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![[OIPINION] A Letter to the Rivers Sole Administrator - Ugoji Egbujo](/media/k2/items/cache/d618820ca263b67e8429754a71a7d574_L.jpg)
My dear Admiral, may your days be long. They called you out of retirement into an unconstitutional but juicy job. Tread carefully because a good name is better than many riches.
Critics have said that a man of conscience would have rejected that job. Because such a man wouldn’t partake in the dismantling of democracy and usurpation of the mandate of the people for private gain, no matter how tempting. But I do not blame you for grabbing it with both hands. The country is hard, and retirement is an eye-opener. Rivers State is fat. Our people admonish people who want to eat toads to go for the fat and juicy ones. That will make the name-calling a little endurable. Yet, my Admiral, the evil that men do lives after them.
Perhaps you knew there was no compelling need to throw Rivers State into a state of emergency. I am sure you didn’t believe the lies told by the presidency. The problem with feigning ignorance and playing along with an avaricious script written by opportunists and schemers is that you could easily become synonymous with the perfidy. They are political cowboys. They do not pretend to have any moral hygiene. You could easily become their cross-bearer. My dear admiral, a good name is better than gold
A young officer might be forgiven for allowing the trappings of the office of an illegitimate sole administrator to excite him. He could be excused for abandoning scruples to acquaint himself with a little vanity. But a retired Admiral should have seen it all. He should have seen that all that glitters, even if forged by a president, is not gold. While an Admiral can’t stay home and watch a goat go into labour tethered, he cannot become an errand boy for greedy politicians perpetrating a state capture through the backdoor. Joseph could have accepted the sweet secret offer from Potiphar’s wife but that would have been the end of his dreams.
You have no wiggle room, my Admiral. Esau sold his birthright for a plate of porridge. The Bible says he was hungry, so he lost his head and couldn’t weigh value, perhaps. You are a Commander of the Federal Republic. The military taught you democracy, constitution, patriotism, discipline and courage. Courage is the ability to choose good over evil at all times. You are a former service chief. If you mortgage your conscience to political blacksmiths trying to forge the country into their personal estate, you can’t plead ignorance. Recruits and ratings are to obey the last order. Generals are to obey the last lawful order. They are supposed to have the critical capacity, initiative, and judgment.
My Admiral, your current job description says you are a temporary recruit. The Constitution says you are an impostor. The NBA says you are an illegal aberration. But your actions say you think you are the Obong of Rivers. I hope you are not trusting in some overzealous prayer warriors. If this apparent delusion is sponsored by the subterranean designs of some Abuja politicians bent on sabotaging the constitution, you deserve some sympathy. Eleven states are in the Supreme Court asking the court to sweep you away like bad rubbish. Should that make a reasonable sole administrator more hesitant, more circumspect, and less bullish? Is it because our courts have become temples of chicanery? Why are you hastily reconstructing democratic institutions and machinery as if you were an errand boy of a certain minister?
My Admiral, you know that if a Nigerian president is allowed to remove governors at will, this country will slip into a one-party state and ultimately perish. You know that a rubber-stamp National Assembly that sabotages the constitution using voice notes to allow a president to remove a governor can turn the president into a demi-God. Have you bothered to address your mind to the ultimate consequences of the subterfuge being perpetrated against the people of Rivers? Constipated Cameroon is the picture of a country ruled by an old and gluttonous despot superintending over a bastardised democracy. Is it too much to ask what your vision of Nigeria is?
How can a Sole Administrator go to a state, ostensibly to maintain law and order for a few months, and in his first month, he reconstitutes the State Electoral Commission? What business has a sole administrator with rejigging an existing and legitimate electoral commission? My Admiral, many of your actions are laughable. If you must act a script, why not demand a script that preserves your dignity? You can’t become a puppet. You can’t become a contraband Jumping Jack in the hands of a wily riverine politician.
If you are forgiven for forgetting you would be in office for a fleeting 6 months before stepping back into retirement to allow democracy to resume in Rivers, how will you be judged for hiring 10,0000 people into state civil service? Is that audacity or piracy? Is that how to maintain law and order? Have you ever imagined yourself in the suspended governor’s shoes? Are you supportive of the idea that he should have remained a puppet and allowed the state capture to continue? Do you still have the capacity for independent thought and moral evaluations?
You attained enviable heights in the military. The military may not be what it used to be but the public expects discretion and judiciousness from you. The country expects an admiral to know the difference between patriotism and a personality cult. You can’t deny yourself sober reflection. How have the actions and policies you have initiated shown that you understand the complexity of the situation and that you desire to promote justice and lasting peace in Rivers? Most people in the state now believe that you are a bucket of fuel poured into a smouldering fire. Admiral, history is not forgiving.
The Bible says bad company corrupts good character. But some critics say the Cowboys found their man. They suggest that you were the meticulous choice of the opportunist for a good reason and that you are living up to that reputation. I’m not that cynical. It’s possible your actions are not totally voluntary. Because some of them are outstandingly absurd. But you must know when to quit. You are a master of underwater warfare. You are now floundering in a dirty political swimming pool. Your career until recently was fairly unblemished. History can be unforgiving.
In Rivers, are you working for the people, the country, justice and democracy or are you working for Wike, Tinubu and yourself? It’s a simple question.
Mr Sole Administrator, nakwa echecki.
[OPINION] You May Dismiss the Mothers in Black and Red—Until the Spirits They Called Begin to Answer - John Egbeazien Oshodi
Admin![[OPINION] You May Dismiss the Mothers in Black and Red—Until the Spirits They Called Begin to Answer - John Egbeazien Oshodi](/media/k2/items/cache/b8d71dc2f1ae90f90e66e7586c7922ea_L.jpg)
According to history, tradition, and Nigerian media narratives—when all else fails, when the presidency, legislature, and courts betray, when the police turn against the people, when those in power like Tinubu, Akpabio, Wike and others silence the truth—Nigerians have always turned to the gods, spirits, and ancestral forces for justice.
This pattern is not new. It is cultural. It is psychological. It is historical.
And in that spirit, this moment reflects the collective cry of a people who have been betrayed by every arm of modern governance—and are now turning, once again, to the powers beyond man.
The Phrase That Became a Curse: “Go to Court”
There was a time in Nigeria’s life when the words “go to court” reflected faith in the nation. A belief that the Constitution was not just a document, but a covenant. That the judge’s bench was a sacred altar where truth could still find a home.
But today, those words have been defiled. They are no longer said with humility. They are thrown like stones, soaked in arrogance, used as weapons of psychological domination.
When Tinubu says it, he does not mean it.
When Wike repeats it, he knows it is a trap.
When Ibas parrots it, he’s already benefitting from its emptiness.
And when the Senate says it, it is not advice—it is laughter behind power.
They say go to court not because they believe justice will be served, but because they believe they own the court.
And most tragically, they are often right.
Ibok-Ete Ibas: The Military Man Who Now Sits in a Throne Never Meant for Him
In the heart of Rivers State, the people woke up to find that their democracy had been suspended without warning, without vote, without law. The elected governor, Sim Fubara, was sidelined. Elected officials were removed. And in their place stood one man—Ibok-Ete Ibas, a retired Chief of Naval Staff.
He did not campaign. He did not swear an oath to the people. He was not chosen—he was planted.
Under a cloak of “emergency rule,” he governs not like a caretaker, but like a military emperor. He installs. He dissolves. He allocates. He threatens. He mocks. And when the people resist, when the NBA relocates its entire national conference in protest, when the women march in agony, his response is chillingly consistent:
“Go to court.”
The cruelty of it is unbearable.
Yes, the People Are Going to Court—But They Know the Game Is Rigged
Now, in the face of these abuses, the PDP has gone to court. Human rights groups, constitutional lawyers, and civil society coalitions have followed. They have filed suits asking the judiciary to declare the emergency rule in Rivers unconstitutional. They are trying to hold onto the last shred of constitutionalism.
But even they—the plaintiffs themselves—know that this path is littered with obstacles, and the outcome has already been whispered among the corridors of Abuja.
It is almost theatrical now.
The court proceedings are performed for optics.
The robes are clean, but the bench is trembling.
The legal filings are submitted, but the judgments may be pre-ordered.
And the phrase “go to court” continues to echo—not as a solution, but as psychological warfare.
It is the elite saying to the people, “We dare you. Try it. Watch what happens.”
The Judiciary Is Silenced. The Media Is Bought. The People Are Alone.
In a healthy nation, the judiciary is the conscience of democracy.
But in Nigeria today, the courts have become decorative institutions, often used not to protect the oppressed, but to validate the plans of the powerful.
The media, once the loudest voice of the people, has become a soft murmur.
Brown envelopes have muted the headlines.
Political favors have re-written the editorials.
Truth has been sacrificed on the altar of access.
Even traditional media—local elders, town criers, palace voices—have either been silenced by fear or invited into the patronage network.
So now, the people look around and see:
The law does not serve us.
The police do not protect us.
The journalists do not report us.
And the soldiers do not stand behind the flag—they stand behind orders.
And So, the Women Rise in a Way That No Government Can Contain
The women of Nigeria have risen. Not with weapons, not with votes, but with ancestral vengeance.
In one protest, they wore black. Mourning not just for lives lost, but for democracy itself. For justice buried. For truth erased.
In another protest, they wore red. A spiritual color of battle. A declaration that this is no longer negotiation—this is resistance. This is war.
They marched barefoot—not out of spectacle, but out of sacred urgency. Their feet kissed the earth with each step, not in strength but in surrender, as if pleading directly to the soil to remember their pain. The hot ground beneath them bore witness. Every footprint became an imprint of unanswered prayers.
They held no placards in some moments—only grief, only portraits of children lost, only cloth soaked in tears.
And yet, **they did hold microphones—**but not for politics.
They used them to sing.
They used them to cry.
They used them to chant the names of the forgotten.
They used them to call on powers greater than the state.
Their voices cracked, but they sang.
They wailed songs of mourning.
They sang psalms, they sang laments.
They cried into the speaker not for attention—but for justice.
The microphone became not a tool of protest—but an altar of invocation.
Each amplified word was not just sound—it was sorrow with a target.
And yes, they cursed.
Not in wickedness.
Not with malice.
But with trembling hands and broken hearts.
They cursed because every formal channel had betrayed them.
They cursed because the courts were no longer courts. The police no longer protected. The media no longer listened.
So their curses took many forms:
Some spoke of death—not because they were vengeful, but because death had visited their own homes first.
Some spoke of illness—not out of spite, but as a mirror to the sickness of power.
Some whispered prayers for misfortune—asking the heavens to disrupt the comfort of those who live by injustice.
Some called for accidents—not for cruelty’s sake, but because the roads of Nigeria have already been painted with the blood of the innocent, while the powerful drive on untouched.
These were not the curses of witches.
These were the tears of women with no one else to turn to.
These were the curses of mothers whose sons had been beaten, whose daughters had been silenced, whose homes had been erased by silence.
Their placards said it plainly, and their microphones carried the message across the land:
“We Cannot Go to Court—So We Go to the Spirits.”
And so, they cried—not to the Chief Justice, not to the Senate President, not to the Inspector General.
They cried to the Almighty God, the one whose justice is not delayed.
The one whose courtroom has no backdoor.
They cried to:
Amadioha – god of thunder, who hears no bribe, misses no target.
Ani – the earth herself, whose back carries every lie and every unburied injustice.
