OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

SUNDAY 1-DEC

 

Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date

Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele

Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki

CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties

Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling

Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president

OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra

Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju

‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi

[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team

[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria

Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans

‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama

Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary

Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage

Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi

How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists

2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion

Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate

 


Lately, there has been much hoopla in the media about the new Tory Party leader in the United Kingdom, Mrs. Kemi Badenoch. From the media accounts I have read, this remarkable lady has pulled herself up by her bootstraps, rising from ground zero through diligent academic pursuits, building a successful professional career, and ultimately venturing into politics, where she has risen to astronomical heights in British politics.

In my assessment, her accomplishments are phenomenal, and she embodies the classic example of hard work yielding great rewards.

Unfortunately, commentaries about her coming from her ancestral country, Nigeria, have been largely negative. Her “offense” appears to be that she has, on one or two occasions, painted Nigeria in an unfavorable light. Among those who have lambasted her for not presenting Nigeria positively are my good friends, former Aviation Minister Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, and Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, Chairperson of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission. Most recently, Nigeria’s Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, has joined the fray by publicly criticizing Mrs. Badenoch as a potential prime minister of the UK.

Stunningly, Vice President Shettima even suggested that Badenoch should drop her first name, Kemi, if she no longer wanted to be associated with Nigeria. His remarks received a sharp response from the Tory leader, who asserted that she is not obliged to launder Nigeria’s image.

The question is: What value does this heated exchange in the media between Nigeria’s Vice President and a potential UK Prime Minister bring to either country?
In my view, the incendiary comments will yield nothing positive for both sides.
To put things into context, it is worth recalling that Mrs. Badenoch is not the first UK leader to portray Nigeria negatively. Former British Prime Minister David Cameron infamously referred to then-President Muhammadu Buhari as the leader of a “fantastically corrupt country” in front of the late Queen Elizabeth II Notably, President Buhari did not flinch, let alone express outrage.

But unsurprisingly, Cameron’s remark sparked debate on social media, with opinions divided. Some Nigerian youths even blamed Buhari for the odious statement, arguing that his rhetoric—such as always accusing Nigerians of corruption and branding her youths as lazy—had contributed to the negative perception of Nigeria and Nigerians globally.

Going back further, when the All Progressives Congress (APC) was in opposition, its then-spokesman, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, and other high-ranking party leaders often described Nigeria in derogatory terms to discredit the then-ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in their pursuit of political advantage. At that time, it seemed not to occur to them that such rhetoric would empower foreigners to disparage the country. In fact, it was such odious comments that became the ammunition that Cameron exploited during Buhari’s visit to Buckingham Palace.

Given this history, it is puzzling why Chief Fani-Kayode, Hon. Dabiri-Erewa, and, especially, Vice President Shettima, are now trying to hinder Badenoch’s progress in the UK based on her negative portrayal of Nigeria. These seasoned politicians surely understand that at her current stage in her political career, Badenoch—like many politicians before her—must make calculated remarks to align with her constituency and political objectives. Nigerian politicians can not deny playing to the gallery of public opinion while climbing the political ladder.

Arising from the above, what justification exists for the uproar about Badenoch’s remarks? What has she said that is not already in the public domain? Furthermore, the issues she referenced are arguably no longer as prominent in Nigeria today as back in the days when she was in Nigeria.

So, instead of seeing Badenoch as an adversary, Nigerians should celebrate her achievements and allow her to chart her course. In fact, we should make efforts to prove to her and indeed the world that things are no longer what Mrs Badenoch thinks of Nigeria.

That is why I have titled this piece: “Let Kemi Badenoch Be All She Can Be.”

It is worth recalling that in my column of November 26, titled: “Kemi Badenoch’s Remarkable Ascent in UK Politics: A Milestone for the Black Community,” I explored multiple factors that could have influenced Badenoch’s apparent disdain for Nigeria. Her views, as she has shared during her political engagements, seem rooted in her traumatizing personal experiences growing up in Nigeria.

From her accounts, it is evident that those incidents deeply affected her, prompting her to leave Nigeria for the UK at the age of 16. Who knows? She may still be grappling with the trauma of those early experiences of insecurity and other challenges she endured.

Are we not aware, through historical accounts, that back in the day, when the Queen of England uttered the phrase “off with their head,” the victim was executed, often without due process, as the concept of the rule of law was absent at the time? Would UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, or even King Charles III, be offended if a Nigerian, an American, or someone of another nationality expressed disapproval of such historical practices? Certainly not, as those narratives belong to the past and have long been consigned to the dustbin of history.

Similarly, Mrs. Badenoch’s unpleasant experiences in Nigeria before she left at the age of 16—now nearly three decades ago, as she is 44—are also in the past. The realities she described no longer define Nigeria, and we, as a nation, owe it to ourselves and the world to redefine our country and move forward.

Of course, as Badenoch rightly stated, she can not engage in image laundering for Nigeria, and to be frank, we truly need to take responsibility for that ourselves. Ironically, it is the persistent hammering of her negative remarks that continues to keep the issue alive in the public domain, prompting this intervention.
I can bet that there are millions of Nigerians in the diaspora of Nigerian ancestry who share Badenoch’s sentiments of resentment towards Nigeria and the system. It behooves of Nigeria, especially Abike Dabiri-Erewa-Dabiri led diaspora commission to change such a negative mindset.

To refresh our memories, I am republishing not just an excerpt from the earlier referenced article but the entire piece to allow readers to revisit my position and gain a holistic view of the matter. I ask for the understanding of readers as I do so.

Below is the full article:

As Great Britain, once a colonial power ruling over 56 nations now part of the Commonwealth, transitions into a more inclusive society, a symbolic form of ‘reverse colonization’ seems to be unfolding. This phenomenon, exemplified by individuals from formerly colonized nations rising to leadership roles in the UK, highlights the open-mindedness of Britons. Their inclusive approach has afforded immigrants, including those born in the UK, equal opportunities alongside the native population.

The adventurous spirit of the British has also contributed to London’s evolution into a cosmopolitan hub. Home to people from various former colonies, London has become a melting pot of cultures and a global financial center rivaling cities like New York, Shanghai, and Hong Kong.

Historically, Britain’s dominance as a seafaring nation—beginning after the country’s founding in 1707—enabled it to build an empire that spanned nearly a quarter of the globe. Through its control of vast territories in Africa, India, Australia, Canada, the United States, and the Caribbean, the British Empire left an indelible mark on the world. While the UK is no longer the imperial force it once was, it remains a vital player on the global stage.

Should Kemi Badenoch—of Nigerian heritage and now the leader of the Tory Party currently in opposition—one day become the UK’s Prime Minister, it would be a monumental achievement, not just for Nigerians but for Africans and the global Black community. Her rise would echo that of Barack Obama, whose election as the first Black President of the United States inspired millions worldwide.

However, it is unlikely that Nigerians had a direct hand in Badenoch’s political success. Her ascent in the UK’s political sphere did not hinge on support from Nigerian-majority constituencies. Therefore, Nigerians must allow her to continue climbing the political ladder without the negativity that sometimes characterizes reactions to such achievements, as evidenced by the vilification she is currently contending with.”

In my view, if Kemi Badenoch reaches the pinnacle of UK politics, she may eventually acknowledge her Nigerian roots. However, even if she doesn’t, her success remains significant. It would serve as an inspiration for Nigerian-born Britons and the broader Black community in the UK, as well as in other parts of Europe and North America, to pursue political leadership—marking a meaningful step forward for the Black race.

In the United States, Barack Obama deliberately distanced himself from Black identity politics during his presidential campaign, recognizing that such an approach could limit his appeal in a nation where Black Americans constitute just 13% of the population. By contrast, Hispanics account for approximately 14%, while Caucasians make up around 67%. The significant role of rural Caucasian voters in Donald Trump’s victories in 2016 and 2024—and their influence in Keir Starmer’s Labour Party overtaking the Conservatives earlier this year—underscores the importance of appealing to broader, more diverse constituencies in multi-ethnic democracies.

For candidates from minority backgrounds aspiring to lead multi-ethnic nations, emphasizing racial or ethnic identity can create barriers. Hence, Badenoch, like others before her, must navigate this challenge.

Historically, Rev. Al Sharpton and Rev. Jesse Jackson campaigned for the U.S. presidency with platforms centered on Black identity, but neither achieved electoral success. Barack Obama learned from these missteps, avoiding identity politics and instead galvanizing young voters through social media, ultimately winning the presidency in 2008. Similarly, Kamala Harris, the current U.S. Vice President distanced herself from minority-focused identity politics. This is why she did not prominently emphasize her Black heritage during her campaign but instead celebrated her marriage to Doug Emhoff, a Caucasian, to broaden her appeal further.

Kemi Badenoch appears to be following a similar path in the UK. Her husband, Mr. Hamish Badenoch is a successful Caucasian banker—a detail that could work in her favor when elections are called. As leader of the Conservative Party, this positioning may enhance her chances of becoming the UK’s next Prime Minister.

Meanwhile, the debate over reparations for the historical atrocities of slavery perpetrated against Africans continues to stir emotions. At the recent Commonwealth meeting in Apia, Samoa, African representatives renewed their calls for reparations. However, King Charles dismissed the demands, and Prime Minister Keir Starmer brushed them aside. This response frustrated African advocates and reignited debates about the relevance of the Commonwealth, especially if it primarily serves to promote the economic interests of the UK as a former colonial power, with Africa as a market for its goods and services.

The UK’s resistance to reparations—unlike Germany, which compensated Israel for the Holocaust—is likely rooted in the immense financial burden such a commitment would impose, especially given the UK’s current economic difficulties.

Nevertheless, Britons, like Americans, have demonstrated commendable inclusivity and liberalism by granting citizens of foreign ancestry equal opportunities to rise to the highest echelons of political power. This inclusive approach could, for now, be seen as a symbolic form of reparation for the UK’s inability to meet Africa’s demands for financial reparations.

In this context, Kemi Badenoch’s rise to prominence—an African woman occupying one of the most significant positions in British politics—offers a powerful symbolic acknowledgment of historical injustices. It reflects the readiness of a former colonizer to atone, in part, for past atrocities such as slavery and the exploitation of Africa’s economic resources. Her potential candidacy for the Prime Minister would reaffirm this gesture of non-financial reparation, serving as a tribute to Africa’s historical exploitation, particularly that of West Africa.

