wanted. One cannot say the same for Afe Babalola who, by now, would have realised that giving a traducer what they want is not the most prudent battle move. My reading is that Farotimi knew Babalola’s peculiar weakness and worked it to advantage. I will get to that momentarily.

The blowback from this case is another instance that hopefully teaches our elites to rein in their tendency to exploit the warped Nigerian justice system that allows criminal defamation as a legal recourse. Criminal defamation might be legal, but it is unjust. It is a law that exists to regulate the differentials of power and access, one of the many ways rich people further privatise public resources. Since lawmakers are too compromised to expunge the law and law enforcers incapable of the reflexivity that will enlighten them on the stupidity of using state resources to fight an individual over another’s integrity, the best we can do for now is pressure the entitled “big man” not to take that path. In a criminal case, the prosecutor investigates to convict. The Nigerian police, perennially short of resources, spares no expense when sent to prosecute criminal defamation on behalf of another narcissist. Why should the state do that on behalf of an ordinary individual? Babalola, especially, is a man of ample resources, who can afford to fight for his reputation on his own dime.

So, on Friday, Babalola’s legal team held a press conference in Ado Ekiti. Among several things, the lead lawyer Owoseni Ajayi said was: “Those pushing Farotimi are not his friends. By the time they led him to the dungeon, he would realise they were deceiving him. Let me advise his family members to apologise to Aare. Aare Babalola is a builder, not interested in destroying Farotimi.” I was intrigued by what he said it takes for them to call off the police hounds. If someone injured your reputation, and that reputation is truly worth the price you placed on it, why would you not be interested in watching them destroyed? Why would Ajayi, so sure of their victory that he boldly asserted that the only possible conclusion to the case is the dungeon, want to settle for the cheap spectacle of Farotimi’s family members with their clasped hands rolling on the floor and begging?

What sealed the picture for me was an article by Kenneth Ikonne where he, like Ajayi, also urged Farotimi to go “beg” Babalola. According to Ikonne, he had won a preliminary objection against Babalola’s suit—which a lawyer is supposed to do, right? —but he was so intimidated by his own victory against the legal giant that he had to go beg Babalola. While Ikonne’s adulating article drips with flattery, it also unwittingly reveals a kabiyesi-complex. It is an attitude that revels in watching other humans’ heads perpetually bowed in servile reverence so they can repay your self-denigration with overwhelming niceness. Babalola seems like a man who likes to be liked, an attitude is consistently weakening because you must always play nice. Please note that there is a vast difference between being nice because you are a decent human and niceness as manipulation, a means to seduce others into becoming your subject. People of the latter category will take you to the top of the pinnacle, show you the extent of their power and glory, and nicely offer you a portion if only you would bend obsequious knees before them. If you refuse, they will then kick your calves until you fall on your face.

 

Babalola is so used to a world where junior lawyers who defeat him in court still come to his Ado Ekiti palace to prostrate before him that Farotimi’s boldness to confront him must have been jarring. He resorted to his standard weapons of warfare, but as he must have also found out in the past week, the battle terrain has changed. Even if he wins the case, what will be the social value of a reputation held up by the courts? If Farotimi begs him as his lawyer and others have enjoined, what is done cannot be undone.

 

However, this goes down, I commend Farotimi’s boldness. We all agree that the Nigerian judiciary is rotten, but the logic of producing rational evidence has made it virtually impossible to progress beyond merely abstract observations. Until we begin to mention names and point accusing fingers at specific people, the issues will remain intractable. Statistically, Nigerian judges and magistrates are the highest receivers of bribes in 2023, beating even the Customs/Immigration! This is according to the NBS. Those who facilitated these transactions are not ghosts. We have all been witnesses to the several instances where retiring judges have severely deplored the rot in the judiciary. It is amusing to see some people pretending Farotimi revealed what they did not already know.