Egbesu – the divine lawgiver of the Niger Delta, who waits in silence until balance must be restored.
Esu – the spiritual messenger, the trickster who delivers truth with vengeance when arrogance rises too high.
Kuri and Jam Maraki – the northern spirits feared even in the palace, whose names are never called lightly, and never ignored when invoked in grief.
These women did not gather in anger.
They gathered in sacred protest.
They sang, they cried, they knelt, they cursed—not because they wanted destruction, but because the system had destroyed them first.
When the courtrooms are silent, and justice becomes a performance, the women of Nigeria will speak to a higher court.
And now they have.
With microphones in hand and spirits at their side.
This Psychologist Does Not Practice Religion—But the People Do
Let me say this plainly:
While this writer, a psychologist, is not into religion and does not practice African traditional religions, it must be acknowledged that Nigerians, including President Tinubu, Wike, and indeed many Nigerians, have been conditioned by their cultural and religious upbringing to fear God and the spiritual realm.
The reality is that people have been conditioned to believe that higher forces—be they deities, divine beings, or the Almighty—have the power to intervene in human affairs.
Nigerians in general, including those in positions of power, understand that their actions and decisions are never far from the gaze of a higher spiritual presence, one that has the power to shape outcomes far beyond human influence.
And the women who protest—they know this.
They are not foolish. They are not weak.
They have simply gone to the final court. The one without bail. The one without technicalities. The one that judges not with delay, but with fire and finality.
Conclusion: You Own the Courts, But You Cannot Silence the Cry of the Earth
To those in power—Tinubu, Gbaja, Wike, Akpabio, Egbetokun, Ibas, and the hidden hands behind the judiciary, the uniformed men with weapons, the shadowed voices controlling the police, and the media brokers who trade silence for coin—you may believe you own everything.
Yes, you may command the courts, but the law no longer lives there.
Yes, you may control the military, but the soldiers no longer march with justice.
Yes, you may distribute the money—but much of it carries the quiet weight of unseen sorrow, exchanged not in service, but in silence.
Yes, you may shape the narratives, but truth has a voice that no editor can delete.
You may own the buildings.
You may own the seals.
You may own the cameras.
You may even own the men in robes.
But you do not own the cries of the people.
You do not own the trembling of the earth beneath your polished shoes.
You do not own the groan of a broken nation echoing in the streets and rivers and farmlands.
You do not own the gods, whom you may pretend not to fear, but still whisper about in the dark.
You do not own the curse of a mother in black, whose child has been swallowed by your greed, your silence, your lies.
You do not own the rage behind the red wrapper, worn not for style, but for spiritual war.
You do not own the ancestors who have risen with fire in their bones and judgment in their mouths.
You do not own the women who have passed beyond complaint, beyond petition, beyond fear.
You may keep saying “go to court.”
Say it on your podiums. Say it in the Senate. Say it in your media-sponsored interviews.
But know this:
The women have gone beyond that now.
They have gone to God—the one not elected, not influenced, not corruptible.
They have gone to the gods—those whose names cannot be summoned without consequence.
They have gone to the spirits—those who judge beyond the noise, beyond the television, beyond the courts.
And they have cried out in ways that no soldier, no lawmaker, no court clerk, no police commissioner can intercept.
And when the spirits respond—they do not delay. They do not consult. They do not miss.
When they answer,
no microphone will shield you.
No robe will protect you.
No army will defend you.
No press release will erase you.
No alliance will save you.
No political godfather will stand between you and what is coming.
Because when justice is denied for too long, and the people are mocked too deeply, the cry of the earth becomes a weapon— and those who ignored it shall taste its dust.
[OPINION] Wike Must Be Told In Clear Terms That Fubara Is A Democratically Elected Governor, Not A Political Appointee - Isaac Asabor
Admin![[OPINION] Wike Must Be Told In Clear Terms That Fubara Is A Democratically Elected Governor, Not A Political Appointee - Isaac Asabor](/media/k2/items/cache/c88ff4a9642b30c2cbf34158d2da988a_M.jpg)
The latest outburst from the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, should worry every Nigerian who still holds democracy dear. In his own words, Wike said that Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State was “gone,” boasting that he had wanted him removed from office and thanking President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for saving the situation by suspending the governor and declaring an emergency rule.
These statements are not only reckless, they are an egregious affront to democracy, a slap to the face of every Rivers voter, and an insult to the very idea of constitutional governance. Wike, by every appearance, is trying to play god over the affairs of a state he no longer governs. And that cannot, and must not, stand.
Let’s start with the basics: Siminalayi Fubara was elected, not selected. He was not plucked from obscurity to serve as a proxy governor. He was voted into power by the people of Rivers State, who trusted him enough to hand him the keys to the state’s affairs. He received his mandate through the ballot box, not from a political godfather. Therefore, any attempt, rhetorical or practical, to delegitimize his tenure is a direct assault on the people’s will.
Wike’s assertion that he “wanted Fubara gone” and that the president did Rivers people a favor by suspending him reeks of tyranny. In a sane democracy, such remarks would trigger calls for investigation, not applause. If Wike, a minister of the Federal Republic, can so brazenly admit to engineering the removal of a sitting governor, then what separates Nigeria from a banana republic?
Let’s not forget: Wike is a product of the democratic process. He served as governor for eight years, two full terms. During those years, he enjoyed the privileges and immunity of the office, even amid criticisms of his own highhandedness. Yet, the people of Rivers State endured him and respected the office he occupied. Now, as soon as he vacates that office, he turns around and seeks to lord over his successor as though governance is a family inheritance.
The democratic process is not a relay race where one passes the baton only to shadow the runner and trip him mid-track. No. Once your time is up, you step aside and allow your successor to govern, whether he chooses to follow your legacy or not. Wike had his time; Fubara is having his. That’s the natural, democratic order of things.
But what we’ve seen in Rivers is nothing short of a political ambush. As soon as Fubara dared to exercise independence, Wike and his loyalists began a campaign of sabotage. From scheming through the House of Assembly to orchestrating threats of impeachment, to fostering chaos in local governance, Wike has tried to turn Rivers State into a personal fiefdom, one that must be ruled from Abuja.
And now, to add insult to injury, he praises President Tinubu for declaring an unconstitutional emergency rule and suspending not only the governor but also his deputy and the entire state legislature. For context, Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution is clear: the president cannot unilaterally suspend a governor or dissolve state institutions. Any declaration of emergency must follow due process, it must be presented to the National Assembly and must meet the threshold of an actual breakdown of law and order.
The so-called “state of emergency” in Rivers, declared in March 2025, was clearly a political move dressed in constitutional garb. It was designed not to save the state, but to clip the wings of a governor who refused to kowtow to his predecessor. And Wike, in his own words, has validated that assumption. He said, “The governor was gone. Yes, he was gone,” and added that Rivers people should be grateful to Tinubu. In fact, he went as far as saying they should “wash the president’s feet.”
That statement alone tells you the mentality of Nigeria’s political elite. They don’t see power as something derived from the people; they see it as a privilege handed down by the president or controlled by godfathers like Wike.
They must stand up and remind Wike that they, not Tinubu and certainly not Wike, gave Fubara the mandate. And unless the courts say otherwise, he remains the legitimate governor of Rivers State. The idea that a sitting governor can be “suspended” based on political disagreements is not only unconstitutional, it is criminal.
To reduce a governor’s mandate to a political favor is to tell Nigerians that their votes do not count. It is to delegitimize the electoral process and make a mockery of democracy. It is to say that unless a governor plays puppet, his tenure will be truncated, by hook or crook.
Wike’s behavior is a classic case of political overreach. He has gone from being a former governor to a federal minister, but he has refused to relinquish control over Rivers State. He continues to act as if the levers of government in Port Harcourt still run through his hands. And sadly, those around him, in the corridors of power, are enabling this dangerous game.
If democracy must survive in Nigeria, we must do away with this culture of political godfatherism. We must respect the sanctity of the ballot and defend the independence of elected officials. A governor is not answerable to his predecessor. He is answerable to the people who voted him in. That’s the principle we must uphold.
What Wike is doing, and what Tinubu’s administration has allowed to fester, is not only dangerous but contagious. If this type of political interference is allowed to continue in Rivers, it could easily spread to other states. Tomorrow, it may be Enugu, Benue, or Zamfara. The disease of political meddling is contagious, and if unchecked, it will eat deep into the fabric of our democracy.
The people of Rivers State deserve peace. They deserve a governor who is allowed to govern. They deserve institutions that are not puppets of Abuja or minions of retired political emperors.
And to Wike, let it be known: you are no more the governor of Rivers State. You had your opportunity. You served. You may not like Fubara’s style, you may disagree with his decisions, but you must accept that he is no longer under your political tutelage. Democracy does not revolve around your approval.
Stop insulting the people who voted. Stop undermining the very system that gave you relevance. And above all, stop acting like Rivers State is your personal property.
Fubara may have his flaws, as every politician does, but his right to govern is not up for debate. He was elected. And that is all that matters.
![[OPINION] Before Zulum Gets Too Excited - Okey Ikechukwu](/media/k2/items/cache/3928b154431ff0200e6e11d9cf12aef7_M.jpg)
Is it possible that some of the actions, and inactions, of the Governor of Borno State have helped within the last three years to breed some of the problems that led to his recent outburst and sense of alarm over the return of serious security challenges in the state? Was his approach to making the problems public the best, in the circumstances? Was his characterization of the comments of the Minister of Information and National Orientation, in reaction to the latter’s characterization of the issues a bit out of context. Should he have still gone further on the matter, after the Minister’s office gave further clarification on the actual intents of the message?
But that all the forgoing is not our main concern today.
On September 10, 2021, this column had an article titled, “Why Zulum Needs Help and Support”, wherein it was said: “Several media platforms have called out the Nigerian state on the negative security implications, and likely disruptive impact, of the ongoing surrendering and reintegration of repentant insurgents. The subsisting perception, and fear, is that we may be making a grievous mistake. I share this perception and fear”.
Reacting to the clear of possible questionable backlash from the strange carrying on at the time, I also said in that article that “I almost have no doubt that there may yet be a catastrophic fallout from what we a seeing today. But is it not also true that the Borno State governor once expressed optimism while receiving the repentant returnee. But it is also true that the possibility of a cataclysmic threat to social stability to Borno State, and the nation, may be embedded in this development”?
That article was written mainly in order to draw the attention of Governor Zulum to the type of good he was ordering from Ariaria Market. The idea was to warn him that the neat invoice paper will not show the colour and smell of the goods being penciled down for procurement. But he was apparently not paying attention, I suppose. Instead he doubled down on providing relief for refugees, projecting very elaborate efforts at bringing normalcy to trouble communities and settlements by spending on rehabilitation, provision of food and comfort, etc. He was cheerfully running massive expenditure headings on a demographic group that would, to all intents and purposes, produce nothing and contribute nothing to the economy of the state.
For good measure, the demographic group in question also possessed very poor social skills, whether religious or communal. They would become a burden, one way or another. And that it what have now turned out to be, three and a half years down the road.
Here is the caption of a BBC story arising from Governor Zulum’s recent outcry about the resurrection of unmanageable criminality and disruptive kidnapping industry: “Nigerian Governor warns of Boko Haram Comeback”. The question not raised, and therefore not reported upon, is “Are there actions by the state government, besides the challenges facing military and security authorities, that led to the comeback?”
