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![[OPINION] Blimey, Opposition Governors Rooting for Tinubu’s Re-election! - Pius Mordi](/media/k2/items/cache/79ea8eb489ebbf7d1410566cd593483b_L.jpg)
There’s a shift in Nigerian politics of seismic proportion going on. As governance gives way to the politics of another electoral cycle in 2027 with many seeking reelection to their offices, especially those of the president and many governors, a new game is playing out. Governors of states run by opposition parties are taking turns to pledge their commitment to working for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reelection.
Nothing strange about it. After all, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi as governor of Rivers State and Bukola Saraki, his Kwara State counterpart led a team of five PDP governors to openly declare their opposition to then President Goodluck Jonathan’s bid for reelection in 2015. Four years later, Nyesom Wike led another group of five governors, again all PDP, to defy their party to vote in the candidate of a rival party.
The difference, and a crucial one at that, is that on both occasions, the renegade governors had already secured their second and final terms. This time, the opposition governors are all angling for reelection, just like Tinubu. Some of them are even quietly exploring the possibility of decamping to Tinubu’s APC. Akwa Ibom’s Pastor Umo Eno was unequivocal about his decision. “As for me, I’m supporting Baba Bola Ahmed Tinubu for a second term. When the time comes, I’ll tell you why”, he said.
Osun’s Ademola Adeleke went a step further with his campaign posters openly suggesting an alignment between him and Tinubu. His campaign posters feature both him and Tinubu as a combo to the people.
Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State clearly equated the success of his administration with that of the president in urging his people to support the president. Plateau’s Caleb Muftwang, Douye Diri of Bayelsa as well as Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano have been taking turns to extol President Tinubu. Even the suspended Rivers governor Siminayi Fubara, in his Easter message, made praising the president the main part of his address to his people.
It is a development that has upended political calculations on what to expect in 2027. While the governors openly acknowledge the tough economic climate occasioned by the policies of the federal government and do not endorse such policies, yet in their calculations, the path to guaranteeing victory does not like in using the state of the economy in their messaging.
Critics of Nigeria’s political system ascribe the development to an acknowledgement of the failure of the electoral system and how it has been corrupted and manipulated. In the run up to the 2023 elections, the level of discount with then President Muhammadu Buhari was such that the opposition parties took it for granted that the APC government will be beaten. So confident were they that they failed to form a common front.
Unfortunately, their confidence was misplaced. Despite receiving less than 30 percent of popular votes, Tinubu somehow emerged victorious. With him now firmly in charge, there is very narrow chance of an upset in the election. The conduct and outcome of the recent governorship election in Edo State is seen as dress rehearsal of how it may pan out in 2027.
To that extent, the opposition governors may simply be playing a game of survival. It is not like a recourse to the judiciary may give the desired reprieve. The proceedings in the courts over the crisis in Rivers State may have made them recognise that a combination of a damaged Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the courts that has been making very controversial and strange judgements may have created the perception that Tinubu’s infamous recipé on how to win by grabbing it and running with it was not a joke.
Dele Farotimi, in a recent interview, is of the view that unless there is a fundamental electoral reform, the outcome of the 2027 elections has already been written. If there is no comprehensive reform, he said he will not participate in the election. The reality of conduct of elections in the country has raised concerns on the future of opposition parties in the country’s evolving political culture. And Farotimi’s stance resonates with leaders in the opposition parties even as they continue exploring the path to collaboration and merger to confront the behemoth APC has become.
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar accused APC of intolerance and working to monopolise of power. He said the actions of the ruling party were steadily eroding pluralism, an essential element of true democracy. He said through his “unchecked actions”, Tinubu is “blurring the line between state power and personal ambition, magnifying his control over both the nation and its institutions.”
Dele Momodu, veteran journalist and PDP chieftain, echoed Atiku’s position, accusing the ruling party of deliberately instigating crises within Nigeria’s major opposition parties in an effort to weaken them. “Nigeria is obviously moving in a direction of a one-party state. The ruling party, APC, is so scared of opposition that right now crises are being orchestrated from party to party, especially the leading opposition parties like PDP, Labour Party, and NNPP. It’s obvious what is going on”, he said.
Similarly, Mark Adebayo, national spokesperson of the Coalition of United Political Parties (CUPP), accused Tinubu of engineering the disorganisation and persistent divisions within opposition political parties.
Although, opposition parties have control over 15 states, a healthy number, leaving the rest 21 to APC, internal squabbles in virtually all of them have left the governors from their fold seeking reelection vulnerable. They are on their own to fashion their own pathways to remaining in office.
The evolution of Tinubu and APC into a collosal machine is not the product of sterling performance or popularity in the years they have been running the country. In the run up to the gubernatorial election in Edo State, it was almost taken for granted that Godwin Obaseki would successfully engineer the victory of his party and install his favoured successor. They may not have reckoned with the ground work of the party in Aso Rock. They factored everything overwhelmingly. From the electoral umpire, the persons running the errands and the judiciary, it was a thorough job. It was a dress rehearsal for 2027 that delivered.
[OPINION] The Freudian Slip That Exposed the Seat: Wike, Tinubu, and Rivers State - John Egbeazien Oshodi
Admin![[OPINION] The Freudian Slip That Exposed the Seat: Wike, Tinubu, and Rivers State - John Egbeazien Oshodi](/media/k2/items/cache/9f673578db933ab31efc4a31f4852676_L.jpg)
The Slip Heard Across a Nation
In psychoanalytic terms, a Freudian slip is never accidental. It is the unconscious leaking through the cracks of performance—the raw truth escaping the mouth before the mind can trap it. And on a national stage, in a country already choked by doubt and distortion, Nyesom Wike uttered what may now go down as the most revealing political confession in recent Nigerian history: “Who is Tinubu other than me?”
The sentence fell like a joke but landed like thunder. It was more than arrogance—it was an exposure. It was the unconscious voice of a man who, perhaps more than anyone else, has become emblematic of the deep rupture between democratic appearance and authoritarian reality. And in that moment, Wike did not just reveal how he sees himself—he exposed how power in Nigeria is truly perceived: as a game of control, not consent; of dominance, not mandate.
The Wrapping of the Presidency
From a psychological lens, this moment was not merely about politics. It was about suppressed identity, unchecked power, and the projection of ego onto a nation’s highest office. Wike’s statement was a slip, yes—but it was also a scream. A scream from a psyche so saturated with control that it no longer separates itself from the State. In that phrase, Tinubu was not insulted. He was eclipsed. The President was rendered a shadow—an extension of Wike’s political muscle and historical maneuvering. And the terrifying part? The silence that followed confirmed the possibility. Not a rebuttal from Aso Rock. Not a press statement from the Villa. Not even a whispered contradiction from those in Tinubu’s inner circle. Just silence—the kind that confirms suspicion.
Media as Courtiers, Not Critics
Wike’s statement, then, was not just a gaffe—it was a window into Nigeria’s power psychosis. And what made it worse was the atmosphere in which it was received: a media assembly that looked less like a press conference and more like a coronation. The journalists present did not challenge him—they lobbed softballs. They smiled. They chuckled. They nodded, not as watchdogs of democracy, but as spectators of theatre. There was no seriousness, no confrontation, no accountability—only the uncomfortable energy of people who seemed to know they were in the presence of someone they could not question. It was as though they had been given something—not just access, but instruction. And so, a man rewrote the hierarchy of Nigerian power, and the fourth estate took notes instead of asking questions.
A Subconscious Walkback in Real Time
Somewhere deep within, perhaps even Wike himself knew that his slip revealed too much. That is why, in the very same breath of arrogance, he quickly tried to shield himself with reassurance—by publicly declaring he would ‘make sure Tinubu wins again in 2027,’ even boasting that Tinubu would remain in office until 2031. It was not just strategic flattery—it was psychological defense. A subconscious attempt to patch the wound he had just torn open. He needed to show that his dominance was not betrayal, but partnership. That he still had Tinubu’s political back, even as he stepped on the President’s symbolic head. But the nation heard both messages. And it understood the contradiction. That contradiction has now become a national mirror: Are we being governed, or ruled? Is this a democracy, or a carefully staged theater of submission? Again, perhaps sensing he had gone too far, with his slip, tried to walk it back—but the damage was done. Nigerians heard the contradiction: a man asserting dominance while pretending to be loyal. And the people drew their conclusions. In this distorted republic, are we governed—or ruled?
And in that window, we saw everything: the fragile ego of godfatherism, the muted voice of elected leadership, and the raw scream of a nation searching for who actually holds the reins. And this is why the protests will continue. This is why the prayers will deepen. Because in a land where one man can say “Who is Tinubu other than me?” and walk away stronger, it is no longer enough to vote. It is time to call for judgment—not just legal, but ancestral. Not just electoral, but spiritual.
The Cry Beyond Politics
Because sometimes, the deepest truths come not from manifestos—but from slips. And in Wike’s slip, Nigeria saw the face behind the mask. Today, many Nigerians—especially the people of Rivers State—have drawn their own conclusions: that this one man is no longer just a minister, but a shadow ruler. That he is perceived to control not only the presidency, but also the judiciary and the legislature. And when that perception becomes lived reality, when justice feels rented and democracy feels stolen, the people no longer cry to Abuja—they cry to the heavens.
A Turn to Divine and Global Witnesses
In helpless tears, they have turned to President Tinubu not just for action, but for redemption. And when he does not speak, they turn further: to the Almighty, to the ancestral spirits, to the gods of the land, and finally to the watching eyes of the world. Because when democracy is kidnapped and power becomes personal, the people must call upon forces greater than the state—forces that do not blink, do not bargain, and do not forget.
These cries are not born out of religious fanaticism, but from psychological exhaustion and institutional betrayal. They represent the final effort of a people who have knocked on every door of democratic process—only to find them bolted shut by one man’s influence. The people of Rivers, like millions across the nation, now pray with tears not just for Fubara’s restoration, but for the resurrection of dignity, of truth, of constitutional order. They are turning to God not only for spiritual strength, but for judgment. They chant to the gods not for spectacle, but for balance. They cry to the ancestors not to preserve tradition, but to awaken a force that predates corrupt empires.
And to the world—the UN, the ICC, the superpowers—they say: if you care about democracy, this is your test. If you believe in justice, listen to Nigeria’s silence. If you value peace, watch Rivers closely. Because the people have spoken with their ballots. And now, they speak with their spirits. If ignored again, the next voice may not be protest. It may be the unraveling of a nation’s fragile peace.
Wike made that statement while Tinubu was in Abroad. And upon the President’s return, the country was buzzing with a single question: who is really in charge? Tinubu, trained in American political culture, understands the weight of silence and the cost of perception. Wike’s words, delivered without apology, redefined the national hierarchy—and Tinubu knew it.
But something may have shifted. Perhaps Tinubu, reflecting on the growing protests, chants, and prayers from women in mourning cloth, realized that Wike is no longer an asset but a burden. “Yes, you delivered Rivers,” Tinubu may have thought. “But now, you’ve become the distraction.” And maybe—just maybe—he has decided to act. To restore Governor Fubara. To end the games.