That said, I do not support those in Nigeria who have criticized Badenoch for her disparaging remarks about the country during her bid for Conservative Party leadership. As Otto von Bismarck once said, “Politics is the art of the possible.” This pragmatic view mirrors the boldness that led Bismarck to organize the infamous Berlin Conference of 1884/85, where Africa was partitioned among European powers. The vestiges of this partitioning persist today and are part of the reason the continent remains underdeveloped.

Franklin D. Roosevelt, the 32nd President of the United States, is famously associated with the statement: “In politics, nothing happens by accident.” This highlights that political events and decisions are rarely spontaneous but are typically the result of meticulous planning, strategy, and deliberate manipulation.

Kemi Badenoch’s ambition to become the next Prime Minister of the UK is legitimate, and her approach reflects this aspiration. By aligning herself with the expectations of the British electorate, she has positioned herself as a candidate who embodies British political ideals. However, her portrayal of Nigeria, which has drawn criticism from Nigerians, likely serves to reassure skeptical voters in the UK of her commitment to those ideals—ideals that differ markedly from the political climate in her ancestral home.

Critics who find her comments about Nigeria disparaging may view them as unnecessary, but Napoleon Bonaparte’s assertion that “In politics, absurdity is not a handicap” offers a counterpoint. This underscores the reality that political maneuvering often includes statements or actions perceived as controversial or unconventional.

The ruthless ambition often associated with political pursuits is exemplified by Nicolae Ceaușescu, the former communist leader of Romania, who reportedly declared: “I will sell my mother to buy power. After getting power, I will buy my mother back.” While the literal feasibility of such a claim is questionable, it reflects the unrelenting drive and willingness to sacrifice personal relationships for political gain. Similarly, Ghanaian politician Freddie Blay echoed this sentiment, stating: “I love politics, and I would spend money to win power. If you are not careful, I will even be ready to sell my mother for money to retain my position.”

This stark perspective highlights an inconvenient truth: such a mindset underpins the actions of many politicians globally, particularly in authoritarian systems. Politics, after all, is a game of power and influence, often involving the orchestration of events to achieve specific objectives. While this doesn’t always imply malicious intent, it does illustrate the calculated nature of political strategy. As Groucho Marx wittily observed: “Politics is the art of looking for trouble, finding it everywhere, diagnosing it incorrectly, and applying the wrong remedies.”

From a historical standpoint, Badenoch’s current political strategy in the UK parallels that of Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR), whose rise to the U.S. presidency (1933–1945) was shaped by significant challenges, including the Great Depression and World War II. FDR’s leadership was marked by calculated and strategic decisions, much like Badenoch’s tactical rise to the top of the Tory party as she positioned herself for a shot at the premiership.

As the saying goes: “There is no smoke without fire.”

Badenoch’s seemingly critical stance on Nigeria may be driven by the significant obstacles she faces in her political journey. These include her non-Caucasian identity, which may lead some to question whether her African heritage aligns with British identity. This skepticism is compounded by concerns that her Nigerian background might influence her leadership style if she were to become Prime Minister. Overcoming these challenges requires Badenoch to carefully navigate perceptions and prove her commitment to the ideals and values expected by the British electorate.

Given the unconscious bias her non-Caucasian background might invite, Kemi Badenoch appears to have strategically distanced herself from Nigeria. This move is likely aimed at improving her chances of securing the top political position in the UK—Prime Minister and resident of 10 Downing Street. To achieve this, she has deliberately redefined herself as a quintessential Briton, fully embodying British political ideals and values.

Therefore, Badenoch’s public criticism of Nigeria’s political standards plays into this strategy, enhancing her appeal to the UK electorate who need to be assured that her values as a politician are higher than the typical Nigerian standard. These voters, to whom she must demonstrate her allegiance, are the ones whose support she needs to succeed in her political ambitions—not the Nigerians who have no voting rights in the UK and are criticizing her for not pandering to them.

Given the above reality, it is essential to view Badenoch’s actions through the lens of political survival. She faces significant challenges as she navigates her role as the first Black woman to lead a major political party in the UK. Her situation can even be likened to popular cultural phenomena. For instance, her political journey resembles contestants on the Big Brother reality television show, where individuals use charm, wit, and strategy to outlast competitors and win over audiences to clinch the coveted prize. Similarly, it mirrors the power struggles and scheming seen in Game of Thrones, where characters fight for survival and dominance in a high-stakes, ruthless environment.

Understanding the immense pressures Badenoch faces should prompt Nigerians to support her rather than criticize her. Hence, this intervention aims to provide another point of view (PoV) on the matter. Unfortunately, many Nigerians, despite sharing a common ancestry with her, have been quick to attack her leadership style and political stance. Hopefully, this article will help explain the rationale behind her political posture, which has drawn ire from Nigerians who perceive it as disloyal or unflattering. By recognizing the challenges Badenoch confronts, critics may better understand her choices and judge her more fairly.

Here is your revised text with grammar and spelling corrections, along with adjustments for clarity and readability:

In stark contrast to the criticism Kemi Badenoch has received for not openly embracing her Nigerian heritage, Rishi Sunak, the former UK Prime Minister of Indian descent, enjoyed overwhelming support from both the Indian diaspora in the UK and Indians back home.

1. Distinct Diaspora Dynamics
The Indian diaspora in the UK is larger, more established, and maintains stronger cultural and economic ties to India. In comparison, while the Nigerian community in the UK is growing, it lacks the same level of organization and connection to Nigeria.
2. Nigerian Political Challenges and Skepticism
Nigeria’s history of political instability and corruption has fostered skepticism among its citizens. Consequently, many Nigerians may hesitate to celebrate a politician, especially one who has achieved success within a foreign political system.
3. Limited Connection or Representation
Unlike Rishi Sunak, who openly embraces and celebrates his Indian heritage, Kemi Badenoch has not prominently highlighted her Nigerian roots and has even downplayed them. Her apparent reluctance, possibly influenced by Nigeria’s challenges, may contribute to the lack of enthusiasm among Nigerians.
4. Divergent Expectations from Diaspora Figures
Nigerians tend to focus on the tangible contributions their diaspora representatives make toward Nigeria’s development rather than celebrating individual achievements abroad. This difference in priorities may explain the muted reception to Badenoch’s political ambitions.
5. Media Portrayal and Controversy
The role of social and traditional media can not be ignored. Badenoch’s controversial remarks about Nigeria have sparked significant backlash, with media platforms amplifying these sentiments and shaping public opinion.

In Conclusion

Rishi Sunak and Kemi Badenoch (if she becomes Prime Minister) will not be the first politicians from minority backgrounds to lead the UK. Several British Prime Ministers have had diverse ancestries:
• William Pitt the Younger: Born in England, he became Prime Minister at the age of 24 and had Irish ancestry through his father, a British politician.
• Benjamin Disraeli: An English-born Prime Minister whose father was an Italian immigrant.
• Harold Wilson: Born in England, Wilson’s father, a chemist, had Scottish roots.

Kemi Badenoch, an African of Nigerian heritage, could similarly rise to lead the UK, following the precedent set by these figures.

Some critics might attempt to frame her success as “reverse colonialism.” However, she will not be the first minority from a former colony to rule the UK. Like Nigeria, India was colonized by Britain, and Rishi Sunak served as UK Prime Minister for two years (2022–2024) without significantly favoring Indians or enriching India. This demonstrates that such fears are baseless.

As Badenoch appears to have a strong chance of becoming the next UK Prime Minister, Nigerians should refrain from actions or criticisms that could undermine her ambitions.

To Kemi Badenoch, my advice is simple: remain composed (translated in Yoruba as fara-bale). Although you are British, your umbilical cord is still tied to Nigeria, and you will need the blessings of Nigerians as you ascend to the highest office in your current country of citizenship.

I join others in wishing her, as well as other politicians of Nigerian heritage, climbing the political ladders in their respective countries, the best of luck as they pursue their dreams of becoming Prime Ministers or Presidents.

The piece reproduced here was written and published several weeks ago, on November 26, to be precise, and it remains relevant today as Vice President Kashim Shettima's comment has re-ignited the cataclysm.

Some things are better left in line with the conventional dictum: “Let sleeping dogs lie.” because Nigeria has everything to lose if we keep dredging up and keeping alive old negative news in the public space.

Kemi Badenoch is the least of Nigeria’s problems right now. Our leaders should try to excite Nigerians with the seemingly good news that the ice is thawing concerning the cost-of-living crisis. This may be evidenced by the gradual drop in petrol pump prices, positive signs in the naira-to-dollar exchange rate, improvements in our foreign exchange reserves in the CBN, increased crude oil production, reduced crude oil theft by international syndicates hitherto siphoning oil by rupturing pipelines just as there have been significant security improvements, which National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu and General Chris Musa, Chief of Defense Staff, have been highlighting.

My plea is that let’s stop being nihilistic embrace the ideology of life and let's live.

As I advised Mrs. Badenoch, in my earlier intervention, in politics, it is better to be inclusive than exclusive. Hence you can not afford to ostracize yourself through alienation. Having made your point, you must tone down your rhetoric so that you can earn the goodwill of Africa-Uk voters who you will need when you are allowed to contest for the UK premiership.

Justifiably, you are not like other minorities such as Rishi Sunak, who served as the UK’s Prime Minister without disparaging India, or Barack Obama, who became the US President without making negative comments about Kenya while pursuing his ambitions. The truth is that Sunak and Obama certainly did not have the type of traumatic experiences that you’ve cited as defining your perception of Nigeria. But that does not justify stigmatizing your ancestral country.

So you will be relieved if you eschew bitterness and try to exorcise yourself of the sordid memories of Nigeria driving your angst. Most importantly, you need to free your mind and stay focused on your goal of becoming the next Prime Minister of the UK, and by God's grace, your dream will materialize.

And don’t forget: if you succeed, you will still need Nigeria.

Magnus Onyibe
Entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.

To continue with this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng.