Those who may be quick to ask: “How could any actions, or inactions, of the state government have helped create any of the problems on the ground at the moment?” Should consider the following. At the time governor Zulum was receiving repentant Boko Haram insurgents a few years ago, some of us were warning the state about the possible future challenges that might arise therefrom. At the time the Borno State, in collaboration with some agencies of government, was announcing successful deradicalization programmes, some of us were crying ‘foul’ and pointing out that it would all eventually lead to an unsustainable living environment in Borno State.
Today, the chickens are all coming home to roost.
When, as member of a team from the Centre for Crisis Communication, we organized a programme on for all military, security and paramilitary personnel in Borno State about ten years ago, the Shehu of Borno raised serious issues about what he called “the pretense that a confirmed serial murderer who even killed his neighbour’s parents will suddenly change after spending two weeks half-listening to some people in an overcrowded hall”. This was during our courtesy visit to his palace, where he received us with all the members of his traditional council.
He noted with dismay the undue attention being given to the perpetrators of heinous crimes, while their victims who need rehabilitation are neglected. “Who told you they have changed in any way?”, he quipped at some point during the visit. For him, the actions of government needed some input from the traditional institutions that could be the link for lasting peace
Regarding Zulum’s recent utterances, local regular and digital media had several disconcerting titles and reports, just like that of the BBC. The reports were all in reaction to two developments, namely (1) Zulum’s justified outcry about increasing insecurity in his state and (2) Zulum’s reaction to a statement by the Minister of Information and National Orientation on the matter of security challenges in Borno State. All things considered; Governor Zulum may well have been in the news in recent times in the way some of us would have loved for him not to be.
Matters were not helped by the fact that the governor’s own personal utterances including, especially insinuations about the capacity of some principal officers of state at the federal level, were taken up by a few other people around him. These have been mostly strategically unhelpful media interventions, from the angle of effective problem management. As things stand now, Governor Zulum needs to review his understanding of some aspects of the security problems of his state. He should also recalibrate his utterances, especially in connection with the Boko Haram resurgence.
The emerging events about which he was raising both hell and dust took a long time in brewing. He can also be calmly described as having inadvertently contributed to the problems he is complaining about.
It is true that insurgents who put down their guns deserve both consideration and forgiveness; especially where they are seen to be truly repentant. But, and this is where the problem begins, who is the seer that was consulted to confirm the genuine repentance of those who surrendered? How was it possible that Borno state received repentant Insurgents by the thousands and yet no one in government got any information about the whereabouts of their leaders, and their strongholds, from these repentants?
The aforementioned article said: “Acceptance, forgiveness and reintegration must be part of a holistic, well-choreographed intervention template”. Concerning the expected benefits of pandering to surrendering insurgents, the article went on to ask: “But what if all we are likely to get out of this is organized Capital Consumption and the opening up of supply lines for relief materials? An unhealthy increase in expenditure and consumption, and the fanning of public ceremonies will not give Borno State any lasting results, or promote Wealth Creation. So, no one should open up massive and unsustainable expenditure headings and leave a mess for Zulum to deal with.
Can we say for sure, today, that anyone really knew why thousands of insurgents suddenly “repented”. Can we say why the rare epidemic of droves of repentants later declined?
The earlier referenced article also observed: “Did the same Boko Haram not once call for a ceasefire, during the tenure of Badeh as Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), only to use the period to re-arm and re-group before resuming its attacks? Can Borno State speak of peace when sections of a group that has been living for too long outside the bounds of civility and rationality surrender (possibly) because of hunger, death of munitions, loss of leadership, or leadership acrimony, or all of the above? Are law abiding citizens wrong if they express reservations about having their former feared predators in their midst? Are Nigerians wrong in wondering aloud what such persons still really believe and want in the depths of their hearts? It all raises questions about how even the genuinely repentant ones among them are to be properly integrated into civil society”.
Some of the allegedly deradicalized insurgents do not want to return to their former communities, because of the types of heinous crimes they committed before fleeing. Has Zulum ever asked himself what sort of integration could have possibly taken place such that a man who wiped out an entire family, or even several families in a community, returns to the same community? How was Zulum able to confirm the successful deradicalization of those he reintegrated into society? How was the success endeavour measured, and by which team of trauma psychology experts? Is it possible to create a fundamental mind shift for thousands of religiously, politically, culturally and socially disoriented people in a matter of days, or weeks?
How was it possible to quickly find resources to rehabilitate the New Brides, even as some of them were seen almost immediately returning to the forest after a few days, or weeks, of good feeding? So, were they now actually sent to infiltrate the society, towards executing a final onslaught, for a complete takeover?
It is true that the governor was being realistic when he called on all to see the need to “… choose between an endless war or to cautiously accept the surrendered terrorists which is really painful and difficult for anyone that has lost loved ones, difficult for all of us and even for the military whose colleagues have died and for volunteers.” What was his follow-through action, though.
Besides the fact that Borno State has been a refugee/insurgents funds absorption basket, the resource going into managing security can be better deployed. So, let Governo Zulum not get too excited, so that he does not end up shooting himself in the foot. Let him use his own records to trace the insurgents he has reintegrated over time, find out their current means of livelihood and what they do with their free time; including taking part in some form of worship. That would be a good way to begin to get a sense of the success or failure of his leadership in this particular regard.
QUOTE:
As things stand now, Governor Zulum needs to review his understanding of some aspects of the security problems of his state. He should also recalibrate his utterances, especially in connection with the Boko Haram resurgence.
![[OPINION] Tinubu’s Lagos-Centric Yorubaization of Nigeria - Farooq A. Kperogi](/media/k2/items/cache/28a1ac9a41178905817ea9680395aabc_M.jpg)
Last week, in response to mounting, difficult-to-controvert, empirically impregnable accusations that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu disproportionately favors his Yoruba ethnic group in consequential federal appointments, the presidency circulated a list of Tinubu’s appointments to countermine the firmly fixed national narrative of Tinubu’s unexampled ethnocentrism but was compelled to withdraw it because it was embarrassingly error-ridden and factually inaccurate.
Sunday Dare, the President’s Media Adviser on Media and Public Communication, tweeted on April 10 that the presidency had “noticed a number of errors in the list of appointments tweeted,” said they were “sorry,” and that they would “provide an updated list later.”
More than a week later, we haven’t seen the updated list that Dare promised, which will supposedly show that, in spite of incontestable evidence to the contrary, Tinubu’s appointments reflect fairness to the ethnic and regional complexities of Nigeria and that the Yoruba people don’t dominate appointments and control the commanding heights of the economy.
Interestingly, while the presidency is still updating its list and eating humble pie, a more damning list of Tinubu’s appointments has emerged. It is longer and shows an even more indefensibly insidious, not to mention unexampled, ethnocentric capture of the major levers of government.
Again, while we are awaiting the updated list of Tinubu’s appointments that shows evidence of a fair distribution of federal appointments, the government chose to undermine itself and provide additional ideational ammunition for his critics who say he is beholden to advancing the unfair dominance of his ethnic group.
On April 16, the administration announced the formation of an eight-member committee to oversee preparations for the national census. Of the eight, five were Yoruba. In a country comprising over 500 ethnic groups, such a configuration reflects a troubling insensitivity to the symbolic and political weight of representation, especially in a matter as contentious and identity-laden as a national headcount.
The exclusion of the northeast, southeast, and south-south from the committee cannot be dismissed as oversight. Nor can the disproportionate Yoruba presence be defended as incidental. The demographic sensitivities surrounding census exercises in Nigeria are historically fraught.
That the president’s team would assemble a committee so lopsided at such a politically volatile time betrays either a stunning lack of political judgment or a deeper confidence that no consequence will follow such overt ethno-regional privileging. Either way, the signal is unmistakable and deeply corrosive.
Equally emblematic was the decision to have the president’s Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila — a fellow Yoruba and an unelected official whose role has no constitutional standing — inaugurate the committee. This move, while procedurally permissible, was laden with semiotic overreach.
The constitutionally designated deputy of the president, Vice President Kashim Shettima, a northerner, was bypassed despite being present in the country. The optics communicate the message of an informal inner circle displacing formal constitutional roles, with ethnicity as a defining axis of inclusion and exclusion.
For an administration straining excessively hard to convince a skeptical nation that the evidence of ethnic bigotry in governance that stares them in the face isn't what they think it is, gestures like this do not merely raise questions; they answer them in ways that deepen cynicism and confirm suspicions.
I think honchos of the Tinubu administration shoot themselves in the foot and expose themselves to ridicule when they try to defend the administration’s Yoruba-centric favoritism because their rhetoric is often hysterically at variance with the evidence.
They have two options. The first option is silence. There is more dignity in silence than lies, easily refutable lies. It’s better to be thought a fool, as the saying goes, than to open your mouth and remove all doubt.
The second option is to be bold and point out that Tinubu is merely expanding the ethnocentric path that Buhari paved. In several previous columns where I railed against the Arewa-centric favoritism of Buhari’s appointments, I repeatedly warned that Buhari’s southern successor would expand on his bigotry and that defenders of Buhari’s favoritism who insulted me would have no moral pedestal to stand on when that happened.
That time has come. To be frank, I am enjoying seeing people who defended, explained away, or ignored Buhari’s favoritism (because they imagined that he would be in power for ever) squirming and complaining of Tinubu’s more expansive, unapologetic ethnic capture of the levers of government.
When you initiate an action, you can’t determine the nature and contour of the reaction. Saying Buhari was less exclusionary than Tinubu is now is a weak charge. Buhari shouldn’t have started it, and the people who defended him or looked away should have known that this moment would come.
Of course, the people who benefit from or who defend Tinubu’s unabashed Yoruba-centrism should be aware that, like Buhari’s Arewa-centrism, it also has an expiration date, and that the successor to it may be worse than it.
Defenders of the narrow-mindedness of the Tinubu regime should also be aware of other unintended consequences of their ethnic triumphalism. Just like Buhari has caused the Fulani (including poor, innocent ones) to be reviled all over Nigeria, everyday Yoruba people who also suffer the consequences of Tinubu’s economic policies, will be targets of transferred aggression.
Like the Fulani, the Yoruba may become the objects of undeserved and unearned ethnic hate on account of the president’s inability to see beyond this ethnic enclave in appointments and symbolic actions.
It doesn’t matter that, like a Yoruba friend tells me each time this issue comes up, Tinubu’s outward Yoruba-centrism actually masks a more exclusionary Lagos-centrism. He says most of the Yoruba people Tinubu appoints to important positions have connections to Lagos.
I don’t doubt him. In fact, in a January 24, 2024, column titled, “North and Tinubu’s Back-to-Lagos Moves,” I made that point.
“With a few notable (and in some cases unavoidable) exceptions, Tinubu’s government is largely the re-enactment of his time as the governor of Lagos,” I wrote. “It is, for all practical purposes, an unabashed Lagos-centric Yorubacracy. To be fair, though, with the possible exception of Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration, all civilian regimes since 1999 have been insular ethnocracies.”
I should also point out that in spite of appearances to the contrary, many well-informed, cosmopolitan Yoruba people are embarrassed by Tinubu’s unabashed favoritism toward Yoruba people at the expense of other ethnic groups.
For example, when Tinubu was considering Bayo Ojulari as the Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, it was a Yoruba man who is close to the Tinubu power orbit, who reached out to me, giving me the privilege to be the first person to break the news months before it was officially confirmed.
