OTHERS' VIEWS
SUNDAY 1-DEC
Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date
Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele
Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki
CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties
Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling
Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president
OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra
Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju
‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi
[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team
[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria
Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans
‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama
Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary
Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage
Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi
How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists
2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion
Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate
Last weekend, The Nation newspapers published a gripping story of 47-year-old twin brothers who lured a young girl to their hideout in Abeokuta, Ogun State capital, where they murdered and dismembered her body for ritual purposes. Now in the custody of the Ogun State Police Command, one of the twins is already singing. “We usually kill our victims and sell their body parts for money rituals, grill some and grind them into powder for consumption with alcohol or mix them with soap for a magic bath that would bring good fortunes,” he said. “We sell ordinary body parts for N20,000 and hands or limbs for N50,000. We sell a leg for N50,000 while the heart goes for N100,000.’’ Those interested in the gory story can look for the report, but my main concern is that ‘professionals’ in the business of rituals, among other crimes like drug trafficking, banditry, as well as prostitution may soon enjoy official validation.
Going by the new National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) parameters for assessing the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in Nigeria, contributions of these ‘entrepreneurs’ will not be ignored when rebasing the economy. “If you are into, for instance, drugs, there are some countries where the drug trade drives their economy. It is illegal here because there is no legal backing. Also, prostitution earns income. Some even live better than those in the formal sector,” said Baba Madu, the NBS Head of National Accounts during a sensitization workshop last Thursday in Abuja. “The challenge is the legal backing and how do we gather accurate data? These sectors contribute significantly, but they remain underreported due to their hidden nature.” But despite these challenges, Madu assured Nigerians that those activities deserve to be captured in the new rebased economy, and that’s what the NBS intends to do in the coming exercise.
Let me state upfront that there is nothing wrong with rebasing the economy and Nigeria is indeed long overdue for one. In April 2014, the GDP was rebased by the NBS to propel our economy into first position in Africa and 24th in the world (with Belgium and Poland), overtaking South Africa. Among other contentions at the time, I recall a few people arguing that placing Nollywood above India’s Bollywood was carrying fantasy too far. But notwithstanding some misgivings back then, there was consensus about the credibility of that exercise. More significantly, then NBS Director General, Yemi Kale, also placed a rather instructive caveat on the figures: “While GDP depicts how rich a nation is, this is not necessarily the same as showing how rich individuals in the nation are, due to problem of unequal distribution of wealth. Similarly, growth in GDP is not synonymous with job creation…this is the challenge of non-inclusive growth.”
Now, the current debate is on whether certain activities should be included in the GDP, and I offer background to my concern. According to the NBS 2024 Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey, a staggering sum of N2.2 trillion was paid as ransom to kidnappers between May 2023 and April 2024. Against the background that the 2024 Budget of ‘Renewed Hope’ as proposed by President Bola Tinubu outlined a projected revenue of N18.32 trillion and just about half that amount was realized, according to most reports, the NBS figure meant that within a period of 12 months kidnappers alone took about 25 percent of the federal government revenue for last year. If we extrapolate with the same methodology to calculate the ‘take-home pay’ for prostitutes, ritual killers, Yahoo Plus experts, bandits etc. then we are looking at a super jumbo rebased economy that raises more questions than answers.
Beyond the issue of accuracy is the character of the national economy itself and the implications of adding dubious/criminal activities as components of our GDP. The NBS is citing a self-serving System National Account (SNA) 2008 to bamboozle the people without telling us that most serious countries(including the United States from where we photocopied our presidential system of government) do not compute crime proceeds as part of their GDP. In a December 2019 piece titled, ‘GDP Doesn’t Include Proceeds of Crime. Should It?’ published in the Wall Street Journal (WSJ), Science Bureau Chief, Jo Craven McGinty wrote, “When the U.S. calculates its gross domestic product, it only includes things that are legal. But if the wares of drug dealers, pimps, bookies and other black-market denizens were included, the GDP would expand by more than 1%, according to one estimate.” Proceeds of drug trafficking alone, McGinty added, “would have added $111 billion to U.S. gross domestic product, according to estimate.”
Why does the US leave out illegal activities that fetch humongous amounts of money from its GDP? That question was partly answered by a former American diplomat and national security official, David M. Luna. “As some have underscored, the illegal economy obeys no laws except the law of the strong, the corrupt, and the criminal; impunity, coercion, lawlessness, unrest and violence reign,” argued Luna in 2012, as Director for the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affair at the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). “From an economic perspective, all these illicit activities divert money from the balance sheets of legitimate businesses and put cash in the hands of criminals, who build larger and larger illicit networks. These networks threaten the stability of governments and the prosperity of our economies.” In societies that have been corrupted by such criminal networks, according to Luna, “market- and state-building become more unattainable, economic growth is stunted, efforts towards development and poverty eradication are stifled, and foreign direct investment is deterred.”
Ordinarily, rebasing the economy of a country should be rooted in certain values. In a nation where the line between right and wrong is increasingly becoming blurred—with many young Nigerians believing there is no correlation between wealth and legitimate work—I fail to see the essence of adding these illicit activities to our GDP. Besides, I believe that the financials from these sources are already captured in some form, either through the formal sector (banks and other money deposit institutions) or the informal sector without making those who engage in them imagine they are legitimate activities. In any case, the NBS can only engage in speculation when it comes to putting figures to these illicit activities and it has admitted as much.
