
OTHERS' VIEWS
The banking sector dominated headlines in the past few days following the humongous earnings released by most of the financial institutions in their full-year 2024 financial results.
In a country where individuals and companies are hurting from economic challenges and rising cost of basic necessities, the financial industry seems to be projecting a stark contrast as commercial banks continue to churn out staggering and record-breaking earnings.
For instance, the pre-tax profit for five tier-1 banks rose by about 69.5 percent to N4.56 trillion in 2024, as against the N2.69 trillion they recorded in 2023, just as their net profit after tax grew by 66.2 per cent, from N2.27 trillion in 2023, to N3.78 trillion in 2024.
Key extracts from the full-year financial results of United Bank for Africa (UBA) Plc, First Holdco Plc, Zenith Bank International Plc, Guaranty Trust Holding Company (GTCO) and Stanbic IBTC Holdings Plc revealed a strong jump in their respective profitability and assets.
Their combined total assets hit N108.21 trillion in the review year, compared with the N72.80 trillion recorded in 2023.
For UBA, while it recorded a pre-tax profit of N803.72 billion in 2024, compared with N757.68 billion in 2023, its net profit rose from N607.7 billion to N766.6 billion. Zenith Bank’s profit before tax rose from N795.96 billion in 2023 to N1.32 trillion in 2024, while its profit after tax also crossed the N1 trillion mark from N676.9 billion to N1.03 trillion.
GTCO printed pre-tax profit of N1.27 trillion in 2024 as against N609.3 billion in 2023, and its net profit rose from N539.66 billion to N1.02 trillion. First Holdco doubled profit before tax from N356.15 billion in 2023 to N862.39 billion in 2024, while its profit after tax increased from N308.4 billion to N736.7 billion.
Stanbic IBTC Holdings’ profit before tax doubled from N172.91 billion in 2023 to N303.8 billion in 2024, while profit after tax increased from N140.62 billion to N225.3 billion.
In the same vein, Fidelity Bank Plc which is not in the tier-one league reporting a 210 per cent growth in its profit before tax to N385.2 billion in 2024. According to the bank’s results released on the Nigerian Exchange (NGX), its profit after tax jumped by 179.6 percent to N278.1 billion in 2024.
Clearly, this is a startling dissonance and most Nigerians are wondering how possible it is for a sector to thrive so magnificently amid the economic hardship in the land? They are also questioning if these earnings are a testament to sound financial management, or do they signal a widening gap between the prosperity of the banking sector and the struggles of everyday citizens?
This questions arise because today, millions of Nigerians still experience multidimensional poverty as the country faces unique challenges in addressing poverty, considering its diverse population and regions. With the rebased Consumer Price Index, inflation in Nigeria today stands at 23.18 percent with the harsh business environment.
While the robust finance performance is partly attributed to banks taking advantage of the high interest rate environment and foreign exchange revaluation gains, many banks also short-change their customers and illegally profit from hidden and arbitrary charges. These excess charges range from commission on NIP transfer, VAT charges, SMS VAT charges, SMS alert charges, processing fees, interest charges, commission on turnover, card and account maintenance fees, withdrawals, and transfers charges, ATM fees, stamp duty fees, among others. Annoyingly, some banks charge for each of the more than two SMS notifications they send on a single transaction, in a country where workers’ minimum wage remains lower compared to other emerging economies.
These numerous charges significantly erode bank customers’ savings in Nigeria, compared with other jurisdictions where such charges are often non-existent, especially for basic accounts. It also impacts negatively on financial inclusion.
Indeed, this is not about demonising banks making profits, it is about advocating for a more balanced approach and responsible banking. The concerns of banks profiting from excessive charges call(s) for scrutiny and highlight(s) the need for consumer protection.
Also, beyond declaring huge profits, banks should note that they are essential in providing a safe place for individuals and businesses to store their money, offer loans to stimulate economic activity, and facilitating a wide range of financial transactions.
The concern by the President of the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), Francis Meshioye, who recently stated that commercial banks are not supporting manufacturers and small and medium-scale enterprises (SMEs) enough should also be looked into.
According to Meshioye, the percentage of bank loans to the real sector yearly, compared to other sectors, is abysmal, currently at about 12.9 per cent.
“Besides scarcity, the cost of funds is too high and no manufacturer can produce anything with the current interest rate. If the banks have access to short-term funds, they cannot give long-term loans. The cost of funds will determine how much the banks are going to give out as they certainly cannot give out funds at a loss to them.
“The banks are growing their capital base and declaring huge profits while manufacturers are declaring losses and closing shops. When we even get the funds, by the time it is time to pay back, the cost of funds has gone up and we find out that our capital base has eroded even more,” he said.
From the foregoing, commercial banks must shun arbitrary deductions from customers’ accounts, and transparency, fairness should be their guiding principles.
The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) which has statutory mandate under the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act to intervene in matters that adversely affect consumer interests, must also be alive to its responsibility to prevent banks from ripping off consumers.
Equally, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has to ensure that the regulatory environment is strengthened so that banks can operate in a manner that aligns with the nation’s developmental goals. Policies that promote financial inclusion, encourage lending to productive sectors, and curb excessive interest rate spreads are essential. It is equally important for regulators in the financial system to initiate enduring public awareness programmes that will build financial knowledge and literacy of consumers.
The development also justifies the need for the federal government to ensure the enforcement of last year’s imposition of a windfall tax. In July 2024, the National Assembly passed a bill that was assented to by President Bola Tinubu in August 2024. By the Finance (Amendment) Act 2023, the windfall tax targets the significant profits banks made due to the naira’s devaluation. This policy is expected to push banks towards more sustainable and ethical business practices, where profit generation is aligned with long-term value creation, customer satisfaction, and economic development.
Finally, for Nigeria to truly prosper, the benefits of economic growth must be more equitably distributed. Banks must also contribute towards ensuring that the country achieves inclusive growth and one where the prosperity of the few translates into opportunity for many.
In Nigerian politics, loyalty is not merely a virtue—it is a double-edged sword, a cross to bear, and sometimes, a noose. A man who stands firm with his principal will either be praised as a committed ally or seen as an obstacle to someone else’s inordinate ambition. In the latter case, such a man must be “removed.”
This appears to be the case in the ongoing saga between Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Senate President Godswill Akpabio. Akpoti-Uduaghan, who initially attributed her removal as Chairman of the Local Content Committee to sexual harassment, has now changed her tone—claiming she was sacked for “protecting Northern interests.”
When one places this narrative side-by-side with the comments of Busola Saraki, Atiku Abubakar, the Arewa Consultative Forum, and other Northern elements, the larger play unfolds. This is not an innocent drama of legislative disagreement. It is a carefully choreographed spectacle—replete with villains, pawns, and shadows.
At the heart of it stands Akpabio—a man accused, maligned, and marked. Not because he has broken any law or committed any proven wrong, but because he has stood firm beside President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. And for that, he must be brought down.
There is, without question, a gathering of dissenters—former aspirants, serial losers at the ballot, political relics whose time has passed but whose ambitions remain undimmed. They have no national vision to offer, no coherent philosophy to propose—only a festering grievance and a common enemy: the man who defeated them.
Their aim is simple: to seize, through subterfuge and scandal, what they could not secure through the sovereign will of the people. And if power cannot be regained, then the next best thing is to make the country ungovernable.
The first phase of this plot is clear—decimate the President’s Praetorian Guard. Strip him of loyal allies. Render him vulnerable as 2027 approaches. In their crosshairs is Akpabio, and Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan appears to be the willing hired gun for the dirty job.
Why Akpabio? Akpabio is the first supporter they wish to sacrifice on the altar of vengeance. A visible ally of Tinubu. A formidable defender of the administration. They know that weakening Akpabio loosens the pillars holding up Tinubu’s house. And so, they reach for their weapons—not of war, but of whispers and smear campaigns, sponsored headlines, and strategic falsehoods. Among these, the most visible instrument is Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan—a willing tool for their evil enterprise.
They know that as long as Akpabio remains Senate President, Tinubu’s re-election bid will enjoy solid legislative backing.
As Machiavelli put it, “He who guards the throne is more dangerous than he who sits upon it—remove the guardian, and the throne becomes a chair.”
Akpabio is a major guardian of the Tinubu throne. Hence, the attacks from all angles.
Let us not be beguiled by sentiment. Senator Natasha, in this context, is not a lone voice of justice crying in the wilderness. She is no accidental heroine. She is a pawn in a larger political game—a game devised in the drawing rooms of desperate politicians who, unable to govern Nigeria, now seek to ruin those who do.
The names are not unfamiliar: Atiku Abubakar, Nasir el-Rufai, Peter Obi—the trio of ambition, bitterness, and illusion. They lost the 2023 election, not through fraud or manipulation, but through the expressed will of millions of Nigerians. Yet, rather than accept the verdict of democracy, they now seek to dismantle its very instruments. What better place to strike than the Senate? And what better target than its presiding officer?
This is not speculation. Their recent statements, social media antics, and strategic silences at critical moments reveal their hand. Atiku’s viral, unprovoked attack on Akpabio is no coincidence—it is part of the plan.
Natasha is not a loose cannon; she is a guided missile. The game plan is simple: manufacture crises from the most mundane matters, paint key figures as villains, and set the stage for a grand opposition showdown in 2027. Her sudden outburst in the Senate and carefully choreographed media blitz were the cold open of the movie. Now the sequence has been established, and the opening credits are rolling—featuring Bukola Saraki and company.
From a routine seating arrangement—a mundane legislative procedure—Senator Natasha has now conjured accusations of sexual harassment, threats to life, and elaborate conspiracies. The timing of this remembrance, suddenly arising a year after the alleged incident, is not only convenient; it is calculated. A smokescreen. A decoy. An attempt to stain a man’s name in the court of public opinion, where evidence is no longer required, and accusation is guilt enough.