In my widely shared December 28, 2024, column titled, “Tinubu’s Buharization of the NNPC,” I wrote the following:
“Ironically, this column was inspired by a well-regarded Yoruba supporter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu who is worried, in fact embarrassed, by the optics of what he says is Tinubu’s relentless Yorubacentric take-over of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC).
“His concern wasn’t just partisan discomfort; it was a profound unease about how this nepotistic approach undermines national cohesion.”
However, after I discovered that Ojulari is a northern Yoruba, not a Southwestern Yoruba as my source had thought, I wrote a follow-up column (see “NNPC and Fresh Perspectives on Ojulari’s Identity,” January 04, 2025) to clarify my position and to argue that it’s disingenuous to deny the northern identity of northern Yoruba people only when they benefit from the representational benefits of being northerners.
As I have argued many times in the past, appointments are the symbolic conduits through which citizens relate to governments. That is why representational justice is crucial for a complex, multi-ethnic country like Nigeria.
However, since our national leaders have historically chosen to find comfort only in their ethnic and regional cocoons and to abandon the hard task of building bridges and integrating our disparate but entirely collapsible identities, we will continue to sink deeper and deeper into the low watermarks of exclusion and bitter divisions.
![[OPINION] Why men are afraid of ‘omugwo’ - Funke Egbemode](/media/k2/items/cache/9e37e7adaed17795ccb2539290beb058_M.jpg)
He was the lord of his manor. Whatever he said was law. His children feared him. His wife trembled at his feet. He was a god in his private shrine and decreed that he be accorded the appropriate worship and sacrifice or he breathed fire from both nostrils. He ruled his home with an iron fist and he was feared more than respected, avoided not loved. For 33 straight years, his wife put up with his excesses. His children watched their mother endure her marriage. She wore a smile that eventually became a grimace but she soldiered on. Nobody was going to raise her children while she still had breath. She cried herself to sleep most nights, most of those nights were lonely ones anyway but she stayed the course. She bore it for her children.
Now at 59, she’s in Canada on her first ‘omugwo’ journey ( omugwo in Igbo or ojojo omo in Yoruba are terms for traditional after-birth care of new borns) to take care of her first grandchild. There were grunts and whispers about how she left ‘Daddy’ alone to fend for himself while she enjoyed all the fruits of the labour of the old man. But her version of the story revealed that ‘Daddy and Mummy’ stopped being a real couple a long time ago.
‘When our twins arrived, he said I had to quit my job so I could take care of them. They were a handful, so it was not difficult for me to agree. But even when they started school, he refused to let me go back to work. He had a repertoire of reasons why I could not or should not hold a nine-to-five job. I wouldn’t have minded but I eventually concluded that my husband simply wanted me to be dependent on him for every penny I needed. I needed his permission to use the car because he had to fuel it. I had to agree to his choice of school for the children because he was paying the fees. We rented apartments that suited him and eventually built our house in a rural area. I had no say in anything. I was unhappy for years. I did not want to raise my children without their father, so I stayed in there, sick both physically and emotionally. My husband lived a full life while I lived like a glorified maid. He travelled within and outside the country on business but I never left Nigeria until I became a grandmother. My son, Kehinde hauled me off to Canada. I was there for six straight months until the family doctor blackmailed me with my husband’s health, saying it could would worsen if he continued to eat junk food and stare at the wall and ceiling all day. I must confess that I didn’t miss him and totally enjoyed being away from under his thumb and bullying for those six months. I’m already looking forward to accompanying Taiwo’s wife to the US to have her baby. If I was fine with Daddy’s way of doing things for 33 years, he will be fine with me doing my grandma duties ’
Molayo’s abuse was physical. Her husband beat her regularly, even in front the children, sometimes with neighbours as spectators.
‘I thought the abuse would stop as we grew older but it didn’t and each time the children tried to defend me or correct him, he would threaten to lay a curse on them. I warned them to stay off his path of anger. After beating me, my children and I would go into my room and cry together as they massaged my arm or put cold compress on my swollen jaw. He would deny me of housekeeping allowance if I crossed him or refuse to talk to me for days for not waiting up for him if he got home late. And he kept many late nights, slept out many nights too. If I dared to ask him questions about his whereabouts, he either beat me or gave me the silent treatment. My marriage was harsh and hard. It also took a toll on my health eventually, for which my children blame their father. I made sure they never disrespected their father for as long as I could. But the day my first daughter gave birth was the day they moved me to her house. It was the perfect excuse to rescue me. I returned home after three months for about two weeks and I’m back in my daughter’s place. My medications are more effective now that I sleep better and nobody is bullying me.’
The seed for this piece was actually planted in August 2022. It was at a party and I found myself at the same table with four gentlemen who were worried at the rate at which wives were ‘abandoning’ their husbands to go and do grandma duties. They are all in their 50s and fairly comfortable financially.
‘It is becoming a fad. These women just wait for you to pay the hefty school fees in dollars and then they disappear for months to do that omugwo thing.’
‘Yeah, and you have to learn to eat fast food.’
‘And sleep alone.’
‘Maybe we should get new wives to bridge the gap.’
‘Nice idea, my guy. A young girl to warm you up on rainy nights when madam abandons you,’
Men, why do they think all problems can be solved by newer models and fuller bosoms?
I did my best to explain the logic of laying your bed the way you want it to feel when you lie on it.
You see, not all wives disappear for omugwo without a backward glance. Not all wives make irreversible transition from wives to grandmothers. Some women, and I know quite a few, just want to be wives and remain wives of their husbands all the days of their lives. They do not know how to be anything else. These are women who will be lost without their husbands. Their husbands are their lives because they are men loving and devoted. Yes, they feel blessed and privileged to live long enough to transit from wives to mothers and then grandmothers but this set of women never forget they started as wives, that the vows they took before God, men and tradition was as wives, before all other functions. I also admit that this group of wives are fast fading. But they are still here.
Now, don’t you go jumping to conclusions that those forever wives are obeying the Bible or the Koran. No, they are just responding to their environment, to their marriages. They are just providing the second palm with which to effect a clap.
I have friends, peers who will go and do their omugwo and be back in a jiffy. One month tops and they are back in the arms of their husbands. I also have friends who are just waiting for their first grandchildren to ‘pop’ and they will, like bat out of hell, disappear, relocate for at least six months. There it is, omugwo for many women is a legit escape from marriages and men they had been wanting to escape from for years. Omugwo is like a release, albeit a temporary one from the men they did not have the courage to leave for years. The situation is even made worse if the children see the arrival of their babies as opportunities ‘to free mummy from daddy for a while.’
My dear brothers, how are you preparing for your old age, those twilight years when the only real faithful friends you’d be able to rely on are your wives and children? Are you your wife’s friend or albatross? Do your children see their mother as your wife and partner or a slave to be rescued as soon as they can muster the requisite fund? Are you living as if there is no tomorrow? Your wife of 35 years should not feel and flee like a free bird just because you both have become grandparents. If she has been in London for the past five months, leaving your 72-year-old ass, pardon my French, in the care of a maid and gateman, you were not a good man. Period. If at 75, your children feel it is time to bail their mother out of your cell, who can you blame? A man who mismanaged his yesterday will pay the price tomorrow.
![[OPINION] The other side of anguish - Monday Philips Ekpe](/media/k2/items/cache/6fd24a6857e126dfbf4c35e3f2c24c31_S.jpg)
Here comes another Good Friday and Easter. Familiar stories of the torment, death, burial and resurrection of Jesus the Christ. Stubborn facts that have refused to lose their meaning, relevance and efficacy more than two millennia since the events occurred. Soon after Jesus defeated the powers of the grave, the heavy stone used to hedge him in and the soldiers on guard, the authorities became jittery about the outcomes of those unprecedented episodes, notably his rise. Everything was done to twist the narrative. Even today, attempts to either trivialise or deny it altogether haven’t stopped. Luckily, history remains a witness to the potency of that epic moment; a collector of an abiding illustration of the eternal triumph of good over evil.
Commemorating those distinctive happenings in Jerusalem, therefore, goes beyond the surface. People, particularly believers in Christ, do utilise this moment to revitalise their inner strength – a vital asset that can’t be taken for granted in these troubling times. For most Nigerians, life has not been the same especially since President Bola Tinubu announced the removal of petrol subsidy at his presidential inauguration nearly two years ago and followed it up with the floating of the currency. Those punches have knocked down majority of the people and the main things they’ve received in abundance are excuses, explanations and more excuses from the president and his lieutenants.
There is hardly any aspect of the nation’s essential social and economic indices and their accompanying figures that compares favourably with what had obtained under the previous administration(s). This becomes even more painful when weighed against the equally tough adversities experienced under President Muhammadu Buhari. The prospect of looking back at that period with nostalgia the way some people do now was unthinkable. But here we are.
President Tinubu has been a better public communicator than his predecessor, though. But months of continual pledging and exhortations to Nigerians to make the “necessary sacrifices” haven’t achieved real-time healing and any genuine hope for tomorrow. “I know how you feel”, a refrain in most of his speeches, hasn’t also succeeded in producing the desired atmosphere of empathy. I recommend that the statement be dropped from his future outings as it’s beginning to appear fake. One can actually argue that Tinubu can’t seriously understand the depth into which most of his fellow citizens have sunk. Living, for most of them, is now more traumatic than members of the ruling elite can contemplate. If they do, there’s virtually nothing to show that they care about the fate of their disadvantaged compatriots.
The fortunate and “hardworking” could easily dismiss this gloomy picture as extreme but the victims of the vicissitudes which test the very souls of men and women to their limits know the true current colour of survival. Hyper-inflation, a grossly diminished naira, scarce jobs, real concerns about multifaceted insecurity, growing loss of faith in the system, a political class that’s unwilling or incapable of exhibiting exemplary leadership, and a steady diminution of hope for tomorrow have all ganged up against the usually robust Nigerian spirit. But as I often readily concede, these negative energies are neither creations of this government nor originated by Buhari’s. Why our leaders are unable to translate their much-touted good intentions to practicable policies, programmes and projects for the benefit of all, however, further deepens the exasperation of the long-suffering masses.
The cross our nation has had to bear over time is opposition parties that are high on rhetoric only to mellow into underperformance and ineptitude as soon as they assume power. It’s easy to advise the citizenry to look inwards and not expect the government to do everything for them. I’m still searching for the list of the things governments at various levels do for the people. The country is saddled with an overburdened populace. Some have become emergency philosophers, others have succumbed to sinister forces like depression, and many have resigned to an uncertain fate. But how long will it take before the few surviving or thriving ones are overwhelmed by primary and collateral responsibilities?
Naturally, people are compelled to embrace some sort of soul-searching one way or the other in times of chaos and ennui. What better means than seeking solace or solutions from loftier heights. For Christians, these most significant days present an opportunity to look upwards too. My piece on this page during the holy week in 2022 titled, “Maximising This Passion Week”, validates the aphorism that the more things change, the more they remain the same.
It reads in part: “Jesus of Nazareth. The uniqueness of his person is, without doubt, superlative and incomparable. His public service lasted for just about three years, something that started at the age of 30. His only record of writing was when an angry mob brought a woman caught in adultery to him, threatening to stone her to death in fulfilment of the Law of Moses. He wrote on sand at a point but even the content was never captured. Yet, as many scholars have argued, Jesus has inspired more writings than any other person. And, what is more elevating than having a number of the world’s religions speak, usually reverentially, about one particular man in their own sacred books?”