Again, in their despair, many citizens have turned beyond politics—to the divine. They call not just on Aso Rock, but on the gods, ancestors, and international observers. These cries are not superstition. They are the final acts of people who feel democracy has failed them.
If ignored again, what follows may not be protest. It may be the unraveling of Nigeria’s fragile peace. The presidency cannot afford to remain in shadow. Not anymore. Allah bless Mr. President, God bless Nigeria.
![[OPINION] Who Will Break The Self-Destructive Jinx In PDP Before 2027? - Isaac Asabor](/media/k2/items/cache/202e39fd60d2b8217a5829fcc476ec2e_M.jpg)
If history has taught us anything about Nigeria’s main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), it is that it does not need external enemies to fail, its internal betrayals, power tussles, and ego battles have always been more than enough to keep it in a state of political limbo. As we inch closer to the 2027 general elections, one question continues to echo loudly in political circles and among concerned citizens: Who will break the self-destructive jinx in PDP before it is too late, again?
Since its humiliating fall from power in 2015, the PDP has had multiple chances to regroup, restructure, and reinvent itself. But what has it done with those opportunities? Squandered them, repeatedly. Despite being the largest party in Africa at the time, with unrivaled grassroots structure and years of incumbency advantage, the PDP failed to read the signs of the time, culminating in the unprecedented electoral defeat that ushered in the All Progressives Congress (APC).
From the infighting that shattered the party in the lead-up to the 2019 elections, to the North-South zoning war and the controversial emergence of Atiku Abubakar as its 2023 presidential flagbearer, the PDP has constantly chosen internal chaos over unity. Instead of learning from its failures, the party has nurtured a culture of political cannibalism, where ambition, not ideology, drives decisions; where loyalty is a currency quickly devalued; and where leaders would rather burn down the house than let someone else hold the keys.
No recent example illustrates the PDP’s destructive streak better than the messy fallout between Nyesom Wike and Atiku Abubakar. What began as a legitimate grievance over zoning and fairness quickly degenerated into open hostility, with Wike leading the G5 governors into rebellion against the party. These were not lightweight political players. They were serving governors with strong influence in their respective states. The refusal to manage egos and build consensus turned what could have been a formidable campaign machine into a fragmented and toothless opposition during the 2023 elections.
Atiku’s emergence as the flagbearer, despite the party’s own zoning principle, was viewed as a betrayal by many Southern stakeholders who had expected the presidency to rotate to the South after President Buhari’s two terms. Rather than using diplomacy and reconciliation, the party doubled down, effectively sidelining Wike and the G5. The result? The PDP experienced hemorrhaged support in key states and performed dismally at the polls. The APC won not because it was more popular, but because the PDP was too divided to present a united front.
What is even more disheartening is that, rather than closing ranks after the election, the wounds have deepened. Wike, who is now a minister in the APC-led government, continues to throw jabs at his former party, and many believe he still has one hand on the PDP’s throat, even while wearing APC colors.
While the ruling APC continues to struggle under the weight of economic hardship and dwindling public goodwill, the PDP, which should be capitalizing on the situation, is instead wasting time shadow-boxing within itself.
This is not a one-off problem. The PDP has made it a tradition to approach every election season with more division than vision. Every election cycle since 2015 has featured parallel congresses at state and national levels, endless court battles over primaries, an obsession with power rotation without a consensus framework and kingmakers who become wreckers once their preferred candidate loses out.
These self-inflicted wounds are no coincidence. They point to a systemic illness, a refusal to prioritize the party’s survival over personal interests. Unless that jinx is broken, 2027 will not be different. In fact, it may be worse. The PDP is in danger of becoming irrelevant if it doesn’t reset urgently.
So the question remains: Who in the PDP will rise above ambition and ego to steer the party back from the brink?
Is it Atiku Abubakar, who still carries the burden of a serial presidential candidate but risks overstaying his welcome in the political ring? While his experience is undeniable, many Nigerians believe his time has passed. The electorate, especially the youth, are yearning for fresh ideas and faces.
Is it Nyesom Wike, whose influence remains potent but polarizing, especially with his flirtation with the ruling APC? Can he be trusted to lead a party he once undermined?
Could it be younger, less divisive voices like Aminu Tambuwal, Bala Mohammed, or even a completely fresh face who can rally the party around a unifying agenda rather than individual ambition? Could the party produce a consensus builder like the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who would prioritize healing and development over factional dominance?
Whoever it is, one thing is clear, PDP cannot survive another round of selfish politics. It needs leadership that understands compromise, respects the party’s diversity, and willing to put structure over self.
Given that time Is not on their side, it is germane to opine that the 2027 elections may seem far away, but in politics, time flies. The APC is already positioning itself for the next contest. The Labour Party is quietly rebuilding. Even fringe parties are beginning to gain traction among the frustrated youth demographic.
The PDP? Still stuck in the loop of old wounds and new betrayals. If nothing changes, and fast, it may end up not even being the main opposition anymore. That title could very well go to the Labour Party or even a coalition of third-force elements.
Another fundamental challenge the PDP must confront is the trust gap between the party and the Nigerian people. Many Nigerians see the PDP as no different from the APC as they are seen to be two sides of the same coin. That perception can only be changed through bold reforms, internal democracy, inclusion of young and competent candidates, and a clear ideological shift.
The PDP must prove to Nigerians that it has learned its lessons and that it is no longer the party of impunity, rigging, and corruption that got it booted out in 2015. If not, even a united PDP may still be rejected at the polls.
History is watching. Nigerians are watching. And if PDP fails to fix itself yet again, it will have no one else to blame. The jinx will not break itself.
The clock is ticking, and the 2027 elections will not wait for anyone. If the PDP truly wants to reclaim its lost glory and provide credible opposition to the APC, it must start now. It must identify and empower a new generation of leaders who are not tainted by the past and who are genuinely committed to service.
Until then, the question will remain unanswered: Who will break the self-destructive jinx in PDP before 2027?
[OPINION] Mr. President, Don’t Let the Cry from Rivers Eclipse Your Legacy - John Egbeazien Oshodi
Admin![[OPINION] Mr. President, Don’t Let the Cry from Rivers Eclipse Your Legacy - John Egbeazien Oshodi](/media/k2/items/cache/569d0ba5fa51f60a707946ecf7f13e29_M.jpg)
There are moments in a nation’s history when silence does more damage than speech. When a single phrase, uttered carelessly or with quiet calculation, reveals the power dynamics that shape a country more honestly than any official address. In Nigeria today, that moment has arrived.
When a prominent figure in the federal government publicly implied that the President is not the sole architect of national power—that the elected Commander-in-Chief is, in essence, politically subordinate—the country paused. It was not simply a political gaffe. It was a psychological unveiling. And when there was no public rebuttal from Aso Rock, no clarification from Tinubu’s spokespeople, no immediate disavowal from the ruling party, the pause turned to a question. And the question turned into a cry: Who is truly in charge?
The psychological implications of this moment are enormous. The presidency, long understood to be the final authority in national affairs, suddenly felt empty. Overshadowed. Eclipsed—not by an election, but by implication. Power, in its truest form, is not always declared. It is perceived. And what Nigerians perceived in that silence was the fragility of elected authority when placed side-by-side with unfiltered political dominance.
The comment in question was made while President Bola Tinubu was in France. The timing was not accidental—it was symbolic. In the President’s absence, another voice assumed presence. And it wasn’t a whisper. It was a proclamation. As if to say: “While he is away, I remain.” This was not about logistics. This was about control. And when the President returned, he stepped into a country not only watching—but spiritually alert. He did not return to fanfare. He returned to protests. To mourning women wrapped in black. To chants in spiritual spaces. To tears, yes—but also to resistance.
This is no longer political commentary—it is a psychological and spiritual trial. Tinubu, trained in American civic traditions, understands political optics. He understands the deep resonance of silence after provocation. And yet, his prolonged silence has created a leadership vacuum. In Nigeria, silence from power is never empty—it is a signal. And right now, that signal says: the imbalance is real.
Perhaps on that return flight from Europe, the President had a moment of private clarity. A realization that the machinery that once helped him may now be overtaking him. That a friend in politics can become a force. That proximity to power can mutate into dominance. Maybe he thought: “Yes, I needed your strength during the elections. But now, your shadow has become my ceiling.” That moment of realization is the first step toward reclaiming control—not from a man, but from the narrative that now defines the presidency as a secondary seat.
And that narrative is not forming in isolation. It is being reinforced by institutions meant to safeguard democracy. The most alarming display of this came during the press conference where the remark was made. A room filled with journalists—watchdogs of public accountability—sat in silence. Smiling. Nodding. Not one challenged the claim. Not one pushed back. The fourth estate became a footstool. Not journalism, but servitude.
This was a missed opportunity for national correction. A moment when the media could have said: “No. The people deserve clarity.” Instead, they handed the microphone to hubris and took notes in compliance. This is not a minor failure—it is a collapse of civic duty. And it’s one of the reasons the people no longer cry to press rooms or legislative halls. They cry to the heavens.
Because the people have tried. They’ve voted. They’ve protested. They’ve petitioned. And now, when nothing moves, they turn to God. To the ancestors. To the spiritual foundations that predate colonizers and constitutions. These prayers, rising from Rivers State and beyond, are not religious extremism. They are the collective cry of a population whose psychological boundaries have been broken by betrayal.
When a public servant begins to be perceived not merely as influential, but as untouchable, the people lose more than trust—they lose belief. The idea that the system can still correct itself begins to die. And when people stop believing in democracy, they turn to older truths. Spiritual truths. Cultural justice. Divine intervention.
That’s where we are.
It’s why you hear women calling on Amadioha, Ani, Egbesu, and Ogun.
It’s why communities invoke ancestors to speak where courts have gone silent.
It’s why chants echo across Rivers, across markets, across churches, across ancestral shrines.
It’s why international observers must pay attention—not just to elections, but to the signs of institutional fracture manifesting in spiritual resistance.
For many, Wike is no longer seen as merely a minister. He is perceived—fairly or not—as a man who commands the levers of justice, finance, security, and narrative. One man. Multiple arms. No resistance. And the people are asking, trembling: Is this a government or a kingdom?
President Tinubu must now rise, not just as a politician, but as a steward of psychological balance and constitutional clarity. The Presidency cannot be a shared illusion. It must be a seat of accountability. Of leadership. Of assured autonomy.
He must speak—not to defend himself from slander, but to restore belief in the institution he leads.
He must separate loyalty from dependency.
He must restore Governor Fubara, whose struggle now represents more than a state crisis—it has become a metaphor for stolen mandate, for public humiliation, and for the erasure of dignity.
This is Tinubu’s moment—not to retaliate, but to reestablish.
Because if the Presidency remains silent, if it allows its image to remain eclipsed, the people will stop looking to it entirely.
And once that happens—once the citizens of a republic stop believing in the President—the nation becomes ungovernable.