There’s an old legal maxim: Give a dog a bad name and hang him. That, indeed, is what is unfolding. The Atiku-led clique is directing the movie. The volume of money pumped into this needless campaign to lure international media and embarrass the nation is staggering.
One day, it’s alleged insults. The next, sexual harassment. Tomorrow—who knows? Perhaps they’ll say Akpabio plans to auction Nigeria. The strategy is obvious: manufacture offence, amplify it through a compliant media, and weaponize it for political gain. But Nigerians are growing wiser—and wearier.
Even locally, all these unpatriotic efforts to create global embarrassment have yielded nothing. Nigerians are not fools. They know, as all people of discernment do, that justice cannot be built on lies, and democracy cannot thrive on deceit. The cry for accountability rings hollow when it emerges from a place of partisanship, not principle.
If Senator Natasha were truly pursuing justice, would she be flanked only by those with a declared interest in toppling the administration? According to the ancient Nigerian proverb: “When an owl hoots in the night and a child dies in the morning, we all know who to suspect.” In this case, it is now clear: Natasha was never a bystander. She was a hired agent provocateur sent to destabilize the Red Chamber. The logic was simple: strike Akpabio, the shepherd, and the sheep would scatter.
Before the unsuspecting public, a mere seating issue has now mushroomed into a web of accusations—sexual harassment, assassination plots, and shadowy threats—all conveniently aimed at one man. When we uncover the lies, she changes the script—hoping the audience forgets the plot.
This is a textbook case of “Give a dog a bad name and hang it.” The goal is to destroy Akpabio’s public image. First, he allegedly harassed her. Then, he sidelined her. What next? That he plans to privatise the oxygen Nigerians breathe?
Let us be clear: the Natasha debacle is a scripted drama to paint Akpabio as a villain and a threat to democracy. Ultimately, the goal is to weaken Senate leadership. But Nigerians are not being fooled—and many already see through the charade. History has taught us that in politics, those who cry the loudest often have the most to hide.
This episode is not about justice, democracy, or the protection of women—it is about power. Senator Natasha Akpoti, who has previously accused several men of sexual misconduct, is a well-placed pawn in a political chess game. Akpabio is simply the collateral victim. The true aim is to erode Tinubu’s support base and pave the way for an opposition comeback in 2027. Those who cannot see this are either naive or willing accomplices in the drama.
Akpabio, for all his human flaws, remains a political heavyweight whose loyalty to Tinubu is unshaken. And that, dear people, is his real crime. If Natasha truly sought justice, she would not wage a media war in harmony with those who lost at the ballot and now hope to win through chaos.
As the Yoruba wisely say, “The rat cannot claim innocence when found near the pot of soup.”
The motives are transparent. The cast is clear. The only question is whether Nigerians will fall for the performance or stay focused on the real issues.
To Senator Akpabio, I say: take heart. The storm may rage, the winds may howl—but the tree with deep roots does not fear the tempest, and the eagle does not flinch at the storm. History is rarely kind to the mob—but it always remembers the man who stood tall when it was easier to fall.
Dr. Daika, a Political Communication Strategist writes from Plateau
Senator Godswill Akpabio has been in public service for over two decades, but it’s only recently that his supernatural powers have been brought to national attention. These days, the Senate President is regularly accused of doing things that would require some kind of paranormal abilities. Nigeria should be grateful for discovering this aspect of the uncommon senator. Last week, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan announced that Akpabio, working with Gov. Ododo and former governor Yahaya Bello, was the one orchestrating her recall from the Senate. She claimed that initially Gov. Ododo was reluctant to be part of the plot, but he eventually caved in due to Akpabio’s surreal powers. It doesn’t matter that the Senate President is not even from Kogi, his influence and abilities cover the whole nation, according to the suspended senator, who also blamed INEC for working for her downfall. Well, it turned out that the recall has failed, but Akpabio still stands accused.
Last weekend, the same Akpoti-Uduaghan added a more bizarre allegation to the mix, claiming that the Senate President was even planning, again with Yahaya Bello, to murder her. She said the plot was hatched at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja (where else?) and that Senator Asuquo Ekpenyong from Cross River State was part of the scheme. In fact, it was Ekpenyong that drove Bello to the hotel for the meeting, according to her. While the nation was enjoying a long weekend, Superman Akpabio was busy planning Natasha’s recall and assassination at the same time; and since Ekpenyong, the young senator from Calabar is a close friend of Akpabio’s, the plot wouldn’t sound believable unless his name was mentioned. But why would anybody try to recall a senator he is planning to murder?
I understand that the Senate President is already talking to his lawyers and has sent a petition to the Inspector General of Police to investigate the outlandish allegations. I hope that she will honour police invitation to substantiate her claims. It was in 2018 that another Kogi Senator, Dino Melaye, was invited by the police to answer to some allegations. He went into hiding for eight days before he gave up. Melaye, who represented Kogi West, was accused of murder by the police and was declared wanted after he failed to honour their invitation. The eight-day hide-and-seek drama that followed gripped national attention and ended early January 2019 when Melaye opened his front door and came out of hiding. We shall see how Natasha, from Kogi Central, will play her own cards.
While we were still wrapping our heads around Natasha’s allegations, we heard another story of Akpabio’s powers. Senator Elisha Aboh, who lost his seat in 2023 due to a Supreme Court’s judgment, said in an interview with Arise News that it was Akpabio who influenced the Supreme Court. It was an old allegation which he had made in 2023, but had soon recanted and apologized for. But this time, he added that the Senate President had also orchestrated the sacking of five other senators and that the lawmakers in the upper chamber routinely run errands for the senate president and some even serve him tea in his residence. Talk of one man’s awesome powers!
The story of Akpabio’s supernatural powers is quite captivating. Right from his early days in politics, he has always been attributed with breathtaking abilities to the admiration of friends and foes. Some claim that he has abundance of God’s grace, while others think that his source of power is in unfathomable. He was a commissioner in the administration of Gov. Victor Attah when he planned to be governor. As the plan grew, he resigned the job late 2006 and devoted his full time to pursue the ambition. Initially, Attah was rooting for him, but later changed his mind and supported his son-in-law who was also a commissioner. Akapbio beat all the 56 aspirants, including the governor’s son-in-law and other heavy weights, to clinch the party’s ticket. He resisted all attempts by powerful political to take the ticket from him.
As governor, he faced allegations of being the sponsor of the many cases of kidnappings in the state so as to weaken his opponents. That was the first and only time a governor would be so accused. Till today, with all the abductions happening across the country, no other state governor has ever been accused of sponsoring the kidnappings of his people. But my only regret is that the Senate President has not deployed his unique supernatural powers to solve Nigeria’s myriads of socioeconomic problems!
Dr. Tai Solarin, the irrepressible fighter against illiteracy and its attendant product, darkness, as well as awful cognitive impairment, was wont to warn that an educated citizenry is easy to rule, but difficult to ride, easy to govern but impossible to enslave. It is even more so when it concerns a well-educated lady who, additionally, is exposed. Then, factor in the power of woman, hitherto under-estimated and dragged down through the bully of men. Senator Natasha Uduaghan bears within her the accustomed Western European culture of a girl’s outspokenness as well as Nigerian culture of a girl’s rebellion when she feels oppressed and she has been driven to the wall. A great many may not remember or may have been unfamiliar with the Egba women uprising led by Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti which ended in the dethronement of the Alake, who in fact, fled his throne! Since then the nation has witnessed the emergence of many women activists who do not mince words and who take to the streets over issues they consider are capable of harming national or even the interest of a state.
Nyesom Wike may have read the handwriting on the wall that Ireti Kingibe has drawn the line in their briefs of engagement as Minister of Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, and the Lady as Senator representing Abuja Senatorial District covering the capital territory and communities beyond it. Wike seems to have mellowed and his rough tackles and lack of refinement tucked away when it comes to Ireti Kingibe on anything that could bring them into a collision course. Their paths hardly cross these days. Such are the unremitted fangs of a woman when she is ready to fight.
Senate President Godswill Akpabio did not demonstrate tact in his handling of the Natasha affair. With the poor handling that smirks of over-confidence he did not reckon with how far an educated and exposed woman could go, worse if she is, in addition, a lawyer like Natasha. In Western Europe or America an amorous joke carried a little far could be regarded as sexual harassment! An uncurbed display of affection towards a lady can be regarded as an attempted rape, depending on her mood. Ask Mr Donald Trump, back as President in the United States. A lady columnist, Jean Carroll accused Mr. Trump of sexual assault. The Jurors rejected her claim that she was raped, but upheld the charge of sexual abuse by Mr. Trump and held him liable also for defaming the lady over her allegations. He was asked to pay Carroll $5million (Dollars) The lady said in a statement after the verdict: “I filed this law suit against Donald Trump to clear my name and to get my life back. Today, the world finally knows the truth.” The incident was said to have occurred at a department store in mid-1990s, although Trump commenting on the verdict said, according to PBS NEWS: “I have absolutely no idea who this lady is.” In the case of Prince Andrew, the Duke of York, and Virginia Giuffre in the United States it ended in an out-of-court settlement. Prince Andrew paid the lady an unspecified sum of money in compensation. BBC reported at the time that Prince Andrew was stripped of all military titles, the use of the title His Royal Highness and royal patronages by the Palace. President Bill Clinton escaped being impeached by the Senate by the whiskers following allegations by intern Monica Lenwisky.
The alleged interventionist plea by Natasha’s husband to Akpabio to allow his wife table her motions did not awaken in him a sensing that Natasha must have told her husband something. He ought to have known that from then he was carrying a burden and he has been lent feet of clay. Some other person in his shoes would have been cautious and would have bent over backwards to encourage Natasha come up with as many motions as she could dream up. What’s more, in a blatant show of power Natasha had her seat reallocated without as little as courtesy of an advanced notice. She came into the hallowed Red Chamber only to find that her seat had been moved. Akpabio finding himself in a similar seating dispute a few years back with Dr. Bukola Saraki in the chair as the Senate President was in piercing rage in which he invested seemingly all his might. Fellow Senators had to intervene to calm nerves. Former Senator Elisha Ishaku Abbo refreshed memories of the incident only on Wednesday, speaking on Arise News Prime Time. He said it was over a seat and there was altercation between Akpabio and Saraki “which was resolved maturely without suspension.”