He is in heaven now, according to the Bible. That effectively changed his physical address and placed him on a much higher pedestal. His immediate followers? We can, at least, identify with those men whose earthly sojourns were mostly truncated abruptly and brutally. The article continues: “As soon as he (Jesus) was arrested, the men he had worked and closely interacted with took off for the love of their own lives. That act of abandonment initially encouraged the Roman authorities and religious leaders to attempt to influence them into denying the authenticity of the resurrection of their master.
“In a turn of events and with the passage of time, however, the same disciples rediscovered their courage and voices and stood firm for what they believed, against the intimidating odds that were rapidly cropping up mainly from the political and religious hierarchies. A deep reflection on the lives, activities and end of those men, long after Jesus had departed, could set us, Nigerians, on the path of true loyalty to causes that have extra-mundane, more enduring values. Life, after all, has much more to do with convictions about ideals and the common good. The lead apostle, Peter, for instance, begged his tormentors who were about to crucify him to do so upside down since, he reasoned, he was not qualified to die in the same position as his boss.” That bravery in the face of danger was replicated by the rest disciples – human beings like us who refused to bend to the wiles and coercion of their persecutors. They demonstrated till they exited the planet that bliss wasn’t always sensuous.
They were probably preserved by the words of their lord who once told them that, “Except a corn of wheat falls into the ground and dies, it abides alone; but if it dies, it brings forth much fruit. He who loves his life shall lose it; and he who hates his life in this world shall keep it unto life eternal.” Meaning, there’s no circumventing the path to lasting fulfilment and rewards.
So, pain as a prerequisite for gain is one truism that Nigerians must keep in view. Not as an empty admonition by politicians but an indispensable tool for resilience which usually pays off. A reliable armour against these testy times. An assurance against the external pressures that seek to strangle the divine drive within. And the staying ability to persevere against diverse hurdles while awaiting fruition.
Ekpe, PhD, is a member of THISDAY editorial board.
![[OPINION] Soludo’s town halls and the all-embracing vote of confidence - Law Mefor](/media/k2/items/cache/a47d30333e6d5827c28114cf4a069b9a_S.jpg)
Approval rating is of pivotal importance in the re-election of an incumbent. Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, is enjoying an unprecedented universal approval rating as per the coming Anambra State gubernatorial election, billed for November 8, 2025. Soludo’s stellar scorecard puts him out of sight ahead of any intending contender as the vote of confidence of Ndi Anambra across the globe has guaranteed.
The crème de la crème of Ndi Anambra within and outside the state have been reviewing the scorecard of Governor Soludo and have unanimously returned a resounding vote of confidence. It’s indeed remarkable that the principal figures in the opposition parties are not left out in the endorsement of the re-election of Governor Soludo. A typical example is the former Governor of Anambra State, former Senator and former Minister, Dr. Chris Nwabueze Ngige, who, in our local parlance, told Governor Soludo at the Abuja town-hall meeting: “Carry go!”
Dr. Ngige revealed that he had been begged by the remaining minuscule number of APC faithful in Anambra State not to endorse Governor Soludo. The irrepressible Dr. Ngige addressed Governor Soludo pointedly at the Abuja town-hall meeting by saying that he had gone to Anambra to see things for himself, thusly: “I came. I saw. But I did not conquer. I confirmed. Odenigbo, carry go!”
Before the Lagos and Abuja town-hall meetings where Governor Soludo went to present his scorecard to his people, pending the London town-hall meeting as well, there was an avalanche of endorsements by a wide range of organisations, from students, youths and scores of support groups.
This is beyond politics, as even students were among groups contributing money to persuade Governor Soludo to purchase the nomination form and contest the November election. The progressive governor, in tandem with the people’s will, graciously accepted to run, given the vote of confidence pouring in from all sides. It’s not in the constitution of Mr. Governor not to answer the call of the people.
The Lagos town-hall meeting came a day after the esteemed Vanguard Newspaper honoured Governor Soludo as the Vanguard Governor of the Year for Good Governance. The Lagos town-hall was a bang as the Habour Point Marquee Event Centre that got filled kept erupting intermittently with rapturous applauses as the gathered personages watched the 30-minute documentary. There was further uplifting exultation as Soludo took to the stage to talk about his stewardship in the last three years.
The following day, Sunday, the tireless Governor Soludo, who had been nicknamed “Ọlụatụegwu”, to wit, “One who is not afraid of duty”, was in Abuja, at the Bolton White Event Centre, for the Abuja version. Like in Lagos, Abuja was equally well-attended by Ndi Anambra who-is-who resident in the federal capital city. At the end of it all, the outcome matched that of Lagos, if not surpassing it, especially with the crowning glory of the endorsements of even opposition figures, including APC chieftains.
I recall a female commissioner asking us to rate the Lagos and Abuja town halls and determine which was greater. It was quite a difficult task as most of us could not agree. Both were epochal indeed, but differing in their uniqueness: Lagos town hall was massively attended by the business class and captains of industry, while Abuja town hall was mainly attended by the political class.
With Abuja and Lagos adding their voices to the endorsement galore – and that of the UK positively loading – Governor Soludo’s re-election is quite certain. It can be safely deduced that there is no coherent and viable opposition for Governor Soludo in Anambra State, as had been earlier stated by the Minister of Works, Engr. David Umahi, who, like Dr. Ngige, is a prominent APC leader.
Ndi Anambra at home and abroad are telling the opposition candidates seeking to take over the government in Anambra to tarry till 2029. With their resounding vote of confidence in the performing Solution Government of Governor Soludo, Anambra people have handed a fresh mandate in advance, to be validated on November 8.
The vote of confidence from home and abroad is a clear way of saying again and again: there is no vacancy in Awka Government House. However, there is still history to be made in this November 8 guber election if the feeble contenders and pretenders step down for Soludo to run unopposed.
Governor Soludo grandly deserves his occupation of Obi-Ndi-Anambra, the Government House and Lodge he built to break a 34-year-old jinx. So, if the guber runners decide to go the whole hog with Prof Soludo, the performing governor should also go the entire length: win in the 5700 polling units, 326 wards and in the entire 21 local governments. It is within reach.
A word, they say, is enough for the wise, for as the Americans say, if it is not broken, why mend it?
Law Mefor, PhD, is the Anambra state commissioner for information.
[OPINION] Anambra’s 3-Year Renaissance: How Governor Soludo Is Transforming A State - Christian Aburime
Admin![[OPINION] Anambra’s 3-Year Renaissance: How Governor Soludo Is Transforming A State - Christian Aburime](/media/k2/items/cache/6a802bdd5e4531d22983fa4378f86746_S.jpg)
Anambra State, once a region plagued by dire insecurity and underdevelopment, is now on the marble of a remarkable transformation. Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, with his innovative leadership, has laid the foundation for what could be the next African Dubai-Taiwan-Silicon Valley.
In just three years, Governor Soludo’s administration has not only addressed long-standing issues but has also set the stage for a prosperous future.
This summative exposition is just a glimpse of the multifaceted achievements of Governor Soludo, exploring how his administration has redefined governance, infrastructure, security, and economic development in Anambra State.
As many already know, Governor Soludo’s vision for Anambra is encapsulated in the ambitious African Dubai-Taiwan-Silicon Valley (ADTS) project. This vision is supported by a youthful and dynamic ‘Solution Team’ that has been instrumental in redefining governance. The administration’s focus on integrity, equity, and inclusiveness has led to significant strides in infrastructure, security, and economic development.
Governor Soludo’s mantra, “One State, One People, One Agenda,” underpins his commitment to unity and collective progress.
In terms of infrastructure, Anambra has seen a massive road and transportation revolution. Over 754 kilometres of new roads have been contracted, with 462 kilometres asphalted and completed. The state government has also rehabilitated five major water schemes, ensuring access to piped water for its residents. Additionally, the administration has embarked on a renewable energy initiative, converting over 26,000 diesel-powered streetlights to solar power. The construction of the state-of-the-art Government House complex and the remodeling and expansion of the Three Arms Zone are further strong pointers to the administration’s commitment to modernisation.
Economically, Anambra is positioning itself as a commercial and logistics hub. The establishment of the Anambra Mixed-Use Industrial City (AMIC) and the Pharmaceutical Distribution and Manufacturing Hub are proofs of the state’s commitment to industrialisation. These projects are expected to attract significant investment and create numerous job opportunities. The administration’s focus on digitalisation, including the establishment of the Solution Innovation District (SID), is driving the growth of the tech and digital economy. The SID has trained over 30,000 people in digital skills and supported over 100 new business ideas.
Governor Soludo’s administration has prioritised security, establishing new ‘Agunechemba’ security architecture anchored in technology and the “Homeland Security Law.” This has led to a significant reduction in criminal activities, with the dismantling of over 60 criminal camps and the arrest of numerous suspects. The administration has also made significant impact in justice delivery, including the full automation of the Anambra State Judiciary System and the establishment of virtual hearing facilities in 30 High Courts and four Correctional Centres.
The Soludo administration has made significant investments in human capital, focusing on education and healthcare. The introduction of free and qualitative education has led to a remarkable increase in school enrollment. The administration has also prioritised healthcare, building new general hospitals, introducing initiatives such as free antenatal and delivery services, and the renovation and equipping of primary healthcare centres.
Environmental sustainability is a key pillar of Soludo’s administration. The state government has implemented a vigorous tree planting policy, committing to planting over 1,000,000 trees annually. The administration has also embarked on a solar revolution in the power sector, installing solar streetlights and powering government offices through solar energy sources. Efforts to control erosion and improve waste management have resulted in significant environmental improvements.
Thus far, Governor Soludo’s progressive leadership has set Anambra State on a path of sustainable growth and development. The state’s progress in just three years is a tribute to the power of dynamic leadership and strategic planning. As Anambra continues to rise, the foundations laid by Governor Soludo’s administration will undoubtedly lead to a prosperous and sustainable future for its citizens. The journey towards a livable and prosperous homeland, anchored on the mantra of "One State, One People, One Agenda" envisioned to become the African Dubai-Taiwan Silicon valley of Nigeria is fully on course!
![[OPINION] And the Light shineth in Darkness… - Abdu Rafiu](/media/k2/items/cache/de8346c9cadacf1fb73559d511ebaf71_S.jpg)
Every student of the Bible will be presumed to be familiar with the Great Sanhedrin that can be regarded as equivalent to the modern-day Supreme Court in most countries of the world that pride themselves as subscribers to the doctrine and practice of the Rule of Law. Cases move from lower courts to the highest court in such countries, a court taken to be infallible and final! Our own thoughtful Justice Chukwudi Oputa we called Socrates drummed this into our ears when he said: “We are not final because we are infallible, but we are infallible only because we are final”. So was it in Israel at the time of the Lord Jesus Christ. There are cases that go straight to the Supreme Court if we take Nigeria as an example, matters such as States versus States or States versus the Federal Government. In Israel at the time each town was seat of Sanhedrin, a court of justice consisting of 23 members. Originally, members were a gathering of elders to settle disputes. According to records, it was established by Moses but became courts after the Jews came back from Babylonian captivity. The Great Sanhedrin based in Jerusalem had 70 members saddled with, predictably, religious affairs, then law and the state. On edge following experiences from captivity, the Great Sanhedrin members were also charged with the protection and representation of all the Jews. At its head was the High Priest who as of the time of the Lord was called Caiaphas.
