Underlying the definitions of bullying in dictionaries is power imbalance. To bully someone is to direct aggressive behaviour at them, to intimidate or threaten them, to act cruelly towards someone, or to coerce them. For one to do these, there must be a power dynamic that makes the person at the receiving end vulnerable. Such a tilt of strength can either be embodied by an individual with a disproportionate physical or social power or a group of individuals converging on a weaker party to diminish them. Since the word “cyber-” got appended to bullying in Nigeria, it has acquired a new meaning that has virtually subverted the logic of power that underlies it.

Now, and no thanks to the police’s tendency to meddle in every matter in which a “big man” cries about being inconvenienced with public embarrassment activated by a previously unknown entity, a supposed victim of bullying these days is frequently someone who can commandeer the resources of the state. If you have enough clout to send the police on your errands, can you really claim to be a victim of cyberbullying?

Let us begin with the now infamous case of the singer Burna Boy (Damini Ogulu) at whose behest a singer cum comedian Darlington Okoye (Speed Darlington) has been reportedly incarcerated for months. As the story is told—and which Burna Boy has not denied—Speed Darlington is in jail because he taunted Burna Boy about his association with disgraced artiste Sean Combs (aka P Diddy). In December, the court ruled that his arrest and detention constituted “a gross violation” of his constitutional rights to dignity, liberty, expression, and movement. Despite a direct court order, the police have refused to release him. That makes you wonder, is Burna Boy really a “victim” if the police can sacrifice institutional integrity for his sake?

Meanwhile, the same insinuation Speed Darlington made about Burna Boy has been hurled at several US celebrities who as much as took a photograph with P Diddy. None has asked a man to be incarcerated indefinitely because they got butthurt. Please note that these are people whose reputation far outpaces that of an arriviste like Burna Boy. Yet, they will not take that track because they are self-assured enough to understand the price of celebrity. Unlike the quintessential African “big man”, they are also sensible enough to realise that power should have a more productive function than to abuse others cheaply.

Then, there is the case of Olamide Thomas, who was arrested and incarcerated for cursing the President’s son, Seyi Tinubu. This was another case of the police torturing logic just to satisfy a big man with small feelings. They claimed the curse “placed Seyi in fear of death, violence or bodily harm”. That would be hilarious if were not tragic. How does the law assess the effectiveness of a curse? If curses worked the way people who watch too many Nollywood films think they do, something should have happened to Seyi long ago, given that people have been cursing his father (and their family) since 1999! I am genuinely curious as to why Seyi would be so unsettled by curses that it would compel the police (and the court) to overreact to superstition.

Add to that the ongoing case of bloggers, Precious Eze, Olawale Olurotimi, Rowland Olonishuwa and Seun Odunlami, hauled before the Federal High Court in Lagos for “acts of cyberbullying” (some reports describe the allegation as “cyberstalking”) against the CEO of Guaranty Trust Holdings, Segun Agbaje, when they published uncomplimentary remarks about him. I am by no means defending those bloggers (who have long pulled down the publications anyway), but accusations of nepotism, power play, and self-enrichment are so commonplace in Nigeria that accusing a CEO will not elicit as much as a gasp. They certainly do not warrant holding people in custody for upward of three months. The police cannot fight cyberbullying with judicial bullying, sorry.

Even more laughable is the amended charge against them that states their alleged offence can potentially cause “a breakdown of law and order in the Nigerian banking system”? How can anyone cause a breakdown in law and order within the banking system when that sphere is not an extricable part of regular life? The officers who came up with that idea will surely have a profitable gig doing comedies in their police uniform. If they must know, the operational deficiencies and the decline of the high standards for which GTB used to be known (and renowned) will result in “a breakdown of law and order in the Nigerian banking system” faster than the opinion of a blogger no one would have otherwise read.

Add to the growing list of police overreach the case of Abraham Daniel, a former minister at Dunamis International Gospel Centre, Abuja. He was recently summoned for questioning regarding an “investigation” into “cyberbullying”’ following his accusations against his former principal, Pastor Paul Enenche, for reneging their “gentleman’s agreement.” While the police summons appeared civil enough, it is still intimidating, especially given that the issue at stake is a matter of personal differences between two individuals who should resolve their matter privately. If one party can get the police to act on his behalf even in a petty issue, can he still be “cyberbullied”?