Natasha saw in her experiences and Akpabio’s body language some payback for turning down his alleged romantic advances. The last straw was the seating rearrangement. These were the background to her protest. Is there any day there is no voice of dissent or protest in the Senate? Natasha asked why her own protest which landed her suspension of six months without pay is different. She said she did not insult anyone on the fateful day nor did she break any rules. Akpabio did not look far to realise that an insinuation of this nature was going to wake up a sleeping dog. The case of the former Acting MD of NNDC came to mind. In 2020 she claimed she slapped Godswill Akpabio, accusing him of making love advances to her. This has been resuscitated, thus lending credence to Natasha’s claims. Instead of pro-Akpabio forces in the Senate to work discretely to placate Natasha, they are talking about Senate rules. As if no one is sensing that if the issue is not swiftly and properly resolved, it may get out of control steps are being taking to escalate an already embarrassing saga. Her State Government said she should not come to the state, citing security concerns. I believe Natasha has no problem with her constituents in Kogi Central. She, in fact, owes them a journey home to put them fully in the picture. They should hear directly from her, from the horse’s mouth. In other words, if she was suspended as she has been for six months, where else should she think of going first? Not to her constituency? Does the state she represents not owe her adequate security now that she has become a controversial lady, more so that her security details had been withdrawn and her salary stopped for the duration of her suspension as parts of her punishment by her colleagues in the Senate who accused her of misconduct.
The state government described her as “an incurable liar, a serial manipulator. She is a desperate politician who has built her political career on falsehood.” The government’s statement goes as follows: “This is yet another desperate and calculated attempt by an incurable liar and serial manipulator to mislead the public, inciting unrest, and present herself (sic) as a victim after deliberately violating the ban on political gatherings imposed by the State Government to maintain law and order…We call on security agencies to take note of her reckless utterances and inflammatory actions that pose a serious threat to peace and stability in the state. She should be held accountable for her blatant attempts to incite violence and cause unnecessary tension”.
There is a subsisting attempt to recall her by her constituents the authenticity of which is now doubtful. The rousing reception she received on landing at Ihima, her hometown, in Okehi Local Government Area has cast serious doubts on the verity of the recall claim. She arrived in her Okehi local government area by helicopter she said was procured for her by her husband, feeling triumphant and she exclaimed that she was back in her homeland, where she is the proud daughter of Dr. Abdul Akpoti. “I am an Ebira woman, the daughter of Dr. Abdul Akpoti. They tried to stop me from coming home. We own Ebira together, and no Senate President would stop me from coming home.” She braved all odds—ban on public gathering and curfew ahead of her flying in. Roads of prospective participants at the gathering were blocked, yet the multitude was unbelievable, stretching beyond sight. They found their way to the reception. Those who gathered there defied all odds, too, avoiding roads that were blocked. With the heroic reception which featured singing and dancing, who will be in doubt that the so-called attempt at recalling her from the Senate must have been orchestrated by powerful interested elements in the state and beyond as she claimed, not by the ordinary people in her constituency who voted for her to represent them. They sang throatily, “Na awa mama be dis oh!” They carried placards extolling her goodness and support for them, and they expressed genuine love to their benefactor.
On an earlier occasion she gave an assurance of her commitment to improving the welfare of her people, especially “women and children who are the most vulnerable” during an economic crisis. On the day in question she distributed palliatives to them in the rain. One of the women touched by her effort said: “This is a great relief for us. Senator Natasha has always stood by the people, and today’s gesture proves her genuine concern for our wellbeing.”
Commenting on the recall effort, Natasha said the petitioners were members of the opposition party, APC, and INEC must have helped them to perfect their petition and Nigeria and the world in general should ask how in two days 250, 000 petitioners could sign to recall her. She said the petitioners were unidentified names with fictitious addresses. “We saw what happened. They came around and deceived our people that they had empowerment for them with their PVC. They took advantage of our women’s illiteracy. They took advantage of poverty… The recall will not be successful.” She added: “No amount of threats and intimidation will silence my voice in seeking justice. No chain can bind me.” To corroborate her claim of forged signatures on the petition, a prominent and vocal figure, Farouk Garba, in the community was quoted by the media as saying: “Nobody visited my polling unit to ask for our signature for the recall of our senator. We are waiting for the people who forged our signature to come.”
What the Kogi State Government ought to have done was to formally invite Natasha home, hear her own side of the story, what is happening to her in the Senate. It is an occasion to close ranks. She is widely regarded as one of the best and most resourceful members of the Senate. The testimonial ought to be a source of pride to them that they cannot afford to lose. Following the meeting which should include a few representatives of her Senatorial zone, respected leaders from the state would be assembled. The said leaders would go to Abuja and hold a series of meetings behind closed doors with the leaders of the Senate with the singular object of arresting the deteriorating situation and resolving the disputations. A few leaders of thought, some former Senators and disinterested individuals from other parts of the country could be co-opted.
Nowhere is the abuse and unfreedom of women so nauseatingly pasted on their forehead than Afghanistan where by law women cannot go out to any public space unaccompanied by a male relative. Girls have been banned from secondary schools and prohibited from taking university entrance examinations since 2022. As of July 2023, beauty salons were ordered by the Taliban to shut down. The Taliban may appear to be succeeding in putting the women in chains since their return to power in December, 2021 after 20 years out of power. But having found their feet and power during the years of the U.S. backed Administration of Hamid Karzai in Afghanistan pushed by George Bush when they had expanded educational spaces, when they began to boast of doctors in their ranks; when they were teachers, magistrates and judges, the women are resisting the oppression with all the powers with which women are endowed–silent but sure and unmistakable. They got their encouragement and push from Laura Bush. First Lady Laura Bush took over her husband, the President’s weekly radio programme during which she addressed the situation in Afghanistan, putting special emphasis on the suppression of women and children. By 2001, when the Taliban fell, fewer than one million children were in school. But through her efforts, by 2008, children enrolment in schools had climbed to six million, one-third of them girls. She mobilized funds in the United States to build schools for the Afghans. So, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan going to the UN to appraise the world on her experiences could not have been for nothing.
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has demonstrated determination and strength. Women with such determination, strength of character and strength of followership can hardly be put down if their cause is right. Little wonder, woman activist, Aisha Yesufu, proud of the unrelenting, irrepressible posture of Natasha, said every state must send at least three Natashas to the National Assembly henceforth.
The world is still groping in the dark with the self-evident collapse everywhere including the so-called civilized world, yielding to an awakening consequent on the pressure of the Light. The pressure is the trigger and instrument of purification that is sweeping through the world in these times, manifesting in the acceleration and intensification of events, bad and good, wholesome and unwholesome, bringing an end to man’s inhumanity to man– until the whole world is cleansed of pestilential elements ahead of the Millennium. With the pressure of the Light, coming from the Son of Man, governments will sooner than later be in place only in accordance with the Will of God. As I have said before in these pages, Leaders are born, not made; they are sent, not electable.
[OPINION] Corps Members vs. NYSC: AGF Fagbemi, Where Is The Justice Under A Constitutional Government? - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminThe Fundamental Right to Protest and Speak
The Right to Voice Grievances. Attorney General of the Federation, Mr. Lateef Fagbemi, the recent developments concerning the NYSC and the 90-day extension of service for over 30 corps members in Edo State, allegedly for expressing their grievances about unpaid allowances, are troubling and require careful consideration.
These young Nigerians, who completed their mandatory service year with dedication and commitment, deserve fairness and understanding. Their decision to air their grievances in a WhatsApp group should be viewed within the context of their right to expression and their desire for clarity concerning their entitlements. In any democratic society, the ability to voice concerns respectfully and constructively is fundamental.
The Right to Free Expression
Nigeria’s constitution upholds the principles of freedom of speech and peaceful assembly. These are vital pillars of any democratic framework. Expressing concerns, especially when rooted in legitimate grievances, should not be construed as a violation of discipline or loyalty. Instead, it presents an opportunity for dialogue, understanding, and resolution.
The National Youth Service Corps serves as an essential institution aimed at promoting unity, development, and mutual understanding. Therefore, the emphasis should be on fostering an environment where corps members feel valued and heard. Responding to their concerns with fairness and transparency would reinforce their commitment to the ideals of service.
Where Is The Justice, AGF Fagbemi?
Nigeria’s Evolving Democracy. Nigeria continues to evolve as a democratic nation. As the nation’s top legal authority, your role in ensuring that justice is served fairly and that grievances are addressed responsibly is pivotal. Where young citizens feel marginalized or unheard, there is a risk of eroding trust in national institutions.
While disciplinary measures may have their place, they should always be balanced with fairness, due process, and an understanding of the broader social and economic context in which grievances arise. Compassionate leadership can bridge the gap between authority and the people it serves.
Legal Justifications or Misinterpretations?
The NYSC has referenced ‘incitement to protest’ as a justification for its actions. However, it is crucial to ensure that such interpretations do not inadvertently suppress valid expressions of concern. Addressing grievances should not be approached as an act of defiance but as a legitimate exercise of constitutional rights.
Laws and regulations are meant to protect and guide, not to be wielded as instruments of suppression. Where policies are misapplied or overly interpreted, it is essential to revisit them with clarity and fairness.
Psychological Well-being and Fair Treatment
For young Nigerians starting their careers, feeling valued and respected plays a critical role in their psychological well-being. Situations where grievances are not adequately addressed can contribute to disillusionment, frustration, and a diminished sense of agency.
As a psychologist, I must emphasize that respectful dialogue and fair treatment are essential for promoting positive mental health outcomes. Engaging corps members constructively would enhance their morale, productivity, and commitment to national service.