Our society maintains an overly reverential attitude toward people who have money and power, and are elderly. When a person combines all three, we are virtually cowed before their almighty presence. Otherwise, why can we not ask, if defamation is an offence that supposedly lessens someone’s reputational worth, what exactly would constitute it in the case of persons who have practised law in morally decrepit and with progressively weakened institutions like Nigeria for 60-plus years? Which of the atrocities that presently bedevils the country does not have the hands of the so-called learned class in it? This is not to disparage the legal profession or caricature lawyers, but we cannot talk about what is wrong with Nigeria today without the role lawyers have played in vandalising the temple of justice. From the so-called “legal luminaries” who—through endless frivolous election petitions—rendered democracy incoherent to the ones with the “SAN” appendage to their names who fraternise with politicians, they remade the country in their amoral image.

We were all here when a partner in the firm of a high-profile lawyer solicited the client of another, saying their principal’s political influence would “significantly switch things in favour” of the prospective client. While that woman was disowned and eventually debarred, it was a moment of self-revelation as to how the justice system operates. Big names in the legal system do not necessarily correspond with a deep knowledge of the law. It just means they know which judge to buy and which string to pull. We witnessed a lawmaker publicly admitting that his judge’s wife helped his colleagues win their various cases. In a serious country, every case that a woman adjudicated would have been recalled and scrutinised, but this is Nigeria. Nothing ever happens here. This is the utterly compromised ecosystem in which Babalola has practised law and thrived to the point he built a magnificent university. He was also a lawyer and confidant to former President Olusegun Obasanjo, whose administration reputation was thoroughly corrupt. Nobody, not even the staunchest of his defenders, has said of Farotimi’s allegations that “it cannot possibly be true”.  What they all say is, “It cannot be proven,” and that is telling enough.

Given the contradictions of his profession, Babalola should have been circumspect enough to not jump into a public contest over his reputation. He seems to me like a man who has invested in being nice just so that he would not be remembered as a villain in Nigeria’s story. Now he is no longer the man with the carefully curated legacy who set out to redeem his image but the one who proved his critic right.

The moment I stepped out of church last Sunday and checked my phone, I saw a missed call from my friend, Mustapha Sanah (HRH Dalun-Lana Tapha Mahamadu II). He had left a terse message: “Prepare for inauguration.” I surmised that former President John Dramani Mahama and candidate of the main opposition National Democratic Coalition (NDC) had won the Ghanaian presidential election held last Saturday. In my conversation with Mahama at his Accra residence on Friday, 20th September, he predicted he would win the election and promised that I would be his guest at the inauguration. (https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2024/09/26/ghanas-future-beyond-jollof-rice/)

But before I could respond to Mustapha, breaking news flashed on my mobile phone that the 54-year-old father-and-son dictatorship in Syria had been upended by rebel forces. President Bashar al-Assad had reportedly fled Damascus, leaving his country in tatters. The fall of Assad is a testament to the fragility of power that is neither ennobling nor geared towards the common good. “As recently as 2010, Syria had a higher per capita income than many of its neighbours. Since 2011, well over half a million have died and several million displaced,” according to Nilanthan Niruthan, a defense analyst and researcher at Columbia University, United States. “The UNHCR estimated earlier this year that at least 90% of the Syrian population live under the poverty line, conditions which would have certainly worsened in the last week.”

While it remains to be seen how the disparate rebel groups in Syria will work together to govern the war-torn country, the consequences of toppling Assad are far-reaching. “The Arab Spring started in Tunisia (in 2011) but claimed scalps in Egypt, Libya, and Yemen,” argues Dr Michale Rubin, a director of policy analysis at the Middle East Forum and former Pentagon official. “Assad’s ouster and similar dynamics in some regional countries may soon claim scalps of other long-term dictators.” I hope that message will resonate on a continent where 91-year-old Paul Biya of Cameroon has been president for the last 42 years despite being marooned mostly in a Geneva, Switzerland hotel; 82-year-old Teodore Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea has been in power for the past 45 years; 80-year-old Yoweri Museveni has ruled Uganda for the past 38 years and Isaias Afwerki has been the first and only president of Eritrea since independence in 1993. The message will also serve many others, including Faure Gnassingbe of Togo who succeeded his father, Gnassingbe Eyadema two decades ago and appears to be plotting for his son to succeed him.