These cases are worrisome because they show a growing pattern of judicial abuse that began under the previous administration and is becoming gradually routinised. Do not forget that under alleged civilian President, Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd), the DSS arraigned a man for treason in the courts for, among other spurious offences, insulting the President. Buhari’s wife also had a young man stalked, arrested, detained, and later charged to court for basically calling her “fat”. What astounded me most was that the police spent six months tracking the guy before they apprehended him. If they demonstrate a similar diligence toward their responsibilities to Nigeria, the country will not be so insecure.

Look at all the spheres all the supposed victims of cyberbullying represent—popular culture, politics, industry, and religion—and understand why this pattern is worrisome. Figures representative of virtually every sphere of our socio-political life are one-trick ponies whose only recourse is to use their clout with the police to perpetrate abuse. That is not good for society by any measure. Even worse, at the rate the police are going with their trivialisation of the law by filing sensational charges over minor issues, they will turn every rabble-rouser into an anti-establishment hero. We should properly delineate what constitutes “cyberbullying” (or “cyberstalking”) so that it stops being exploited by anyone who has some money in their pocket and can purchase justice.

No matter what you think or how you feel about any of those people standing trial for cyberbullying, we should not be so numb that we fail to ask if the issue is about legal protections against malevolent speech or just an increasing pattern of intolerance for human rights. When people who have commensurate power say nasty things against each other on social media, the police never swoop in to “investigate”. Regardless of how vicious the exchange by the warring parties gets, the police never take sides to lament “injurious speech” that therefore warrants filing charges of cyberbullying, cyberstalking or even criminal defamation. It is when the matter becomes a case of the top dog vs an underdog that they become animated. Their conduct calls into question the whole idea of “bullying” as an act of aggression and intimidation. If bullying (cyber- or wherever else it takes place) is about a powerful person preying on a weaker party, what constitutes it when the supposed victim is the one who can afford to hire the police?

Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law.

I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.

As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debates about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.

I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains that it is the very document President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.

Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.

The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do, the world over.

The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly compromise territorial integrity and state authority.

The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations on the basis of our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.

International legal sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian president and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.

In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble – dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives: promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.

The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; the implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.

Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third Countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states, in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalised ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of the ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.

There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration – referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show that the majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.

Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.

Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This, in part, may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders.

To achieve lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood, as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations on the basis of our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.

Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have a shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent out a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.

Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months, whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.

On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. The response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: We will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.

Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.

As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This, in part, may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.

Yusuf Tuggar is Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Nigeria stands at a crossroads, where the choices made today will shape the nation's future. While challenges like poor governance and corruption are often highlighted, two critical issues are frequently overlooked: a lack of discipline and environmental degradation. Addressing these underlying factors is essential for Nigeria's progress and prosperity.

One major problem is the reckless driving seen in urban areas, especially in Lagos and Abuja. Some drivers frequently ignore traffic signals and regulations, putting themselves and others in danger. For instance, commercial minibuses, known as Danfo, often violate traffic lights and one-way rules, creating chaotic situations on the roads. This dangerous behavior not only threatens public safety but also reflects a broader issue of a deep-rooted indiscipline that needs urgent attention.

Environmental degradation is another pressing concern that cannot be ignored. In the Niger Delta, gas flaring continues to harm the environment, while street vendors contribute to pollution through open-fire cooking. Vendors like Mama-Put and Suya sellers, who operate without proper facilities, release harmful emissions into the air. Transitioning these businesses to enclosed environments would help reduce pollution and improve public health, making it a necessary step forward for Nigeria.

Looking at other countries can provide valuable lessons for Nigeria. Rwanda, for instance, has made tremendous strides in creating a cleaner environment. The country has implemented a nationwide ban on plastic bags and organizes monthly community clean-up days called "Umuganda." This initiative fosters a sense of community responsibility and encourages citizens to take pride in their surroundings. Such practices can inspire similar initiatives in Nigeria, promoting discipline and environmental consciousness among the population.

Singapore is another example of a country that has successfully transformed its urban landscape. The city-state is known for its strict laws regarding littering and public behavior, leading to a clean and orderly environment. The government has invested in green spaces and a comprehensive public transportation system, making it easier for citizens to move around without relying on cars. By enforcing discipline in public spaces and prioritizing sustainable development, Singapore has created a livable city that Nigeria can aspire to emulate.