The Need for Constructive Engagement
What these corps members seek is not confrontation but understanding. Addressing their concerns openly and with empathy would set a positive precedent for future interactions between authorities and the younger generation.
Corps Members Must Stand Up and Sue For Their Rights
Legal Action for Human Rights Violations and Emotional AbuseThe gravity of this injustice demands a robust response. These corps members should not only protest through words but must take decisive legal action. They have the right to sue for:
Emotional abuse: The psychological torment inflicted by the NYSC’s coercive measures, including economic deprivation and intimidation, warrants legal redress.
Human rights violations: Punishing individuals for expressing their grievances is a clear violation of their fundamental human rights. The Constitution of Nigeria guarantees freedom of speech and association.
Financial compensation: The 90-day extension without pay represents not only a breach of labor rights but also an act of financial cruelty. These individuals deserve compensation for the undue hardship and economic loss they have suffered.
Accountability and Disciplinary Measures
Furthermore, those responsible for this abuse of power must be held accountable. The NYSC officials involved, including Mrs. Frances Ben-Ushie, should be investigated and, if found guilty of misconduct, disciplined or even dismissed from their positions. Apologies alone are insufficient. Concrete actions must be taken to restore justice and prevent future occurrences.
The NYSC leadership must offer a formal, public apology to the affected corps members. However, apologies without genuine accountability and institutional reform are meaningless. The very structure that allows such abuses of power must be reformed.
Advocacy and Coalition Building
Nigerians across all sectors must rally together to support these young people in their quest for justice. This is not just a matter of legality—it is a societal issue that requires the engagement of civil society organizations, legal practitioners, human rights advocates, and the media. A united front will amplify the call for reform and justice.
If the NYSC or government authorities believe they can continue to abuse power with impunity, it is the duty of the courts to correct this injustice. These corps members must be empowered to sue under their civil rights, and if the courts fail them, it will only confirm what many Nigerians already fear—justice is available only to the powerful.
Nigeria’s legal community, human rights organizations, and civil society groups must rally behind these young people to protect their rights and challenge the repressive actions of the NYSC. This is not just a legal battle—it is a battle for justice and democracy.
Conclusion
Nigeria’s democratic growth relies on the ability of its institutions to listen, respond, and engage with its citizens constructively. The matter concerning the NYSC and the affected corps members presents an opportunity to demonstrate fairness, understanding, and adherence to constitutional values.
Mr. Fagbemi, as Attorney General of the Federation, your leadership can play a transformative role in ensuring that justice is upheld and that grievances are addressed responsibly. By promoting a balanced and compassionate approach, you can contribute to fostering a more inclusive and just society.
I like the theme of the Niger Delta Sports Festival (NDSF 2025) currently going on in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State – Beyond Oil: Harnessing Talents. The sports festival is the brainchild of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and it is the first of its kind.
The Niger Delta Development Commission has played very significant roles with many impactful interventions in the lives of communities in the nine states under its mandate, namely Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers – covering the entire Southern region of Nigeria with representation across the South East, South South and South West. The main objective was to ensure that the resources derived from these states are directly felt and enjoyed by their people.
Oil has been Nigeria’s main stay for many years and the latest thinking is about the diversification of the economy and less dependence on the ‘black gold’, as crude oil is called. However, the current realities are that oil will remain our premium resource and biggest asset for a long time to come. So from the days of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) to the present day NDDC, the objective has not changed, which is to make every Nigerian, especially those living in oil producing communities, enjoy what is extracted from their land.
The interventions (from both PTF and NDDC) were meant to make up for the environmental degradation, pollution, spillage and other negative consequences of the massive exploration activities holding on their land. So, despite all the challenges associated with the administration of the NDDC down the years, there can be no denying the fact that there have been so many positive interventions across all spheres of life in most of their communities.
Now relating this to sports, the concept of a Niger Delta Sports Festival is relevant and hugely beneficial in many ways. The leading states in Nigeria in terms of sports talent discovery and achievements in domestic and international competitions, at least in recent times, are the Niger Delta states. This is so easy to validate. Just take a look at the top states on the medals table of the National Sports Festival (NSF), National Youth Games (NYG) and more recently, National Para Games. You may extend this further to intercollegiate games like the Nigeria University Games Association (NUGA), the Nigeria Polytechnic Games (NIPOGA) and those of the Nigeria Colleges of Education Games (NICEGA). Given these antecedents, the decision of the NDDC to start a sports festival is a game changer for sports development in Nigeria.
Although not the first regional sports festival in Nigeria (that record is proudly reserved for the DAWN games or the South West region), this Niger Delta Sports Festival scores its own first in a unique way as it is a multi-region sports festival. Given the fact that at least states from three regions are part of it, it is bigger and more significant in scope than a regional sports festival. The planning, organisation and media buzz around it have also underlined the seriousness that its initiators have attached to it.
The Chairman, Main Organising Committee (MOC) of the Niger Delta Sports Festival, Alabo Boma Iyaye, who is also the Executive Director, Finance and Administration in the NDDC, says the aim of the games is to ensure that it remains the leading contributor of sports talents for Nigeria.
According to Iyaye, “60-70 per cent of athletes who represent Nigeria in international competitions are from the Niger Delta and we have observed a decline in the quality of our performances in recent times, so we want to ensure we keep that talent conveyor belt working so we can keep churning out talents that will go on to do Nigeria proud at global meets.
Iyaye also said: “We will not just provide the platform to discover these talents, we hope to groom them and give them exposure.”
With over 3,000 athletes, 500 coaches and technical officials and 200 journalists already in Uyo following and reporting the intense competitions in 17 different events, it is obvious that this is the second largest assemblage of the country’s sporting talents at a single multi sports event, second only to the main National Sports Festival. The appointment of accomplished former national athletes by the organisers as tournament ambassadors and mentors is another ‘sweetener’ worth commending. Seeing living legends like Nwankwo Kanu, Emmanuel Amuneke, Victor Ikpeba, Blessing Oborodudu, Seun Ogunkoya and Enefiok Udo-Obong who doubles as the Tournament Director, is extra motivation and inspiration for the participants.
The challenge for the NDDC will be the sustainability of the project, hoping that the excitement and enthusiasm seen with this first edition can be carried on for a long time. Another issue will be in the area of nurturing the talents discovered at the festival. There is no doubt about the availability of talents in the country, but where there is usually a gap is in the monitoring, development, management and exposure of the talents in a conducive environment so they can fulfill their potential. This is one area where the grassroots and elite athletes departments of the National Sports Commission would play a key role.
And then, this could be an eye opener for the other regions to provide opportunities and platforms of this kind for their athletes. The south-west region that started this initiative many years ago now has to upscale, raise the bar and become really deliberate about its developmental programmes. Other regions, especially the north, also need to awaken from slumber and take up the challenge of investing massively in grassroots sports.
The dangers of neglecting these calls could see a movement of the best sports talents from places where there are no opportunities for growth and exposure to the areas that could afford them the chance to fulfill their dreams.
Let’s end with this truth:
Positively engaging the youth with sports could be the long term solution to the vices and crimes like banditry, terrorism, armed robbery, kidnapping and other forms of violence currently rampaging our nation. So as the youths of the Niger Delta take centre stage in Uyo in the next few days, may their exploits lead to the discovery of the next generation of world class athletes that would turn Nigeria’s sporting fortunes around.
The African labour centre, the Organisation of African Trade Union Unity, OATUU, in April 2013, marked its 40th Anniversary. The anniversary lecture was delivered by then African Union Commission Chair, Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma.
The trade union centre of the newest country in the world, the South Sudan Workers Trade Union Federation delegation rose up at the conference to invite the continent’s trade unions to meet in Juba.
A few weeks later, as the then OATUU Secretary General, I called the South Sudan labour President, Honourable Sinon Dieng, to arrange the meeting only to find that he had become a refugee in Kenya. There had been political tension in the country and he and some South Sudanese had fled the country. This was the beginning of the country’s civil war which over the next five years, claimed four hundred thousand lives.
The conflicts took the shape of an inter-ethnic fight led by President Salvar Kiir against Vice President Riek Machar. The signal for the current armed conflict was the March 26, 2025 arrest of the former.
Information Minister and Government Spokesman, Michael Makuei Lueth, accused Machar of directing his forces “to rebel against the government with the aim of disrupting peace so that elections are not held and South Sudan goes back to war”.
In response to the arrest, Machar’s SPLM/IO party declared that: “The prospect for peace and stability in South Sudan has now been put into serious jeopardy”. Reath Muoch Tang, Chairman of the party’s foreign relations committee claimed that unclear charges have been brought against Machar in violation of subsisting peace agreements and the constitution.
While the African Union, AU, has sent a peace mission to ensure a de-escalation, the United States, US, has asked President Kiir to free his First Vice President. Its Bureau of African Affairs said: “We urge President Kiir to reverse this action and prevent further escalation of the situation”.
The United Nations Head of Mission in South Sudan, Nicholas Haysom, claimed that barrel bombs believed to contain inflammable liquid had already been used in the latest conflict. He said this had caused significant casualties and horrific burns on peoples in communities across the Upper Nile.
The UN official added that unless the situation is quickly arrested, these events could lead to: “A conflict (which) would erase all the hard-won gains made since the 2018 peace deal was signed… It would devastate not only South Sudan but the entire region, which simply cannot afford another war.”
But Makuei, while confirming the bombings, disputed the UN chief’s claims that non-combatants have been affected: “The bombardment was strictly against White Army positions and did not harm civilians”.
Apparently, the conflict has been internationalised. The Chair of the UN Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan, Yasmin Sooka, claims that Ugandan troops and their battle tanks have crossed into South Sudan, potentially violating the UN arms embargo. The UN seems quite worried by the renewed conflicts as it has an estimated 18,000 peacekeepers in South Sudan.