In a world where representation matters, two Nigerians, Kemi Badenoch and Ademola Lookman, stand as symbols of success on different stages. However, the paths they have carved out offer distinct lessons about identity, ambition, and the diverse definitions of what it means to represent Nigeria.

To explanatorily put the forgoing in its contextual perspective, it is not a misnomer to recall that Kemi Badenoch, a British Conservative politician, who currently serves as the UK Secretary of State for Business and Trade was born in Wimbledon, London, to Nigerian parents and raised partially in Lagos, has risen to prominence in a system where diversity in leadership has historically been limited.

Badenoch has consistently emphasized her Nigerian roots, recounting childhood experiences in Lagos and her journey through British society. However, her alignment with conservative policies, especially on issues like immigration and race relations, has often sparked debates. While some criticize her for what they perceive as a detachment from the struggles of immigrants and minorities, others celebrate her as a trailblazer breaking barriers in the highest echelons of British politics.

 

Her trajectory underscores the power of adaptability and the importance of navigating complex systems with strategic finesse. Badenoch’s story inspires Nigerians to see the global stage as an arena where their voices can influence policies and narratives.

Yet, this success comes with complexities. Her critics in Nigeria often question whether her policies align with the hopes and aspirations of her ancestral homeland. While she has occasionally acknowledged her Nigerian heritage, her focus remains firmly on the British electorate, a necessary priority in her role as a UK government official. Her career trajectory highlights the delicate balance many diaspora Nigerians must strike between representing their roots and thriving in adopted nations.

In contrast, Ademola Lookman represents a different brand of Nigerian excellence. Born and raised in England, the talented footballer embraced his Nigerian heritage by switching allegiance from England to Nigeria in international football. This decision was not just a personal choice; it was a statement of pride and connection to his ancestral home.

 

Lookman’s exploits on the pitch, including his impressive performances for Atalanta in Serie A and the Nigerian Super Eagles, have endeared him to fans across the globe. His commitment to representing Nigeria highlights a sense of loyalty that transcends national borders. Lookman’s Nigerian roots are not just a backdrop to his career, they are central to his identity and the choices he has made as an athlete.

A defining moment that showcased Lookman’s pride in his Nigerian heritage was his acceptance speech at the 2024 CAF Awards, where he was named African Player of the Year. In his heartfelt speech, Lookman spoke in Yoruba language, as he thanked his fans, teammates, and the Nigerian Football Federation. This moment resonated deeply with Nigerians, who saw in Lookman’s words a reflection of their collective pride and resilience.

His ability to exert his “Nigerianese” on such a global stage is a testament to his understanding of what it means to be Nigerian in today’s interconnected world. Unlike many diaspora athletes who often shy away from overt displays of their heritage, Lookman embraced it fully, cementing his place as a cultural and sporting ambassador for Nigeria.

 

While Badenoch’s journey reflects a narrative of breaking ceilings in global politics, Lookman’s story is one of embracing grassroots connections. Badenoch works within the framework of British society, often prioritizing her adopted nation’s interests over her Nigerian heritage. In contrast, Lookman’s decision to play for Nigeria is a deliberate act of embracing his roots and contributing to the nation’s identity on the global stage.

The differences between Badenoch and Lookman’s approaches to their Nigerian heritage are striking. Badenoch’s Nigerian roots often appear as a footnote in her political narrative, while Lookman places his heritage front and center. Badenoch’s success demonstrates how Nigerians can thrive in international systems by assimilating and excelling within established structures. On the other hand, Lookman’s career highlights the power of cultural pride and the importance of connecting with one’s origins, even in the face of global challenges.

Both Badenoch and Lookman teach important lessons. Badenoch reminds us that Nigerians can compete and excel in any sphere, even at the highest levels of global governance. Her story is one of courage and resilience in a demanding political landscape. On the other hand, Lookman’s choice teaches the value of loyalty and the importance of reconnecting with one’s heritage, even when it might not guarantee personal glory or convenience.

 

Their stories also reveal the different ways Nigerians can contribute to national and global narratives. Badenoch’s influence lies in shaping policies that, while primarily benefiting Britain, still position Nigerians as capable leaders in global arenas. Lookman’s impact, meanwhile, is felt more directly by Nigerians who see him as a source of national pride and a representative of their collective aspirations.

The dichotomy between Kemi Badenoch and Ademola Lookman’s experiences also highlights the broader question of how the Nigerian diaspora can best represent their heritage. Should success be measured by one’s ability to influence global systems, as Badenoch does, or by one’s commitment to directly uplifting and connecting with their roots, as Lookman exemplifies? Perhaps the answer lies in a combination of both approaches, leveraging global platforms to create meaningful change while staying deeply connected to one’s heritage.

Like Kemi Badenoch, Nigerians can dare to dream big, stepping into global arenas with confidence and purpose. Unlike Ademola Lookman, some might choose to prioritize external influence over local connection. Yet, both paths hold valuable lessons for Nigerians navigating their roles in an increasingly interconnected world.

 

Ultimately, whether in politics or sports, these individuals showcase the extraordinary potential of Nigerians to excel, inspire, and make a difference, both at home and abroad. As Badenoch shapes policies that affect millions and Lookman continues to thrill fans with his prowess on the pitch, they remind us that there is no single path to success. What matters most is staying true to one’s values, embracing one’s identity, and making a lasting impact, wherever one’s journey leads.

Kemi Badenoch, Britain’s Leader of  Conservative Party and the leader of Opposition, while recently reflecting on her challenges of growing up in Lagos in the eighties had  described Nigeria  as a country  plagued by “fear, insecurity, and corruption”, a comment VP Kashim Shettima, groomed in an environment where leaders play the ostrich, found offensive. He therefore choose the event highlighting the contributions of Nigerian immigrants to national development in Abuja last week not only to acknowledge the Nigerian government’s pride in Badenoch’s achievements, but also to remind her of her right to remove the Kemi from her name instead of denigrating Nigeria.

Kemi Badenoch has since come under severe attack from all manners of self-proclaiming patriots and self-serving media platforms. But sure-footed Badenoch is not going to be intimidated by those who have chosen to play the ostrich instead of addressing the problems bedevilling Nigeria. She is therefore standing by her words.

“I tell the truth. I tell it like it is. I am not going to couch my words”, she added

Badenoch’s greatest advantage is that for her political socialization, she went through parents who as medical doctors bothered only about their patients without losing sleep over the larger society and her challenges. That she is believed to be on the right-wing of the Conservative Party should therefore not surprise anyone. That she was at 16 exposed to British “political culture whose components are “values, beliefs and emotional attitudes about how government ought to be conducted” (Samuel Beer) prepared her for her choice of politics as a career at 25.

Those  accusing her of singing one creed when she needed Nigerian voters at constituency level and another now that she has an ambition beyond leadership of her Conservative Party, should understand Badenoch is a political genius who knows how to make a choice that will not lead to future regret when faced with environmental limitations. She must be given credit for knowing how to exploit both her psychological and operational environments to her own advantage (Sprout and Sprout Journal of Conflict resolution1 (1957). The truth is that Kemi Badenoch did not achieve what many see as a miracle by accident. She came fully prepared.

 

British political culture coupled with her “very tough upbringing as a middle class living in a house in Lagos with no running water or electricity,” accounts for her strong character and readiness to fight her own battles.

As a Shadow Secretary for Housing Communities and Local Government, she publicly criticised Rishi Sunak and Suella Braverman.  It was also claimed she had a confrontation with Canada over Canadian demands to lift the ban on hormone treated beef being sold to UK consumers.  In July 2024, The Guardian reported at least three officials working under Badenoch felt “pushed out” by “bullying and traumatising” behaviour, claims Badenoch denied and described as smears from former staff.

She has made her choice between Nigeria and Britain. “Our country” she once declared, “is not a dormitory for people to come here and make money. It is our home. Those we chose to welcome, we expect to share our values and contribute to our society. British citizenship is more than having a British passport but also a commitment to the UK and its people.” Sunday Telegraph- September 2024

Accusing Badenoch of unpatriotic behaviour therefore as some media platforms that falsely swear in the name of patriotism have tried to do long after declaring her loyalty to another country is to stand logic on its head. But we do understand “patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrels’ as argued by Samuel Johnson back in 1775. Nothing can be more paradoxical than the fact that those today swearing in the name patriotism yesterday served as promoters of Dele Farotimi, who as a leading light of the ‘Obidients’, a euphemism for an unquestioning group, went to US where he recklessly declared before an audience albeit without proof that “as I stand before you, a convicted drug baron is about to be sworn as president of my country”.

Noisy but empty activists and their promoters perhaps need a lesson in patriotism by America that recently elected a man who on account of over 36 convictions including corruption, women abuse, tax evasion, insurrection etc can be best described as a crook.

But back to Badenoch’s thesis. Was Nigeria under a siege between 1983 and 1999? The answer is yes to Lagosians except those below 35 years of age who were misled by their sponsors and some media platforms to visit violence on government and private properties in Lagos

Between 1984 and 1999, neither Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Gbolahan Mudashiru Marwa nor Olagunsoye Oyinlola had answer to insecurity in Lagos. Lagos in the words of Badenoch “was a place where almost everything seemed broken”; “there was no freedom either, the government deciding which school your child would go to, deciding what businesses could or could not operate all the way to arrests with no trial, state-sanctioned murder”.

 
 

She was right about “destructive government policies” including Babangida’s commercialization policies through which most of our public enterprises were sold at next to nothing to military fronts and Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) which opened our market to importation of manufactured goods which sounded the death knell of our budding industries, the collapse of our naira which marked the beginning of ‘japa’ syndrome of our educated youths.

Badenoch’s only error was describing the confusion as socialism. If anyone was practicing socialism at all, it is Britain that has in response to Karl Max prediction that capitalism carries within it enough contradiction to lead to its implosion, introduced welfare policies for the most vulnerable of their citizens.

But we have Badenoch to thank for bringing the past to pain because our youths who were denied the opportunity to study history do not understand where the rain started to beat us. Like it is in the north, where the almajiris are mere disposable instruments of political bargaining, Lagos’ urban immigrants are canon fodders in the war against their Lagos host that give them succour.