Torah being the body of laws and general rules of conduct purportedly drawn principally from the Divine Revelation of the Commandments and Prohibitions to the chosen Jewish race was the “guidebook” for them. These were read in the Synagogues every Sabbath day. Of the 82 articles of the penal code, Caiaphas had 12 ready to entrap and convict at all costs the Lord Whom the priestly and political establishments had regarded as a threat to their authority, to their hold on power and influence over the people.
The Scribes and Pharisees took exception to Christ making a self-revelation of Himself and to healing on the Sabbath Day. The Lord Christ had said “I am the Way, the Truth, and the Life: no man cometh unto the Father, but by me.” (John 14, 6). He healed a man who had been infirm for 38 years in Jerusalem. The man could not enter a Bethesda pool by a sheep market to bathe and be cleansed, (John 5: 2, 8, 9). He also healed the son of a nobleman sick and close to death at Capernaum (John 4:50). These took place on a Sabbath Day and the Torah fanatics took umbrage. The situation worsened when He said to them: “My Father worketh hitherto, and I work. Therefore, the Jews sought the more to kill him, because not only had He broken the sabbath, but said also that God was His Father, making Himself equal with God.” (John 5: 17-18). “Then answered Jesus and said unto them, Verily, verily, I say unto you. The Son can do nothing of Himself, but what he seeth the Father do: for what things soever He doeth, these also doeth the Son likewise. For the Father loveth the Son and sheweth Him all things that Himself doeth: and He will shew Him greater works than these, that ye may marvel.” (John 19-20). Those who witnessed the Lord heal a man who had been blind from birth made similar remarks as those who were disturbed in the earlier cases: “This man is not of God, because he keepeth not the sabbath day. (John 9: 16).
These were not all; they sought to put Him on a collision course with Rome by asking Him questions about payment of taxes, “And they send unto him certain of the Pharisees and of the Herodians, to catch Him in His words. And when they were come, they say unto Him, Master, we know that thou art true, and carest for no man: for thou regardest not the person of men, but teachest the way of God in truth: Is it lawful to give tribute to Ceasar, or not? Shall we give, or shall we not give? But He, knowing their hypocrisy, said unto them, Why tempt me? Bring me a penny, that I may see it. And they brought it. And He saith unto them. Who is this image and superscription? And they said unto Him, Cesser’s. And Jesus answering said unto them, Render unto Ceasar the things that are Ceasar’s, and to God the things that are God’s. And they marvelled at Him” (Mark 12: 13-17). Drake’s Annotated Reference Bible.
Several instances to entrap the Lord. Consider also the betrayal of Judas Iscariot who had linked with the Resistant Movement to rope Him and pass Him as leader of the armed rebellious group. Part of the plot was to give Him an unforgettable reception during which He would be haled as the King of Israel. The country had long sought to throw off the yoke of Rome and the Resistant Movement thought the time to get the Lord Jesus endorse and present Him as the leader in their quest was during the Passover in Jerusalem when pilgrims in multitudes would gather. And indeed, they staged the reception that surprised the Lord. On the occasion there were cries and there was rejoicing: “Blessed is the King of Israel that cometh in the name of the Lord.”
The Lord rode on camel’s back quite all right, but these praise-singing and hailing meant absolutely nothing to Him. He had no use of earthly power. His Mission was far too sublime. It was not to enslave but to free; it was to release human beings from their errors, weaknesses and attendant guilt that hinders ascent to the luminous Kingdom of His Father that is Paradise. He could see through the plot. He headed for the Temple and in addressing the congregation among whom were the warriors who had come to do battle, said that submission to the Will of the Father was paramount and that all should love their fellowmen. He even commanded them to love their enemies. Members of the resistant movement could not believe their ears and they concluded that they had been conned by Judas. Caiaphas was lurking in the shadows in all these. Although disappointed, but convinced, however, that Judas hated his Master no end, and could still be useful. He quickly buried his disappointment and struck a deal with him to return to the Master so that when it was time to get Him, the disloyal Disciple would be able to reveal the Lord’s whereabouts.
How did the hatred of Judas arise? Hatred for Him Who had, at every turn, been overwhelming His helper with love! But Judas had his firm gaze elsewhere, on materialism. He was always disappointed at how some of the people healed and many grateful listeners deeply touched by the Lord’s address had attempted to demonstrate their gratitude by offering Him their wealth but which the Lord would not accept. His Master always rejected the gifts. Judas found this inexplicable. When they should be swimming in material comfort, Judas reasoned, murmuring, they were going about like vagrants living from hand to mouth!
The Penal Code Caiaphas had ready for reference and to invoke against the Son of God read as follows Article by Article:
1). He who knowingly and deliberately transgresses the Sabbath commandment or any other precept of the Torah is an impious person;
2). He must be warned;
3). If he does not heed the warning, and continues to offend against the Torah, he must be sentenced to death and stoned.
4). He who doubts the Divine origin of the Torah will suffer death by burning.
6). The Great Sanhedrin in the Temple of Jerusalem dispenses justice in the full authority of God. God Himself respects these judicial decisions.
13). He who rebels against the officiating clergy in Jerusalem is deserving of death.
16). He who openly utters the name of Jahveh is a blasphemer.
21). The convicted blasphemer will be stoned.
52). A pseudo-prophet is a renegade preacher who seeks by means of visions, illusions, false oracles, magic, exorcism, hallucination or genuine miracles to seduce Israel to apostasy.
55). A pseudo-prophet must be judged by the Great Sanhedrin, and be executed in Jerusalem.
76). The President of the Great Sanhedrin has the right in exceptional cases to pass over any obstructive regulations in order to put a swift and radical end to apostasy. Such an action is called the Horaath Schaah, an action according to the need of the moment.
82). Even the execution of an innocent person can serve in the maintenance of law and order, and the salvation of god’s people.
The trial of the Son of God became urgent after He raised Lazarus back to life in Bethany after Mary and Martha asked Him for help over their brother who had taken seriously ill. The act stirred up great sensation on the one hand and raised hope of the imminent coming of the Messiah on the other in the widespread belief they had harboured that the calling of dead people to life was to precede His emergence and that the liberation from Rome was in the offing. While it generated the enheartening feeling of the liberation it struck alarm in the hearts of the Jewish leaders who feared for their own power and influence being taken away. And they asked the Envoy of God: “Tell us, by what authority doest thou these things or who is he that gave thee this authority?” The leaders consisted of the High Priest, scribes and elders who also constituted the Great Sanhedrin. An urgent and special meeting was convened at the behest of Caiaphas to discuss the Lazarus situation: “What do we? For this man doeth many miracles. If we let him thus alone, all men will believe on him: and the Romans shall come and take away both our place and nation.” (John 11, 47-48). Exploiting the confusion in the minds of his colleagues, Caiaphas convinced them that the Son of God Whom he described as troublesome and dangerous must be done away with. He referred them to Article 82 of the penal code so they could invoke it: “Even the execution of an innocent person can serve in the maintenance of law and order, and the salvation of God’s people.” “It is expedient for us, that one man should die for the people, and that the whole nation perish not.”
An announcement was made for all the Jews to give information about the whereabouts of the Lord Jesus; town-criers read out the announcement by the priests in the streets of Jerusalem that the Lord Jesus of Nazareth had been sentenced to death for blasphemy by the supreme court of justice. The announcement was crafted in a way that the pilgrims and the people normally resident in Jerusalem who had only a few days hailed the Son of the Most high as the King of the Israel on whom they had pinned hopes for national liberation changed their attitude and felt that they had been deceived. Practically every who-was-who from members of the Sanhedrin to Temple priests, scribes, pharisees and Sadducees joined the crowd in their hostility. The wife of Pontious Pilate had been disturbed and she warned her husband: “Have thou nothing to do with the death of that just man: for I have suffered many things this day in a dream because of him.” The Jews were unrelenting. They lied against the Son of the Most High. Pilate washed off his hands. The Lord was humiliated, He carried the cross on which He was to be nailed, He was jeered…in the end He was executed like a common criminal. The Prince of Peace: the Personification of Love as the Love Arm of the Father Who had sent Him to bring the Truth to erring mankind and lay open the way back to Paradise. Until His Coming no human spirit had succeeded in getting back to Paradise. His Coming provided the keys to the Golden Gate of the Spiritual Realm more known as Paradise.
French writer Ernest Schmitt wrote: “Life-giving Word of God against dead-letter belief and intellectual sophistry. Divine Love defeated by the hatred of those whom It wished to save. The Son of God sentenced as blasphemer, because He neither could nor would deny His Origin, even at the price of His earth-life. A drama of comic dimensions, and the gravest crime that was ever committed.”
John the Apostle wrote: “In Him was life; and the life was the light of men. And the light shineth in darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not.” (John 1, 4-5).
Up till today, a great many in Christendom do say the Son of God died for the sins of mankind with all the tribulations and humiliation He went through when it should have been: He died because of our sins. Mankind did not recognise the Son of God how much more think of protecting Him from persecution and harm. Indeed, punny human beings dared to lay hands on Him. It is revealed in higher knowledge on earth today that in not one case has it occurred in which an Envoy of God was recognized or made welcome. The Mission is always entangled in recrimination befuddled by man’s own ideas and expectations. Whether they are Prophets, Teachers of Mankind or Forerunners, from lack of recognition they had been faced with hostilities and incalculable suffering. Every time the expectation of mankind never accorded with God’s design and His Will.
There have been tremendously shaken events on earth manifesting in seven Light Manifestations over millennia. And 150 years ago today, mankind still in slumber were launched into the Age of Everlasting Testament with a most unique occurrence which will lead into the complete enthronement of the Will of God; when only what is in harmony with It shall stand no matter what it may be, man or systems—social, political or economic. The wars, chaos and confusion; political instability and economic collapse, are gales of purification and the trumpets of the proverbial World Judgment to install the new order according to His Will. We mankind are never on the alert; we are ever in slumber and the picture of the wakeful has never corresponded with the reality of God’s Will! What are these times saying to us?
“In Him was life; and the life was the light of men. And the light shineth in darkness; and darkness comprehended it not!”
This year’s unique Easter Festival on 18 April, 2025, has provided a most opportune time for deep reflection over the waves of the Rays of Light around us and our world.
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![[OPINION] Two hundred years after: The evil French freedom tax on Haiti - Owei Lakemfa](/media/k2/items/cache/8804cf7277fbf08d350ac624257139ab_XS.jpg)
It was a day of mourning. Thursday, April 17, 2025 was exactly 200 years France imposed an evil tax on Haiti for daring to stop slavery and securing its independence. Haiti, until today, is in deep crises mainly due to the debilitating effects of that criminal tax and, interferences by Europe and the United States, US.
Haiti struck a death blow against slavery and colonialism by militarily defeating combined French and British forces after a 13-year war of liberation which began on August 21, 1791. It was initially an uneven war in which the European armies had vastly superior military advantages, and the revolt was thought a walkover. But the enslaving countries did not factor in the determination of a people to free themselves from being owned like cattle. Despite the frightening casualties of over 350,000 Black people killed in the revolt, the revolutionaries never gave up. For them, it was either victory or death. The Europeans did not concede defeat until about 75,000 of them had been killed. The British were the first to flee, abandoning their French first cousins. Then the French followed, and the heroic Haitians on January 1, 1804 declared independence.
The revolution produced some of the most brilliant fighters in world history: Toussaint Louverture, who led the revolt until his capture in 1802 and subsequent death in a French prison, and his successor, Jean-Jacques Dessalines.