What I find hard to understand is what stands to be achieved by a GDP that only serves to massage the ego of politicians while the broad majority sink deeper into misery and avoidable penury. More importantly, a GDP re-basing exercise that legitimizes criminal and dark economic activities can only license the drift to an immoral nation. At a period when drug trafficking, cyber crimes, prostitution, trade in ritual body parts, ransom for kidnapping, terrorism etc. have compromised the integrity of our nation, legitimising them as components of our GDP would only embolden some of our young people who just want to ‘make it’ by hook or by crook.
Highlighting the benefits of GDP rebasing, the Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG) Chief Executive Officer, Tayo Aduloju, said Nigeria’s debt-to-GDP ratio, a critical indicator of fiscal health, dropped from 19% to 11% after the 2014 exercise. “This improved Nigeria’s creditworthiness, making us a more attractive destination for foreign direct investment. Investors are drawn to transparency and growth potential, and rebasing sends a clear message: we understand our economy, and we are open for business,” Aduloju said. “Second, rebasing sharpens policymaking. It provides a detailed map of our economic terrain, enabling governments to identify high-growth sectors for scaling and low-growth sectors that require targeted interventions to drive impactful and balanced development.”
If we adopt the NBS approach, we are not likely to achieve those lofty objectives and we may give ammunition to those who already criminalise our country. By openly admitting that our GDP includes the same illegal activities that are already emblems of shame for our country and have stigmatised otherwise innocent citizens, we may just be validating the social media slang that ‘Nigeria is a crime scene’. Therefore, while the NBS occasional reports on the ‘economic value’ of these criminal activities are okay, adding their ‘contributions’ to the national economy as part of a rebased GDP is not the way to go.
Yes, an elevated GDP is good. But even in George Orwell’s, ‘Animal Farm’, a time came when most animals realised that statistics were being used to make fools of them. In normal circumstances, a responsible government would set as its target the elimination of criminal economic activities as a mark of progress. Converting illegal activities into statistical advantages for the purpose of a phantom GDP showmanship is unconscionable. The NBS should just perish the thought!
Still on Pastor Adeboye and Soun
By Fifelomo Dawodu
Dear Segun,
I agree with your perspective on the leadership lessons in the Tik tok message of Pastor Adeboye in your piece on the Soun of Ogbomosho. Indeed, the dimensions of the clip are several and I have just written about it in a draft personal statement I am putting together for an application for some doctoral research work. Some of the contradictions of interest that I am looking to interrogate are implicated in the clip. I endorse the idea of Pastor Adeboye (rightfully) insisting on speaking to the Soun in Yoruba. But there are several questions to pose from that. Will the successor to the throne of Soun when Oba Ghandi, in ripe old age, goes to join his ancestors speak any Yoruba? Should a ‘born again’ Soun reckon with the powers and principalities of the land to ensure a long peaceful reign? How do we reconcile the phenomena of western educated, urbane/cosmopolitan persons as traditional rulers and custodians of our culture? How many people are left who can transmit messages through the talking drum? Eti melo lo ku to gbo ilu? (How many of us are left with an ear for the message of the talking drum?).
Westernisation has robbed us of our cultural vestiges and left us with generic symbolisms. We celebrate that our traditional rulers have College degrees even where they may be unable to speak the language needed to appease the spirit of the land. How odd that the new Alaafin-elect does not have tribal marks! These are marks of identification, beautification and distinction of lineage and royalty. Should we continue to keep faith in the belief that the oracle picks who would ascend the throne? Or resort to AI for less fallible choices? The answers, I guess, are in the womb of time!
- Mrs Dawodu, a solicitor and graduate student of comparative education, resides in Lagos.
THE BOAT PAINTERS!
(It’s one of those stories on WhatsApp that have been in circulation for years. But no matter how many times it is forwarded, you always find it inspirational. Also, like many things you find on social media, the author is unknown. But the message is profound and speaks to diligence, attention to detail and integrity. It was forwarded to me again on Tuesday by a respected senior citizen and I consider it worthy of sharing, at least for the benefit of those who may not have come across it before.)
A man was hired to paint a boat. With his paint, brushes, and a steady hand, he began coating the boat in a vibrant red, as the owner had requested. As he worked, he noticed a small hole in the hull, barely noticeable to the untrained eye. Without saying a word, he repaired it, considering it part of his job. Once he finished painting, the owner paid him, and the man left, content with his day’s work. The next morning, however, the owner returned, holding a check far more generous than what was owed for the painting. Surprised, the painter asked, “Sir, you’ve already paid me for the paint job. What is this for?” The owner smiled and said, “This isn’t for the painting. It’s for fixing the hole in the boat.” Puzzled, the painter replied, “But that was such a small thing—certainly not worth this amount.”
“My friend, you don’t understand,” the owner began. “When I asked you to paint the boat, I didn’t even remember about the hole myself. After you finished and the paint dried, my children took the boat out on a fishing trip without telling me. I was away, and when I got home, I was horrified to realize they had gone out in a boat with a hole in the hull.” The painter listened intently as the man continued, his voice now thick with emotion. “I was terrified, thinking they might never return. But when they came back safely, I rushed to check the boat and found that you had repaired the hole. You didn’t just fix a boat—you saved my children’s lives. That’s something I can never fully repay.” The painter stood silent, absorbing the weight of the man’s words. The owner added softly, “Sometimes, the smallest gestures can have the greatest impact. What seemed insignificant to you meant the world to me.”