Machar’s group has made similar allegations. In a statement, it said: “The Ugandan forces are currently taking part in air strikes against civilians in counties of Nasir, Longechuk and Ulang in Upper Nile State, and Akobo County in Jonglei State”.
There had been fighting in the northern Upper Nile state with the armed forces taking on the White Army militia which used to be affiliated with Machar’s forces. So, the government accused the latter of being involved in the fighting.
I am not surprised about the renewed conflict in South Sudan. In my March 4, 2016 column titled ‘The Butchers of Juba’, I had analysed that: “The crisis and its seeming intractable nature are due to a combination of personal ambition, the rich oil resource of South Sudan, national interests of neigbours like Uganda and the lack of a pan-national agenda.”
I had concluded that the UN and AU need to be empowered to enforce peace. And that: “There will never be a solution unless the butchers in South Sudan are made aware that they face arrest and prosecution for crimes against humanity, if they refuse or fail to allow peace reign in the country.” Unless these steps are taken, peace is likely to elude South Sudan for a long time.
South Sudan until 2005 was part of Sudan. The breakup of that country has merely led to new fault lines. So a further split of South Sudan on whatever lines would be no solution, and may lead to further splits. The solution is to rein in Kiir and Machar, evolve a self-governing system based on democratic values and the sovereignty of the people of the country. There is also the need to check the meddlesomeness of foreign powers and neigbouring countries.
In the case of Sudan, the spiralling armed conflict that has led to the on-going massacres and the split of the country into two, is mainly due to the incomplete mass uprising which terminated the al-Bashar regime, and the right wing counter-coup.
The Sudanese Armed Forces, SAF, headed by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, led by General Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo alias Hemedti, had conspired to abort the peoples’ democratic movement by overthrowing the transition Sudanese government and dividing the country as spoils of war.
The RSF had evolved from the Janjaweed, a vicious militant group that was used for ethnic cleansing in Darfur in which over 200,000 people were killed.
The European Union then strengthened the RSF by funding it in return for the militia using force to stop immigrants crossing into Europe through the Red Sea.
In the struggle for power between the two groups, Iran has thrown its weight behind the army, while the United Arab Emirates, UAE, has provided funds and arms for the RSF. The rival groups had begun fighting on April 15, 2023. Since then, over 150,000 Sudanese have been killed and some 14 million displaced.
Given the fact that both sides rely on various countries, the AU or the UN, levelling on this, need to convene an international peace conference that can force a ceasefire. Negotiations should include what is left of the civil groups. A transition agreement needs be reached which would lead to a civil democratic process. The alternative would be both groups fighting until one side is broken. That may not be in the immediate, and the remnants of the defeated side may continue the conflict at the various levels, including banditry.
Whatever the case, the alpha males of South Sudan and Sudan: President Salvar Kiir, Riek Machar and Generals al-Burhan and Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, need to be brought to justice for the senseless wars in their countries.
Today, democracy has become the practice or an aspiration in many countries across the world. To speak briefly about its origin, it was in the ancient Greek city state of Athens in 508 BC that the statesman, Cleisthenes, reformed the constitution of the city state by transferring power from the hitherto ruling oligarchic aristocracy to the citizens of the city. Although President George Washington of the United States of America who lived from 1732 to 1799 is commonly described as the father of modern democracy, it was Abraham Lincoln who lived from 1809 to 1865 who gave us the definition of modern democracy in its now universally accepted form as “the government of the people, by the people, and for the people”.
As a background to my remarks on the colloquium’s theme, Democracy in Africa, I would like to tell the story of my role in the promotion of democracy in Africa where there are now 21 African countries in the 56-member Commonwealth of nations. On my election as Commonwealth Secretary-General in 1989 in Kuala Lumpur by the Heads of Government of the Commonwealth, I pledged to them that my primary mission would be: to make the organization a potent force for promoting democracy and human rights; to in the words of the great Indian Prime Minister Jawarhalal Nehru bring a healing touch to conflicts between and within Commonwealth countries; and to strengthen technical cooperation for development among member countries.
At the beginning of my tenure as Secretary-General in 1990, there were 10 non-democratic member countries which were under either one-party or military rule. But when I left office in 2000, only 2 members were non-democratic, these were the absolute monarchy in Swaziland now known as Eswatini, and Pakistan where General Musharaff had taken over in a military coup d’etat in November 1999.
As Secretary-General, I took several initiatives to promote multi-party democracy in Africa. I succeeded in persuading after long conversations Presidents Kenneth Kaunda in Zambia, Kamuzu Banda in Malawi, Albert Rene in the Seychelles, and Arap Moi in Kenya to move from one-party ruled State to a multi-party democratic State. In the case of Kenya, I at his request sent the late Professor Ben Nwabueze to go and help Kenya to adapt their constitution from a one-party to a multi-party constitution. And I also had a long discussion with the Head of State, Jerry Rawlings, before Ghana held the elections that transited moved it from military rule to multi-party democracy in January 1993.
Perhaps, the most notable was my seminal role in South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy. Early in 1991, with the mandate of Commonwealth Heads of Government I went to discuss with the last white President of South Africa, Mr F W de Clerk, how the Commonwealth could help him in the conference he had proposed of his government and the anti-apartheid political parties after releasing Nelson Mandela from prison. Thereafter, I sent six Commonwealth statesmen and women to the conference when it opened at Kempton Park in Johannesburg on December 1, 1991.
And when the deliberations were threatened by violence following the massacre at Boipatong by the apartheid police of four ANC stalwarts, I went to South Africa to negotiate a peace accord which was signed by the President and leaders of all the political parties and thereafter sent six Commonwealth senior representatives whose presence helped to douse the violence. I organized a contingent of Commonwealth police men and women to go to South Africa and assist the South Africa police force which had been accustomed mainly to confronting anti-apartheid protesters and opponents in learning the techniques of community policing. A team of Commonwealth electoral experts also went to assist the South African Electoral Commission in organizing the elections.
Overall, I visited South Africa many times during the almost two-year duration of the conference at Kempton Park including on 17th November 1993 when it concluded at 3.30 am with agreement on the holding of elections and installation of a non-racial democratic government. I still remember vividly the quite emotional occasion of Nelson Mandela swearing the oath of the first democratically elected President of the Republic of South Africa at which many in the audience including my wife shed some tears.
The South African Government doubly honoured me for my role. First by giving me the rare honour of addressing their joint Parliament in 1995, and secondly by conferring on me South Africa’s highest honour for foreigners, The Supreme Companion of O R Tambo (Gold). In 1997, I convened a meeting of the Heads of the then 19 African member-countries of the Commonwealth minus Nigeria whose membership had been suspended following General Abacha’s execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and his colleagues despite personal pleas from President Nelson Mandela and myself, to discuss the state of democracy in their countries and the challenges they faced.
It emerged from the discussions that the first challenge faced by democracy in Africa which applies particularly to Nigeria is the management of diversity. African countries are largely the creation of European powers at their Berlin conference of 1884/85 where they arbitrarily lumped in individual countries ethnic nations that had existed separately for centuries.
The management of diversity is a common challenge to democracies across the world. The diverse countries that have succeeded in remaining united political entities have been those who operate true federal constitutions which are based at the national level on equity, justice and inclusiveness, while at the subnational level on adequately devolved powers for tackling the challenge of development and internal security. Examples of such countries are India and Canada.
On the other hand, the record shows that diverse countries which failed to manage their diversity through true federal constitutions have disintegrated sometimes after internal conflcts. Examples of such countries are Yugoslavia which disintegrated into seven independent countries, Czechoslovakia, and nearer home in Africa, Sudan.
In several African countries there are tensions among different religious and ethnic groups. In some countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and Central African Republic there are ongoing conflicts arising from such tensions. The horrific genocide that occurred in Rwanda in 1994 remains the worst example of the consequence of failure to successfully manage a country’s diversity.
The management of diversity remains the biggest challenge to our democracy in Nigeria. As I have said on many occasions, our current 1999 constitution is, in my strongly held view, ill-fitted to address it. The wisdom of Nigeria’s founding fathers in agreeing the essentials of our 1960/63 constitution which addressed the country’s diversity, is the only answer to the country’s current lack of credible sense of national unity, the wide-spread insecurity, and the under-performing socio-economic development.
Another challenge identified by the African leaders at the 1997 meeting on democracy was the operations of some foreign non-governmental organizations and agencies in their countries. Here in Nigeria there have been plausible allegations supported by foreign commentators such as the recent remarks by the US Congressman Scott Perry regarding the use of USAID funds to support the Boko Haram, and the leader of the South African mercenaries allegedly brought into the country by President Jonathan to help in the fight against Boko Haram, as well as pronouncements by African scholars including the widely acknowledged Professor P.L.O. Lumumba, of the destabilizing and nefarious activities of some non-government actors in the country.
With the recent military coup d’etats in Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, Africa remains vulnerable to returning to the 1960/70 period when the anti-apartheid author Ruth First in her book, The Barell of a Gun, told the story of a United States Secretary of State who said that he could not recall the number of times when he was woken up at night to be informed of yet another coup in an African country whose name sounded like a typographical error.
And finally, I would like to mention another challenge to our democracy here in Nigeria. It is the nature of our politics and the conduct of our politicians. Our political parties are not, as they should be, organized on ideological basis; they are organized essentially as instruments for capturing political power. And our politicians in their conduct are largely motivated not by a desire to render service to the people, but rather by self-aggrandizement and self-enrichment.
To conclude, I would like to stress that it is only through thriving democratic governance that Nigeria and the other African countries will rid the continent of internal conflicts and lack of socio-economic development which are the biggest impediment to Africa’s ability to change the Eurocentric narrative of Africa and the black race- a narrative that sustains racism and the looking down on Africans by other races. I believe that Nigeria, given its well-known attributes, has a special responsibility in changing this narrative.