To the world, the signs are clear.
To those who have ears to hear, the cries are loud.
And to every institution built on paper but not on principle—be warned.
The next wave of cries may not be calm.
They may not come with ballots.
They may not be broadcast.
They may come in ways no one can predict.
Because the people of Nigeria are not just demanding political clarity.
They are crying out for deliverance.
President Tinubu, I say—call him back. Restore Governor Siminalayi Fubara.
This is no longer a matter of political negotiation.
This is now a choice between the will of the people and the will of one man.
Between a republic and a sect of personality.
Between constitutional order and political captivity.
Your silence has given space to chaos.
Your return must now bring correction.
Because the longer Wike stands unchallenged, the deeper Nigeria descends into democratic mockery.
You do not owe the nation explanations. You owe it action.
Call him back, Mr. President. The people have chosen. Now choose them back.
[OPINION] Good Governance and Development in Nigeria Compared to Some African and Global Countries - Sonny Iroche
Admin![[OPINION] Good Governance and Development in Nigeria Compared to Some African and Global Countries - Sonny Iroche](/media/k2/items/cache/242f0b4ea29d7fa4a1f2d271eb99a93f_M.jpg)
Since gaining independence from British colonial rule in 1960, Nigeria has struggled to translate its vast human and natural resources into sustainable socio-economic development. Despite its enormous potential, the country has been plagued by persistent challenges including pervasive corruption, ineffective leadership, weak institutions, and socio-political instability. The discovery of crude oil in Oloibiri in 1956, which promised prosperity, has instead contributed to what is widely described as the “Resource Curse.” This phenomenon has seen billions of dollars in oil revenue squandered or misappropriated, leaving Nigeria lagging behind countries like Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which were at similar developmental stages in the late 1950s and early 1960s. In Africa, countries such as South Africa, Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, and Seychelles have made significant strides in good governance and development, outpacing Nigeria in key indicators like infrastructure, human development, and economic stability.
This report examines Nigeria’s governance challenges, contrasts its trajectory with that of selected African and global countries that have successfully enthroned good governance, and explores the role of Nigerian youths in driving transformative change. It also analyzes the systemic issues hindering Nigeria’s progress, including leadership failures, electoral malpractices, and the failure to implement critical reforms like the Steve Oronsaye Report. The report concludes with recommendations for Nigeria to reset its developmental trajectory through credible elections, accountable leadership, and youth-led activism.
Nigeria’s Governance and Development Challenges
Historical Context:
At independence in 1960, Nigeria adopted the Westminster parliamentary system, which showed early promise under the leadership of figures like Sir Tafawa Balewa, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr Michael Okpara, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Dr. Dennis Osadebe and Chief Ladoke Akintola.
The country inherited functional infrastructure, a vibrant civil service, and a relatively stable economy driven by agriculture (cocoa, groundnuts, and palm oil), in the four healthy competing regions of the federation. However, the military coups of 1966, followed by the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970), and subsequent military interventions disrupted this trajectory, ushering in decades of instability.
The oil boom of the 1970s brought unprecedented wealth, but rather than catalyzing development, the oil boom went into consumption and importation of sundry luxury goods which fueled corruption, misplaced priorities, mismanagement, and a dependency on oil revenues. Nigeria’s adoption of the U.S.-style presidential system in 1979, coupled with the creation of 36 states and a bloated federal structure, increased governance costs and inefficiency.
Today, the Tinubu administration (2023–present) oversees a cabinet of about fifty ministers, some with overlapping roles between ministries and agencies, despite the long standing recommendations of the Steve Oronsaye Report (2012) to merge or scrap some redundant entities.
The Resource Curse:
The discovery of oil in 1956 transformed Nigeria into one of the world’s major oil producers, yet the wealth did not translate into broad-based development. According to the World Bank, Nigeria’s GDP per capita in 2023 was $1,596, compared to $11,379 for Malaysia and $33,121 for South Korea, both of which were at similar developmental levels in the 1960s. The Resource Curse manifests in several ways:
• Corruption: Billions of dollars in oil revenue have been siphoned off by political and military elites. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2024 ranked Nigeria 140 out of 180 countries, with a score of 26/100.
• Economic Mismanagement: Over-reliance on oil has led to the neglect of agriculture and manufacturing, leaving the economy vulnerable to global oil price fluctuations.
• Inequality: Despite oil wealth, 38% of Nigerians (approximately 83 million people) lived below the poverty line in 2024, according to the National Bureau of Statistics.
Leadership Failures:
Chinua Achebe’s assertion in his book, The Trouble with Nigeria (1983) that “the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership” remains relevant. Successive administrations have lacked the vision, discipline, and commitment to prioritize development. Key issues include:
• Electoral Malpractices: Nigeria’s elections are often marred by violence, voter intimidation, and rigging. The 2023 general elections, for instance, were criticized by some international observers for logistical failures and allegations of manipulation.
• Judicial Compromise: The judiciary, meant to uphold electoral integrity, has been accused of compromising justice, thereby undermining public trust.
• Policy Inconsistency: Frequent policy reversals and failure to implement reforms, such as the Oronsaye Report, have hindered progress.
Current Challenges
Nigeria faces multifaceted challenges that stifle development:
• Insecurity: Militant attacks in the Niger Delta, Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast, and widespread kidnappings deter investment and disrupt economic activities.
• Infrastructure Deficits: Erratic electricity supply, with an average of 4,000 MW for a population of over 200 million, contrasts sharply with South Africa’s 50,000 MW for 60 million people.
• Unfriendly Business Environment: Nigeria ranks 131 out of 190 countries in the World Bank’s 2023 Doing Business Index, reflecting bureaucratic bottlenecks and corruption. It must be mentioned that the current Tinubu government took some bold and positive decisions to remove the corruption-laden fuel subsidy, which had corruptly enriched some oil marketers and deprived the country of savings for other sectors of the economy. The administration also harmonized the hitherto multiple foreign exchange rates at the Central Bank of Nigeria. Although this came with the usual pain of structural adjustment as a result of the devaluation of the local currency, however, if properly managed and the savings there from channeled to alleviate the sufferings of the populace to would be understandable. Based on a people-centric initiatives that the administration should embark upon, the long run effects would be positive for the country.
• Debt Burden: Nigeria’s external and domestic debt stock as at Q1 2024 stood at $91.46 billion, with debt servicing consuming a significant portion of revenue.
Countries with Good Governance and High Development
To understand Nigeria’s shortcomings, it is instructive to examine countries that have successfully enthroned good governance and achieved significant development. Following are examples from Africa (South Africa, Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, Seychelles) and globally (Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, UAE, Vietnam), highlighting their governance models, policies, and outcomes.
African Countries
1. Rwanda
• Governance Model: Rwanda, under President Paul Kagame since 1994, has adopted a technocratic, centralized governance model emphasizing accountability, anti-corruption, and performance-based leadership.
• Key Policies:
• Vision 2020 and Vision 2050: Long-term development plans focusing on economic diversification, technology, and human capital development.
• Anti-Corruption Measures: Rwanda ranks 49 on the 2023 CPI with a score of 53/100, the highest in Africa. The Rwanda Governance Board enforces strict anti-corruption laws.
• Digital Transformation: Rwanda has invested heavily in ICT, with initiatives like the Kigali Innovation City and widespread broadband access.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita grew from $206 in 2000 to $1,071 in 2024.
• Rwanda ranks 38 in the 2023 Doing Business Index, reflecting a business-friendly environment.
• Universal healthcare coverage and a 98% primary school enrollment rate.
• Example: The transformation of Kigali into a clean, modern city with efficient public services contrasts with Nigeria’s urban decay in cities like Lagos.
2. Ghana
• Governance Model: Ghana has maintained a stable democracy since 1992, with peaceful transitions of power and a vibrant civil society.
• Key Policies:
• Economic Diversification: Investments in agriculture (cocoa, gold) and services have reduced reliance on single commodities.
• Electoral Integrity: The Electoral Commission of Ghana is widely respected, ensuring credible elections.
• Education Reform: Free senior secondary education introduced in 2017 has boosted literacy rates to 80%.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $2,363 in 2023, higher than Nigeria’s.
• Ghana ranks 70 on the 2023 CPI, with a score of 43/100.
• Stable electricity supply and growing tech hubs like Accra’s Silicon Valley.
• Example: Ghana’s handling of the 2016 and 2020 elections, with minimal violence and transparent results, contrasts with Nigeria’s contentious electoral processes.
3. Mauritius
• Governance Model: Mauritius operates a parliamentary democracy with strong institutions, rule of law, and a meritocratic civil service.
• Key Policies:
• Economic Diversification: Transition from sugar-based economy to financial services, tourism, and ICT.
• Ease of Doing Business: Mauritius ranks 13 in the 2023 Doing Business Index, the highest in Africa.
• Social Welfare: Free healthcare and education have reduced poverty to 10.6%.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $10,256 in 2023, among the highest in Africa.
• High Human Development Index (HDI) score of 0.802.
• Stable political environment with no history of military coups.
• Example: Mauritius’ Port Louis is a global financial hub, attracting foreign investment, unlike Nigeria’s struggling ports.
4. Seychelles
• Governance Model: Seychelles combines democratic governance with a focus on sustainability and tourism-driven growth.
• Key Policies:
• Environmental Sustainability: Policies to protect marine ecosystems and promote eco-tourism.
• Human Capital: High investment in education and healthcare, with a literacy rate of 96%.
• Anti-Corruption: Seychelles ranks 20 on the 2023 CPI, with a score of 70/100.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $17,879 in 2023, the highest in Africa.
• HDI score of 0.802, reflecting high living standards.
• Stable and secure environment, ideal for tourism.
• Example: Seychelles’ focus on sustainable tourism has created a resilient economy, unlike Nigeria’s oil-dependent model.
5. South Africa
• Governance Model: South Africa’s post-apartheid democracy is anchored by a robust constitution, independent judiciary, and active civil society.
• Key Policies:
• Industrialization: Investments in mining, manufacturing, and renewable energy.
• Social Programs: Extensive welfare programs, including child grants and housing subsidies.
• Anti-Corruption: The Public Protector and anti-corruption agencies, though challenged, provide oversight.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $6,766 in 2023.
• Advanced infrastructure, including Africa’s largest port (Durban) and reliable electricity grid.
• HDI score of 0.713, higher than Nigeria’s 0.548.
• Example: South Africa’s renewable energy program, which added 6,000 MW of clean energy by 2023, contrasts with Nigeria’s persistent power shortages.
Global Countries
1. Singapore
• Governance Model: Singapore’s meritocratic, technocratic governance under the People’s Action Party (PAP) emphasizes efficiency, anti-corruption, and long-term planning.
• Key Policies:
• Anti-Corruption: The Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) enforces zero-tolerance policies. Singapore ranks 5 on the 2023 CPI (score: 83/100).
• Economic Diversification: From a trading post in the 1960s to a global financial and tech hub.