In life, we may unknowingly fix many “holes” for others—offering help, mending hearts, or simply being there when needed. We often don’t realize how much those small actions can mean to someone else. You never know when your quiet kindness might save a life. Keep helping, keep caring, for the world needs more boat painters.
[OPINION] From Heaven, DIG Moses Ambakina Jitoboh Speaks: “I Knew I Was Right, Remember My Name and My Fight, Day and Night, President Bola Tinubu and IGP Kayode Egbetokun - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminThe heartbreaking story of Deputy Inspector General (DIG) Moses Ambakina Jitoboh’s forced retirement and posthumous reinstatement by the National Industrial Court exposes deep and painful systemic flaws within Nigeria’s institutions. DIG Jitoboh, once the most senior officer in the Nigeria Police Force, was tragically and unjustly retired in 2023 at the age of 53, a decision that was not rooted in his performance or ability but in a politically motivated maneuver to install a more politically aligned figure in the role of Inspector General of Police. The retirement of Jitoboh was a blatant political decision, orchestrated not out of necessity but to make room for Kayode Egbetokun’s appointment. This was not about what Jitoboh could or could not contribute, but about political agendas that disregarded his years of service, his experience, and his merit.
Despite having not yet reached the mandatory retirement age of 60, nor having served for 35 years, Jitoboh’s removal from office was unjust and deeply demoralizing. He had given his all to the Nigeria Police Force, yet he was discarded like an expendable item. After seeking justice, he fought tirelessly in the courts to challenge the illegal termination of his career. Yet, the legal battle was delayed, dragging on until his death on December 28, 2024. At just 54 years old, Jitoboh passed away two weeks before the verdict in his case was delivered. The truth is, it’s impossible to ignore the toll this prolonged injustice took on his physical and emotional well-being. It is no stretch to say that his death was, in part, the result of the crushing emotional strain and frustration of fighting against a system that appeared to have no regard for his rights or dignity.
While it is official protocol for the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to express condolences in such situations, and the public messages of sympathy may reflect a sense of standard practice, the real, deeper background behind Jitoboh’s story cannot be ignored. He was forced out of his job at a time when he still had the right to serve, still had the dedication, and still had so much to contribute. The emotional pain of being so abruptly removed from the position he loved is immeasurable. What added to the weight of this injustice was the stark reality that a junior officer—someone who was promoted not based on merit but political manipulation—was installed in his place. This promotion, not a result of professional qualifications or service, but rather political games, would have undoubtedly been a source of immense personal and professional anguish for Jitoboh. How would it feel to watch, helpless, as someone who wasn’t necessarily qualified, who wasn’t there through the long, grueling years of service, climbed to the top? The weight of that emotional turmoil is beyond words.
In the face of such systemic injustice, Jitoboh’s life was consumed by stress—financial, legal, and emotional. It wasn’t just about the career he loved; it was about trying to reclaim what was unjustly taken from him. Fighting against a system that continued to delay justice, sitting in the uncertainty of legal battles, facing the profound loneliness of knowing the injustice done to him—it all took its toll. All of this, the frustration, the waiting, the emotional burden of seeing his career stolen away by political agendas, surely impacted his physical health. The chronic stress and the emotional toll of watching the job he dedicated his life to slip away—these are the invisible forces that can affect the body, mind, and soul.
The IGP, in his public statement expressing condolences for the death of Jitoboh, may indeed reflect an official sentiment of loss. The message may even sound sincere, acknowledging the contributions of both Jitoboh and Pastor Bola Longe. However, we all know the inner background to this tragic situation. It is one thing to express sympathy publicly; it is another to acknowledge the deeper, systemic issues that led to Jitoboh’s untimely and unjust removal. It is easy to send out official messages, but how often do we examine the emotional, physical, and psychological toll such systemic failures take on individuals? The true loss here is not just that of an officer—it is the personal, institutional, and moral loss of a nation that continues to let power and political manipulation rule over fairness, justice, and merit.
The reality is, Jitoboh’s death wasn’t just about his passing; it was the culmination of months of emotional suffering, financial uncertainty, legal battles, and the slow erosion of his dignity—all at the hands of a broken system. This isn’t a story of a man just losing a job. It’s a story of a person losing their identity, their sense of purpose, and ultimately, their life. It is not merely a loss for his family, but a tragic reflection of a justice system that has failed him in every sense of the word.
The situation surrounding Jitoboh’s forced retirement raises significant concerns about the very integrity of the Nigeria Police Force. His removal was not a result of any professional failings but of an underlying political and ethnic agenda. His forced retirement opened the door for the promotion of a junior officer, which may have been motivated by the desire to ensure that a more politically favorable candidate could step into the role. The message this sends is clear: in some institutions, loyalty to the political establishment takes precedence over professional merit, experience, and the ability to serve the country effectively.
Now, with the ruling vindicating Jitoboh’s fight for justice, the real question remains: How will those in power respond to the systemic issues highlighted by his case? Will the current Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, step up and take responsibility for the injustices that led to Jitoboh’s premature retirement? Will he speak out against a system that allowed such egregious actions to take place, or will he choose to remain silent and allow the cycle of political manipulation to continue unchecked?