•Excerpts of the speech by Chief Anyaoku, a former Commonwealth Secretary-General, at Emeka Ihedioha’s 60th birthday colloquium in Abuja
[OPINION] Sixty Support Groups Hold Solidarity Rally In Support Of Governor Soludo's Re-election Bid - Christian ABURIME
AdminIn a massive show of support, sixty support groups, comprising 120 members under the umbrella of All Soludo Support Groups (ASSG), have endorsed Governor Chukwuma Soludo's bid for a second term.
The groups presented a whopping thirty million naira to the Governor at the International Convention Centre, Awka, to support his re-election campaign.
Governor Soludo, overwhelmed by the gesture, revealed that there is a consensus among community leaders, APGA stakeholders, youths, and students alike, urging him to run for a second term.
He attributed this consensus to the visible developments and projects executed by his administration, which has positively impacted the lives of Anambra residents.
The Governor reiterated his commitment to sustaining the vision of "One State, One People, One Agenda," prioritizing the needs of ndi Anambra and executing projects that have transformed the state. The Governor, thereafter, expressed his profound gratitude to all the support groups as well as their leadership
The Cordinator of the All Soludo Support Group, ASSG, Mr. Chinedu Nwoye, flanked by other conveners, pledged to support the governor in fulfilling his manifesto and vision for the state.
Unanimously, they expressed their profound satisfaction with the sterling achievements of the administration saying that they did not make a mistake by supporting the Governor’s first term in office.
This development comes on the heels of a similar endorsement by Anambra State students, who contributed two million naira to support Governor Soludo's re-election bid. The Soludo Vanguard, a grassroots support group, has also mobilized support for the governor's re-election campaign.
I moved to Canada three years ago and encountered many surprises. One of the biggest was the high cost of pay television services and their billing models.
During my time as a journalist at TheNEWS Magazine, I consistently advocated for the implementation of a pay-per-view billing model. I frequently expressed my frustration with price increases by MultiChoice, the service to which I subscribe. I believed I had the right to watch only what I wanted, whenever I wanted. Choosing what to watch and when sounds like a good option until that option is actually available to you.
Living in Canada now, I’ve found it frustrating that I don’t have access to the wide variety of channels that MultiChoice provides without paying a hefty price. To watch major sports events like the Premier League, Serie A, La Liga, Bundesliga, Champions League, and significant boxing matches, you need to subscribe to three different providers: Fubo, DAZN, and TSN. However, even your subscriptions do not necessarily cover the biggest fights.
To clarify, after paying your monthly or yearly subscription for DAZN, you would need to pay an additional $79 (Canadian) to watch the Usyk vs. Fury fight. This bout is available exclusively on pay-per-view and is not included in your regular subscription. In Nigeria, I was able to watch many big fights live on DStv at no extra charge, but that option is not available in my current location.
Many people have to rely on alternative methods to watch major fights, and these options often come with costs that may be a little less steep, but steep all the same. When I moved to Canada, I started to realize that in Nigeria, I had access to live sports at a much lower fraction of the price I currently pay. Here’s why: I had two active MultiChoice subscriptions and believed I didn’t need a local subscription in Canada. I was informed when I arrived that the cost of watching soccer matches (as North Americans refer to football) could be financially overwhelming.
As a savvy Nigerian, I told my friends that I would avoid their expensive subscriptions by continuing to watch DStv. However, I soon realized that I couldn’t access DStv due to geolocation restrictions. You might suggest using a VPN, but I tried that, and it’s easier said than done. While chatting online is manageable, streaming satellite TV is a different story. I also experimented with IPTV, but I’m not a fan of the lag. There are times when a goal would have been scored or a red card shown before the live TV feed is restored. Additionally, I would to keep Livescore handy to stay updated on everything happening in the game. That was not the way I wanted to watch football.
I had no choice but to rely on match highlights, but I wasn’t satisfied because watching live football is what I grew up with. Did I mention how much it costs to subscribe to Fubo, DAZN, and TSN? Fubo is about $85 per month, DAZN costs $30, and TSN is $10. It’s not always better on the other side, as you can see. And before you start asking how much the minimum wage is here, the television service providers here do not ask how much.
Pay up or jog on. Simple.
Even with monthly or yearly subscriptions, there’s no guarantee that you’ll get access to major matches or fights. For instance, to watch the English FA Cup matches, you will need a monthly subscription with Rogers that costs $108. If you’re not a dedicated football fan, you might wonder why you should pay such a high price. That’s a valid question, but the same applies to those who enjoy movies or shows.
I realized that it’s more convenient to have everything in one place and at an affordable price. It’s important to note that the prices mentioned are not fixed. If inflation occurs, many businesses, including pay television service providers, tend to raise their prices.
I realized that my perspective was unrealistic while I was at home. Whenever fuel prices rose or the naira depreciated, leading other businesses to increase their prices, I found myself joining in the criticism of MultiChoice if they raised their prices. I don’t understand how I became so misinformed to believe that adverse economic conditions affecting the prices of groceries and food would not similarly impact pay television prices. I have participated in mocking and complaining about MultiChoice’s price increases, but I now see that they are an easy target.Many people living abroad often reach out to friends and family to ask how they plan to watch major fights because their subscriptions do not cover them. The tradition of watching games and fights in pubs and bars is not solely about wanting to socialize; it’s also financially motivated. Spending $50 to enjoy a match with others who share a passion for the sport can be a more economical choice than paying $79 to watch it alone at home with no additional perks.
In a bar or pub, you can buy a beer or two and enjoy some chicken wings for around $50 while watching the game. Although this adds an extra expense, many people are willing to pay for the experience. Comfort comes at a price. I once told a friend that traveling abroad for a visit is completely different from living abroad and having to manage the bills.
MultiChoice offers many channels for free; take CNN as an example. While it comes with most bouquets in Nigeria, it is not included here. Unless you’re okay with watching outdated news, old shows, and old movies, you won’t be able to watch CNN or Fox News on your regular bouquet.
Consider Amazon Prime. There are movies and shows available on Prime that require a separate subscription, even if you already have a Prime membership. The same applies to Disney+. To access Paramount, AMC, Apple TV+, Crave, Starz, and others, you need additional subscriptions.
When I was at home, I found pay television much easier to navigate compared to my current situation. Many Nigerians abroad would agree that MultiChoice provided us with the most convenient and relatively affordable options to access hundreds of channels in one place.
Looking back at what I paid then versus what I pay now, I appreciate the value of the services MultiChoice offers at their price point. I’ve gained a better understanding of this. Sometimes, when we have easy access to these things, we tend to take them for granted until we try something different. The idea that “it’s greener on the other side” is often misleading.
As for the content posted on social media, I choose not to comment; people are entitled to portray their lifestyles however they wish.
This is my opinion, but a poll among Nigerians living abroad would likely reveal that many share the same view about MultiChoice and its pricing. Where I am, I following, through traditional and social media, how Nigerians are yearning for pay-per-view, which they do not understand, and telling themselves that pay television services abroad cost the same as three bottles of beer back in Nigeria. It is not so. Ask around, as Mr. Macaroni would say.
Bisuga, a former correspondent of The NEWS Magazine, writes from St John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada
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[OPINION] Bayelsa is Not Rivers, Wike: Diri’s Calm Resistance Against Your Stubborn Disruption - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminGovernor Douye Diri is not a man who operates on impulse or seeks conflict for conflict’s sake. Instead, he demonstrates the rare quality of psychological resilience and strategic patience. A leader who knows the value of calmness and the devastating power of overreaction.
Wike’s tactic is simple: Instigate, provoke, and push until the target explodes. It’s a method he perfected in Rivers State, where his abrasive style often left opponents reeling, scrambling to respond to his bulldozing presence.
But Bayelsa is not Rivers. And Governor Diri is not a man easily rattled. He sees through the trap laid before him—a political snare meant to provoke an overreaction, triggering chaos and inviting federal intervention.
President Tinubu’s recent declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was a blunt and exploitative move, a calculated attempt to centralize control through what appeared to be a justified action. A classic strategy: provoke chaos, then swoop in under the guise of restoring order.
Governor Diri is too wise for that. He knows that any attempt to shut down rallies, to overreact, to play into Wike’s hands, would only give Abuja the excuse it needs to tighten its grip on Bayelsa. But Wike has made the fatal mistake of assuming that all governors are driven by ego and insecurity.
Governor Diri is not weak. He is shrewd. He is deliberate. And most importantly, he is prepared.
Wike’s Persistent Provocation: Desperation Disguised as Bravado
Wike, you are relentless, but not in a noble or courageous way. Your relentlessness is born out of a deep-rooted insecurity, a fear of irrelevance that haunts you even as you bark orders and declare dominance.
You have become so addicted to the sound of your own voice that you have convinced yourself it can carry over state lines, penetrating territories where your name is nothing but a passing shadow.
The truth is, your loudness is a cover for your psychological insecurity. You have convinced yourself that volume equates to authority, that noise is the same as power. But you are mistaken.
You have made a career of bullying your way through political landscapes, crushing dissent and ruling with an iron fist. You believe that intimidation is a form of leadership, and that conflict is the same as respect.
But Bayelsa is not Rivers. Your reputation here is more of a warning than an accolade. And Governor Diri is not Fubara.
You see, Governor Diri is not engaging with you on your terms because he understands the danger of trying to compete with madness. He understands that your provocations are symptoms of desperation, not strength.
Every time you roar about your rally, about your plans to disrupt Bayelsa’s peace, it only underscores how hollow your power truly is. You are driven by bravado, but behind that mask of confidence is a man flailing against the inevitable reality that Bayelsa rejects you.
Even Tinubu Can’t Save You Here, Wike
You have placed far too much faith in your connections to Abuja. You parade your alliance with President Tinubu like a badge of immunity, believing that your new federal title somehow elevates you above the authority of Governor Diri.
You think that your position grants you power over the states, that your proximity to the Presidency makes you untouchable. But here is a truth you cannot escape: Even if Tinubu comes with you, he cannot protect you.