After militarily breaking the back of the Europeans, Dessalines on June 23, 1803 wrote US President Thomas Jefferson. The revolutionaries had seized a US ship, The Federal. Dessalines in releasing the ship, sent the letter through its captain, Nehemiah Barr. In it, he indirectly justified the Haitian Revolution on the basis of the US revolt against British colonialism. He also gave an update: “The people of Saint-Domingue (Haiti) tired of paying with our blood the price of our blind allegiance to a mother country that cuts her children’s throats, and following the example of the wisest nations, have thrown off the yoke of tyranny and sworn to expel the torturers. Our countryside is already purged of their sight. A few cities are still under their domination but have nothing further to offer to their avid rapacity.” He then assured Jefferson of good trade between their nations.
After independence, Dessalines the new leader declared: “It is not enough to have expelled the barbarians who have bloodied our land for two centuries … We must, with one last act of national authority, forever assure the empire of liberty in the country of our birth; we must take any hope of re-enslaving us away from the inhuman government …. In the end we must live independent or die.”
However, the sins of Haiti were not just its humiliation of European super powers by Black people employing superior military strategies and powers. For the Europeans, this first successful slave revolt was a bad example for all enslaved, colonised or oppressed peoples. The pointed lesson of the Haitian Revolution is that all oppressed people can liberate themselves no matter how powerful their oppressors.
Perhaps the greatest danger the Haitian Revolution posed to the European enslavers and colonialists was its helping to free some other colonies like Brazil, Bolivia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Ecuador, Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, Northern Peru and Guyana.
The Europeans were also alarmed that the Haitians planned to send liberation fighters to free Africa from the colonial masters. Dessalines had asked rhetorically: “The Blacks whose fathers are in Africa, will they have nothing? He was assassinated two years after independence.
But the Europeans would not allow Haiti breathe; France and Britain imposed a blockade making it difficult for Haiti to trade. Finally in 1825, France, with the backing of some European countries, sent a massive expedition to Haiti and, with military threat to invade the young nation, imposed a tax of 150 million francs or today’s US$105 billion. It said the tax was compensation to the French government and former French slave owners for their loss of revenue from colonialism and slavery.
The amount was three times the GDP of Haiti and the country, faced with military invasion and an economy weakened by blockade, was forced to agree. It took Haiti 122 years to pay this evil tax through French banks and the US Citibank.
The French ransom tax was paid off in 1947 leaving the Haitian economy in poor shape. But tragically, a conscienceless dictatorship backed by the Europeans took over the country ten years later. It was led by Francois Duvalier alias “Papa Doc” which not only brutalised the citizenry and stole the country blind, but also vastly increased its debts. When he died in 1971, his son, Jean-Claude Duvalier alias “Baby Doc” continued the brutal dictatorship. He ruled for 15 years until a mass revolt in February, 1986 ended his rule.
In the 29-year iron rule by the Duvaliers, 40,000 – 60,000 Haitians were killed and many more tortured and injured. To achieve this level of bestiality, the Duvalier dynasty ran its own private militia called the Tontons Macoutes. Also, hundreds of thousands fled the country.
The post-Duvalier era was not so bright. By 1990, the country used 80 per cent of its income for debt repayment. The main leader that made a difference was Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide who was elected President in December, 1990 after winning 67 per cent of the votes. He was overthrown in September 1991 for embarking on pro-poor schemes such massive education, healthcare and empowerment programmes. He was reinstated in 1994 through US pressures. He lost elections the following year but was re-elected in 2000 with 92 per cent of the votes. However, Aristide was again overthrown in a 2004 coup which he said was carried out by France and the US.
Meanwhile the centre could no longer hold in Haiti, a situation worsened by a 2010 category 7 earthquake in which 222, 570 were killed, over 300,000 injured and 1.3 million displaced.
Haitian President Jovenel Moise was on July 7, 2021 assassinated in his home by foreign mercenaries. Haiti has since degenerated into a state of lawlessness under the control of armed gangs.
There is the need for the African Union, AU, in collaboration with the Caribbean Community, CARICOM, to fund a solution.
They should also get the United Nations to resume its stabilisation mission which it has abandoned since April 13, 2017. This will be an independent force compared to Kenyan policemen backed by countries with private interests. The Haitian situation is a human, not race problem. So, all humanity should join hands in ensuring a solution.
Meanwhile, France should refund the freedom tax it started extorting from Haiti, 200 years ago. You want to see the face of a thief? Look at France.
![[OPINION] Why naira-for-crude policy is best for the economy - Aderonke Atoyebi](/media/k2/items/cache/db743e06327147b352fc327c75cb0934_XS.jpg)
The oil sector in Nigeria has always been the topic of the day. Online. Offline. On the radio. Even in public transport. If you want to start a heated conversation anywhere in this country, just mention “fuel.” The reactions will start coming in. The price. The scarcity. The queues. The corruption. It’s personal for everyone because we have built a whole nation that depends on oil as if it’s the only thing keeping Nigeria alive. We cannot discuss infrastructure, healthcare, education, or even pay salaries in many states without relying on oil revenue.
Before the removal of fuel subsidy under the current administration (President Bola Ahmed Tinubu), Nigeria was already burdened by an unsustainable level of debt. Year after year, billions were spent to maintain the appearance of affordable fuel. This reality disproportionately benefited the wealthy and even some politicians while leaving the poor at a disadvantage. It was a system that forced the country to import what it could produce. In an attempt to correct this longstanding imbalance, the government introduced a new approach: the Naira-for-Crude policy.
The policy emerged as a response to Nigeria’s over-reliance on imported refined petroleum products, persistent FX pressures, and underutilized local refining capacity. It was approved by the Federal Executive Council to promote the sale of crude oil and refined petroleum products in Naira, specifically for domestic consumption, to strengthen local production, reduce dollar demand, and support broader reforms following the removal of fuel subsidies.
It is one of those things that sounds very technical on paper, but when you break it down, it’s about making Nigeria act like a country that actually owns oil. The idea is this: sell our crude oil to local refineries in Naira. Refine it. Sell the products within Nigeria, still in Naira. Not dollars. Not IOUs. Actual Naira transactions. No more running around trying to source dollars just to trade our own resources at home.
In August 2024, the federal government inaugurated the Implementation Committee for the Naira-for-Crude policy. The policy officially commenced on October 1, 2024, when the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) began supplying approximately 385,000 barrels per day of crude oil to the Dangote Refinery, with payments made in Naira.
Many stakeholders are involved in the Naira-for-Crude policy. The Implementation Committee oversees its rollout, with Dr. Zacch Adedeji, Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), leading the Technical Sub-Committee. The policy is built on four main principles: crude oil allocation to local refineries, transactions conducted in Naira, the Central Bank of Nigeria setting a reference exchange rate, and the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) overseeing the process through a One-Stop Shop for clearances and levies.
The Technical Sub-Committee ensures these principles are upheld while managing the regulatory process and aligning the policy with national objectives such as reducing reliance on foreign currency, achieving self-sufficiency, and maintaining market stability.
The Naira for Crude policy is meant to ease the burden on our economy while strengthening relevant sectors. For Nigeria, as a country, it reduces the pressure on the dollar, helps us save our foreign reserves, and makes room for a more stable financial system. For stakeholders such as refineries, marketers, and government bodies, it simplifies how business is done, makes transactions easy, and encourages more investment. And for the everyday Nigerian, the goal is to ensure fuel is more available, reduce how much we rely on imports, and secure our energy needs in a way that actually works for us.
The naira for crude policy fosters a conducive business environment, reduces monopoly power, and ensures competitive pump pricing. It provides citizens with a strong sense of inclusion and the freedom to choose.
Naira-for-Crude makes a lot of sense. We have been doing things the hard way for too long, buying back what we produce and spending dollars we don’t have. This new policy is Nigeria finally saying, “Let us fix this from inside.” As mentioned earlier, It’s not just policy. It’s common sense.
The policy is a blueprint for the future. By changing how we handle our resources, we are taking back control. It’s time for Nigeria to move from just managing to thriving. We are doing it big, no going back!
Atoyebi is the technical assistant on broadcast media to the executive chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service
![[OPINION] Beyond The President - Akin Osuntokun](/media/k2/items/cache/f84baa6928c651577d771e529c158a5a_XS.jpg)
There are two perspectives from which the apparent lopsidedness of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s appointments can be understood.There is the power politics perspective and there is the federalism compliant dimension.
The emergent casus belli between the President and the custodians of the Northern Muslim electorate devolves on this lapse. It is amenable to being cited as the enactment of Yoruba/ Tinubu triumphalism on one end and the entitlement syndrome of the hegemonic North on the other.
The President has been quite deliberate and systematic in wielding this power politics instrument. There have been repeated pronouncements of the arrival of a new sheriff in town and a pharaoh who does not know Joseph. Thereby, Tinubu and Nigeria have embarked on a journey of no return to the status quo ante. This is the first time in the history of Nigeria that a President of Southern origins, will deliberately engage the custodians of the Northern Muslim electorate in a zero sum game. The latter has a vested interest in preserving the myth of Northern hegemony against which the former has thrown the gauntlet.
If the Tinubu Presidency is having problems with this constituency today it is largely on account of not adequately yielding to this entitlement syndrome. In so doing, he must have factored the potential consequences (including especially the challenge of seeking reelection) into the equation.
The role of the Yoruba intelligentsia in this dogfight is uncertain but when push comes to shove there is a limit to which a fellow Yoruba can lead the charge against a Nigerian President of Yoruba origins for the sin of overcompensating his Yoruba kith and kin within the context of the turn by turn predicate of Nigerian politics. Moreso at a time when the division across ethno regional lines is at a record high and when no silver lining is discernible in the horizon.
Without the awful precedent set by Buhari, it is well nigh impossible that his successor will ply the same route. Buhari has set the benchmark for how a divisive political leader can find the winning formula from the standpoint of exclusive discriminatory leadership. You would have noticed that notwithstanding his disastrous outing as President, his residence increasingly teems with vengeful and bitter anti-Tinubu standard bearers.
There is now an established Muhammadu Buhari model in which the political leader is wildly popular and commands a cult followership on account of his personification of ethno national irredentism. In a discussion with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu several years ago, he said he was realistically constrained to ally himself with the former President, on account of the “cult followership”the latter commands amongst the Muslim North electorate. In the effluxion of time, this realpolitik vision has been vindicated and amply rewarded.
Upon his ascension to the high office,Tinubu wasted no time in putting the Buhari model practice. In a cynical rationalisation of his nepotism, the argument was made (for Buhari) that the seeming lopsidedness of his appointments is extenuated by the rationale that those appointees are spread over the three Northern zones, North West, North Central and North East. In pursuit of this phantom explanation, Buhari actually argued on one or two occasions that he was compelled to make the appointments (the chief of Army staff in particular) because no officer of Southern origin was competent and capable enough.
In a similar replay of the Buhari mischief, Tinubu has proposed that the Yoruba lopsidedness of his appointments is merely a reflection of the fact that his appointees from kogi and kwara are only Yoruba in name but are Northern Nigerians by citizenship
Typical of such Yoruba Northerners is the newly appointed Group Managing Director of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC, Mr Bayo Ojulari. Ulterior motives notwithstanding, I should not forget to commend the President for finally summoning the courage to get rid of Malam Mele Kyari from the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC. How a man who embodied all that was wrong with the NCNC, merits being reappointed, in the first place, beats the imagination hollow.