• Education and Innovation: Heavy investment in STEM education and R&D, with 2.6% of GDP spent on research.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $91,794 in 2023, among the world’s highest.
• HDI score of 0.949, reflecting exceptional living standards.
• World-class infrastructure, including Changi Airport and efficient public transport.
• Example: Singapore’s transformation from a resource-scarce nation to a global economic powerhouse contrasts with Nigeria’s mismanagement of oil wealth.
2. Malaysia
• Governance Model: Malaysia’s parliamentary democracy, though imperfect, has prioritized economic development and social cohesion.
• Key Policies:
• New Economic Policy (NEP): Promoted industrialization and poverty reduction in the 1970s–1990s.
• Vision 2020: Aimed to make Malaysia a developed nation by 2020, achieved in part through technology and manufacturing.
• Anti-Corruption: The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has prosecuted high-profile cases.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $13,382 in 2023.
• HDI score of 0.810, reflecting strong human development.
• Advanced manufacturing sector, producing electronics and automobiles.
• Example: Malaysia’s Penang tech hub, a global leader in semiconductor production, highlights the success of targeted industrial policies, unlike Nigeria’s neglected manufacturing sector.
3. South Korea
• Governance Model: South Korea’s transition from military rule to democracy in the 1980s was accompanied by strong state-led development policies.
• Key Policies:
• Chaebol System: Government support for conglomerates like Samsung and Hyundai drove industrialization.
• Education Reform: Universal education and focus on STEM produced a highly skilled workforce.
• Anti-Corruption: South Korea ranks 32 on the 2023 CPI (score: 63/100), with ongoing reforms.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $35,146 in 2023.
• HDI score of 0.925, among the world’s highest.
• Global leader in technology, with brands like Samsung and LG.
• Example: South Korea’s rapid industrialization, from one of the world’s poorest nations in the 1950s to a tech giant, underscores the power of visionary leadership, unlike Nigeria’s policy inertia.
4. United Arab Emirates (UAE)
• Governance Model: The UAE’s monarchical system combines traditional leadership with modern governance, prioritizing economic diversification and innovation.
• Key Policies:
• Vision 2021 and 2071: Long-term plans to diversify from oil to tourism, finance, and technology.
• Zero-Tolerance for Corruption: The UAE ranks 26 on the 2023 CPI (score: 67/100).
• Infrastructure Investment: World-class projects like Dubai International Airport and Burj Khalifa.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $53,916 in 2023.
• HDI score of 0.937, reflecting high living standards.
• Global hub for trade, tourism, and finance.
• Example: The UAE’s transformation of Dubai into a global city contrasts with Nigeria’s underutilized economic potential in cities like Lagos.
5. Vietnam
• Governance Model: Vietnam’s single-party communist system emphasizes economic liberalization and anti-corruption.
• Key Policies:
• Doi Moi Reforms (1986): Shifted from a centrally planned economy to a market-oriented one.
• Foreign Investment: Attracted multinationals like Samsung and Intel through tax incentives and infrastructure.
• Education: High literacy rate (95%) and focus on vocational training.
• Outcomes:
• GDP per capita of $4,623 in 2023, double Nigeria’s.
• HDI score of 0.726, higher than Nigeria’s.
• Global leader in electronics and textile exports.
• Example: Vietnam’s rise as a manufacturing hub, producing 20% of Samsung’s global output, highlights the success of pragmatic reforms, unlike Nigeria’s stagnant industrial sector.
Comparative Analysis: Why Nigeria Lags Behind
1. Leadership and Vision:
• Countries like Rwanda, Singapore, and South Korea have benefited from visionary leaders (Kagame, Lee Kuan Yew, Park Chung-hee) who prioritized long-term development over personal gain. In contrast, Nigeria’s leaders have often pursued short-term, self-serving agendas.
• Example: Rwanda’s Vision 2020 was meticulously implemented, while Nigeria’s Vision 2020 (launched in 2009) was abandoned due to policy inconsistency.
2. Anti-Corruption Measures:
• Singapore, Mauritius, and the UAE enforce strict anti-corruption laws, with independent agencies like Singapore’s CPIB and Mauritius’ ICAC. Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) is often politicized, undermining its effectiveness.
• Example: Singapore’s prosecution of ministers for corruption contrasts with Nigeria’s frequent pardons of corrupt officials.
3. Electoral Integrity:
• Ghana and Mauritius have credible electoral systems, ensuring peaceful power transitions. Nigeria’s elections are marred by violence and manipulation, discouraging competent candidates.
• Example: Ghana’s 2024 election saw the opposition win without violence, while Nigeria’s 2023 election faced widespread allegations of rigging.
4. Economic Diversification:
• Malaysia, Vietnam, and the UAE have diversified their economies, reducing reliance on single commodities. Nigeria remains heavily dependent on oil, which accounts for 90% of export earnings.
• Example: Malaysia’s shift to electronics contrasts with Nigeria’s neglect of agriculture, once a mainstay of its economy.
5. Infrastructure Investment:
• South Africa, Singapore, and the UAE have invested heavily in infrastructure, boosting economic growth. Nigeria’s infrastructure, particularly power and transport, remains inadequate.
• Example: South Africa’s Gautrain rapid rail system contrasts with Nigeria’s dilapidated rail network.
6. Youth Engagement:
• Rwanda and Ghana have empowered youths through education and tech initiatives. Nigeria’s youths, despite comprising 70% of the population, are marginalized by unemployment (33% in 2023) and lack of political voice.
• Example: Rwanda’s YouthConnekt program engages young people in governance, while Nigeria’s youths are often excluded from decision-making.
The Role of Nigerian Youths in Driving Change
With over 70% of Nigeria’s population under 35, the youth demographic represents a powerful force for change. However, their potential has been stifled by systemic barriers, including unemployment, poor education, and political exclusion. To reset Nigeria’s trajectory, youths must take the following steps:
1. Voter Education and Participation:
• Youths must educate themselves on the electoral process and actively participate in elections. The #EndSARS protests of 2020 demonstrated their organizational capacity, which can be channeled into voter mobilization.
• Example: Ghana’s youth-led voter education campaigns in 2024 contributed to high turnout and credible elections.
2. Demanding Electoral Reforms:
• Youths should advocate for electoral reforms, including electronic voting and independent oversight of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
• Example: Rwanda’s use of technology in elections ensures transparency, a model Nigeria could adopt.
3. Holding Leaders Accountable:
• Through social media and civic organizations, youths can monitor government performance and expose corruption. Platforms like BudgIT and Tracka provide tools for tracking public spending.
• Example: South Africa’s #FeesMustFall movement forced government concessions on education funding.
4. Running for Office:
• Young Nigerians must contest elections at all levels, challenging the dominance of older, entrenched politicians. The Not Too Young to Run Act (2018) lowered age limits for political office, creating opportunities.
• Example: In Mauritius, young leaders like Joanna Bérenger have risen to prominence in parliament.
5. Embracing Technology:
• Nigeria’s tech ecosystem, with startups like Flutterwave and Paystack, shows the potential of youth-led innovation. Youths must leverage technology for advocacy, entrepreneurship, and governance.
• Example: Rwanda’s tech hubs have empowered youths to drive economic growth.
Recommendations for Nigeria
1. Implement the Oronsaye Report:
• Merge or scrap redundant agencies to reduce governance costs and improve efficiency. This would free up resources for critical sectors like education and healthcare.
2. Strengthen Anti-Corruption Institutions:
• Grant full autonomy to the EFCC and ICPC, and ensure prosecution of high-profile cases without political interference.
3. Electoral Reforms:
• Introduce electronic voting and real-time result transmission to enhance transparency. Strengthen INEC’s independence to prevent manipulation.
4. Economic Diversification:
• Revive agriculture through subsidies and mechanization, and invest in manufacturing and tech to create jobs and reduce oil dependency.
5. Infrastructure Development:
• Partner with private investors to improve power, transport, and digital infrastructure. Adopt South Africa’s public-private partnership model for energy projects.
6. Youth Empowerment:
• Expand access to quality education and vocational training. Create platforms for youth participation in governance, similar to Rwanda’s YouthConnekt.
7. Judicial Independence:
• Insulate the judiciary from political influence through transparent appointment processes and adequate funding.
Conclusion
Nigeria’s failure to achieve its developmental potential since independence is a story of missed opportunities, rooted in leadership failures, corruption, and systemic inefficiencies. In contrast, countries like Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, Seychelles, South Africa, Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, the UAE, and Vietnam have demonstrated that good governance—characterized by visionary leadership, anti-corruption measures, and inclusive policies—can transform nations within decades. Nigeria’s youths, with their demographic advantage, hold the key to resetting the country’s trajectory. By demanding credible elections, holding leaders accountable, and actively participating in governance, they can ensure that Nigeria fulfills its promise as the true “Giant of Africa.” The time for change is now—Enough is Enough.
Nigeria’s failure to achieve its developmental potential since independence is a story of missed opportunities, rooted in leadership failures, corruption, and systemic inefficiencies. In contrast, countries like Rwanda, Ghana, Mauritius, Seychelles, South Africa, Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, the UAE, and Vietnam have demonstrated that good governance—characterized by visionary leadership, anti-corruption measures, and inclusive policies—can transform nations within decades. Nigeria’s youths, with their demographic advantage, hold the key to resetting the country’s trajectory. By demanding credible elections, holding leaders accountable, and actively participating in governance, they can ensure that Nigeria fulfills its promise as the true “Giant of Africa.” The time for change is now—Enough is Enough.
![[OPINION] My Response To Gov. Caleb Mutfwang's Response - Femi Fani-Kayode](/media/k2/items/cache/4007f30b4bfe55627032dcdd3bb09adc_M.jpg)
My dear Caleb,
My aide just briefed me about your response to me and though I did not have time to read it he briefed me about its contents.
I am glad you read my short note to you about the Israeli Ambassador's visit to your state & I trust that you got my point.
I kept it simple, short, polite & sharp because I really didn't want to hurt your feelings.
However given the fact that you have evidently not learnt your lesson, I will dedicate more time to you in the future, write a full essay on the topic and endeavour to be much more clinical.
Your people in Plateau state are being slaughtered & you are busy writing feeble rejoinders to me? Don't you think you have bigger problems than that?
Let me reiterate my position: you are a weak & cowardly man who does not know his left from his right.
When Sen. Lalong was Governor of your state the killings were minimised because he understood the nature of the terrorists & he knew what to do & what not to do.
He also recognised the danger in associating with foreigners that are more interested in dividing us than uniting us.
Since you got there all you have done is whine, blame everyone else for your woeful failure, welcome the enemies of humanity that are killing women & children in Gaza to your table & behave as if you are infallible.
I have now come to the firm conclusion that your are not only incorrigible but also beyond redemption. This saddens me & frankly I pity you.
Outside of that it is my view that you are a disgrace to Plateau state, to Christianity & to Nigeria.
I suggest you focus on bringing peace to your state rather than worry about me.