While it is true that many of the Lagos State developmental projects from rail line to General Hospital in all LGAs were the brainchild of Jakande, contrary to claims by revisionists posing as journalists, change of fortune for Lagos did not come until after 1999 when Bola Tinubu started clearing refuse dumps that enveloped Lagos, earning the city the description of ‘the dirtiest city in the world’.

There was also general insecurity as Badenoch had pointed out. Lagos residents were routinely attacked in broad day light on Oshodi bridge, and Ketu bridge while Mile Two and Okokomaiko were no-go areas after 7pm. It was Bola Tinubu who found answer to insecurity challenges that defied Marwa’s heroic efforts and rehabilitation of collapsed Lagos roads Oyinlola could not find bitumen to mend.

Let me share my own personal experience with you dear readers. I live in an estate not too far from Lagos State Secretariat.  It is not unusual to see through your window as many as 15 AK-47 wielding robbers some nights. There was in fact particular house down the street said to belong to Senator Chuba Okadigbo’s friend that was under periodic attack. The poor man, with a small stature had to be kept inside a water tank by his wife the last time they came.

And when they came for me, I was left with nothing except the boxer I was wearing and my lacerated palms I was using to wade off machete attack aimed at my head while my wife and I were on our knees. A neighbour we fondly call Emir in the estate came to give me something to wear the following morning. The massive alarm machine Marwa encouraged us to procure from Lagos State and mounted on our building was useless when the marauders came calling

I was tempted to flee like many of my neighbours. But I was held back by the pains of going to procure cement directly from West African Portland Cement, going to buy sand in Alapere, going to Nigerite to negotiate rebate for roofing sheets with Yemisi Shyllon and following Engineer Bella to Ijebu Ode to buy planks.

My family weathered the storm but my children who often woke up at the slightest sound in the night, like Badenoch, bore the scars.

Tinubu brought sanity back to Lagos in 1999.  For us in my estate, all he did was taking government off our back by creating LDAs for us. I think we got two armed police men. Residents taxed themselves by contributing money to procure transformers and to tar some of the inner roads. Heaven as they say helps those who help themselves. Today our estate is one of the most peaceful in Lagos.

Except anti-Tinubu and anti-Lagos sponsored EndSARS vandals and the Obidient children of hate and anger, those of us who live here since the eighties long before most of them were born or came as fortune seekers, are aware that the foundation of today’s peaceful and prosperous Lagos with network of roads, fly-overs, General Hospitals in all Local Government Areas, the Atlantic City, the blue and red rail lines were laid between 1999 and 2007. These are facts revisionist posing as journalists cannot change.

 

A new dawn may be in the horizon for Nigeria-South Africa relations. Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, during her closing remarks at the ministerial session of the 11th Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission in Cape Town, South Africa, requested for South Africa’s support for Nigeria’s bid to attain full membership in the G20 – the grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, BRICS, and the New Development Bank – a multilateral development bank established by the BRICS states. Nigeria is also seeking South Africa’s support for leadership roles in thematic discussions of interest under South Africa’s G20 presidency, which officially began on December 1, 2024. 

The G20 or Group of 20, founded in 1999, is an intergovernmental forum comprising 19 sovereign countries, the European Union, EU, and the African Union, which works to address major issues related to the global economy. The sovereign states of the G20 alone (excluding the EU and AU) account for around 85 per cent of gross world product, GWP, 75 per cent of international trade, 56 per cent of the global population, and 60 per cent of the world’s land area. When the EU and the AU are included, the G20 comprises 78.9 per cent of global population and 83.9 per cent of global CO2 emissions from fossil energy.

BRICS, formerly called BRIC, until South Africa was included in the group in 2010, is an intergovernmental organisation currently made up of nine countries – Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the United Arab Emirates. It is now more popularly known as BRICS+ after the admission of new members during its 15th summit in August 2023.  BRICS institutions are considered an alternative to institutions such as those led by nations of the G7 bloc. Combined, the BRICS members encompass about 30 per cent of the world’s land surface and 45 per cent of the world’s population. All the five members (before the August 2023 expansion), are members of the G20, with a combined nominal GDP of US$28 trillion (about 27per cent of the gross world product), a total GDP (PPP) of around US$65 trillion (35per cent of global GDP PPP), and an estimated US$5.2 trillion in combined foreign reserves. 

 

As the only African member of both the G20, and the BRICS (until the August 2023 expansion which brought in Ethiopia and Egypt), membership in these groups give South Africa tremendous visibility at the tables where some of the most important global economic decisions are taken. South Africa also successfully hosted the World CUP in 2010 and equally successfully hosted the 15 BRICS summit in August 2023.  In the same 2023, South Africa led a high-powered African delegation that included Egypt, Senegal, Congo-Brazzaville, Comoros, Zambia, and Uganda and met both Presidents Zelensky of Ukraine and Putin of Russia with a 10-point proposal to end the Russo-Ukraine war.

Though the delegation received lukewarm reception from both the Ukrainian and Russian Presidents, it was probably the first time that Africans had the confidence to try to broker peace for warring European nations.  The effort alone was an indication that South Africa is becoming a major player not just in economic affairs (as indicated by its membership of both the G-20 and BRICS) but also in the political arena.

Perhaps because of the above, there has been a sort of Cold War between Nigeria and South Africa since the end of Apartheid in South Africa in 1994. Elsewhere I called the attitude of some Nigerians to South Africa’s economic and political successes as ‘South African envy’.  Such Nigerians wrongly see South Africa as usurping the roles that should belong to their country. This sense of entitlement comes to the fore very often when Nigerian leaders speak. Nigerian leaders also never fail to remind anyone who cares to listen of the country’s contributions towards the end of the Apartheid regime in South Africa, forgetting that in international relations, the respect a country commands is not dependent on its past benevolence but on the current leverages it brings to the table.  

Besides a certain entitlement for its contributions in the fight against Apartheid in South Africa, Nigerians often boast of their population and mineral resources. For instance, in responding to the disparaging remarks against Nigeria by Kemi Badenoch, the leader of Britain’s Conservative party, whose parents are Nigerians, Vice President Shettima boasted that “the greatest Black nation on earth is the nation called Nigeria.”.  He further boasted:  “One out of every three, four Black men is a Nigerian and by 2050, Nigeria will surpass the United States, and will be the third most populous nation on earth.” 

Unfortunately many Nigerians – like VP Shettima – seem to wrongly believe that having a big population, on its own, is necessarily evidence of global power. It is not. What, if one may ask, was the population of Britain at the time when it had the British empire from 1583 – 1997? The British Empire governed over 458 million people which was about 20 per cent of the world’s population and controlled 33,670 square kilometres which covered over 25 per cent of the Earth’s land area.

Remarkably the UK’s population at that time was a mere 43 million people. Have we ever heard China, with a population of 1.411 billion people (as of 2023) or India with a population of 1.429 (as of 2023), boasting of its population? It is the same  sense of entitlement when we boast of our natural resources, essentially our oil and gas resources, forgetting that these, on their own, cannot make any country great and therefore cannot be a valid metric for our sense of entitlement. In any case almost every other African country is now also an oil-producing country. 

In essence, when Nigeria requested for South Africa’s assistance for its bid to attain full membership in the G20, BRICS, and the BRICS’ New Development Bank, and for it to be given leadership roles in thematic discussions of interest under South Africa’s G20 presidency, it is literally coming down from its high horse. By implicitly accepting South Africa’s leadership role in the continent, it makes it easier for collaboration between the two countries. And there is nothing to be ashamed of about it. America was a British colony and fought a bitter war of independence from Britain from April 19, 1775 – September 3, 1783. Today, Britain and the US are very close allies, with Britain accepting American leadership in recognition of the current realities and global configuration of power. If Britain had clung to the fact that America was once its colony and therefore deserved to be respected as the leader, that collaboration and alliance wouldn’t have been possible.

Perhaps the new tacit acceptance of South African leadership by Nigeria paved the way for the remarkably conciliatory speech by South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, on the occasion of the South Africa-Nigeria Bi-National Commission on December 3 2024. In his speech, he signalled a willingness to work with Nigeria as partners and even acknowledged the role Nigeria played during the country’s struggle against Apartheid.

“We are two countries united in purpose and vision. We will remain forever grateful to Nigeria for its leading role in the international campaign to end apartheid in South Africa,” he said, and declared that he looked forward to seeing more Nigerian companies investing in South Africa, while announcing a simplified visa process for Nigerian business people to travel to South Africa. Under the simplified visa process, qualified Nigerian business people can be granted a five-year multiple entry visa. Additionally, tourists from Nigeria will be able to apply for a visa without submitting a passport. 

South Africa will also benefit from an improved cooperation with Nigeria. There are over 100 South African businesses in Nigeria, with the leading ones being MTN Group, Shoprite, Multichoice, Standard Bank, Remgro, Pick ‘n Pay Holdings, Clover Industries and Naspers. In contrast there are less than ten registered Nigerian companies in South Africa – not counting churches. Six Nigerian companies invested at least $142m in South Africa between 2008 and 2020, with the Dangote Group and GZI accounting for the lion’s share of the investment. In 2021, Nigeria’s Access Bank acquired South Africa’s Grobank for $60m. 

The Nigerian fintech company, Paystack, and airline, Air Peace, also have imprints in the South African business environment. Several Nigerian businesses have, however, experienced little success in South Africa. Companies in this category include Thisday Group, Arik Air, and Bellview Airlines. Similarly, a raft of South African businesses has in recent years exited Nigeria – from popular supermarket chain, Shoprite Holdings, to the less-known Nampak, Africa’s biggest packaging company. A closer relationship will help the two countries to work around these challenges, including communal level issues affecting Nigerians living in South Africa which has led to episodic attacks in the country against African migrants. 

The bilateral trade between Nigeria and South Africa has also been growing and reached $1.6bn in 2006, up from $16.5m in 1999. Nigeria accounts for over 60% of South Africa’s trade in West Africa, and as of 2020, trade between both countries stood at $2.9bn – with the balance of trade tilting in favour of Nigeria which mostly exports oil to the country. In 2021 Nigerian exports were valued at $2.23bn (mostly from exporting oil products) while South African exports stood at $569m.  Improved relations between the two countries will further boost bilateral trade. 