The silence of those in power in the face of such blatant injustice only serves to perpetuate the problem. The political games that have been played for far too long within the Nigeria Police Force must come to an end. This is a moment for true leadership to shine. The question is: will it? How many more careers, how many more lives, must be sacrificed before those in power recognize the damage they are causing to the integrity of the police force and the country as a whole?
As Professor Chidi Odinkalu, former Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), poignantly noted on January 13, 2025, “Ambakina Moses Jitoboh was the senior-most officer in @PoliceNG when he was prematurely retired in 2023. He sued. Judgment was due last month but wasn’t ready. Two weeks thereafter, Moses died prematurely at 54. Today, @NatIndCourtNig nullified his retirement & reinstated him. #RIP.” These words, shared by one of Nigeria’s leading human rights figures, echo the frustration that many Nigerians feel about a system that continuously fails its people, a system that continues to delay justice and perpetuate inequality. For Jitoboh, justice came too late, but his posthumous reinstatement remains a powerful symbol of the legal and moral victory he deserved.
The true cost of DIG Moses Ambakina Jitoboh’s forced retirement goes beyond his personal loss—it is a devastating loss to the entire nation. The promotion of junior officers, not based on merit but driven by political and ethnic considerations, sends a dangerous message about the state of leadership in Nigeria. It undermines the professionalism and integrity of the police force, creating divisions that harm its ability to protect and serve the people. This system of favoritism must end. Nigeria’s institutions must be restored to their rightful place as impartial, merit-based systems, where the best interests of the nation come before all else.
The Ijaw Diaspora mourns the loss of DIG Moses Ambakina Jitoboh, a man whose life embodied integrity, excellence, and a deep commitment to justice. His untimely death is a profound tragedy, not only for his family but for the Ijaw people across the world. From the United States to Europe, Ijaw communities have united in grief, lamenting the loss of a leader who could have redefined Nigeria’s police force. “Moses Jitoboh was one of our brightest, a man whose potential was denied by a system blinded by politics and tribalism,” they said. His repeated sidelining for the role of Inspector General, despite being the most qualified, has left the Ijaw people heartbroken. “His fight was our fight,” a leader in the UK said. “We lost a son who could have led us to a better future.”
His passing is a painful reminder of the systemic bias that continues to marginalize the Ijaw community. Yet, Moses Jitoboh was more than an officer—he was a symbol of hope, a voice for justice, and a beacon for change. His death does not erase the impact of his vision and his ideals. Even in death, his legacy continues to inspire, and his name will be remembered, day and night, by the Ijaw people. Rest in peace, Moses. Your fight was not in vain.
From the heights above, DIG Moses Ambakina Jitoboh now watches over us. Though taken from this world at the tender age of 54, his spirit remains unwavering. His life was tragically cut short, but it was filled with unwavering service and dedication to justice. From the heavens, he gazes down on President Bola Tinubu and IGP Kayode Egbetokun, speaking softly yet powerfully: “It took time, but I knew I was right. The injustice I faced, the battles I fought—my truth has always been clear. Well, I am gone now, but I hope you remember my name, day and night. My fight was not for myself, but for the integrity of the police force and the future of our nation. Remember my legacy, not just in passing, but in action. Let my name remind you that justice cannot be delayed, and integrity must always lead the way. Even from the heavens, I continue to stand for truth, reform, and a Nigeria where justice is not a game, but a reality.”
Jitoboh’s death must serve as a wake-up call to us all. The time for power games must end. We can no longer tolerate systems that sacrifice justice and fairness. Leadership in the Nigeria Police Force must be defined by integrity and dedication, not political or ethnic allegiances. This is the lasting legacy of DIG Moses Ambakina Jitoboh—justice, integrity, and reform. Let his story ignite a new era of transparency and fairness, one that honors the sacrifices of those who have given themselves to the service of the people.
[OPINION] Political Cross-Carpeting: A Threat To True Democracy And Good Governance In Nigeria - Isaac Asabor
AdminIn any democracy, political parties serve as the lifeblood of governance, ideology, and policy direction. They provide platforms for citizens to align with visions and philosophies that reflect their aspirations. In Nigeria, however, this foundational role has been subverted by the rampant culture of political cross-carpeting, where politicians shamelessly decamp from one party to another, often without ideological justification. This behavior undermines democracy and erodes good governance.
The term decamping has become synonymous with Nigerian politics. Hardly a month passes without news of a high-profile politician defecting to a new party. The reasons cited often range from internal party crises to vague claims of alignment with a new party’s ideology. However, a closer examination reveals a different story: selfish ambitions, personal vendettas, and a quest for political survival at the expense of the electorate.
Consider the 2018 wave of defections before the general elections. Several prominent politicians, including former Senate President Bukola Saraki, switched allegiances between the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC). These moves were neither driven by ideological considerations nor policy differences but by political calculations aimed at retaining or acquiring power. Similarly, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has changed party affiliations multiple times, oscillating between the PDP, APC, and even forming new parties when his ambitions were thwarted.
Without a doubt, democracy thrives on ideological commitment, party discipline, and respect for the electorate. Unfortunately, political decamping in Nigeria blatantly violates these principles. It turns political parties into mere vehicles for accessing power rather than institutions built on shared beliefs and visions.