There is a way in which we can connect what happened in Ghana and Syria because both have to do with power and popular will. But for the benefit of Nigerian politicians who may have a superficial reading of Mahama’s victory, the first thing they must understand is the discipline of Ghana’s politicians and the strength of their political parties. The Independent National Electoral (INEC) Chairman, Mahmood Yakubu alluded to this earlier in the week. “Rarely in Ghana do you see people moving from one party to another with every general election,” Yakubu said. “There are people who have supported political parties for many years. So, whether the party is in power or opposition, they stick to the political party.”

That, of course, is not the situation in Nigeria where expediency rather than principle dictates our politics. For instance, many of the politicians who were either in the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) or Labour Party (LP) before the last election have moved to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). In a milieu in which public service has been reduced to ‘eating’, a politician can be a PDP member in the morning, decamp to the LP in the afternoon and by evening, he could be attending the APC meeting as the board of trustees’ chairman! In the past few days, five LP members and one PDP member in the House of Representatives have decamped to the APC. Quite naturally, the one who attracted the most attention is Donatus Matthew, the commercial motorcycle (Okada) rider who defeated a fourth-term member in Kaura Federal Constituency of Kaduna State. When you move from riding Okada to cruising around in a N160 Million SUV within a matter of weeks, what is the big deal about dumping the party on which you came to power, even if the law is not on your side?

The situation is different in Ghana which perhaps explains why the election of Mahama came as no surprise. The foundation was laid four years ago at the 2020 presidential election. Although Mahama (president between 2012 and 2016) lost the last election, his party (NCC) took 31 parliamentary seats from the ruling NPP. With both parties winning the same number of seats (137 each) resulting in a hung parliament, the lone independent candidate, Andrew Asiamah Amoako supported the NDC candidate, Alban Sumana Kingsford Bagbin, to emerge as speaker. If that was Nigeria, not only would the lone independent candidate pitch tent with the ruling party but many members from the opposition party would also have followed him to decamp. Besides, can anyone imagine a Nigerian President in a similar scenario allowing the lawmakers to pick their presiding officer without interference, as then re-elected President Nana Akufo-Ado did? If it were here, even the court would be deployed in a diabolic manner to give comfort to the ruling party!

In its statement on the Ghana election, the PDP said it portends an ominous omen for the APC at the coming 2027 poll. “The verdict of the people of Ghana in this presidential election is a signal to the APC that its days in office are numbered as the power of the people in Nigeria, just like in Ghana, will surely prevail, end APC’s oppressive rule and return Nigeria to the path of good governance, security, political stability and economic prosperity on the platform of the PDP in 2027,” according to a statement by the PDP National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba. But what the PDP must understand is that defeating an incumbent (ruling party) requires the creation of a strategic coalition in which personal ambitions would be sacrificed for group goals. Unfortunately, I have not seen any such effort from the opposition parties in Nigeria whose leaders seem not to have learnt any lesson from the last election won by the incumbent with just 37 percent of the total vote cast.

I spent my one-year Fellow’s programme at the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University (during the 2010/2011 academic session) researching why it is so difficult for candidates of ruling parties to lose elections in Africa. In the process, I discovered that competitive presidential elections held on the continent in the preceding two decades resulted only in four percent defeat and 96 percent victory for the ruling parties. When I applied the principle to the rest of the world, I found the same trend. Ruling parties (and incumbents) were defeated at the polls in only seven percent of cases, winning 93 percent of the time. At the end, I was able to identify fractionalized opposition as the main factor in competitive elections.

As I was working on the paper, which I eventually titled “Divided opposition as boon to African incumbents” (https://scholarsprogram.wcfia.harvard.edu/publications/divided-opposition-boon-african-incumbents), Nigeria was preparing for the 2011 general election that had then incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan standing against Major General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd). Feeble attempts to form an opposition platform around Buhari and (current president) Bola Tinubu had collapsed. So, when the election held and Buhari lost, I adapted my research paper to write an article which I titled “Divided They Run, United They Lose: How Fractionalized Opposition Strengthens African Incumbents”.