Governor Diri is the Chief Security Officer of Bayelsa, and his authority over his state is enshrined in the constitution. No presidential influence, no ministerial title, no federal might can erase that.
Even if you arrive with a convoy of police officers and military personnel, Diri’s authority remains superior in Bayelsa. He holds the legal right to refuse access, to enforce order, to maintain peace. And if your presence threatens that peace, he retains the constitutional power to act accordingly.
It does not matter if you come with the entire security apparatus of Abuja. In Bayelsa, Diri’s authority supersedes yours.
You thought that your friendship with Tinubu would shield you from accountability, that it would allow you to walk into Bayelsa and impose your will. But the constitution is clear: Bayelsa is not under your control.
Diri’s Respect for Law and Order: A Stark Contrast to Wike’s Recklessness
Unlike you, Wike, Governor Diri understands the law and respects it. He is not trying to silence you. He is not trying to obstruct your fundamental rights.
Governor Diri has even acknowledged the proper protocol for such rallies— a respect for order and communication. He pointed out that the First Lady, Remi Tinubu, followed due process by informing the state government of her visit to Bayelsa.
Governor Diri’s approach is not about domination or control. It is about protecting the peace and integrity of Bayelsa. But of course, you see any regulation as an attack because you are driven by ego, not principle.
Wike, The Apparent Compromised Judiciary Won’t Save You This Time
You have become accustomed to hiding behind compromised courts, running to judges who twist the law to serve your interests. You have made a career out of manipulating legal systems to cover your own inadequacies.
But this is Bayelsa, not Rivers. And here, you are facing the court of the people.
Even if you manage to pull strings and secure a ruling in your favor, it will be meaningless. Because you are not dealing with legal loopholes and courtroom tricks—you are dealing with a unified population that rejects your arrogance.
The judiciary won’t save you, Wike. Not this time. Governor Diri has the support of his people and the legitimacy of his authority. No court ruling, no manipulated judgment, no backdoor deal will change that.
Conclusion: Diri’s Calmness Is Your Undoing
Governor Diri’s calmness is not a sign of weakness. It is a strategic advantage that you have failed to comprehend. While you flail about, trying to force conflict and chaos, Diri has anchored himself in composure and authority.
Your desperation is evident. Your need for relevance is exposed. You wanted chaos, but instead, you are the one trapped in a cycle of your own making.
Governor Diri has already won this battle. His calmness has turned your arrogance into a weakness. Bayelsa is not Rivers. And you are not the man you imagine yourself to be.
[OPINION] The Helicopter That Flew Over Their Illusions: Natasha’s Skyward Triumph Against Akpabio, Bello, Ododo, and Eneji’s Roadblocks of Desperation - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminA Helicopter, A Masterstroke, And The Unraveling Of Corrupt Plots
What do you get when powerful men plot against a woman with courage, intelligence, and strategy? You get failure. You get panic. You get the kind of public disgrace that echoes far beyond their little enclaves of power.
Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s helicopter landing in Ihima was not just a tactical maneuver; it was a bold declaration that left Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo, former Governor Yahaya Bello, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and their eager enforcer Hon. Amoka Eneji fumbling in confusion.
These men, accustomed to wielding power with impunity, found themselves outmaneuvered by the very person they sought to crush. They planned, plotted, and schemed from their positions of comfort, confident that their influence could intimidate Natasha into submission.
But their arrogance blinded them to the fact that true power lies not in titles or wealth but in the ability to inspire, persevere, and stand firm against oppression. What followed was not just a failure of their plans but a public unraveling of their incompetence and corruption.
The Roadblocks of Futility: A Display of Desperation
The entire roadblock operation was a comedy show staged by politicians too blinded by arrogance to recognize their own incompetence. Governor Ododo and his loyal pawn Hon. Amoka Eneji must have imagined themselves as grand strategists, orchestrating a flawless operation.
They mobilized police officers as if preparing for war. Roadblocks were erected with a sense of urgency that suggested something monumental was being defended. But the truth? They were only defending their fragile egos.
The roads leading to Ihima were flooded with officers who looked more confused than prepared. Their posture was stiff, their eyes scanning the horizon for a convoy that never came. They thought Natasha would be driven in like a regular politician, expected her to crawl through their traps like an insect caught in a web.
But Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan soared above their traps like an eagle circling over petty creatures scurrying below.
How did these men react to being so easily outmaneuvered? With panic, confusion, and a desperate attempt to save face. The entire roadblock strategy was built on an assumption of control. But Natasha’s helicopter landing shattered that illusion.
Eneji’s Curfew: A Pathetic Attempt at Control
Hon. Amoka Eneji, desperate to prove his loyalty to his superiors, declared an “emergency curfew” with all the gravity of a child playing soldier. He imagined that by issuing such an order, he would come off as powerful, authoritative, a man to be feared.
Instead, his curfew became a joke. The people ignored it as though it were a whisper against the howling wind. They gathered in numbers that dwarfed the efforts of Eneji’s curfew declaration. They came out in support of Natasha, laughing in the face of a command they knew was built on fear, not authority.
Eneji’s attempt to wield power was the equivalent of throwing stones at the sky. His curfew did nothing but expose his desperation and insecurity. The only people who paid any attention to his curfew were those laughing at it.
Akpabio’s Imploding Concern: The Price of Desperation
If anyone felt the sting of Natasha’s brilliant maneuver, it was Godswill Akpabio. A man who has spent his political life wielding power like a sledgehammer, only to find that the same power now works against him.
Imagine Akpabio, seated comfortably in his office or residence, waiting for news of Natasha’s humiliation. Waiting for reports of roadblocks stopping her progress, of police officers turning her away, of her supporters cowering in defeat.
But instead, he receives a call informing him that Natasha has arrived safely. By helicopter.
That was the moment his arrogance transformed into deep unease. The moment he realized that Natasha had outsmarted him once again. His supposed fortress of power was nothing more than a crumbling illusion.
What does a man like Akpabio do when faced with failure? He blames everyone but himself.
Calls must have gone out to Bello and Ododo. Furious accusations, desperate demands for explanations. But deep down, Akpabio knew the truth: his power was failing. And Natasha’s success was a sign of things to come.
Bello’s Alliance of Failure: Desperation Meets Desperation
Yahaya Bello, a man already tarnished by ongoing EFCC cases, hoped to shield himself by aligning with Akpabio. He thought that Akpabio’s influence could provide cover from his own legal troubles.
But what does desperation mixed with incompetence produce? Failure.
Bello’s alliance with Akpabio was never about strength. It was about weakness. It was about clinging to power through whatever means necessary. But the moment Natasha’s helicopter appeared over Ihima, Bello’s partnership with Akpabio was exposed as nothing but a desperate attempt to hide from the inevitable.
Every alliance made out of fear is bound to collapse. Bello’s dependence on Akpabio is now a burden, a weight dragging him down as he struggles to maintain relevance.
Akpabio, Turn Yourself In Before It’s Too Late
Akpabio, your desperation is becoming impossible to hide. The facade you have worked so hard to maintain is crumbling before the world’s eyes. And now, with every passing day, your sins grow more public, more undeniable, and more damning.
For years, you have walked through the corridors of power with arrogance and entitlement, believing that your title of Senate President rendered you immune from consequence. You thrived on intimidation, manipulation, and coercion. But now, your methods have turned against you.
The truth is simple, Akpabio. Your political career is falling apart. Your allies are faltering. Your apparent misconducts are now common knowledge. You can feel the weight of your mistakes pressing down upon you, squeezing the air from your lungs, leaving you gasping for control.
Imagine the conversation you’ve likely rehearsed in your mind, the words you’ve been too proud and too afraid to utter:
“Sir, I cannot continue like this. The scandals are too much. The accusations are not going away. I tried to stop the Senate investigation, but now there is talk of murder plots. Natasha has humiliated me. My international reputation is ruined. I may even be stopped at foreign airports. Sir, maybe I should step down… at least temporarily.” As you speak these worlds to President Bola Tinubu, conceivably. Tinubu on his part, is running from all these rising, mounting and soaring issues or wahalas, and he is off to France to cool off and re-focus.
But you haven’t said those words, have you, Akpabio? Because the pride that once made you feel untouchable is the very thing destroying you.
Conclusion: A New Democratic Dawn for Nigeria
The failures of Akpabio, Bello, Ododo, and Eneji are not just personal defeats. They are symbols of a corrupt establishment crumbling under the weight of its own hypocrisy.
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s helicopter flight was not just a maneuver—it was a message. It was a declaration of defiance, a demonstration that true power comes from resilience, intelligence, and courage.
Nigeria deserves leaders who understand that the people are not enemies to be conquered but voices to be heard. Those who plot against the truth only succeed in destroying themselves.
Akpabio, Bello, Ododo, Eneji—you’ve been outsmarted. Your schemes are crumbling. And the people are watching.
[OPINION] Russia’s Expanding Geopolitical Influence in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger - Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
AdminGrowing impatience over the fragile security situation in the Sahel region and collective anxiety to lift up and strengthen their Confederation of Sahel States (AES), some prefer the Alliance des États du Sahel (translates in English as the Alliance of Sahel States), the three Foreign Ministers of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger embarked on a fresh trip to Moscow. Meetings, held in early April 2025, with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov undoubtedly gave a strong boost to the AES relations, marking the latest new chapter in building sustainable security ties and economic cooperation.
Ahead of the meeting, the Russian Foreign Ministry said the Sahel foreign ministers prioritized perspectives on regulating their political crisis as well as focusing on economic spheres. According to Russia’s MFA, the three African countries’ foreign ministries indicated in a joint statement that the joint visit as the first session of “AES-Russia consultations” which aims at finding appropriate pathways in fighting jihadist insurgencies that has spread across the region south of the Sahara.