When politicians abandon their parties, they betray the trust of voters who elected them based on specific party platforms. A case in point is the 2020 defection of Governor Dave Umahi of Ebonyi State from the PDP to the APC. His move sparked outrage among his constituents, who argued that they had voted for him based on the PDP’s manifesto, not the APC’s. Such actions render elections meaningless, as voters cannot trust politicians to stay true to their commitments.
Furthermore, the culture of political cross-carpeting encourages a lack of accountability. Politicians who face criticism or challenges within their parties often see defection as a convenient escape route, avoiding the hard work of resolving internal conflicts. This lack of accountability weakens the internal structures of political parties and stifles democratic growth.
In fact, the consequences of political decamping extend beyond party politics; they directly affect governance. When politicians prioritize personal ambitions over party loyalty, it creates instability within governments and weakens policy continuity.
For instance, during the 2019 elections, the mass defections between the APC and PDP led to significant political instability. Legislators and governors who defected often realigned their priorities to suit their new parties, abandoning ongoing projects and policies. This lack of continuity disrupts development and leaves citizens at the mercy of a chaotic political landscape.
Moreover, political cross-carpeting fosters a culture of opportunism that undermines meritocracy. Politicians who frequently switch parties often do so to align themselves with those in power, securing positions and benefits without necessarily contributing to governance. This creates an environment where loyalty to individuals, rather than competence or service to the people, becomes the criterion for appointments.
In mature democracies, party loyalty and ideological consistency are cornerstones of political practice. In the United States, for example, party-switching is rare and often viewed with suspicion. When politicians like Senator Arlen Specter switched from the Republican Party to the Democratic Party in 2009, he faced significant scrutiny, with his motives questioned by both parties and the public.
Similarly, in the United Kingdom, party defections are uncommon and usually result from profound ideological disagreements. Even when defection occurs, the defecting politician often resigns from his or her position to seek a fresh mandate from the electorate. This practice underscores the principle that voters, not politicians, should determine political representation.
Nigeria’s political landscape, in contrast, has normalized defection to such an extent that it is seen as a strategic move rather than a breach of democratic principles. This normalization erodes public trust in the political system and diminishes Nigeria’s standing as a democracy.
One of the reasons political cross-carpeting persists in Nigeria is the lack of stringent legal and institutional frameworks to deter it. While the Nigerian Constitution provides some guidelines on party defections, these provisions are often ambiguous and inconsistently enforced. For example, Section 68(1) (g) of the Constitution states that a legislator should vacate their seat if they defect from the party on whose platform they were elected, except in cases of a division within the party. However, this clause has been subject to varying interpretations, allowing politicians to exploit legal loopholes.
Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to opine that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the judiciary must take a firmer stance on this issue. This is as clearer guidelines and stricter enforcement mechanisms are needed to hold defecting politicians accountable. Additionally, political parties must strengthen their internal governance structures to resolve conflicts and discourage defections.
Therefore, to address the menace of political cross-carpeting, Nigeria must adopt a multi-pronged approach that cut across strengthening electoral laws, promoting internal party democracy, educating the electorate, enhancing political ideology and exercising judicial oversight.
Explanatorily put, The National Assembly should amend the Constitution to include more stringent provisions against defections. For instance, defecting politicians should automatically lose their seats and be required to seek a fresh mandate from the electorate.
In a similar vein, political parties must prioritize internal democracy, ensuring that members have a voice in decision-making processes. This will reduce grievances that often lead to defections.
Also in a similar vein, citizens must understand the importance of holding politicians accountable for their actions. Voters should demand explanations from defecting politicians and resist the normalization of cross-carpeting.
Added to the above is that Political parties in Nigeria must move beyond being platforms for winning elections. They should develop clear ideologies and policy frameworks that guide their members’ actions and decisions.
Also, the judiciary must adopt a more proactive role in interpreting and enforcing laws on party defections. Swift and decisive rulings will deter opportunistic politicians from abusing the system.
Political cross-carpeting is a cancer that threatens the foundations of Nigeria’s democracy and good governance. By prioritizing personal ambitions over ideological commitment, politicians have turned elections into a farce and governance into a game of survival.
To preserve democracy and ensure effective governance, Nigeria must confront this issue head-on. Political parties, the judiciary, electoral bodies, and citizens all have a role to play in curbing this destructive trend. The time for action is now; the future of Nigeria’s democracy depends on it.
The burial of Comrade Bene Madunagu on Friday in Calabar will be a fitting farewell to a socialist revolutionary, scholar, feminist and patriot whose life and times could be summed up as the struggle for human progress.
Tomorrow, family members, comrades, friends, colleagues and well wishers are expected to assemble to celebrate her in a potpourri of funeral activities including a feminist forum, lecture, tributes, cultural performances and renditions by mentees.
She was 77.
Comrade Bene, who died on November 26 last year, retired from the University of Calabar (Unical) as a professor of botany after many years of teaching and influencing generations of students and mentees. Before then she was an assistant lecturer at the University of Lagos. Bene and her spouse, comrade and life-long collaborator, Comrade Eddie Madunagu, moved to Calabar in 1976.
She earned degrees from the University of Lagos and University of Ibadan.