In the piece, I stated clearly that Buhari should not locate his defeat on rigging or the factor of incumbency but rather on his (Buhari’s) inability to build a credible opposition coalition. “While not advocating against the legal option already taken by a section of the Nigerian opposition, my contention is that it is more productive for them to begin to plan and organize for future elections. The perennial narrative that they are rigged out by the ruling party is becoming hollow,” I wrote for THISDAY in May 2011 at a period I was still in the United States. “In a milieu where political parties are not only weak but also lack financial wherewithal with no ideology binding members together, forging an electoral alliance is a long and arduous task. Waiting till weeks or days to the election to begin the process for such an alliance is therefore no more than an open invitation to a sure defeat.”

Four years later, my thesis proved accurate when the same opposition parties galvanised to form a special purpose vehicle (SPV) now called APC to win the 2015 presidential election. While the political system in Ghana is not perfect, they have erected certain moral guardrails for their politicians and public office holders that we have not succeeded in doing. I highlighted a few in my September column, ‘Ghana’s Future: Beyond Jollof Rice’, following my visit to the country. Like Nigeria, Ghana is a multiparty democracy. But their politicians have coalesced around two strong parties with distinct ideologies. Therefore, to achieve the kind of alternation that has strengthened democracy in Ghana, our politicians must muster the discipline to enthrone a two-party structure. In their own enlightened interest, Nigerian politicians must also works towards that if our democracy is to survive and thrive.

Meanwhile, there is a way in which we can connect the election of Mahama in Ghana to the toppling of Assad in Syria. The former is about popular democracy anchored on the will of the people and the latter, a fall-out of a charade in which citizens were conscripted to legitimise a compromised process that had nothing to do with the public good. We must learn from both countries. Without any doubt, the political system in Ghana is miles ahead of Nigeria’s. Our politicians are a mixed bag of cheap crooks and a few good people. That explains why violence and fraud have become part of the DNA of our politics while the industrialization of electoral disputes has become a revenue source for a corrupt arm of the judiciary. In Syria, the fate that ultimately befell Assad should serve as a cautionary tale for Nigeria regarding the consequence of a leadership living above and removed from the deprivation of the populace.

Just three years ago in May 2021, Assad (whose father ruled Syria for 30 years until his death in 2000) won a fourth term in office with 95.1% of the votes in a sham election that extended his rule till 2028. From being a maximum ruler with power of life and death over citizens, Bashar Al-Assad is now no more than a fugitive in Russia where he has been granted political asylum. Perhaps the signature lesson of his fall, for those in leadership positions who exhibit insensitivity and callous indifference to the plight of their people, is the transient nature of power. And nobody can forever evade accountability.

Syria, a nation rich in cultural and historical heritage, has long stood at the crossroads of civilization. Positioned at the heart of the Middle East, it is bordered by Turkey, Iraq, Jordan, Israel, and Lebanon. Often referred to as the "Cradle of Civilization," Syria is home to ancient cities such as Damascus and Aleppo, and the fertile lands of Mesopotamia, which have witnessed the rise and fall of empires for millennia.

 The modern Syrian state emerged from colonial rule in 1946 after the end of French mandate control. However, the country’s post-independence journey was marked by political instability, with military coups, economic struggles, and ongoing attempts to establish a stable political identity.

 In 1971, Hafez al-Assad, a former military officer and member of the Ba'ath Party, took control in a coup, laying the foundation for the Assad dynasty. His rule, which lasted until his death in 2000, was marked by authoritarianism and brutal repression. The regime relied heavily on surveillance, political oppression, and military force to maintain power. The Hama massacre of 1982, where thousands of people were killed to quell an Islamist uprising, became a chilling symbol of the regime's ruthlessness.

 For over fifty years, the Assad family ruled with an iron fist. Hafez al-Assad's grip on power was firm, creating a stable but oppressive order. His son, Bashar al-Assad, succeeded him in 2000, initially promising reforms, but ultimately continuing his father's legacy of corruption, authoritarianism, and cruelty. Despite their tight hold on power, the regime’s foundation began to crumble over time. The 2011 Arab Spring protests sparked the civil war that would tear the country apart.