I will always pray & support those that are ready to confront & kill terrorists but I cannot abide those that treat them with kid gloves, cry like babies before them & quiver in their prescence.
Kindly stand up like a man, do something about the terrorists that have plagued your state & stop inviting the representatives of evil foreign Governments with blood on their hands to your domain. Is that too much to ask?
As I wrote in my note you inflicted a spiritual wound on yourself by welcoming genocidal maniacs & child-killers to your table.
Regardless of your protests & lamentations I stand by my words.
Those who kill Palestinians & occupy their land illegally can hardly be trusted to bring peace to the land of others.
That was my point which you clearly chose to ignore or did not have the mental virility & intellectual fortitude to comprehend.
Now you have made the whole thing worse by knuckling down & attempting to rationalise your shameful behaviour.
One day you will discover that I am not an enemy but a friend because only friends tell you the truth no matter how bitter.
Let us hope that by that time it will not be too late.
Take the money of the Israelis in the name of them helping you with agriculture & irrigation but never trust them & know that such support from such evil men comes at a high price & with consequences.
Those that sell their soul to satan never win & always end badly. If you doubt it I recommend that you read Christopher Marlow's great literary work titled Dr. Faustus. You have much to learn from it.
I believe the people of Plateau state deserve far better and as a Nigerian and particularly as one who, despite the attendant risks and relentless persecution that it attracted, has spoken up for your people on numerous occassions over the last 15 years when they were under siege, I believe I have every right to be concerned and to express my views.
Despite all my prayer is that God opens your eyes sooner than later because I do not wish you ill.
As you know I love Plateau state & it's people & what is going on there breaks my heart.
May the Lord open your eyes, may He deliver, lead & guide you, may He bring you back to your senses and to an expected end and may He restore peace to Plateau state.
This is and will always be my prayer despite your obvious weaknesses.
I wish you well.
Shalom.
[OPINION] The National Population Census and the 2027 Presidential Election: Governance or Political Calculation? - Umar Sani
Admin![[OPINION] The National Population Census and the 2027 Presidential Election: Governance or Political Calculation? - Umar Sani](/media/k2/items/cache/e3d80f65970c7d9aa705c8c0634a643b_S.jpg)
The nation has once again been drawn into heated discourse this time over the alleged lopsidedness in President Bola A. Tinubu’s administration and the implications such imbalances may have on the upcoming national population census and the 2027 presidential election.
The first major outcry came from Sen. Ali Ndume, representing Borno East Senatorial District, who publicly accused President Tinubu of favoritism in his federal appointments. According to Ndume, the President has consistently favored individuals from the Southwest, creating a glaring imbalance in the composition of key government positions. His remarks sparked widespread public reaction and ignited a national debate on equity, inclusion, and the structure of power within the current administration.
Further compounding the controversy, Sahara Reporters revealed that the Chief of Staff to the President had inaugurated an eight-member committee to review the strategic framework for the upcoming population census. According to the report, six of the committee members hail from the Southwest, while the remaining two come from the Northwest and North Central. The South East and South South regions were notably excluded. Although the Presidency later issued a statement asserting that the committee reflected representation from relevant ministries, departments, and agencies, many critics remained unconvinced, viewing the composition as yet another example of deliberate regional bias.
In northern political circles, suspicions have begun to mount. Some argue that the administration is positioning itself to manipulate the census in a way that diminishes the North’s population figures thereby dismantling the long-held notion of northern demographic dominance. Such an outcome, they contend, would not only reduce the number of electoral constituencies in the region but also weaken its political influence in future elections. In their view, this is part of a calculated strategy to undermine the North’s leverage and force it into accepting President Tinubu’s bid for a second term.
Others interpret this differently. They believe the upcoming census is central to redrawing the political map of Nigeria, especially in terms of constituency delineation. If the figures favour southern regions, it could significantly diminish the North’s historical advantage in national elections altering the power dynamics ahead of 2027.
These permutations underscore a growing belief that the Tinubu administration is more preoccupied with the politics of re-election than with the core responsibilities of governance. The urgency to secure 2027 appears to overshadow the pressing need to deliver credible leadership, rebuild public institutions, and restore public trust.
Meanwhile, efforts to consolidate power have not gone unnoticed. The growing momentum of a proposed opposition coalition has reportedly triggered fears within the ruling party. In response, opposition governors are allegedly being pressured and intimidated to deter them from aligning with the coalition an attempt to ensure it crumbles before it gains full traction.
To manage internal discontent within the ruling party, a narrative has emerged: that over 7,000 federal appointments remain unfilled and will be used to correct the current imbalances in the administration. This promise seems less about equitable governance and more about pacifying party loyalists and preventing further defections.
Ultimately, the current trajectory raises serious questions. Is the Tinubu administration committed to delivering transformative governance, or is it merely laying the groundwork for political survival? The 2027 elections are still two years away, but the groundwork being laid today will determine whether Nigeria moves forward as a united, inclusive nation or fractures further under the weight of power plays and exclusionary politics.
[OPINION] A Dialogue In Accountability: Soludo Takes Score Card To EU/UK Ndi Anambra - Christian Aburime
Admin![[OPINION] A Dialogue In Accountability: Soludo Takes Score Card To EU/UK Ndi Anambra - Christian Aburime](/media/k2/items/cache/6427105e8a00742b478d5358dbd6affd_S.jpg)
If charity, as they say, begins at home, then accountability as a governance virtue must also be shown first at home before being trumpeted to the world.
Since last month, when his administration clocked three years, the Governor of Anambra State, Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, has been regaling Ndi Anambra with reports of his scintillating performance.
From Awka to Lagos and Abuja, the tireless governor has been reporting and giving transparent accounts to the good people of Anambra State, whom he has always respectfully referred to as his employers
In a continuation of his transparent, accountable governance, Governor Soludo has now taken his administration’s progress report directly to Anambra citizens abroad. The Easter Monday town hall meeting in London marks the culmination of a strategic Diaspora engagement tour that has already impressed audiences in Lagos and Abuja.
What makes this approach remarkable is not just the governor’s willingness to face his constituents directly but his emphasis on fiscal responsibility. Just as he told the London audience, at a time when many Nigerian states are drowning in debt, Governor Soludo proudly highlighted his administration’s achievements without resorting to potentially crippling World Bank loans. This prudent financial stewardship deserves attention, especially as some governments struggle with mounting repayment obligations.
The London gathering also represents more than a mere political exercise. It was spontaneously interactive. Critical questions were asked, and satisfactory answers were given. By actively courting Diaspora participation, Governor Soludo taps into a powerful resource: the intellectual and financial capital of Anambra citizens abroad. These professionals and business leaders possess networks, expertise, and investment capacity that could accelerate development back home, and the governor beckoned them to think home.
By and large, the governor’s methodical outreaches, from state capital Awka to economic hub Lagos to political centre Abuja and now to international Diaspora, demonstrates strategic thinking about stakeholder engagement. By framing development as collective ownership rather than government largesse, Governor Soludo challenges the traditional patron-client relationship that has hindered sustainable progress in many Nigerian states.
As Governor Soludo continues pursuing his Anambra smart megacity ambitions, this Diaspora dialogue and more such productive engagements may prove the critical difference between lofty plans and concrete achievements, going forward into his anticipated second term. For now, his model of accountability, fiscal discipline, and Diaspora partnership keeps Anambra rising on the wings of One State, One People, One Agenda.
![[OPINION] Umo Eno, Tinubu and the 2027 election - Etim Etim](/media/k2/items/cache/fd99d80c961a86373f9d28b968f6146b_S.jpg)
The most topical political issue this Easter weekend is Gov. Umo Eno’s public endorsement of President Tinubu for a second term and the discussions it’s generated across the country. Eno is a PDP governor who has not hidden his affection and support for the President and the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, and has succeeded in building bridges across political divide in his state. On many occasions, he has asked Akwa Ibom people, irrespective of party leanings, to rally around the two leaders; but this week, he took the platitude a notch higher. At the flag off of the Akwa Ibom section of the controversial Lagos-Calabar coastal road on Tuesday, the governor announced to the assembled crowd of APC and PDP chieftains that ‘’President Tinubu will be reelected for a second term and I will support him’’. APC members applauded and cheered him, while PDP chieftains looked stunned in disbelief.
At another event the following day at Ikot Ekpene township stadium, the governor repeated the same pro-Tinubu message, this time with additional flavour. ‘’I will tell you the reason when the time comes and you will see with me why we should support him so that he can complete what he started. You will see what he’s doing for our state and you will know why we should not go elsewhere’’, he said. APC supporters and members in the audience, which included Senator Akpabio’s wife, applauded; but PDP stalwarts appeared nonplussed. In return, Mrs Akpabio, apparently speaking the husband’s mind, also endorsed the governor and asked the people to support his reelection ‘’irrespective of the party you belong to’’ ,noting that the governor has performed well in office. She was essentially returning a favour the governor has extended to Akpabio since he was elected Senate President in 2023.
Since he assumed office two years ago, the governor has kept a safe distance from partisan controversies, but this is the first time he’d be in the news for openly rooting for his opponents. For being the first PDP governor to break rank with his party and openly campaign for the reelection of the President, Eno has created a stir in PDP and upended political calculations in some quarters. If this were in the Second Republic when political parties were managed almost like a military formation, the governor would be accused of anti party activities, but this is Nigeria of 2025 when indiscipline is writ large in the parties and rules, norms and traditions are obeyed in the breach. The PDP itself has been systematically weakened by its own internal contradictions. After all, a former governor and PDP chieftain is serving in Tinubu’s cabinet as a prominent minister, and he’s using his position to further undermine the party. So, Eno is justified to chart his course.
Speculations are rife on the possible reasons behind the governor’s decision not to support his party in the next election. Many even conjecture that it’s a somewhat quid pro quo strategy to cement his own reelection. But the governor waved that off. ‘’I support the president’s re election because I’m convinced that the South must complete eight years in the presidency, just as the North did’’, he said in an exclusive interview with me on Good Friday evening. ‘’My party (PDP) must do the right thing, and we must put our house in order. Can you show us a credible alternative to President Tinubu at this moment? The President is doing his best and we should support him’’, he said, stressing, however, that he is not planning to defect from his party.
Gov. Eno’s romance with APC has many implications. He is essentially taking a dig at Atiku Abubarkar who is clearly looking to contest again in 2027. The 78-year-old former Vice President was the standard bearer of PDP in the last two presidential elections, even going against the rotation between North and South in 2023. Many PDP leaders have asked him not to run again so as to make way for fresh hands to lead the party. But Atiku seems adamant and there are indications that his entry into 2027 race may further divide the party. APC leaders in Akwa Ibom are understandably excited at the turn of events. Chief Don Etiebet, former Petroleum Minister and APC leader, praised the governor for endorsing the president and commended Senator Akpabio for backing the governor for a second term.