The crucial question now is whether the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission, will now walk the talk?

It is important to emphasize that just as talents are not evenly distributed in any federation, there is also ‘ethnic socialisation’’ by people who operate from the other side of the moral divide. For instance when we mention drug dealing, credit card fraud, ‘Yahoo Yahoo’, religious fundamentalism, prostitution abroad or militancy, accusing fingers would be pointing in different ethnic directions. This means that despite what the Internet Warriors would want us to believe, no ethnic group should pretend to occupy the moral high-ground or feel better or worse than others.

Seven, while living in Europe I saw myself as an Africanist, and used my publishing firm and my writings to challenge theories or innuendos that maligned Africa or ruled out development and democratic possibilities for the continent. However, as I get older, I tell people that I am no longer an Africanist but a humanist. This is because with age and experience one realises that every race, ethnic group, community and even kindred, is an embodiment of the good, the bad and the really horrible.  As the American writer and historian, James Tuslow Adams, would put it:  “There is so much good in the worst of us, and so much bad in the best of us, that it ill behoves any of us to find fault with the rest of us.”

*Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science at Nasarawa State University, Keffi.

Living life in our beloved country, Nigeria, is unfortunately becoming harder by the day, no thanks to the prevailing and dire circumstances, which include corruption, profligacy, recklessness and the harsh economic realities. The examples of the recent revelation about Dele Farotimi (DF), Yahaya Bello and Betta Edu are clear evidence that Nigeria has more problems with corruption and abuse of office than we realise and admit. And that ignorance or pretence is even more crippling than the corruption that we all worry about.
 
Put succinctly, our outer world mirrors our inside world, and we often find the truth too unpleasant to deal with. Suffice it to say that lawlessness and excesses are what make Nigeria poor and intolerable. We cannot eat our cake and have it; as a people, we desire democracy, rule of law, and human rights. What is happening right now is a consequence of our copy-and-paste doctrine! I am not in the least surprised. This would not happen in China, Singapore, Korea, Taiwan, etc., because their laws are made in accordance with their doctrines, cultures, and traditions and they have strong institutions that ensure that laws apply to all and sundry  irrespective of class or position. 
 
They don't give a damn about any 'Western values' or views. For example, someone like Yahaya Bello would know that he would pay for what he did with his life in China; no debate, and 99% of their people would support it!
 
The contrasting images couldn’t be more telling. On one hand, Dele Farotimi, a fiery activist and vocal advocate for justice, is seen in handcuffs, a symbol of a system that seeks to punish dissent more swiftly than it addresses corruption. On the other hand, Yahaya Bello, the controversial governor of Kogi State, walks freely, exuding an air of invincibility despite numerous allegations of financial mismanagement and political excesses.
 
To build a little context, I crave the indulgence of our esteemed readers to reproduce a short post that I did about the man of the moment, 'DF': A man with nothing to lose, especially if he 'has already lost everything' and is ready to face the consequences of his actions, is the most dangerous to fight. You can see this in Edmond Dantes from “The Count of Monte Cristo.” In my opinion, the man who has nothing to lose is more dangerous, because the man who has everything to lose will not exist. In general, I'd say the man that has nothing to lose has the edge—but it's all dependent on circumstance and the people themselves.
 
As for Betta Edu, who was the former minister of humanitarian affairs, disaster management, and social development ministry (the ministry has since been aptly dubbed 'Disaster Ministry' by Nigerians. No thanks to incessant cases of embezzlement that have bedeviled it since it's creation) until her suspension in January and her official sack recently. Word on the street is that Betta corralled a whopping sum of more than N585m ($640,000; £500,000) of public money meant for the poor into a personal bank account of another government apparatchik.
 
Back to our society, more of this would happen until we realise that we are not Americans, Europeans, or Asians and start the process of establishing laws that serve us. We must reconsider! As a result, the driving force behind the lawlessness of Nigerians is poverty (for robberies and scams especially) and, in general, the state of the country—the corruption and lack of law and order. The same could happen anywhere (and it does anyway).
 
My position is very simple: we cannot change Nigeria by adopting western methodologies. The best oncologist is not the best malaria doctor, and neither can the best cancer medicine treat the mildest yellow fever! For the purpose of emphasis, I have studied our people; they have unique characteristics in the majority, and we cannot assume that what people like us debate or write is what would sway them towards change. 
 
Furthermore, the elites' recklessness is based on their ability to manipulate this massive population that we are not reaching. To get them to act on our side for change, we must develop methods of getting to them, persuading them, and triggering action from them. This would not be an easy task in my opinion.
 
In conclusion, I'd like to use the golden words of Barack Hussein Obama, an American lawyer and politician who served as the 44th president of the United States from 2009 to 2017. Obama once said Africa should strive for strong institutions rather than strong men.
 
Finally, I wish all Nigerians well; both Dele Farotimi and Aare Afe Babalola deserve our sympathy and victory in justice as we search for a better country and seek to build a golden monument from the ruins of yesteryears and the anguish of today.
 
BEST WISHES OF THE SEASON TO ALL OUR COMPATRIOTS.
Last modified on Monday, 16 December 2024 14:33

“Why should the next election be about Tinubu and Atiku again? When is rape enough? For daring to ask those questions, I will be asked to shut up and will be reminded that Atiku and Tinubu are doing with our democracy “things men do.” Their men think they are our husbands, and so, whatever they do with us, we are stuck with them just as Wicker’s world is to Durham Anderson. We wait to see. But, perhaps, more immediate is that in the new year, we need lots of popcorn in our theatre. There will be drama – comedy, tragedy, and a combination of both; a salad bowl of claps and raps”.

Adrian Louis is a witness to what popcorn does in a movie theatre. The American poet’s poems are apparently for Nigeria, a nation in eternal transition: “We gave them corn which, once popped/ into miniature buttered clouds/ gave us the opportunity to watch ourselves: / bloodthirsty, slow-thinking and grunting.”

We need lots of popcorn as we go into the new year. An Atiku Abubakar vs Bola Tinubu spar started last week over where the next president should come from and who the person should be. Tinubu’s man, George Akume, fired the first salvo. He demanded that, “President Tinubu, as a southerner, should be allowed to have a second term, meaning that those eyeing the presidency from the North in 2027 should look beyond that year by waiting till 2031.”

Almost immediately, Tinubu’s ex-friend, ex-(political) bedmate, Atiku Abubakar, came out roaring. He counter-asked that the next president must come from his part of the country, the North, and queried Akume’s sense of justice. “Where, then, does true equity and fairness reside? By the year 2027, the South will have enjoyed 17 years of leadership—eight years under Obasanjo, five years under Jonathan, and four years under Tinubu—while the North will have experienced only 11 years, with Yar’Adua serving three and Buhari eight. This results in a disparity of six years between the North and South, casting a shadow over the balance of power.” That was from Atiku Abubakar.

Tinubu’s man said that Tinubu should be the sole beneficial owner of the future. Atiku spoke about “equity and fairness”. He said “the South will have enjoyed 17 years of leadership…” I read him two, three times and I was tempted to ask him: Did Nigeria start to exist in 1999 when his calculation started? If fairness is the talk, what would have been more equitable than starting our maths from independence, 1960? And, looking forward, why should the future be locked in for just those two lions in our jungle? Why must the future be a continuation of the story of those two who have been major (mis)writers of our democratic story since 1999? Should they forever think all others are stags, food for their lions?

People who reason that way obviously think ‘the lion’s share’ should be for the lions. Aesop, storyteller of antiquity, puts what those two think of us in perspective. The story is reproduced here verbatim as told in folklore:

A long time ago, the Lion, the Fox, the Jackal, and the Wolf agreed to go hunting together, sharing with each other whatever they found.

One day the Wolf ran down a deer and immediately called his comrades to divide the spoil.

Without being asked, the Lion placed himself at the head of the feast to do the carving, and, with a great show of fairness, began to count the guests.

“One,” he said, counting on his claws, “that is myself the Lion. Two, that’s the Wolf, three, is the Jackal, and the Fox makes four.”

He then very carefully divided the meat into four equal parts and said: “I take the first portion because of my title since I am addressed as king; the second portion you will assign to me, since I’m your partner; then because I am the strongest, the third will follow me; and an accident will happen to anyone who touches the fourth.” The other animals kept quiet – they dared not talk, and got nothing for their efforts; the king of the jungle took all the benefits. That is the meaning of might; it is always right. It is also the root of ‘the lion’s share’ as an English expression.

Thomas Grey Wicker was an American political reporter and columnist. He spent a large chunk of his 85 years on earth reporting and writing books. He wrote ‘Facing the Lions’ – a political novel published in 1973. Before then, he wrote ‘The Kingpin’; he wrote ‘The Devil Must’; he wrote ‘The Judgment.’ Then he wrote ‘A Time to Die.’ He wrote many more books, three of them under the pseudonym ‘Paul Connolly.’ But it is to his ‘Facing the Lions’ I turn in discussing Tinubu and Atiku and their ambition to be boss forever. Charmaine Allmon Mosby’s ‘Among the Dog Eaters’, an excellent review of the novel, makes it easy for me to use Wicker here. I encounter in their character Bull Durham Anderson, a political leader who “plays upon the emotions of the masses for power, profit, and place…” and who “does not mind if the ends are contaminated by the means…” Mosby is surprised that the man “frankly admitted misuse of his power, and yet the voters repeatedly returned him to office…” Why? We ask that question here also in Nigeria. The answer may come tomorrow.

This and several other quotes from that novel could well have come from the page of an irreverent Nigerian newspaper columnist: “I’ve known men with good sense otherwise that would swear on the Bible that if (Anderson) stole a dollar he gave ten back in hell to the corporation…” At the man’s death, his son excuses everything he did; he says that his dad was merely “a man like you and me.” Then, he concludes that: “Every vicious thing he did, every law he broke, every man he bought and cheated and ruined, all that power he used for his own ends, the barnyard of corruption he made out of this state – just like it says on there, he was always a man. He did the things men do.”