Malaysia also offers valuable insights into effective urban management. The country has developed initiatives to promote the use of public transport, significantly reducing traffic congestion and pollution. Moreover, Malaysia has invested in green technology and practices, such as rainwater harvesting and waste management systems, to ensure a cleaner environment. Adopting similar strategies could help Nigeria tackle its own environmental issues and improve the quality of life for its citizens.

South Africa, with its diverse landscapes and cultures, has faced significant challenges related to urbanization and environmental degradation. However, initiatives like the "Working for Water" program aim to restore ecosystems while providing job opportunities. This program tackles invasive plant species that threaten local biodiversity, showcasing how environmental efforts can also support economic growth. Nigeria can learn from such programs to create jobs while enhancing environmental protection.

To combat these issues, the Lagos State government must take decisive action. A modern transportation system should be prioritized, addressing the chaos on the roads and ensuring safer travel for all. This system must be equipped to handle the growing population and the increasing number of tourists visiting during peak seasons, such as the December holidays. Moreover, regulating roadside mechanics and street vendors is essential to maintain order and cleanliness in the city.

The demolition of decaying police barracks in Falomo is an encouraging move. Collaboration between both state and federal governments can lead to effective policies that target the root causes of environmental degradation. For example, clearing shantytowns near busy areas like Eko Hotel and Onikan stadium would not only improve the city's appearance but also enhance public safety.

For the half decade period of 2025-2030 , it is crucial for Lagos and indeed, Nigeria to focus on instilling discipline and cleaning up the environment. Phasing out unfit Danfo buses and developing a sustainable inland waterway transportation system are vital steps that can lead to a safer and cleaner Lagos. The need for immediate action is clear, as the safety of all citizens hangs in the balance.

In conclusion, the journey toward a better Nigeria requires addressing both indiscipline and environmental issues, amongst the excruciating economic challenges. 

By prioritizing these concerns, the nation can create a safer, cleaner, and more prosperous future. A unified effort by the Local Government Areas, States and the Federal Government to improve traffic management and regulate environmental practices will pave the way for sustainable growth. Learning from successful initiatives in countries like Rwanda, Singapore, Malaysia, and South Africa can provide a roadmap for Nigeria's transformation. The time to act is now.

Sonny Iroche, Senior Academic Fellow. African Studies Centre. University of Oxford. 2022-2023

LinkedIn: http://linkedin.com/in/sonnyiroche

No fewer than 21 Heads of State, including Presidents Bola Tinubu and Paul Kagame, as well as former African leaders like Olusegun Obasanjo, Goodluck Jonathan, and Jacob Zuma, among others, were at the Independent Square in Accra on Tuesday for the swearing-in ceremony of Mr John Dramani Mahama as President of Ghana. And it could not have escaped the attention of these dignitaries (and presidential delegations from Western countries, including the United States) that the loudest ovation from the crowd was reserved for the military ruler of Burkina Faso, Captain Ibrahim Traoré. That Traore was invited to the ceremony was in itself a glaring indication of the contradictions within the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS). But the main concern for me is that the crowd of young people so heartily hailed a coup leader on a day that was ordinarily meant to celebrate democracy. Besides, by prancing around with gun-wielding bodyguards, Traore was allowed to put a stain on the ceremony by breaching security/protocol.

Interestingly, former ECOWAS Executive Secretary, Mr Muhamed Ibn Chambas, whom I met by chance at the venue, before he received me at his home later Tuesday evening, was not surprised. “Look at the demographics of those hailing the guy, they are young people,” he said while explaining the results of studies conducted within the subregion on democracy which should task our leaders. Respected academic, diplomat and statesman, Chambas is an authority on political developments within the subregion. ECOWAS president (2006 to 2009), Secretary-General of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (2010-2012), Head of the Joint UN-AU Peacekeeping Mission in Darfur (2012-2014) and head of United Nations Office for West Africa and the Sahel (UNOWAS) from April 2014 to April 2021, Chambas provided rare insights into the challenges within ECOWAS and the future of democracy in Africa during our encounter at his Accra home on Tuesday night. But I don’t want to get ahead of myself.