But some PDP leaders are not sure of what to make of their governor’s position. Some like State Party Chairman Emmanuel Akpan and Emmanuel Enoidem, SAN, who was the chairman of the governor’s election political group, refused to comment when I called. But a few are quite clear-headed about it. Says Isantim Kenneth Okon, Chairman of Ibom Community Watch, the state’s security outfit: ‘’the governor is our leader; when he speaks, we listen; and when he moves, we follow. But in this case, the governor should ensure that we get something in return from the president. President Tinubu will have to return the favour by supporting the state government’s desire to develop a deep sea port. The port will change the economy of Akwa Ibom forever and it’s very dear to our people’’. I agree with Okon on this, and it’s a point Gov. Eno also emphasized when we spoke.
The governor rejects the assumption that he’s supporting Tinubu in order to secure the president’s backing for his own re election. He told me: ‘’By the grace of God, I am a contented man. I will forever remain thankful to God, my political father Udom Emmanuel and Akwa Ibom people for their trust. I will always follow my conscience. I have my conviction to support this president to succeed. If God is for me, what can man do for me?’’
Meanwhile, Eno deserves some credit for building cross-party political alliance between PDP and APC in the state. If it is firmed up and implemented, he and Akpabio would be returned unopposed and President Tinubu will go beyond the 30% threshold APC has scored in the last two presidential elections in the state. It will also bring an end to the gubernatorial ambitions of folks like Senator Ita Enang and Senator Bassey Albert who have been warming up to run again in 2027. The loser would be the PDP which scored over 50% of the vote in the 2023 presidential race. But if this alliance fails, a big political battle will ensue in the state.
![[OPINION] Farewell to the People’s Pope - Kayode Komolafe](/media/k2/items/cache/b21a2b0dd13424bd55d0fb892b093b7d_S.jpg)
The progressive signature of Pope Francis on the Vatican was unmistakable from the beginning of his papacy. Since the Catholic pontiff died on Easter Monday the remarkable positions taken by the Bishop of Rome on many socio-economic and political issues have been amply acknowledged in tributes from diverse quarters. The Pope stood for world peace. He preached compassion. He opposed the widening inequality and social injustice which define the world. He cautioned against irresponsibility in matters of climate change. He appointed women to positions of responsibility in the Vatican. He condemned the suffering of women and children as Israel bombed the occupied territory of Gaza just as he rejected anti-Semitism. With his immense moral authority, the Pope took many other steps in solidarity with the poor and the weak. Expectedly, the difference that Pope Francis was making attracted the attention of observers globally.
It could be a fitting farewell to Pope Francis to reproduce a tribute that this reporter paid to the pontiff on this page on Christmas Day 2013. It was entitled “Pope Francis, Truly of the People.”
Below is the piece:
“As Pope Francis celebrates his first Christmas today in the Vatican as the leader of Catholics all over the world, it may be apposite to draw attention to the emerging character of his papacy.
“At least one discernible trait in the doctrinal development taking place in the Vatican is quite relevant to the message of Christmas: Pope Francis has reinvigorated the message of compassion which is at the heart of Christianity and other great religions.
“In other words, it is important to spare a thought about the social relevance of evangelism. It is on this point that Pope Francis is a leader to watch.
“Take a sample.
“On his twitter page last Thursday, the Pope said: ‘Let us pray that God grant us the grace of knowing a world where no one dies of hunger’.
“Now that is a great departure from the sort of evangelism that blames the victims of hunger; some other leaders of faith would say the hungry man is suffering from the consequence of his sins. Doubtless, the pontiff is carrying out a reform of the message issuing from the church. Some would even call what is taking place a revolution of sorts. There is no way you could be honestly critical of the world in which millions of human beings live in abject poverty without being critical of the dominant ideology of the age. It is such a case that mass poverty is what global capitalism has got to show for its so-called ideological triumph in the cold war. “Hence, Pope Francis has been unequivocal in his criticism of the recklessness of neo-liberal capitalism, which has wreaked havoc in the economies of even the developed capitalist societies. He has condemned the growing inequality in the global economic system. He has never assumed the posture of a technical expert; he has only demonstrated a social conscience in his faith. This is the lesson other religious leaders should learn from the Pope. The Pope has been reported as posing this sobering question: ‘How can it be that it is not a news item when an elderly homeless person dies of exposure, but it is news when the stock market loses two points?’ It is a question that those who glibly proclaim the end of ideology should sometimes ponder.
“On another occasion, he said: ‘People continue to defend trickle-down theories which assume that economic growth … will bring about greater justice in the world. This opinion expresses a naive trust in the goodness of those wielding economic power.’ The matter is put more explicitly when the Pope argues as follows: ‘As long as the problems of the poor are not resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets … no solution will be found for the world’s problems or, for that matter, to any problems.
“By the way, these random quotations from the statements that the Pope has made in the last few months are merely to illustrate the clarity of purpose in his message. More significantly, the fact that these statements are made by the Pope makes them to be weighty in global terms. After all, there was a Pope who was reputed to be a member of the ideological tripod that facilitated the ‘collapse of communism’. This is a frequent reference to the ideological roles of former American President Ronald Reagan, former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Pope John Paul in the days of the cold war. Similarly, the message of Pope Francis is resonating today in liberal and conservative quarters. However, unlike Pope John Paul, Pope Francis does not appear destined to be a hero of the Right. Members of the Tea Party in the United States already see something red about the Pope, which the rest of the world is, perhaps, not seeing yet.
“Little surprise that those who are cocooned in the extreme right corner of the ideological spectrum are quick to dub the Pope a ‘Marxist’ for his message of compassion for the poor in a Christ-like manner. Interestingly, the Pope has defended himself unambiguously against the charges of ‘Marxism’. He said: ‘Marxist ideology is wrong. But in my life I have met a lot of Marxists who are good people, so I do not feel offended… That does not mean being a Marxist.’ It is also instructive that as an Argentine, the Pope has lived under the regime of neo-liberal orthodoxy in economic management with its socially destructive consequences.
“He is no stranger to the effects of global capitalism on the quality of life of the poor. Yet he is no liberation theologian. If anything, he is on record to have been critical of the leftist liberation theologians in Latin America in those days.
“Pope Francis is only reminding the Church of the primary question of compassion in its origins; this is a question that market forces do not yet have an answer. You don’t have to be a communist to appreciate this fact about humanity. All that is needed is to be socially sensitive to the widening inequality in the world today. This is the point that the conservative segment of the Pope’s audience should always bear in mind, as they are wont to assail him with ideological criticisms. It is cheery news that not a few observers across the ideological spectrum are watching the doctrinal direction in the Vatican with keen interest.
“The TIME Magazine seems to capture the essence of the new direction of the Pope when it declared him ‘Person of the Year’ last week for ‘pulling the papacy out of the palace and into the streets, for committing the world’s largest church to confronting its deepest needs and for balancing judgment with mercy…’ Besides, he has made a forceful case for a ‘greater presence’ of women in the church. There is a lot of truth in the observation which the magazine puts like this: ‘These days it is bracing to hear a leader say anything that annoys anyone. Now liberals and conservatives alike face a choice as they listen to a new voice of conscience: Which matters more, that this charismatic leader is saying things they think need to be said or that he is also saying things they’d rather not hear?’
“It is refreshing to know that the message from the Vatican is not only about abortion and homosexuals. While he maintains the fundamental views of the church on these largely social and biological issues, he is nudging the church away from getting fixated on the issues. On homosexuality, he once asked: ‘who am I to judge?’ Now, this is far from being rhetorical. It is a possible call for a rethink.
“What is, however, not in dispute is that poverty and inequality are doing a greater havoc to humanity. In words and action, the Pope is reminding the world of this material reality.
“The Pope exudes humility and prefers a simple life. Some other men of God do not see the contradiction between their lives of opulence (sometimes bordering on obscenity) and the poverty of the majority in the congregation. By rejecting the burgeoning inequality in the world today and making compassion a focus of evangelism, Pope Francis truly belongs to the people.”
Yes, the foregoing was just a humble observation of Pope Francis nine months after his papacy began. From the tributes now being paid across the globe to his memory since he died two days ago, the beautiful story of Pope Francis has been that of “morning shows the day.” Some of the great things being said today about Pope Francis were already manifest 12 years ago when he became the head of the Catholic Church.
He held on to his faith to the last minute.
May the compassion, justice and peace about which Pope Francis consistently preached to the world come to pass.
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![[OPINION] Kukah’s 2025 Easter Message: Worth Digesting And Ruminating Over - Isaac Asabor](/media/k2/items/cache/3c83687528bf738a6689d2939de3195f_XS.jpg)
In a time when most religious homilies have been reduced to performative sermons void of national relevance, Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah of the Catholic Diocese of Sokoto continues to remind Nigerians that the pulpit can still be a place of truth, courage, and accountability. His 2025 Easter Message, delivered during the Holy Saturday Service, is not just a homily, it is a clarion call that holds a mirror up to the Nigerian state and its leadership. In a country plagued by hypocrisy and muffled truths, Bishop Kukah’s sermon is, indeed, worth digesting and ruminating over.
His message, rich in metaphor and grounded in the harsh realities of Nigeria, forces us to reckon with the nation’s spiritual and socio-political condition. Using the cross as a metaphor, Kukah paints a grim yet honest portrait of a country bleeding from every corner, crippled by insecurity, hunger, and poor governance. He doesn’t mince words, and in doing so, he does what many in positions of influence fear: he speaks truth to power.
Kukah opens his homily by drawing a parallel between the crucifixion of Christ and the suffering of Nigerians. He refers to the nation’s current situation as being akin to dangling on a cross, innocent, tortured, and abandoned. “Mr. President, Nigeria is reaching a breaking point. The nation is gradually becoming a huge national morgue,” he warns.
This metaphor is not poetic exaggeration, it is brutally accurate. From Sokoto to Enugu, Maiduguri to Lagos, families wake up unsure of whether they or their loved ones will fall victim to the day’s dose of savagery. Kidnappings, killings, and general insecurity have become so normalized that the announcement of tragedies barely elicits shock anymore. Nigeria, Kukah rightly notes, is hanging on a cross constructed by decades of political recklessness, but now, the nails are being driven deeper by a government that seems increasingly detached from the agony below.
One of the boldest elements of the homily is Kukah’s direct address to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. “Mr. President, we all admit that you neither erected this cross nor did you effect our collective crucifixion,” he says, acknowledging that Tinubu inherited a mess. But that is where the understanding ends. The bishop swiftly pivots to reality: Nigerians are tired of hanging on this cross.
Kukah demands action, not explanations, not excuses. His tone is firm but not disrespectful, clear but not confrontational. In a country where sycophancy has become a norm among many religious leaders, his audacity to call on the President to “bring us down from this cross” is not only refreshing but necessary.
Kukah does not dwell only on physical suffering. He expands the discussion to the moral and psychological torment of Nigerians. He highlights the culture of cynicism, hopelessness, and loss of faith in leadership. The bishop reminds Christians, however, that Easter is fundamentally a season of hope, hope that defies logic and endures beyond pain.