Why should the next election be about Tinubu and Atiku again? When is rape enough? For daring to ask those questions, I will be asked to shut up and will be reminded that Atiku and Tinubu are doing with our democracy “things men do.” Their men think they are our husbands, and so, whatever they do with us, we are stuck with them just as Wicker’s world is to Durham Anderson. We wait to see. But, perhaps, more immediate is that in the new year, we need lots of popcorn in our theatre. There will be drama – comedy, tragedy, and a combination of both; a salad bowl of claps and raps.

I may well not have indulged in the controversy surrounding Kemi Badenoch’s ill-statement about Nigeria had it remained a discourse among low profile Nigerians. But when I read a piece on her by Bishop Mathiew Hassan Kuka, whom I respect very greatly, I knew the matter has gone up to the highest echelon of the Nigerian society. Bishop Kuka, by all standards, is a highly placed, powerful, respected and influential Nigerian, whose views not only deeply resonate in society but also motivate and mold public opinion at home and abroad. Hence, when I saw his write up expressing his considered thoughts and a prayer on her, and conveying a perspective that I most respectfully do not wholly agree with, I decided to pen down my view as a way of averting people’s minds to another perspective.

  1. While reading Bishop Kukah’s piece extolling Kemi Badenoch’s ascension to the leadership of the United Kingdom’s Conservative Party, one could see how well-meaning and hopeful the erudite clergyman is regarding the first Black leader of Britain’s major political party. However, with all due regards, the respected Bishop’s article omitted to critically evaluate the broader implications of her political trajectory vis~a~vis her controversial disavowal of her Nigerian ancestry. Even though Badenoch’s rise is, indeed, a remarkable feat of political progress, her widely reported comments on Nigeria, characterizing the country in a reductive and dismissive manner, reveal not only a lack of strategic foresight but also an underestimation of the importance of identity in politics.
  2. Surely, Badenoch’s accomplishment is historic, for whatever it is worth. Still, it cannot justify Bishop Kukah’s piece glorifying her status without interrogating the consequences of her rhetoric on Nigeria and the broader African diaspora. I believe it is essential to distinguish between her personal success and the lost opportunity for a more inclusive political narrative that embraces and uplifts her heritage rather than repudiating it. In essence, therefore, my perspective invites a reflection on the responsibility of political leaders to balance personal ambition with the broader implications of their narratives on identity, legacy and global solidarity.
  3. In politics, identity is power. Leaders such as Rishi Sunak in the UK and Barack Obama in the US exemplify how embracing one’s ancestry enhances relatability and strengthens their political narrative. Sunak’s proud acknowledgment of his Indian heritage did not diminish his Britishness but, instead, fortified his position as a symbol of the UK’s multicultural promise. Similarly, Obama’s Kenyan roots became an integral part of his message of hope and global unity, projecting the United States as a melting pot of global identities.
  4. By contrast, Badenoch’s diminutive remarks about Nigeria signify not only a strategic misstep but portrays her poor understanding of politics, especially British politics that she somehow found herself in. Instead of weaving her heritage into a narrative of resilience and aspiration to her advantage, as Obama and Sunak perceptively did, she distanced herself from it, denouncing her ancestral home to a stereotype of corruption, terrorism and dysfunction. This approach, while seemingly pandering to her base, undermines her long-term political credibility. In an increasingly globalized world, where diasporic ties are increasingly becoming vital in politics, Badenoch’s dismissal of her roots alienates potential allies and supporters, and gave the British society a lethal political weapon against her.
  5. Anyone with an elementary knowledge and understanding of British politics will tell that its underlying trait is treachery. From Christopher Cromwell to Keir Starmer, British politics is characterized by its cutthroat pragmatism. Yes, Badenoch’s rise within the Conservative Party is commendable, but it is naïve to assume her ascent will shield her from the entrenched treachery of British political culture. Thus, any romanticization of her accomplishment that ignores this historical pattern of the British political establishment co-opting “outsiders” as symbols of diversity while swiftly discarding them when expedient is a faulty narrative.
  6. Margaret Thatcher and Theresa May, both celebrated female leaders, faced brutal exits orchestrated by their party. Badenoch, as a Black woman and child of immigrants, will face even greater scrutiny. By alienating her ancestral identity, she forfeits the solidarity and moral support that could cushion her inevitable fall from grace. When the treacherous British political knives are out, and they will be soon enough, pilloring her and making reference to her ancestry that she denied, not only Badenoch won’t have any answer to that but she won’t also have a supporting ancestral country. At that time, she will know that she is not English, and won’t ever be. Then she will find herself politically homeless, neither accepted as fully British nor embraced by the Nigerian diaspora she disowned. The massive rejection of Kamala Harris by the conservative white majority of America in last month’s presidential election is a lesson to note.
  7. But respected Bishop Kukah’s argument downplays this significant aspect of Badenoch’s Nigerian roots, suggesting that her critics are motivated by envy or misplaced nationalism. With all respect, this perspective misjudges the symbolic power of ancestry in global politics. Ordinarily, within the framework of current liberal democracy in the West, Badenoch’s background as the child of Nigerian immigrants holds transformative potential for her rise to British Prime Ministership. Her position offers a unique platform to challenge stereotypes about Africa and its diaspora, showcasing the contributions of Nigerians to global progress. But her denigrating views of her ancestral homeland put her out as untrustworthy. Nigeria has many great citizens holding critical global leadership positions who remain proud of their Nigerian heritage, such as Dr. Akinwumi Adesina of AfDB, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala of WTO, Hajia Amina Mohammed of UNO and a host of others holding high elective, appointive and bureaucratic positions across the globe.
  8. Instead of leveraging this potential, Badenoch has chosen not just to distance herself from her heritage but even denigrate it. This decision reflects not strength, but weakness on her part – a poor cognitive ability to recognize the profound interconnectedness of personal identity and political success! By rejecting her roots, Badenoch loses the opportunity to redefine what it means to be British while remaining proudly of Nigerian descent. Though Bishop Kukah posits that Nigeria should rally around Badenoch as a symbol of diasporic excellence, I am afraid her rhetoric does little to inspire such support. Her statements reinforcing negative stereotypes about Nigeria, perpetuating a narrative of dysfunction rather than resilience, suggest that she does not need nor deserve the support of Nigeria and patriotic Nigerians.
  9. Figures like Sunak and Obama succeeded by turning their ancestral identities into assets, celebrating their heritage while advocating for progress. Badenoch’s approach, however, suggests a lack of pride and confidence in her roots, which makes her unfit for public trust even by the British society. Nigeria does not need people who exploit its weaknesses for personal gain but rather those who highlight its potential and advocate for its betterment.
  10. While respected Bishop Kukah’s admiration for Badenoch’s achievements is understandable, his piece overlooks the strategic and moral failings of her approach to identity and politics. True leadership requires not only personal ambition but also the capacity to inspire and uplift others. Badenoch’s disavowal of her Nigerian roots is not merely a personal choice but a political error that undermines her credibility and integrity to give good leadership. In celebrating Badenoch’s rise, let us not miss the opportunity to challenge her to do better – to embrace the complexity of her identity and use her position to advance a more inclusive and representative vision of leadership. Without this, Badenoch’s political legacy will remain a tale of missed opportunities and a betrayal of the very heritage that made her story possible.

From November 25 to 28, 2024, the Katsina State government hosted the annual conference of the National Council for Civil Service Commissions (NCCSC). This is coming on the heel of a hiatus of over ten years. This fact in itself immediately speaks to a significant issue in the ineffectiveness of the gatekeeping function of the civil service commissions in Nigeria. If the body in charge of the gatekeepers has failed for over ten years to adjudicate on their effectiveness or otherwise, it raises a cause for concern. However, the conference theme—“The Role of the Civil Service Commissions in Driving the Renewed Hope Agenda”—signals a readiness of the NCCSC to regain its constitutional function in regulating the affairs of the civil service commissions in Nigeria as a means of getting the public service to function effectively as a mechanism for democratic governance and development effectiveness. 

Apart from my keynote as the chairman of the federal civil service commission (FCSC), three significant technical sessions were also facilitated by distinguished resource persons who are well-versed in the signifiers of the defining challenges that the public service faces from their different vantage points of expertise. Professor Adeola Adenikinju is the president of the Nigerian Economic Society and had been involved in national planning designs, macro-economic policy change management and advisories for decades; Mr Soji Apampa, the founder of the Convention on Business Integrity, had contributed to conversations and praxis in the building of national integrity systems as systemic bulwark in the anti-corruption campaign, and as essential pillar in the values reorientation dimension to national cultural adjustment dynamic; and Prof. Abdullahi Shehu, a professor of criminology, is the former Nigerian ambassador to the Russian Federation, has core expertise in capacity building on anti-corruption policies and mechanisms; promoting integrity as vital component of governance and institutional reforms, and anti-money laundering and terrorism financing. Between the three of them, they highlighted several fundamental issues. First, there is the critical role that the civil servants must play in deploying transparency, accountability, professionalism and innovation in facilitating the efficient and effective implementation of the key priority areas of the Renewed Hope Agenda of the Tinubu administration.   

In my keynote, I laid a fundamental emphasis on the transformation of the CSCs as the ultimate game changing agent that is committed to a renewed governance partnership with the government through the institutional reform of the public service. And the objective of this reform is to achieve the re-institution of a professionalized, competency-based, meritocratic, and efficient value institution in Nigeria through the effective monitoring of the constitutional gatekeeping mandate. This demand that the CSCs be capacitated sufficiently to facilitate, in the shortest possible time, the emergence of a new generation of public managers who are patriotically committed to the reconstitution of the public service for effective and efficient service delivery in Nigeria. This will demand, within the framework of the renewed governance partnership, the establishment of performance contract with the employees of the MDAs, and a service compact with the communities of service and practice of public administration in Nigeria, as well as with the Nigerian citizenry. This compact will instigate the generation of flagship reform and service initiatives, change programmes, peer review platforms and learning events that will likely keep the various CSCs of the federation engaged all year round. 