The moment I arrived in Accra last Saturday, I could sense the mood of festivity and the feeling of great expectations for the incoming administration. The verdict of the former Convention People’s Party (CPP) General Secretary, Nana Yaa Jantuah, may have been harsh but it is also reflective of the general perception about the last administration. “When I say that Nana Addo has the tendencies of Nebuchadnezzar, people think I am joking. He awarded himself the title of the best president. What does that mean? He is an error, a mistake…he has brought darkness to this nation,” she said on TV3’s New Day last week. “The state of the nation is reflected in my pocket, your pocket, and everyone’s pocket. This Christmas, we could not even afford to buy chicken.”

But it was at his final State of the Nation address last Friday that (now former) President Akufo-Addo got his report card from the Deputy Minority Leader and National Democratic Congress (NDC) Member of Parliament, Emmanuel Armah-Kofi Buah. Akufo-Addo’s “tenure in office will remain a timely reminder of how not to govern the country” he said before adding, “This abysmal record was confirmed on December 7th when the people of Ghana delivered the most overwhelming and emphatic vote of rejection any government has ever witnessed in the Fourth Republic.” Buah ended his speech by quoting a Biblical passage that drew parallel between the liberation of Israel from Egypt and the situation in Ghana. Facing Akufo-Addo who had wry smile on his face, the opposition lawmaker said: “Fellow Ghanaians, we are comforted and strengthened by the following words of scripture in Exodus 14:13 and I quote: ‘And Moses said unto the people, fear ye not, stand still and see the salvation of the Lord which he will show you today. For the Egyptians whom you have seen today, you shall see them no more’. Bye bye Mr. President, it is finished.”

Despite the poor organisation, Tuesday’s swearing-in ceremony was attended by important dignitaries from across the world. In his speech, President Mahama assured Ghanaians that he would “have the humility to take responsibility for any challenges and be willing to ask for help in resolving them,” while outlining four key areas his administration will prioritise: Economic restoration and stabilization, Improvement of the business and investment environment, Governance and constitutional reforms and Accountability and the fight against corruption. “The business community must know that Ghana is back in business,” he declared.

Ghana may be back in business, but Mahama is inheriting a troubled economy. In its report on Tuesday, Reuters quoted Godfred Bokpina, a finance professor at the University of Ghana, saying “The average Ghanaian is growing impatient with our democracy. People have done their part by voting but they’re asking: what have they gotten from this democracy?” That of course is a feeling you get in many countries within the subregion, including Nigeria. But there are no easy solutions to the current challenges in Ghana. “The outgoing government kept the system running by bandaging open sores,” Bright Simons of Accra-based IMANI think tank, also told Reuters. “They left the festering wounds for him.”

When I spoke with Mahama four months ago at his Accra home during my last visit to Ghana, he was optimistic about winning the election. But he also knew the challenges he would face. “The economy is in crisis. Ghana has lost its position as the second largest economy in West Africa to Cote D’Ivoire. Until this (Akufo-Addo’s) administration, Ghana used to be second after Nigeria,” Mahama told me. “We have a debt crisis; investors have lost the confidence in our country with many businesses either leaving Ghana for other countries or shutting down completely.”

Mahama cited the example of the cocoa industry which he said has been grossly mismanaged, leaving many of the farmers frustrated. “With their excessive borrowings, they have destroyed the cocoa industry, just as they have done with the oil and gas sector”, said Mahama. “Rather than new investment what you have now is divestment. In fact, because of the toxic environment they have created, we have the worst FDI in recent history. They keep taxing the people, while borrowing heavily. They cannot even borrow again. Ghana has one of the worst inflations in the world.”

On what he would do differently in office, Mahama said his victory would create a new beginning. “Our policies will encourage new businesses, restore investors’ confidence, reduce recurrent expenditure and stablise economy.” He specifically stated that he will grant incentives to revive the cocoa industry. “How can we assist farmers? Water is important so for small scale farmers, we will help with boreholes and other inputs like fertilizer.”

Now that he has assumed office, Mahama must deliver on his promise. Meanwhile, Traore’s attendance of the swearing in ceremony continues to generate considerable interest. In his X post on Tuesday, Ali Nana, a Zimbabwean public affairs analyst, said the loud ovation received by Traore calls for introspection on the part of African leaders about service delivery to their people. I took up same issue with Chambas when I visited his home along with my friend, Mustapha Sanah (HRH Dalun-Lana Tapha Mahamadu II), Princess Hatiyyah Ibrahim Mahama, Alhaji Kamil and my son, Korede who joined me on the trip to Ghana.