This is a critical spiritual and philosophical insight. Nigerians have endured so much pain that many no longer expect improvement, they merely hope to survive. And this is dangerous. A nation that no longer expects progress that no longer believes in its future is on a fast track to implosion. Kukah is essentially saying: reigniting hope is not just spiritual, it is political. It must be backed by tangible action.
In what could be described as one of the most piercing portions of the homily, Kukah calls out the futility of palliative-driven policies. He rightly points out that “mere palliative distribution diminishes the dignity of citizens.” Nigeria has become a nation where government handouts are presented as policy achievements, and Kukah is having none of it.
He presses the President to make food security a fundamental right, not a seasonal handout. His challenge goes beyond hunger. It speaks to the heart of a broken governance system, one that has mastered the art of temporary relief but fails at sustainable solutions.
Kukah’s homily takes a darker turn when he reminds Nigerians that some of today’s bandits were once political tools. “Some of our public officers confessed that they brought our current killers into our country as a strategy for upstaging the government of the day.” This is a chilling revelation, and one that indicts the political class across board. It lays bare the reality that Nigeria’s insecurity is not an accident, it is, in part, a consequence of calculated greed and a hunger for power.
Now, these political tools have mutated into monsters. They no longer take orders, they issue them. Kukah warns that Nigeria’s very foundation is under threat from these “ravenous predators.” If these threats are not dismantled immediately, Nigeria risks becoming a failed state in both function and soul.
Kukah ends his message with a dire warning: that government inaction is beginning to look suspicious. He questions whether the persistence of insecurity is due to incompetence or whether those in power are benefiting from the chaos. “Are Nigerians lambs being sacrificed to an unknown god?” he asks. That’s not just a rhetorical question; it’s a haunting accusation.
This is perhaps the most damning part of the homily. It questions the very moral fiber of the nation’s leadership. Is the state merely overwhelmed, or is it compromised? Are our leaders simply helpless, or are they profiting from our helplessness?
Even as Kukah critiques and challenges the nation’s leaders, he does not lose sight of the essence of Easter. He reminds Christians that Christ’s resurrection is the ultimate emblem of hope. This is not a message of despair, it is a call to action, a spiritual charge to believe again, act again, and reclaim our country.
Kukah’s sermon is what a prophetic message should be: bold, honest, faith-filled, and politically aware. It is a message that should make leaders uncomfortable and citizens reflective. It is a sermon that forces us to think, not just about what is, but about what ought to be.
In a country starved of sincerity, Bishop Kukah’s 2025 Easter message serves as both mirror and map. It reflects the nation’s failings with unapologetic clarity, and at the same time, offers a roadmap for renewal. This is no ordinary sermon, it is a national document of conscience.
Nigeria needs more leaders like Kukah, who are not afraid to tell uncomfortable.
![[OPINION] Who Is Playing Rivers State Like A Political Chessboard? - Isaac Asabor](/media/k2/items/cache/64037d72f9b71c54c42388c798407d4e_XS.jpg)
Rivers State, one of Nigeria’s most strategically important states politically and economically, has lately become a theatre of absurdity, where the rules of democratic governance have been replaced with the treacherous tactics of a chessboard. The unfolding drama, characterized by betrayals, power tussles, underhanded moves, and calculated silence, raises a pertinent question: Who is really playing Rivers State like a political chessboard to satisfy his selfish ambition?
From the outside, it may look like a mere clash between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, now the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). But look deeper and you will see a more sinister power play, one where the state is being treated like a pawn in a much larger, more dangerous game.
Rivers State was not always like this. Known for its rich oil resources and vibrant people, the state used to stand as a symbol of strength in the Niger Delta. However, in recent years, it has become increasingly evident that political godfatherism has entrenched itself in the corridors of power. At the center of this debacle is the unresolved tension between Wike and Fubara, an embarrassing soap opera that has eroded the state’s dignity.
Governor Fubara was supposedly Wike’s protégé. He emerged as the governorship candidate under controversial circumstances, allegedly handpicked by Wike himself to serve as a placeholder for the minister’s extended influence. But like many political godsons who suddenly find themselves in power, Fubara is now resisting the overbearing hand of his godfather.
Let’s be brutally honest, no political chess game is played without a grandmaster. Someone is holding the strings, someone with a national ambition, someone who sees Rivers State not as a place of people and culture, but as a stronghold to consolidate power. The state’s politics are being manipulated, not for development or peace, but for raw political gain. Wike, known for his brash and confrontational style, has refused to let go of power, and his desperation for political relevance, perhaps as a future presidential or vice-presidential hopeful, has led to the current debacle.
His hand is seen in every move, covert and overt. From the sudden defection of lawmakers loyal to him, to the persistent impeachment plots against Fubara, and his eventual suspension as a state of emergency was declared, to his unguarded utterances while chaos brews, Wike appears to be orchestrating every move, like a general moving pieces on a board. The question is: to what end?
This is not the first time Nigeria is witnessing a fallout between a political godfather and a godson. From Lagos to Kano, this unholy arrangement has always ended in disaster. But the Rivers State case is particularly worrisome because it appears the state’s interest is not even a factor in the equation. Developmental concerns, governance, and the welfare of the people have all been sacrificed at the altar of ego and ambition.
The 2023 elections were meant to mark a turning point for Rivers. Instead, the elections handed the state back to a shadowy cabal determined to hold it hostage. The current rift has paralyzed governance. Projects have stalled. The civil service is in limbo. Tensions are so high that even security agencies are reportedly taking sides. Is this what Rivers people voted for?
Let’s not romanticize Fubara as an innocent victim either. He knew the game he was getting into. He knew he was handpicked for a reason, to be loyal to Wike. But the moment he attempted to assert his independence, the game changed. This is a classic case of a pawn trying to become a king. His newfound resistance, though commendable in democratic terms, appears reactive rather than strategic. He has failed to build the kind of political coalition necessary to withstand a force like Wike, and his political naivety is becoming more apparent by the day.
However, one cannot entirely blame him. He was placed in office under the illusion of loyalty and expected to dance to a tune that was never his. When he tried to compose his own music, the conductor cut him off.
The most tragic part of this game is the suffering of the ordinary people of Rivers State. While political elites are busy plotting their next move, ordinary citizens are grappling with poor infrastructure, worsening insecurity, environmental degradation, and a dwindling economy. The recent destruction of public properties, factional loyalist violence, and breakdown of legislative functions are telltale signs that the state is dangerously teetering on the edge of anarchy.
The question, then, is not just who is playing the game, but why the people of Rivers are allowing themselves to be played.
We must also look at the wider political implications. The All Progressives Congress (APC), which now counts Wike as one of its strongest backers at the national level, is watching this crisis unfold with keen interest. Wike’s crossover from PDP to APC, in all but name, has allowed him to leverage the federal structure in his favor, putting Governor Fubara in a precarious position. It is as though the state is being offered as a political dowry to the APC in exchange for Wike’s ambitions down the line.
This political chess game is not confined to Rivers alone. It is a dangerous template that, if left unchecked, will spread to other states. What Wike is doing in Rivers today, others will replicate tomorrow. The presidency’s silence over the entire saga is even more troubling. Are they tacitly approving this method of control?
Nigeria’s democracy is still growing, and this growth is being stunted by political desperadoes who believe in power for power’s sake. The Rivers State situation is a clarion call for political maturity. It is time for Rivers leaders, both past and present, to rise above personal ambition and put the state first.
Civil society groups, traditional rulers, and respected elders in the Niger Delta must intervene. The National Assembly should not be silent while a federating unit is being torn apart by a selfish political feud. And Rivers people must rise and demand better. Their state should not be reduced to a mere pawn in someone’s ambition.
So, who is playing Rivers State like a political chessboard? The signs are clear. The moves are obvious. The ambition is evident.
It is time for Rivers people to say, “Enough is enough.” The state deserves better than being reduced to a political playground for personal ego trips. Until Rivers is allowed to breathe, grow, and function without the suffocating grip of self-styled godfathers, its future will remain uncertain, just another pawn in a never-ending game of political chess.
And just like in chess, when pawns are carelessly played, they are easily sacrificed. The people of Rivers must not allow themselves to be sacrificed. Not this time.
![[OPINION] For AI, another layer in the stack? - Okoh Aihe](/media/k2/items/cache/d572f8ed870f6b796f01d0d40d25b504_XS.jpg)
The unveiling of the Artificial Intelligence Collective last week by Dr Bosun Tijani, Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, is a good call by the Nigerian government to play a lead role in the development and deployment of AI to resolve socio-economic challenges while developing new opportunities.
The Collective is a gathering of experts and distinguished personalities from the tech industry, communications, academia, civil society and the private sector which, in the expectation of the government, will develop a strategy to build a sustainable AI ecosystem, one that supports innovation while safeguarding ethics and inclusion.
AI is more than the new kid on the block. It’s a monster that holds the keys to future economic growth and development. It has the capacity to do virtually anything, except probably standing on a street corner and whispering some love notes to a friend. AI has no feelings but has the capacity to achieve good.
My judgement call derives from the Minister’s conscious effort to put the country on the front row in building out an AI ecosystem that will be of more benefit to the nation while providing a template for the rest of the continent. There are always benefits for those who make the first move at the dawn of new technologies. They enjoy the advantages of the first movers.
History is replete with such developments as humanity is always pushing the frontiers of knowledge and putting technology to test in the most esoteric way. There is always a harvest of glory and then wealth.
Look at this. The space race started in the 50s. The Soviet Union of which Russia remains the most visible surviving face, sent the Sputnik into space in October 1957. The development was too much for America to stomach as the country’s President, J.F. Kennedy challenged his nation to land a man on the moon between 1960 and 1970. By July 1969, the objective was achieved as Apollo11 docked three men on the moon who planted an American flag in that planet hitherto unreached by man.
Since then the wisdom in President Kennedy’s positon not to concede the importance of space to any other nation of the world is only too obvious. More countries of the world have joined the space race. Our dear country, Nigeria, even had to contact the Chinese to build a satellite for us to have a leg in the space business. Space technology has become a big boom for businesses. You can’t fly a plane without space technology. You can’t steer a ship without space technology. Telecommunications and broadcasting are dead without space technology. In fact, life may actually be put on hold without space technology. Call that hyperbole! It only adds colour to our exaggerated beliefs.
At the moment, fun has become an element of the game. Only recently, billionaire Jeff Bezos, flew an all female crew into space with his Blue Origin rocket. Within 11 minutes of return flight, the six women got beyond the limits of the earth into that space of weightlessness before returning in a capsule. And perhaps too tucked into her seat to enjoy an opportunity to wave to God, pop star, Katy Perry, burst into Louis Armstrong’s song, What a Wonderful World. CBS reporter, Gayle King called it the highlight of the journey for her, according to a BBC report of the event.
Another billionaire, Elon Musk, who has become more of a politician lately, with his SpaceX, has long redefined the history of space technology, going beyond tourism to even sending a crew for space rescue mission recently from the International Space Station (ISS).