Not a few members of the generation of university students of the late 1970s would, perhaps, have it etched in their memories the momentous events now historically dubbed “Ali Must Go.” The Ali in the slogan was Colonel Ahmadu Ali, the federal commissioner for education in the military government of General Olusegun Obasanjo. While tuition was free, students had staged a nation-wide protest against increases in the cost of accommodation and feeding. Things turned bloody and lives were lost. In the aftermath of this struggle for socio-economic justice, the military government responded with some repressive measures. Two vice chancellors, some lecturers, non-academic staff and a journalist were sacked. Student leaders were rusticated.
Among the victims was a Unical couple- Bene and Eddie Madunagu. The military government got Bene deported from the United Kingdom where she was pursuing an academic programme. They were ejected from the staff quarters.
This was just one of the better known sacrifices that Bene made gallantly in the course of the struggle.
In her younger days of revolutionary energy, she had even elected in company of other comrades to make the struggle for socialist Nigeria a full-time career.
Significantly, a number of Bene’s comrades have been paying tributes to her revolutionary memory. These include the recall of events at different periods in the last 50 years of Bene’s life by Comrades Najeem Jimoh, Owei Lakemfa and Chido Onumah in sweep reviews of her activities and thoughts in various organisations to which she belonged. Some of those organisations were the Nigerian Youth Action Committee (NYAC) Anti-Poverty Movement of Nigeria (APMON), the Calabar Group of Socialists and the Movement of Peoples Democracy and the Democratic Action Committee (DACOM).
Hopefully after the funeral there would still be conferences and publications on the various aspects of her versatile life defined by remarkable brilliance and untiring hard work.
From whichever perspective you reflect on the revolutionary career of Comrade Bene what you would find unmistakable was her immense humanity. Ideologically, she was distinguished by her clarity of purpose, courage of conviction, notable consistency and unyielding commitment. She was never a pretender on matters of principle. A well-organised human being, Bene could be brutally honest in making her point. I used to tease her that if we had a socialist government I could never propose her for the job of a diplomat because she was frank to a fault. She would retort that I was rather suited for that purpose because the nature of the movement was such that comrades had attributes for different purposes. Hence she nominated me to be the external relations officer in our Calabar group, DACOM. My task was to liaise with other comrades and groups in different parts of the country.
To her younger comrades, Bene was first and foremost an inspirer. She never doubted that popular-democratic struggles could be the basis for the transformation of Nigeria into a humane social order. She was always quick to add that this could only be a result of a disciplined organisation. Rather than agonise, she would rather call for proper organisation. In her praxis, she demonstrated a good mastery of the dialectics of tactics and strategy.
After the Fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, many socialists in the world became disillusioned and began to doubt the efficacy of socialism as system that could be efficiently productive as well as ensure distributive justice. The Nigerian Left was not spared of this atmosphere of despair enveloping many socialist parties and groups globally.
In many ways, Comrade Bene’s ideological personality was an exemplar of her generation of the Nigerian Left and the generation preceding it. The virtues of this generation include deep comprehension of the ideas of the struggle and the conscious efforts to reproduce cadres. For instance, Comrade Eskor Toyo, who also operated from Calabar during the same period, was in the generation before that of Comrade Bene. He was also a huge inspirer and a great mobiliser. Unfortunately, and this is on a self-critical note, succeeding generations have not been able to make sufficient advancement of this legacy.
As a Marxist, Bene was also a self-professed feminist. In a 2008 piece she wrote for an international publication entitled “Voice, Power and Soul: Portraits of African Feminism,” Bene put the matter squarely like this: “I am an absolutely confirmed feminist, with no ”ifs’ or ‘buts.” I am a feminist by choice and conviction… I am passionate about combating gender discrimination and insensitivity in whatever forms. I am a committed human rights defender and I work in defence of victims of sexual abuse and all forms of violence against women and girls.” She was neither abstract nor vulgar in her feminism. The feat she achieved with the Calabar branch of Girls Power Initiative (GPI) remains a testament to her feminist practice. Here is a solid establishment on ground for the empowerment and orientation of girls about their rights and responsibilities in the society. In partnership with Grace Osakue, the GPI was established in Nigeria in 1993 with the national headquarters in Nigeria. Scores of girls have been trained in the institution and its community activities have extended to other south-south states. Bene was also a founding member of Women in Nigeria (WIN), a feminist movement that emerged in 1982 to reframe the gender debates in Nigeria.
Bene was a leader in the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). She was a two-term chairperson the Unical branch of ASUU with a national prominence.
It was Comrade Sonni Anyang who introduced me to Bene and Eddie in 1978 and since then I became a comrade member of the family. I often stayed in their house during holidays. Anyang, now a member of the Revenue Mobilisation and Fiscal Commission (RMAC), was then the leader of the Unical branch of the Movement for a Progressive Nigeria (MPN), a Marxist students’ group, with branches and allied groups on campuses. MPN was such a fertile ground for breeding cadres with ideological clarity. For instance, President Umaru Yar’Adua once said in an interview that he was a product of the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) branch of MPN.
Comrade Bene often referred to me as her ideological son and I called her my ideological mother. In a 2017 publication of tributes to mark the 70th birthday of Bene, Eddie expressly acknowledged this relationship between me and Bene. In that piece, Eddie also said the same thing of Comrade Biodun Jeyifo (BJ), who is the Chairman of the Advisory Board of the magnificent Socialist Library and Archives (SOLAR), the nucleus of which is constituted by the books, papers and other documents. The digitalization of SOLAR is in earnest. By the way, at another level Eddie and BJ constitute an ideological duo.