A brief historical excursion will throw into broad relief the emergence of the civil service commission as the handmaiden of the British government in ensuring the institutional sanitation of the British civil service as the fulcrum of meritocratic efficiency. It will also firmly ground the significant relevance of the Katsina Declaration as a critical watershed in getting the CSCs to gatekeep the vocational significance of the civil service in making the Renewed Hope Agenda crucial for the betterment of Nigerians. Through its evolution from the ancient pharaonic Egyptian society to the monarchy in Britain, it had been difficult for public administration, or the appointment of public servants, to be divorced from the whims of the king or the emperor. Indeed, the Crown deployed the civil service as a system of patronage that is, of course, determined by political consideration and ridden by corruption. It is a system that flouts the politics-administration distinction which is meant to separate between politics and administrative matter for a meritocratic administrative efficiency. However, by the time the Magna Carta had been crafted in the 13th century, there was already a growing need to separate politics and administration, and orient the status of the civil servants on the state and not the Crown. 

Much later, and specifically in 1782, some series of economic reform programmes were initiated to effectively deal with the system of royal patronage and decrease the influence of the King on the legislature. Even though this reform had a political motive, its unintended consequence on administration was the emergence of an efficient and non-political civil service. In other words, as the officials who were gradually removed from political activities became more non-political, they also increasingly became more permanent. It then became increasingly impossible for any of these administrators to lose their positions on political grounds. The early eighteenth-century Britain therefore began to see the gradual rise of non-party officials who remain in place when government changes. This led to the second reason that facilitated the separation between politics and administration. As administration was consolidating its autonomy, politics was equally becoming more complex for a minister to ever think of combining it with administrative activities. 

It was at this period that the term “civil servants”, as opposed to the military servants deployed by the East India Company, was first used in India. By this time, it was already settled that a permanent civil service could only be secured by the establishment of a security of tenure for public servants. On the other side of the Atlantic in the United States, the Pendelton Act of 1883 was promulgated to undermine the spoil system which made political patronage the basis of recruitment into the service. The Act recognized the significance of competitive examinations as the basis for ensuring merit in the recruitment of civil servants. It was founded on three specific objectives: (a) the use of competitive examinations for admission into public service; (b) provided job security for public employees; (c) prohibited political activity by the civil service; and (d) encouraged a non-partisan approach to an employee selection

However, by 1854 two very significant reform reports were submitted that would transform the administrative efficiency of the British civil service and redeem its status as a noble vocation. The Report on the Indian Civil Service and the Northcote-Trevelyan Report were both meant to safeguard the system against recruitment practices that will undermine the relevance and utility of the civil service for the British government. The Report on the Indian Civil Service was meant to institute specific intellectual tests which will constitute the moral standard for cultivating unique qualities—“industry, self-denial, a taste for pleasure, not sensual, a laudable desire for honorable distinction, a still more laudable desire to obtain the approbation of friends and relations”—that will stand the civil servants out as public spirited and professional.  

On the other hand, the Northcote-Trevelyan Report is even more revealing. In specific terms, the Report was based on four basic premises:

  • Recruitment into the Civil Service should be by open competitive examination, the examinations would be conducted by an independent Civil Service Board who would ensure that entry into the service would be entirely on the basis of merit.
  • Entrants should not be recruited for life into a specific department but would enter a Home Civil Service that would facilitate inter-departmental staff transfers. Civil servants, therefore, would need to have had a general education and to be generalist rather than specialist in their knowledge and experience.
  • Recruits would be segregated at entry into a hierarchical structure of grades, ranging from the lowest (mechanical) level of clerical officers, only capable of simple routine task, up to the most elevated (intellectual) administrative level which would provide the ranks of senior civil servants who exist to assist and guide ministers in the formulation and administration of policy.
  • Promotion ought only to be on the basis of merit and should not be on the ground of preferment, patronage, purchase or simple length of service (Pilkington, 1999: 19).

These two reports inaugurated the emergence of the civil service commission in Britain. There are two implications for the civil service system in the Commonwealth that inherited the British administrative system. The first is the understanding of the politics-administration dynamics that specifies the relationship between the minister and the civil servants. In other words, the CSC becomes the institutional mechanism that would ensure that the civil service system retain its objective of producing intelligent, efficient and effective public servants that would be able to help implement government policies. The second implication is the emergence of the cadre system which ensures that entry into the civil service is gained through competitive examinations. This served as the basis for the establishment of a generalist class—administrative, executive and clerical—as the administrative echelon of the civil service system in a descending hierarchical order of responsibilities and qualifications. 

If, as it has become clear from the bureau-pathology of the civil service in Nigeria (and the various technical sessions at the Conference), that we have not kept faith with the founding mandate that inaugurated the CSC as the gatekeeping mechanism for constantly reinventing the civil service as a noble calling, how do we then commence that reform? What are the fundamental next steps to be taken in pushing the CSCs in the right reform directions? The ultimate objective is the restoration of the CSC as the efficient gatekeeper for professionalism and service integrity enabled by a constitutional mandate to serve as the defender and protector of a merit system grounded on a competency-based human resource management practices in the civil service

Six fundamental steps are possible to get the CSCs in Nigeria to this ultimate objective. One: there is the need to professionalize the CSC secretariat so as to capacitate it as the core change space for resolving all human resource and other related issues concerning the public administration profession in Nigeria. Two: there is the correlated urgency to modernize the processes and services of the secretariat through continuing digitization that will enable it to eliminate barriers to creativity and innovation in the service delivery mandate of the public service. Three: the various CSCs need to review and upgrade the guidelines for appointment, promotion and discipline in the civil services, as well as reinforce the standard operating procedures across the various CSCs as a mean of guiding against the incidences of sharp practices, the politicization of staff career management, and the enforcement of strict compliance with the rules of law and the constitutional order in all operations. With regard to promotion, there is the need, for instance, to institute a performance-based promotion system rooted in competency and project-based assessments. 

Four: it is also imperative to undertake a comprehensive review of the CSC’s delegated powers to the MDAs in terms of operational guidelines with a view to strengthening oversight, compliance and enforcement. Five: it becomes imperative that all CSCs must strategically collaborate with their respective heads of service to undertake and facilitate the value audit of the civil service that will achieve the objective of enforcing discipline in terms of the code of conduct and code of ethics of the civil service. This will be to articulate a cultural adjustment programme and value reorientation of the civil service as a noble calling. Six: the CSCs must embark on studies to profile changes and transformations in the emerging new public service, especially in terms of the new normal demanded by COVID-19 transformation of the workplace, the increasing changes enforced in the nature of administrative processes due to new digital technologies and artificial intelligences, and the peculiar sociological imperatives of emergence of the Gen Z and Gen Alpha and their impact on the nature of work. This new normal articulates urgent administrative measures that are demanded for situating the public service within the urgency of relevance for the fourth and fifth industrial revolutions. Seventh and finally: each CSC must align these new reform directions and imperatives with their implications for industrial relations. The plan must be to shift the focus away from the adversarial to developmental labour activism and relations that make possible sustainable change agenda in the public sector.          

Setting out on these reform directions requires specific reform strategies and focus of implementation. It demands, in other words, change management requirements that are specific for getting the CSCs up to speed in its intent of achieving its constitutional role as the powerhouse for the enforcement of merit-based competency in the civil service. The NCCSC Conference threw up lots of strategic reconsiderations that promise significant reform rewards—in terms of facilitating the “Katsina Declaration”—for advancing the effectiveness and efficiency of the civil service in Nigeria as a world class institution for backstopping democratic governance and the Renewed Hope Agenda of the Tinubu administration.  

One fundamental and pressing business the Conference threw up which has an overarching impact on not only firming the rearticulation of the public service as a new institutional brand—as a vocational calling—is the urgency of promulgating a Public Service Act as a legal tool for codifying the instrumental efficiency of civil service governance and operations. The need for the Act derives from the argument that the inherited administrative codes such as public service rules, financial regulation, guideline on administrative procedures, etc., which have their deep roots in the British unwritten constitution tradition, have become outdated, especially in the light of contemporary postcolonial realities in Nigeria. This is also more so that the British that bequeathed this administrative tradition has evolved beyond it to enact numerous legislations for the governance of the public service. 

This Public Service Act also has deep implication for strategically revisiting the staffing requirements of the civil service, but specifically that of the CSCs. This speaks, for instance, first to the generalist framework that constitutes the CSC secretariats’ skills set. This framework grossly limits the CSCs and their problem-solving capacity to resolve various career management issues involving staff. This is further complicated by the high turnover rate and other challenges associated with staffing the CSC from the civil service common pool. The next strategic consideration derives from the urgency of digitization and automation that must be the basis of modernizing the CSCs’ critical operations. Recruitment, for example, requires online application portals that are back-ended by effective databases. Promotion also demands online recalibration in terms of accreditation and CBT assessments. Discipline and appeals can be fast tracked through the deployment of software that tracks reports, cases and processes. 

Civil service commissions will need to capacitated to be much more effective and efficient within the context of available funds and resourcing frameworks. The FCSC and the state CSC will therefore need to become creative in sourcing for a range of technical supports to raise funds that will enable critical studies. 

  • First, there is the need to reinvent the CSC founding mandate to deepen guidelines that undergird merit in entry-level assessment and to infuse better contents and standards to, for instance, review quality of the syllabi and questions in the computer-based tests at promotion exams. 
  • Second, the CSCs need to deepen the guidelines for grounding the application of the federal character policy on merit and meritocratic parameters in the recruitment process. 
  • Third, the CSCs need to initiate diagnostic studies to unravel the structural bottlenecks hindering career progression of officers as mean by which to reinvent manpower planning, manpower forecasting and succession planning that articulate a better framework for monitoring the size and growth of service through internal management controls.

Lastly, the Katsina Declaration emphasized the need to keep the modernizing imperative in sight through the constant organization of seminar events, both virtual and physical, that keep the attention of the CSCs firmly on new and emerging trends and global practices in human resource practices that keep the Commissions on their toes in terms of their constitutional mandate in the new administrative normal.

The Katsina Declaration constitutes another turning point, and a crucial one at that, in facilitating the reawakening of the CSCs to their constitutional mandate. And this is even more fundamental at this period when the Tinubu administration really demands that the civil service regain its effectiveness to be able to translate the policies of government into dividends of democratic governance.  