Explaining why the crowd of young people hailed the Burkina Faso coup leader, Chambas said it is a combination of several factors, including the influence of social media and the demographics of the people at the venue. But there are also substantive issues that should not be ignored. “Polls after polls are saying that most people on the continent, about 80 percent, prefer to choose their leaders through democratic means so one can argue that our people are still for democracy. But when questions are posed about whether they are satisfied with what democracy offers them, the response is quite different. Less than 50 percent express satisfaction. That is the challenge our leaders must deal with.”

As a former ECOWAS president, Chambas also offers insights into what is going on within the sub-region, especially regarding recent coups in a number of Francophone countries. He located the problem in the overbearing disposition of France, and the disrespectful attitude of certain French leaders who treat these countries like French vassals, citing several instances he personally witnessed. He recalled a summit of African Heads of States of the Group of Five without prior consultation with or even notification to the leaders who took exception to the way the meeting was convened. He also highlighted ways in which France has mismanaged its relationship with countries it had colonised on the continent. “You can see what is happening now in Chad that has asked France to leave. For the first time you have the Foreign Minister of Chad responding to President Emmanuel Macron’s provocation.”

Chambas believes that the ECOWAS decision regarding Niger, which eventually culminated in three countries (including Mali and Burkina Faso), leaving the regional body was precipitate and counterproductive. “I didn’t understand the haste and the threat of military action against Niger. With what troops? And under which funding arrangement?” Chambas asked before disclosing that ECOWAS was goaded into the action by foreign actors, but the plot unravelled quickly because the Nigerien military rallied behind the coup. “By not distancing itself from foreign powers at a period we are witnessing a resurgence of Pan-Africanism”, according to Chambas, “ECOWAS made itself look as if it was serving the interest of others.” Chambas reeled out a catalogue of destabilising roles some foreign powers had played in the subregion, including the toppling of Muammar Ghadaffi in Libya despite warnings about the consequences for security in countries that are now under military rule.  

Being with Chambas, who clocked 74 last December, was like being in school on the politics of West Africa. But he insists that military coups offer no solution to any country, especially within the sub-region. And for his country, Ghana, where he was a Minister in the eighties and early nineties, Chambas has a word: “I urge Ghanaians to temper their expectations with a dose of reality. They must be patient, considering the challenges at hand. But I also encourage President Mahama to be accountable while his government must deliver on the public good.”

On the Ogbomoso Crisis 

In my column last week, I used a Tik-Tok video of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) General Overseer, Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye to make my point about leadership. In the clip, Pastor Adeboye delivered what could be termed a ‘palace sermon’ to the Soun of Ogbomosoland, Ọba Ghandi Afọlábí Ọláoyè, Orumógege III. I have learnt that the video is not new, that it was delivered at the coronation of the Soun in December 2023. I have also learnt that the contention over who becomes the Grand Chief Imam of Ogbomosoland was not instigated by the monarch and is between Dr Teliat Yunus and the Ayilara family whose candidate should fill the office.

I received a deluge of responses to my column, most of them arguing that I got the facts wrong. Let me take excerpts from the one by a respected Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN): “I have followed this controversy very well. The problem is majorly by the ‘Imam’, who by some strange order of things is a ‘chief’ of the palace going by the fact that he occupies his ‘Imamship’ by appointment of the King. But he doesn’t think he is accountable or should show any regard to the current Oba for whatever reason, even though he is a very young man. Meanwhile, there’s indeed a palace mosque (Moshalasi Oba, just like Oja Oba) in the town, and it’s the King that appoints the Imam for that mosque. The Imamship is also a family heritage or title, and the status of the current occupier as a member of that family has been in controversy even before the ascension to the throne by the current Soun. I will forward to you the videos of some ‘sermons’ of this Imam that I have come across. You’ll see for yourself how uncouth, rude and insolent he has been carrying on via-a-vis the Soun. That he has not succeeded in causing a religious crisis is because of the general attitude of our (Yoruba) people to matters of differences in individual religious orientation.”

As I have explained to some of the Ogbomoso chiefs who called or sent messages, I have tremendous respect for the Soun whom I have known since the nineties at the ‘Apapa Family’ of the RCCG. My interest in the matter is that peace reign in his domain.