Comrade Bene could sometimes be sharply critical of me; yet she was often my unyielding defender. Whatever concerned me was taken as her business.
Maybe it would suffice to recall a few touching moments to illustrate this mother-son relationship.
In the light of the mood in the family during Bene’s 70th birthday, she and Eddie opted to have a quiet moment at a resort in Uyo. I was invited to make a trio for the occasion to reflect on a number of issues.
Some years ago, Bene called to inform me about an attack on her by robbers, who dispossessed her of some valuables. From her voice it was evident she was seriously traumatised. In the evening of the following day I called to ask about her condition and how to replace some of the lost items especially the handsets. Her response: “KK, I had expected you would be in Calabar by now given what happened to me.” I was speechless and moved to tears. I arrived Calabar two days later in the true sense of solidarity.
The day I introduced my wife, Funmi, to Bene as my fiancée, Bene told her that I was her son and she should be conscious of the implication of getting married to a Marxist socialist. From that day on she also adopted Funmi as a daughter. When she died the sad news was broken to our children as the death of the grandma in Calabar.
Very early in the relationship, Bene and Eddie left me in no doubt about my integration into their family apart from the fact that all of us belonged to the same movement as comrades. There was an issue on which both of them not only agreed to seek my view but to consent whatever verdict I passed on the matter. With Bene behind the steering in their blue Volkswagen Beetle, the comrades came from Calabar to see me, a 22-year old youth corps member, in Takum Taraba State (it was then part of the old Gongola State). I shared a humble three-bed room flat with two other corps members. To the amazement of my co-tenants who had known my visitors by reputation as radical lecturers, we didn’t look for a hotel room. Eddie and Bene spent the night in the little house where we had frank and comradely discussions till early hours of the following day. Issues were resolved and the visitors returned to Calabar in the morning. Till I left Takum other youth corps members kept talking about the comradeship displayed by Bene and Eddie.
Invariably, a tribute to the memory of Bene would compel a salute to Eddie, in particular for one reason. The last seven years of Comrade Bene battling with Alzheimer’s have indeed been trying times for Eddie. His movement has been restricted to Calabar (without any court order!) as the chief career of Bene. I often told those who asked after Eddie that he had been virtually a detainee as he took care of Bene every day. The condition of Bene has also progressively drained Eddie physically, mentally, emotionally and, of course, materially. But he has soldiered on with a rare dedication to his wife and comrade.
In a tribute paid to Bene on her 70th birthday, Eddie dwelt on “the meaning and attributes of love.” Eddie, who professes no religion, wrote inter alia: “I refer my readers – revolutionaries and non- revolutionaries, Christians and non-Christians- to what Saint Paul said in the 13th Chapter of the First Letter to the People of Corinth…” My comrade was referring to this passage in the Bible: “So now faith, hope, and love abide, these three; but the greatest of these is love’’ – 1 Corinthians 13:13
Eddie found himself later in a psychological laboratory for testing this biblical doctrine for seven years. I dare say that he has done incredibly well by demonstrating to Bene the genuine love while she might not even be conscious of his presence.
Yet, this tribute would not be complete without expressing gratitude to comrades, friends, colleagues and well -wishers who have shown love and solidarity to both Bene and Eddie in the last seven years. The support received so far has been nothing but great.
With the death of Comrade Bene a genuine revolutionary has indeed departed from our midst.
May her tribe increase.
Close your eyes and imagine Nigeria without security personnel – police and military. Will there be law and order? Will you and I be able to sleep with our eyes closed? Would we be able to travel in comfort without being ambushed by the bad boys? What would have been the state of crimes and criminality in Nigeria? Will foreign investors be coming to do business in Nigeria? Don’t you think the much-condemned japa syndrome would have quadrupled with everyone fleeing to saner climes? Sincerely, without the Nigerian Armed Forces, Nigeria would have disintegrated. This country would have been in what the great philosopher, Thomas Hobbes, called the State of Nature, where life is short, poor, solitary, brutish and nasty.
Yes, Nigeria still faces a Herculean task in terms of insecurity. Crimes and criminality daily occur and many Nigerians are living under perpetual threat from bandits, kidnappers and insurgents. Nonetheless, governments at all levels are trying their best to bring the situation under control. It is noteworthy that insecurity is a global phenomenon. Even theocratic states like Saudi Arabia and Vatican City have their fair share of crimes and criminality. I completely agree that the Nigerian government can do more and should bring about a society of peace and tranquility where people can live without let or hindrance.
Today, January 15 marks the celebration of 2025 Armed Forces Remembrance Day. According to Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, “The Armed Forces Remembrance Day, also simply known as Remembrance Day, is observed on 15 January to commemorate the servicemen of the Nigerian Armed Forces. It also honours veterans of World War I and II as well as the Nigerian Civil War. In 2024, the name was changed to “Armed Forces Celebration and Remembrance Day”. This is to celebrate members of the Armed Forces still serving and remember the fallen heroes thus correcting the notion that the day is meant mainly for the fallen heroes.”