 The Syrian conflict became a complex and multifaceted struggle, with various factions, foreign interventions, and shifting alliances. By 2024, the once-formidable Syrian military had been severely weakened by years of conflict, internal divisions, and a diminishing external support base. Bashar al-Assad’s main allies, Russia and Iran, were preoccupied with their own global challenges and began to scale back their support.

 On December 8, 2024, a historic event unfolded — the fall of Damascus marked the end of the Assad dynasty's rule over Syria. For decades, Damascus had been the epicenter of the regime's authority, but as the sun set on the ancient city, it symbolized the end of an era of oppression, bloodshed, and political control. The city fell to an unexpected lightning offensive by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), an Islamist militant group. HTS, along with other rebel factions, had spent months quietly preparing, building alliances, and gathering resources. When the moment came, they struck swiftly and decisively, launching a surprise attack on Damascus.

 The Assad regime’s response was disjointed. The streets of Damascus, once a stronghold of loyalists, were eerily silent. The population, worn out by years of war and repression, had lost faith in the regime. Internal corruption and mismanagement, coupled with the overextension of military resources, had alienated much of the population. The critical support of Russia and Iran had eroded, further weakening the regime’s ability to maintain control.

 Syria had long been a proxy battleground for global and regional powers. Israel’s airstrikes on Iranian and Hezbollah positions weakened Assad’s regional allies. Meanwhile, Russia, once Assad's most steadfast supporter, struggled to maintain its military presence due to the ongoing war in Ukraine. Iran, also facing challenges of its own, continued to support Assad through Hezbollah and other militias, but its influence was diminishing.

 The United States, despite its opposition to extremist groups like HTS, provided indirect support to stabilize regions and pursue counter-terrorism objectives.

 Bashar al-Assad, once considered a potential reformist, became a symbol of everything wrong with Syrian governance. His violent crackdown on peaceful protests, including the use of chemical weapons, mass arrests, and brutal sieges, turned him from an aspiring leader into a ruthless dictator.

 By December 8, 2024, it was clear that Assad’s forces were no match for the rebel offensive. The Syrian army, exhausted by years of war, crumbled under pressure, and by early morning, Damascus was in rebel hands.

 The fall of the city sent shockwaves throughout Syria and the world. Bashar al-Assad, who had endured thirteen years of civil war and decades of autocratic rule, fled to Russia, which granted him political asylum. This marked the definitive end of the Assad regime, leaving Syria fractured and leaderless.

 With the regime’s collapse, Syria faced an uncertain future. Various factions and militias, once bitter enemies, may scramble to seize power. The fate of Syria’s diverse minorities, including Alawites, Kurds, and Christians, became a critical concern as the country entered a new phase of chaos and instability.

 The end of the Assad dynasty was not just the fall of a regime; it was the dismantling of a political system built on corruption, fear, and patronage. It marked the close of a dark chapter in Syria’s history, beginning with the quest for independence and continuing through decades of dictatorship, war, and destruction.

 As Syria begins to rebuild from the ashes of the Assad regime, the future remains uncertain. The people of Syria, after enduring years of suffering, now stand at a crossroads. The question is whether they can chart a new course, one that leads to peace, reconciliation, and a departure from the painful legacy of the past.

 Conclusion

 The fall of the Assad dynasty represents a transformative moment in Syria’s history. To avoid further descent into chaos and rebuild, Syria must focus on several key areas by establishing an inclusive political framework, representing all factions and minorities to ensure equitable power-sharing. International mediators, such as the UN, should facilitate dialogue and constitutional reforms. A ceasefire and disarmament monitored by international observers, humanitarian corridors must be opened to provide aid to displaced populations. A regional security dialogue must address concerns like arms smuggling and extremist infiltration to stabilize the region. Education and youth programs will be crucial in preventing radicalization, and strengthening institutions like the judiciary and security forces will help sustain the rule of law. Tribunals should be set up to address war crimes and human rights abuses, along with truth and reconciliation efforts to foster national healing. Economic revitalization through international investment for reconstruction and community-driven development should be pursued to help revive Syria’s economy.

 
Clifford Ogbeide

Public Policy Analyst

Lake District, Alberta, Canada