Albert Einstein must have had Nigeria in mind when he concluded that it is only a mad man who keeps doing the same thing and expects a different outcome. It is in the evasion of the fundamental issue at stake (federalism) that the federal character principle was manufactured. The failure of this escapist construct was heralded by the artful dodger propensities of Nigerian leaders (circumventing the law while studiously breaching the spirit). In its manifest inadequacy in addressing the problem of the Nigerian dysfunctional pluralism, the federal character principle is akin to the employment of a table knife to cut a tree; of mistaking the forest for the tree; of misconstruing leprosy as eczema.
The doctrine of ‘Federal Character’ emerged from the 1979 Constitution, and it calls for the distribution of federal appointments to reflect equitably the different dimensions of the nation’s ethnic, regional and religious, heterogeneity, in order to ‘promote a sense of belonging and loyalty” among the diverse peoples of Nigeria. The doctrine did not stand up to scrutiny. In the assessment of the principle, Peter Ekeh denounces it (‘Federal Character)’ as the ‘solution that has deepened the problem it was devised to tackle’. Afigbo believes that the present structure of the Nigerian federation has not succeeded in meeting and solving the problems which necessitated the emergence of ‘ Federal Character’. He is of the view that the Nigerian North-South dichotomy remains a thorny issue, in spite of attempts to obliterate it by demarcating the nation into smaller states
The principle did not self-destruct, it was subverted by those who were contracted to ensure its application. And this is the problem with those who argue that the random variable of good leadership rather than the restoration of federalism (the relationship between the center of a political regime and its constituent parts, however those parts are conceived) holds the key to the solution of the problem of Nigeria. Let us apply this argument to the fourth Republic and ask of the extent to which leadership has complied with the implementation of the federal character principle.
I think that of the five Presidents who had governed Nigeria since 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo is the only one who can be fairly judged as passing the implementation of the federal character litmus test. The extrapolation here is that, in generic terms, the chances of getting a good Nigerian President is 20%. In other words, for every successful Nigerian President, you are going to get four failures.
In this scenario the realistic and scientific attitude (otherwise known as the worst case scenario) is to hope and not expect that Nigeria will get good leadership. If the problem is formulated in this manner, you will then put your expectation first on constitutional guardrails and secondarily on the hope for the elusive good leadership.
Potentially and notionally, you assume that the likelihood is that bad (not good people who need to be curtailed and constrained) will find their way to power. Such constraints are what you call checks and balances. In the case of Nigeria, the risk of national damage is directly proportional to centralisation. In other words, bad leadership will have limited capacity (especially at the centre) to wreak damage the less centralised the system.
Because of the inevitability of bad leadership and the dictum that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely, the less the concentration of power at one source and the more the dispersal of power, the more constrained is the wielder of power. According to Rotimi Suberu “federalism in Nigeria is subverted by de facto hypercentralization, as resource distribution devolves top-down from the center. Second, politics within Nigeria’s federal order focuses on access to and distribution of the centrally distributed wealth, rather than on its production”
It is a constant in the history of mankind that the development of any society is founded on the extent to which the two variables of hard work and reward are wedded in a direct proportional relationship. And since this is a rational concept, it follows that the ethic abides as the organising principle of rationally designed societies. Nigeria has chosen to be an exception to this rationality – with dire consequences.
Let me call it a day with a helicopter view of the concept, applicability and indispensability of federalism to Nigeria.
Professor Wole Soyinka, has been criticised for being tepid in his reaction to the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers state yet he made the important point that an unintended consequence is the impoverishment of federalism. My position is that any structure that makes it possible for the President to be this powerful cannot be right for Nigeria
“ Federalism, according to our definition, is a means of governing that grants partial autonomy to a polity’s geographically defined subunits. Combined, the elements of geography and autonomy distinguish federalism from other consociative strategies. The issue is the relationship between the center of a political regime and its constituent parts, however those parts are conceived. (Feeley, Malcolm M., and Edward L. Rubin).
The basic political dilemma of pluralism is to reconcile the common interests of the society as a whole with the particular interests of its subgroups. The spatial basis for social partitioning inherent in regionalism offers a very attractive solution to this problem, for territoriality provides clearly demarcated zones of jurisdiction. Central to the logic of the federalist solution, therefore, is the concept of regionalism. However, its intrinsic simplicity may create difficulties”. (H. LITHWICK )
“Federalism becomes useful when people’s political identities conflict but their political lives are intertwined as members of a single polity or as members of different polities that want to join together. Inevitably, it involves a compromise; a central government is established or maintained, but some or all regions of the polity are granted autonomy over specified governmental functions”
“Federalism has to do with the need of people and polities to unite for common purposes yet remain separate to preserve their respective integrities. Federalism itself is not optimal; it is a suboptimal compromise designed to resolve situations that threaten to descend into even less attractive possibilities” Nigerian pluralism is, for instance, uniquely bound to conflict and crisis and highly resistant to national integration. (Dan Elazar)
“Most of the problems confronting Nigeria were results of the structure. if a structure is not working we have a responsibility to make adjustments to that structure.”(Agboola Gambari)
Rather than animus and mutually assured destruction, If this moment can serve to indicate that in the present dispensation of pseudo-federalism, all of us are losers, the purpose of reinventing Nigeria would have been achieved.
![[OPINION] Do children of politicians in power make sense? - Azu Ishiekwene](/media/k2/items/cache/d6ce2aa9c7ed678d30be358ee4cf36d9_XS.jpg)
It’s understandable if you have not paid attention. I can’t help noticing because minding other people’s business is a part of my job description. On Tuesday, the newspapers reported a spat between the children of two leading politicians, Mohammed Abubakar and Shamsudeen Bala Mohammed.
Mohammed and Shamsudeen are the children of Atiku and Bala. Atiku was Nigeria’s vice president, and Bala is the Bauchi State governor and chairman of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) Governors’ Forum.
Both are ranking members of the main opposition, PDP, a party making as much effort to find its way as it is desperate to lose it. The tweetstorm between the children of these leaders has only piled on the party’s misery, and what lies ahead doesn’t look pretty, especially after the PDP governors’ meeting in Ibadan.
Back story
The fight between both sons is the political equivalent in the music industry of the bitter sibling rivalry between Peter and Jude Okoye, siblings now dragging themselves publicly over royalty from their once famous band, P-Square. If PDP had any royalty left, it squandered it on the insatiable appetite of its leaders, who have eaten the present and future of the party.
Atiku’s son is accusing Governor Mohammed of stabbing his father in the back when he ran for the presidency in 2023. The governor’s son responded that nobody plays as dirty as Atiku, whom he accused of undermining his father’s bid for a second term in Bauchi.
The tweet rage has sparked discussions about how far the children of politicians in power should go to fight publicly for or against their parents’ political interests and whether or not such brawls hinder or help their parents’ political fortunes.
In another life, it would have been considered poor breeding for teenagers or young adults to insert themselves in a fight between adults.
For example, despite the fight-to-the-finish between MKO Abiola and military president General Ibrahim Babangida, who cancelled the 1993 presidential election won by Abiola, their children stayed mainly out of the fray. The equivalence of social media has changed all that.
Born to rage
The pervasiveness of social media and its popularity, especially among teenagers and young adults, has increased the sense of agency among these groups and amplified their voices, however strident and deeply worrying they may get sometimes.
From the blogger and daughter of the famous Ibadan politician Kemi Olunloyo, who recently declared on her blog that she would have nothing to do with her family again after her father died, to Bashir, an unabashedly vile tweep and the son of former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, there is an emerging activism among the children of politicians. It’s a cross between rebellion and the search for identity or the process of becoming.
The more you look
Does it make sense? Is it always an indication of parental values or a measure of the family’s stand on political issues? Neither Atiku Abubakar nor Bala Mohammed has weighed in yet. Even though their children’s public fight feels like a scene from “Sons of the Caliphate”, nothing they said was false. Perhaps, it was how and the speed of the venom that raised eyebrows.
Before the 2023 elections, when Atiku’s protégé and prominent traditional titleholder in Bauchi, Bello Kirfi, fell out with Bala, the latter (with former Speaker Yakubu Dogara) openly worked against Bala’s reelection. During the presidential primaries in Port Harcourt, Bala ran against Atiku.
The proxy war between Atiku’s man, Kirfi, and Bala almost cost the governor his reelection, an offence the governor will not forgive. He was saved by the skin of his teeth and the support of former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike and the G5, after which Mohammed stripped Kirfi of his traditional title.
Rise of social media
Older adults who are used to nuanced, conservative methods of airing their grievances may be embarrassed, even offended, by the tweet brawl between Mohammed and Shamsudeen. Still, in the last two decades, we have seen that social media, the playground for teenagers and young adults, has also become a legitimate sphere of politics – and in the current Trumpoverse, it’s even a tool of diplomacy, thanks to US President Donald Trump.
But should blog posts, often typically lacking in depth and context, become the measure of what is truly important and enduring? Do they represent more than what they are – random outbursts of fleeting thoughts from entitled or angry tribes? Or do they teach us something we need to pay attention to?
Price of feuds
Some years ago, Bobby Goodlatte took a stand on Twitter against his father, Bob, a Republican, whom he accused of “political grandstanding” that led to the sacking of an FBI agent Bobby described as “a patriot.” For that reason, he sided with a Democrat running against his father and used social media to mobilise votes for him.
We don’t even need to go far. In 2017, Moremi, daughter of Babafemi Ojudu, the former Special Adviser (Political Matters) to President Muhammadu Buhari, attacked the government, her father’s employer. Although she later apologised to her father, her action raised questions about who she was speaking for. Yet everyone knows it’s a generation that wears its emotions on its sleeve.
Who pays?
Seyi, son of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who uses the handle @STinubu, last tweeted in May 2023. But his activities offline, which invariably become rich social media harvests, have generated no less interest than that of the more social-media active children of other politicians. Do these children’s actions, especially online, carry any significant political risk for their parents?
The answer is, sometimes. A 2020 media psychology study said, “When people believe they are not alone in their cause, it encourages them to take action. For the children of well-known or newsworthy parents in the contentious political arena, their actions also become newsworthy by virtue of proximity to their parents and the unceasing demand for news content that will attract audience attention.”
The potential impact of such feuds could range from damage to political image to loss of credibility arising from a perception of lack of parental authority and a house divided against itself.
High-profile family disputes or squabbles amongst the children of political heavyweights can amplify the controversy and undermine the politician’s agenda. An example is the spectacular case of Bukola and Gbemisola in the Saraki dynasty. In cases where such children are viewed as potential successors, it could haunt them and fracture support.
“Sins” of the children
Even when children are old enough to answer their own names, in largely conservative societies, the “sins” of the children may weigh heavily on how their parents are perceived.
The tweet by Bashir El-Rufai, for example, that the killings in Southern Kaduna would continue until the attacks on Fulani herdsmen ceased was considered inflammatory and insensitive. It was also deemed a reflection of his father’s politics as governor for eight years.
Seyi Tinubu’s offline comment that his father is the greatest president in Nigeria’s history raised a firestorm on social media. Whatever the cost of his comment, he is unlikely to be deterred, and his actions will continue to enrich social media content in the days ahead.
As we move closer to 2027, the actions of the children of newsworthy politicians will be a valuable lens by which we try to view and understand the political space. We’ll wait to see how much this currency will shape the future.