 

 

 

        







 

I first met Prince Billy Gillis-Harry in September last year. Both of us had taken the United Nigeria morning flight from Abuja to Port Harcourt, from where I would proceed by road to Yenagoa, Bayelsa State for the quarterly Standing Committee meeting of the Nigerian Guild of Editors. While we waited for our luggage on arrival in Port Harcourt, we exchanged pleasantries and discussed the Petroleum Retail Outlet Owners Association of Nigeria, PETROAN, a name I got to know for the first time that day. The moment he learnt I was travelling through PH, he started playing the host and eventually offered to take me to the popular Rumuokoro Park where he ensured I got a cab to Yenagoa.

It would take a whole year before we met again, this time at the national headquarters of PETROAN in Garki, Abuja. I had followed the unfolding events in the nation’s oil industry, especially the challenges posed by the abrupt removal of subsidy by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on 29th May, 2023 and how the industry and the people have grappled with the challenges it imposed on them. More importantly, I had more than a passing interest in the manner PETROAN which Gillis-Harry leads as National President has responded to the issue, emerging as a major player in the downstream oil industry, especially in the efforts to avert scarcity and ensure effective nationwide distribution of products.

Though PETROAN boasts a membership of over 7,000, not much is known of its activities. In a sector where retail outlet owners, in most cases, do not own the marketing franchises that operate in their outlets, their role in the industry has been marginal. However, at a period akin to a national economic crisis, they have suddenly emerged as the link to efficient distribution of petroleum products across Nigeria, thereby addressing longstanding challenges in the country’s energy sector.

Events of the penultimate week stimulated my interest in the organization and necessitated another meeting between Gillis-Harry and I, this time at the association’s headquarters in Abuja. Our discussion centred on the landmark purchase deal the association sealed with Dangote Refinery after the meeting with the management, led by the Managing Director, Mr. Devakumar V. G. Edwin on Monday 2nd December, 2024. Four days later, on 6th of December 2024, the group was hosted to another meeting by the Group Managing Director of the NNPC Limited, Engr Mele Kyari in his Abuja office where both parties also reached an agreement to facilitate seamless distribution of petroleum products across the country, going forward.

Dr Gillis-Harry, who spearheaded those strategic partnerships and led the PETROAN negotiation team to both collaborative meetings, deserves commendation. To recognize the need for collaboration to tackle fuel distribution inefficiencies, is visionary; to initiate discussions with key industry stakeholders which culminated in those groundbreaking agreements with Dangote Refinery and NNPCL, two of the largest entities in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, is no mean feat. Though he declined to make public the business terms and conditions, the fact remains that the general public will ultimately be the beneficiaries of any such deals, as it concerns product availability and affordability.

I didn’t know much of Prince Billy Gillis-Harry and PETROAN. Much of what I knew were connected to his past activities as the President of Port Harcourt Chamber of Commerce, Industries, Mines and Agriculture (PHCCIMA) and as national vice president and chairman, oil and gas business sector, of Nigerian Association of Chambers of Commerce, Industries, Mines and Agriculture (NACCIMA). I have since realized his many other parts, especially his rich antecedents as Chief Executive Officer of Bilview Energy Limited, a company involved in geophysical and geological services in the oil and gas industry. The company has made landmark impressions in the oil recovery sector that has been a contentious issue in the Niger Delta region, and the same can be said of Gillis-Harry’s service in NACCIMA where he led, for many years, the South-South caucus in the group.

He has brought his vast experience in the industry to bear on his leadership of the association and the impact it has made since he assumed office. He has also succeeded spectacularly, in bringing PETROAN to become a critical player in Nigeria’s downstream petroleum sector. These strategic collaborations he has fostered so far in the fuel distribution sector are a testament to his ability to position PETROAN as a key enabler in Nigeria’s energy sector, a partnership that aims to address the perennial issue of fuel scarcity.

With a capacity to refine 650,000 barrels of crude oil per day, the Dangote Refinery, Africa’s largest refinery, promises to meet domestic fuel demand and reduce reliance on costly imports. On the other hand, PETROAN, representing over 7,000 independent fuel outlet owners, leverages its extensive retail network and plays a crucial role in the distribution network. By joining forces, these two entities are strategically positioned to stabilize the fuel supply chain and improve access to petrol for millions of Nigerians. This synergy is expected to eliminate bottlenecks in supply and curb the frequent fuel shortages that disrupt economic activities and burden citizens.

Sheddy Ozoene, Editor-In-Chief of People&Politics, is Vice President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors

 

The Minister  of Labour and Employment, Dr Mohammed Maigari Digyadi, does not appear to have any idea why the Ministry exists. It is also possible that the Tinubu administration that appointed him has no clue why we have a ministry that takes care of both labour and employment.

The Ministry was created 85 years ago. The unemployed registered with it in employment  exchange locations  which helped secure employment.  Dr Timiebi Koripamo-Agary, one of the most cerebral Permanent Secretaries in our history, transformed this exchange into the Nigerian Electronic Labour Exchange.  After independence, the Ministry also sent Nigerian labour to countries like Equatorial Guinea.  Until today, under the Labour Act, it is the Ministry that issues recruiters licence.

It also created jobs and trained the unemployed in  various skills to enable them become self-employed and employable.  The Ministry has an arm, the National Directorate of Employment, NDE, with the motto: JOBS FOR ALL. The NDE which receives annual budgetary provisions, states that its primary objectives are “…providing  sustainable employment opportunities for Nigerians (and) creating  opportunities for sustainable  employment through  various programmes.” Specifically, under the Ministerial supervision  of  Digyadi, the NDE on its official site states that in line with President Tinubu’s Re-newed Hope Agenda, it is strengthening “…its role  in combating  poverty by providing sustainable employment opportunities  for Nigerians.”

 
 

So, you can imagine the shock when Minister Digyadi declared on November 28, 2024 that job creation is not part of the Ministry’s mandate. He told  Nigerians: “You will agree with me that the mandate of the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment is never to give employment to people…As you are aware, the Ministry is not there to provide employment, because the former Minister of Youths and Sports (Sunday Dare), before he left, was asking me to give him jobs. I said we only create the environment for jobs. We don’t give jobs.”

It is clear Minister Digyadi is not conversant with the mandate of the Ministry. If he was not given the correct orientation,  it might mean that the Tinubu administration does not know better. As it is, the Ministry is a bird flying with one wing. Also, what many Nigerians may not know is that their elites have turned basic economics upside down, forcing it to walk on its head.   For instance, economics teaches that the  basic factors for siting an industry includes availability or proximity of raw materials, land, water, labour, capital, power, transportation and nearness to market.  All these factors are in favour of the Dangote Refinery.

Also, compared to foreign refineries, it sources local crude and, does not need to pay for freight, insurance, cargo discharge,  demurrage, storage,   port fees, NIMASA charges and Custom duties. Additionally, it has other derivatives from the crude it processes, including gasoline, kerosene, lubricating oils and bitumen.

Given these objective factors, the cost of a litre of locally produced fuel should be quite cheap. But  it is an average N1,100 compared to, say, war-torn Libya which is N50 per litre. The Nigerian cost is so  high that imported fuel is far cheaper. The Dangote refinery,  afraid that Nigerians would, naturally, buy the cheaper imported fuel,  went to  court  demanding that  the  licenses  issued to six private oil companies to  import fuel must be voided. Even when the NNPC claims that the public-owned Port Harcourt Refinery is now functional, its price range is same as Dangote which gives the impression that there is a price-fixing cartel at work.

Nigerians also do not know the exact shares they own in the Dangote refinery nor understand the role of the Tinubu administration. For instance, in July, 2024, it  instructed the NNPC  to engage Dangote  and other local refineries and  resolve their disputes, including selling crude to them in Naira.  Then some weeks later, the same administration issued a statement stating that  the: “PMS regime, has been deregulated. Dangote is a private company. NNPCL should not forget it’s a limited liability company. Whatever controversy both of them are having is their problem…It’s the consumer who benefits if a price war starts, if NNPC fuel is too much, the public market can go to the market and bring in their fuel and sell at the price that they think is very reasonable and profitable for them.” So, many Nigerians do not know if the Tinubu government is  for or against intervention.

There are  also cobwebs surrounding the claims by Chief Afe Babalola, SAN, that a younger lawyer, Dele Farotimi, defamed him in a book on the judiciary. For this, the police had invaded Farotim’s chambers, assaulted his staff, threatened two of his lawyers with guns and, virtually abducted the lawyer. Farotimi was first dragged in handcuffs before a Magistrate Court in Ado Ekiti, Chief Babalola’s hometown where he is so powerful that a special Afe Babalola Day has been reserved annually to honour him. The Magistrate denied Farotimi bail.

Later,  Inspector General of Police Kayode Egebtokun had Farotimi brought from prison to an high court to face new charges, this time for alleged  cybercrimes. Bail was granted in this case which Farotimi has not  perfected.  Then while still being held in prison, Babalola and his supporters  hauled Farotimi before courts in Abuja, Ibadan and Port Harcourt. The Babalola Chambers  additionally, petitioned  the Legal Practitioners  Disciplinary Committee  to remove Farotimi from the roll of Nigerian legal practitioners.  In all these, Chief Babalola refused to learn from  a younger  lawyer, Femi Falana, SAN, who when confronted with serious defamation, took out a civil suit rather than employ the repressive  state apparatus against his accuser.

The Babalola-Farotimi drama reminds me of a story I was told as a child.  Early one morning, villagers, on their way to farm and market, found the parrot   tied in front of his in-law’s house. They were told the parrot had been gossiping and making   disparaging comments against his in-law. Almost all blamed the parrot for his predicament. When they were returning in the evening, the villagers found that the parrot not only remained tied, but had now been put in a cage.

This time, they condemned the in-law for subjecting the parrot to torture and unbearable pain. They reminded the in-law  of a Yoruba saying that: “Aseju ni Baba asete”: meaning that excessive behaviour  or, anything done in excess, ultimately leads to disgrace.  They  said the fact that he seeks to make  his case does not mean he should exhaust all the saliva  in his mouth.   The villagers  reminded him that if people beg  the heavenly Egungun  masquerade, he listens, if they beg the Orisha god, he listens and if they beg God Almighty, he forgives; so, who is he, a mere mortal to insist on a pound of flesh?