British billionaire, Richard Branson, wouldn’t let the Americans have the entire space to themselves alone. Virgin Galactic planned a monthly tour to space. A ticket is said to cost a hefty $450,000 from $200,000; while in the summer of 2021, Blue Origin once auctioned a seat for $28m!
So there is so much to benefit from new technologies beyond the veneer of politics. And methinks the minister is not playing politics but genuinely concerned about Nigeria benefiting from this new genre of technology with the capacity to have a profound impact on humanity well into the foreseeable future.
At the Paris AI Summit in February 2025 where Nigeria was present fortunately, the global community came to pitch for their countries. For instance, Vice President JD Vance who represented the United States argued that of the projected $700bn investment in AI by 2028, half of the money should come to his country because of the attraction it presents.
Dr Tijani said at the time that “Artificial Intelligence is an opportunity for humanity to be better, and we cannot afford to take our eyes off it.” He is also very concerned about Nigeria leading AI discourse in the global south where needs and direction are different from what obtains in the developed north.
But more of the strategy was about the country last week. “The country’s model involves identifying and engaging with Nigerian researchers and experts in AI, both locally and internationally, to develop a comprehensive strategy that addresses the nation’s specific needs and challenges,” he said.
From the personalities present at the launch, including Prof Olayinka David-West, Dean, Lagos Business School, and Dr Olubayo Akanmbi, CEO, Data Science Nigeria, representatives of relevant industries and their positive positions expressed, this writer has little room for doubt. However, there is some fear that this launch shouldn’t be another layer upon the stack of problems waiting to gain serious attention in the tech ecosystem or in the government basket of issues waiting to be addressed.
There are quite a number of them but I will pick only two for the purpose of this writing. The mobile industry is projected to hit $11trillion in economic value and 8.4 percent of global GDP by 2030. Without doubt Nigeria is expected to benefit from this economic windfall. Unfortunately, the regulator of the telecommunications industry, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), whose duty it is to curate the process and ensure such benefits, has not been able to recover from the harassment received under the previous administration. It is therefore reasonable to observe that without being spruced up in terms of training and necessary financial provision, the organisation may find it difficult to meet expectations from critical stakeholders. It is in the interest of the government for the NCC to once again wear the ironclads of the regulator and be able to meet even the most basic aspirational expectations of these stakeholders.
The Minister may tell me that he is not in charge of the broadcast industry and its regulator, the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) but the activities can hardly be separated. Look at it this way. The Digital Switchover (DSO) that should have ended in 2021 has hardly moved a needle. This writer is not aware of any timetable at the moment to bring the process to a conclusion. The attraction at the time was that a proper execution of DSO would free up some broadcast frequencies for telecom services. Apart from bringing more money to the coffers of the government, the new frequencies will help to deepen telecommunication service availability and penetration. A minister so desirous of growing the telecoms industry with the aim of introducing new bouquets of services should take more than a cursory interest in the DSO process and encourage his broadcast counterpart with shared and beneficial opportunities.
As a writer, I have long understood the emptiness of words, how cheap they can be, according to Prof Femi Osofisan, and the need for those in government to go beyond the confines of words. I encourage Dr Bosun Tijani to match his enthusiasm with action and add the agility of youthfulness to achieve the kind of results that history cannot ignore. He doesn’t need to be told that technology can be very harsh in documenting our efforts for posterity.
[OPINION] Francis: Epitome of Simplicity and Friend of the Poor, Undaunted by Controversy - Paul Ejime
Admin![[OPINION] Francis: Epitome of Simplicity and Friend of the Poor, Undaunted by Controversy - Paul Ejime](/media/k2/items/cache/5649c72afc8420a6a0391d29304e640d_XS.jpg)
The passing of Pope Francis, aged 88, on Easter Monday (21 April 2025) has ended a 12-year papacy marked by humility and simplicity. Less than 28 hours earlier, the ailing pontiff, nicknamed “Slum Bishop” in his native country, Argentina, struggled to bless a crowd gathered at the Vatican to celebrate Easter Sunday this year. His final words in public were: “Dear brothers and sisters, I wish you a happy Easter.”
Born Jorge Mario Bergoglio on 17th of December 1936, to Italian immigrants, Pope Francis took the name of the 13th-century Saint also known for his simplicity. Instead of the Apostolic Palace reserved for Popes, Francis lived in a Vatican apartment, wore his old-fashioned shoes, discarding the red loafers of the papacy, and rode in compact cars or buses, abandoning the Papal limousine.
Pope Francis was ordained a Jesuit priest in 1969 and led the Religious Order in Argentina from 1976-83. He became Archbishop of Buenos Aires in 1998 and was elevated to Cardinal in 2001 by then-Pope John Paul II, now a Saint.
Francis was elected the 266th Pope on March 13, 2013, on the fifth ballot, after his predecessor Pope Benedict XVI stepped down. He presided over the latter’s burial in December 2022.
The prelate scored several firsts, including, the first pope from the Americas, the first from the Jesuit Order; the first to take the name of Francis, after St. Francis of Assisi and the first Roman Catholic Pope to visit Iraq, where he met the country’s top Shiite Muslim cleric in 2021.
Francis made his funeral wishes ahead of time. In November 2024, he revised the traditional papal funeral rites, insisting that his would emphasise the role of a “humble bishop.”
The Master of liturgical ceremonies, Monsignor Diego Ravelli, later explained that the Vatican would be eliminating the usual requirement that the pope's body be placed on an elevated bier in St. Peter’s Basilica to be viewed by members of the public.
“Instead, Pope Francis' body will be placed in view at the Basilica in a simple coffin, where dignitaries and some of the faithful may pay their final respects.
“The burial itself will no longer require the three coffins crafted of cypress, lead, and oak, as is the papal tradition,” Ravelli said, explaining that this is “to emphasize even more that the Roman Pontiff’s funeral is that of a shepherd and disciple of Christ and not of a powerful man of this world.”
Announcing his demise, the Vatican said that Francis died on Easter Monday, two months following his treatment for bronchitis at Gemelli Hospital in Rome.
"Dearest brothers and sisters, with deep sorrow, I must announce the death of our Holy Father Francis. At 7.35 am, the Bishop of Rome, Francis, returned to the house of the Father,” said Cardinal Farrell.
“With immense gratitude for his example as a true disciple of the Lord Jesus, we commend the soul of Pope Francis to the infinite merciful love of the One and Triune God," he added.
On the night he was elected, Pope Francis and the Cardinals rode in a bus back to his hotel, instead of being driven in the papal car. The next morning, he insisted on paying the hotel bill.
During his days as an archbishop in Buenos Aires, Pope Francis earned the nickname 'Slum Bishop,' because of his frequent visits to crime-ridden shanty settlements. Apart from residing in a modest Vatican flat, he also cooked his meals.
His aides and associates testify that after every trip, Pope Francis would visit the Basilica, where he prayed before an image of Mary, cradling her baby son, Jesus Christ, saying: “It’s my great devotion. The place is already prepared,” in reference to his final resting place.
An advocate of the poor and migrants, Pope Francis' first trip outside Rome in 2013 was to the Sicilian island of Lampedusa to meet with newly arrived migrants. He denounced what he called the “globalisation of indifference” towards would-be refugees.
He also prayed for dead migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border in 2016 and brought 12 Syrian Muslims to Rome on his plane after visiting a refugee camp in Lesbos, Greece.
Such dispositions pitted Francis against U.S. and European policies, and he was on record as telling then-U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump in 2016 that “anyone building a wall to keep migrants out is not a Christian.”
Francis also became the first pope to use scientific data in a major teaching document, and made care for God’s creation a hallmark of his papacy.
In 2015, Francis in an environmental manifesto “Praised Be” called for a cultural revolution to correct what he called the “structurally perverse” global economic system that exploits the poor and turns the Earth into “an immense pile of filth.”
Early in his papacy, Francis signaled a more welcoming stance towards the LGBTQ+ community, declaring: “Who am I to judge?” when asked about a gay priest. In 2023, he was quoted as saying that “Being homosexual is not a crime,” and later approved blessings for same-sex couples, provided they don’t resemble marriage vows.
A notable scandal erupted during his papacy in 2018, when he controversially criticised victims of clergy sexual abuse in Chile and sided with a bishop accused of complicity in the abuse. However, realising his mistake, Francis wasted no time in inviting the victims to the Vatican and apologised. He also brought Chilean Bishops to Rome, and pressed upon them to resign over the scandal.
Francis went on to convene a summit of the Catholic hierarchy in 2019 on abuse and made a strong statement by defrocking former U.S. Cardinal Theodore McCarrick after a Vatican investigation implicated him in the abuse of minors and adults.
Furthermore, Francis approved Church laws abolishing the use of pontifical secrecy and establishing procedures to investigate bishops who abuse or cover up for predator priests. The high-profile case where Pope Francis seemed to side with accused clergy was blight, but his papacy was remarkable for his courage, simplicity, selfless and pro-poor leadership.
As World leaders mourn him, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said: “Pope Francis will always be remembered as a beacon of compassion, humility and spiritual courage…” Despite their disagreements, U.S. President Trump wrote: “Rest in Peace Pope Francis,“ and in separate post, announced that flags would be flown at half-mast in the White House and other public buildings in and outside America in honour of Francis.
Israeli President Isaac Herzog praised the late Pope as "A man of deep faith and boundless compassion, (who) dedicated his life to uplifting the poor and calling for peace in a troubled world."
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who personally met Pope Francis three times - in 2013, 2015, and 2019 - called him a "defender" of "humanism and justice," recalling his role in fostering ties between the Orthodox and Catholic Churches.
King Charles III of England said he was "deeply saddened" by the death of Pope Francis, whom he visited earlier this month with his wife, Queen Camilla.
The UK Prime Minister, Sir Keir Starmer, said the Pope’s "tireless efforts to promote a world that is fairer for all will leave a lasting legacy."
Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof said Pope Francis was “a leader who connected with people and focused on contemporary global challenges.”
Nigerian President and ECOWAS Chairman Bola Tinubu described Pope Francis as “a humble servant of God, tireless champion of the poor, and guiding light for millions.”
American Cardinal Kevin Farrell has stepped in as acting head of the Vatican, and as the World looks forward to the funeral of Pope Francis and the election of the 267th leader of the estimated 1.4 billion Catholic faithful, the Italian Football Federation cancelled all matches on Monday in honour of the late pontiff.
The election of a new pontiff is a solemn event that equally generates huge public interest, especially the anticipation of the white smoke, which signals the selection of a new Pope by the Papal Conclave or College of Cardinals.
Africa's two candidates for a potential pope are Cardinal Peter Turkson,76, from Ghana, and Cardinal Robert Sarah, 79, of Guinea.
Pope Francis undertook 47 international trips during his papacy, including visits to 10 African, 22 Asian, 23 European, and 12 North and South American countries.
Rest on, Holy Father, Pope Francis!
Paul Ejime is a Media/Communications Specialist and Global Affairs Analyst