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger currently run by military governments that have taken power in coups between 2021 an 2022, have formed an alliance known as the Confederation of Sahel States (AES). By creating their own bloc, it exposes Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) weaknesses and its long-term inability and incompetency to deal with regional problems, particularly rising security through mediation. The French grouping later kicked out French and other Western forces and conveniently turned towards Russia for military support. Their foreign ministers will visit Moscow on April 3 and 4 and hold meetings with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov at his invitation, the statement said.
Basic research and review show that besides instability, these countries are engulfed with various socio-economic problems primarily due to the system of governance and poor policies toward sustainable development. And Russia’s renewed and full-fledged interest is primarily focused on uprooting French domination, and support the development goals of these French-speaking West African countries in the Sahel region.
For fear and concerns about the new rise of terrorism and for the sake of deeper cooperation and integration, the three Sahelian countries have turned to Russia, and as expected Russia has since offered tremendous assistance. As a follow up, the early April meetings in Moscow, several critical issues are on the agenda: military assistance to fight growing terrorism, and efforts to strengthen political dialogue and promote concrete partnerships relating to trade and the economy in the region.
The AES has multitude of obstacles, the main problems emerged after exiting out of ECOWAS, the regional organization consisting 16 West African states. Finance is another hurdle among others. Nevertheless, Russian Foreign Ministry explained in a statement posted on its website, that Russia’s military-technical cooperation with African countries is primarily directed at settling regional conflicts and preventing the spread of terrorist threats and fighting the growing terrorism in the continent.
Russia’s MFA has earlier assured: “we will continue supporting it with the supply of arms and hardware and personnel training, including peacekeepers, as it is very important to help put an end to this evil and other challenges and threats, including drug trafficking and other forms of organized crime.”
With regards to financing AES, the bloc on March 31st introduced 0.5% levy on imported goods to finance their newly formed three-state union, following their withdrawal from ECOWAS. The agreed levy took immediate effect and applies to all imported goods except humanitarian aid. It also implied that the move officially ended free trade with West Africa’s ECOWAS bloc, deepening the rift between the three and regional democracies like Nigeria and Ghana. Worth noting that ECOWAS sanctions imposed to force a return to civilian rule have had little impact, as the Sahel alliance continues to strengthen economic and security cooperation.
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger are among many African countries bartering natural resources. There have been cases, where huge natural-resource projects were given away without cabinet discussions and parliament’s approval. Apparently, these agreements on resources extraction hardly deliver broad-based development dividends. Nevertheless, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have bilateral agreements with Russia. The three have offered complete access to exploiting their natural resources in exchange for military equipment and weaponry as well as military training. Burkina Faso signed a Memorandum of Understanding on nuclear energy with the State Atomic Energy Corporation (Rosatom) during the Russia-Africa summit held in St. Petersburg in July 2023. Russian President Vladimir Putin mentioned security issue and economic cooperation during his opening and closing speeches at the summit and even previously, indicating its importance on Russia’s agenda with Africa. In fact, there were five key summit documents and one of them focuses on ‘Strengthening Cooperation to Combat Terrorism’ which neatly relates to this article theme here under discussion.
Although Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have abundant human and natural resources, offering tremendous potential for rapid growth, there are existing deep-rooted challenges – environmental, political and security – that may affect the prosperity and peace of the region. Therefore, external support is badly required and which is why Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have to look up to Russia as their economic and security saviour, particularly this changing geopolitical situation in the world.
According to various narratives, Russia has embarked on fighting “neo-colonialism” which it considers as a stumbling stone on its way to regain a part of its Soviet-era influence in Africa. Russia has sought to convince Africans over the past years of the likely dangers of neocolonial tendencies perpetrated by the former colonial countries and the scramble for resources on the continent. In pursuit of its geopolitical interest, Russia has ultimately begun making inroads into the Sahel region, an elongated landlocked territory located between North Africa (Maghreb) and West Africa, and also stretches from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea.
With human and natural resources, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger China are undertaking giant economic and social transformation. Quite essentially, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, within the geopolitical reconfiguration in West Africa, are desirous to ensure their political sovereignty, engage in development which Russia has expressed interest to support.
Certainly, the three have pledged to work together to find common solutions, and are oriented towards multipolarity. In this way, they could consolidate its integration to become a center of influence, diversify the economy to become prosperous in the region. Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger are expected to continue to advance their collective interests for the purposes of their development, prosperity and stability.
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Years ago, I had an unforgettable experience of nearly witnessing a lynching at Iwo Road in Ibadan. It was a typical day, and while standing at a bus stop, a woman two paces away suddenly shouted that her purse had been snatched. She held the clothes of the man standing beside her. Before you knew it, the place had transformed. A crowd quickly gathered around, many of them young men who seemed to have magically sprouted from thin air. From ordinary guys going about their lives, they instantly transmuted into the judiciary and were ready to execute a self-designated mandate. They stripped the accused, kicked him, beat him, and demanded he return the purse.
Perhaps the most amazing transformation for me was a man who had stood beside me at the bus stop. While I was still puzzled at the events unfolding around me, this guy had found a huge stone and was yelling at the crowd to clear a path for him—he was going to smash the skull of the accused! Fortunately, the accused man managed to escape while those who had arrested him were still deciding on how to lynch him. I do not know if he was guilty of stealing the purse or not, but I am thankful that he did not die that day.
Every time I have told this story to friends, I have also wondered how and when that man transmuted from just another person at the bus stop to a potential killer. Was that even a real human man or a gnarled monster walking around at noonday like some mythological fables report? Imagine a man ready to commit murder, maybe just an hour after leaving his home in the morning. If he had managed to participate in killing that man, would he still have proceeded through the rest of his day like nothing had happened? Would he have gone back home to his family at night (if he had one) and continued life like he had not just killed a man?
Since the news emerged about how a vigilante group in Uromi, Edo State, lynched 16 hunters after tagging them kidnappers, I have returned to that incident to once again ask how men become the monsters who set up bonfires to burn their fellow humans. What (and when) is the moment of their transfiguration? It is when a situation like the Uromi incident occurs that we realise that there are many subhuman mongrels among us, some of them able to transfigure into monsters who can lynch a person in an instant. They lynched not one, not two, not three, not even four humans!
One must wonder about the kind of people who would keep throwing one person after the other into the fire (while some equally depraved people thought it was worth recording the pain and agony of the victims on their camera for later distribution). If there was no moment at which any internally controlling ethical code restrained them, then it is also probably not the first time they have lynched people. Those vigilantes must have played at being the law for so long that they started imagining themselves to be truly one. This unfortunate incident is one of the many fallouts of the state recession in the public sphere. When you have a country where security can no longer be guaranteed by the state, all sorts of maniacs will step in to fill the void.
This distressing incident has also thrown up the fault lines of ethnicity and religion between the northern and southern regions of the country. One only needs to read Nigerians from the two divided halves of the country as they bicker over the deaths to see how they are gauging their respective regional civilisation from the responses to the distressing event. It seems to me that northerners see the Uromi incident as an opportunity to take down the smug superiority of snobbish southerners who have typically imagined themselves to be socially superior. Now that the so-called civilised South has displayed a similar primitive behaviour that, if it had happened in the North, would have been filed as one more example of their cultural backwardness, they are practically celebrating their vindication along with mourning the demise of the victims.
For the southern commenters, the incident is not only distressing but also embarrassing as they must justify themselves before people who never apologise for the lynching that happened in their territory. And they are right because the Uromi incident is similar to that of Deborah Samuel, the Christian student who was lynched in 2023 by some religious fundamentalists who admitted their crime on video. Unlike this ongoing case, where the southerners are condemning the lynching and calling for justice, I do not remember the northerners doing the same. Many northerners, including their prominent clerics, justified the killing of Samuel. A presidential candidate who dared to condemn the murder had to withdraw his statement when they threatened his presidential ambition! The Edo State Governor, Monday Okpebholo, is running all over the place and promising the family of the victims compensation, something that is unlikely to happen if the situation were reversed.
The court freed Samuel’s killers, and that woman did not get justice. Nobody in the government dared to touch them because of politics. In the wake of the Uromi incident, some of them are still doubling down on their justification for lynching that woman. If they cannot see her humanity, then on what moral grounds do they stand to demand justice for the Uromi victims? Yet, not wanting to be outdone, they bring up the case of Adamawa woman Harira Jubril, the pregnant woman who was killed along with her children in Anambra State by some unidentified gunmen. It is bad enough that she, too, never got justice; it is also horrible that her story is cheaply weaponised by those who merely want to score political points against a rival group.
Still convinced they are the bigger victims, the southerners start to reel out the many cases of Fulani herdsmen attacks on villages, farmlands, and their communities. They list the deaths and the destruction caused by Fulani herdsmen who have been rampaging through communities in Nigeria, mostly unchecked. This self-justification by matching northern stories of injustice with southern stories of injustice eventually spirals into an endless loop of barbarism, bloodletting, and unleashed monstrosity.
In trading stories of injustice for injustice, these people also catalogue the injustice the nation has committed against our collective humanity. Notwithstanding their motivations, their exchanges are an indictment of a nation that cheaply discounts our lives, and—by failing to pursue the outstanding debts owed to our murdered compatriots—serially indicates that we are simply not worth the trouble of the pursuit of justice. In fact, one can say the reason the Federal Government swooped into action in the case of Uromi is the fear of reprisals by irate northerners, and not because they deemed the lives of those 16 hunters worthy enough to merit justice.
What is saddest about these fiery exchanges is that the compiled evidence is being misdirected and misused by people wanting to balance out tribal wrongs rather than indict the real culprit: Nigeria, a country that has failed to establish a standard of righteousness, of justice, of truth, of integrity, and the ascriptions of full value to our lives. Consequently, we have too many among us who have been driven over the edge, deeply traumatised by the harassments of our Nigerian lives, but have not yet found the mouth with which to tell the story. They think they are normal because they can still type coherent sentences on social media, but the truth is that they are bleeding internally from the wounds of our national existence.