Indeed, serving, retired, incapacitated and dead members of the Nigerian Armed Forces namely those of the Nigerian Army, Nigerian Air Force and Nigerian Nany deserve accolades. They fought in the First and Second World Wars and battled the separatist Biafra Army for three years from 1967 to January 15, 1970, to keep Nigeria one. They have been fighting against other separatist movements such as the Niger Delta Avengers, Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta, Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra better known as MASSOB and more recently Indigenous People of Biafra aka IPOB agitators. Members of the Oodua Peoples Congress and Yoruba Nation Agitators are not also spared by the Nigerian military who have relentlessly quelled their rebellion.
If not for the Nigerian military, Boko Haram insurgents, Islamic State in West Africa Province popularly called ISWAP and Lakurawa ideologues would have overran Nigeria and set up their model Islamic Caliphate here. It is the Nigerian Armed Forces that have been repelling their attacks and thwarting their inimical expansionist agenda. It is worth mentioning that if the task of internal security had been left to the Nigerian Police and Department of State Services alone, the security situation of Nigeria would have worsened. That is why personnel of the Nigerian military have been deployed across all the 36 states of the federation to complement the Nigerian Police who are already overwhelmed given the fact that they are understaffed and not well-resourced financially and materially.
According to Thisday newspaper of September 11, 2016, more than any other period in the nation’s history, the Nigerian Armed Forces are engaged simultaneously in at least 10 major internal security operations across the six geo-political zones of the country. These major internal security operations include the war against terrorism, deadly herdsmen, cattle rustlers, kidnappers, oil thieves and pipeline vandals, and the joint police/military security outfits against criminal activities, such as armed robbery in the 36 states of the federation. The various operations involve huge deployment of military assets and manpower and are being prosecuted simultaneously at a period of dwindling national revenue and protracted war against terrorism and insurgency.
In the North-East, there is Operation Lafiya Dole, which handles the overall counterterrorism and counter-insurgency operations. This has dovetailed to other specialised operations like Operation Crackdown to wind down the war against insurgents and clear the remnants of the Boko Haram sect in Sambisa Forest; Operation Gama Aiki, which serves the same purpose in the northern part of Borno State and Operation Safe Corridor, set up for the de-radicalisation and rehabilitation of repentant Boko Haram terrorists.
The North-Central has Operation Safe Haven stationed in Plateau State with an area of operation extending to Benue, Kogi, Nasarawa and Kwara States to quell ethno-religious conflicts and other criminal activities. There is also Operation Sara Daji and Operation Harbin Kunama in the North-West, established to battle the criminal activities of armed bandits, cattle rustlers and robbers operating particularly in Zamfara, Kaduna and fringes of Sokoto, Kebbi, Katsina and Kano States.
Down South, the military has a major operation codenamed Operation Delta Safe, which was formerly Operation Pulo Shield. It is now complemented by the Nigerian Army’s Operation Crocodile Smile and the Navy’s Operation Tsera Teku. These operations are all aimed at crushing the resurgent Niger Delta militancy and other acts of criminality like oil theft, vandalism, and bunkering in the region. In the South-West, there is Operation Awase with a mandate to contain the criminal operations around the Ogun-Lagos axis, particularly in Arepo, where illegal oil bunkering and pipeline vandalism are regular occurrences. South-East has Operation Iron Fence to combat armed robbers, hooligans and kidnappers. In addition to all these operations is Operation Mesa, which is a Joint Task Force operation against all forms of criminal activities in all the states of the federation.
Without these military operations, Nigeria could have gone to the tatters. Now, this is why there is a need to celebrate our living and fallen heroes. They sacrificed their comfort and lives so that you and I can move freely and actualise our noble dreams. Imagine the sub-human conditions under which the Nigerian military operates. Thousands of them have been killed in combat and ambush by the bandits and insurgents. Several thousand have been temporarily and permanently incapacitated in the course of serving their fatherland. These serving and fallen heroes deserve better welfare than they currently receive. Yes, there is annual ritual of holding thanksgiving services in mosques and churches and laying of wreath at the national monument erected in their honour. However, something needs to be done by the authorities about prompt payment of salaries and allowances of serving military officers.
Most pitiable is the delay in the payment of the pension and gratuity of retired military personnel. Just last week, Tuesday, January 7, 2025, news media widely reported that retired military personnel barricaded the entrance to the Ministry of Finance in Abuja with canopies and chairs, demanding the full payment of their long-overdue entitlements. This protest follows a similar action in December, during which the retirees shut down the ministry over the government’s failure to settle their claims. For months, the retirees were told there were no funds to clear their entitlements, despite an official approval for payment. They are owed a 20 per cent to 28 per cent salary increment covering January to November 2024. The retirees are also demanding payments for other outstanding benefits, including palliatives for the period between October 2023 and November 2024, an additional N32,000 added to their pensions, a bulk payment of the Security Debarment Allowance, and a refund of pension deductions from the salaries of medically boarded soldiers. This is simply heart-wrenching!
A recent video footage projects Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni as a library with tomes of economic information that could turn the fortune of Africa around, if the leaders understand his thrust and have the spunk to wean the peripheral economies of their countries away from the tethers of the metropolitan economies and look inward for appropriate economic solutions.
Anyone who knows the pedigree of President Museveni, from his days as a political science student, student union leader and founder of the University Students’ African Revolutionary Front at Makerere University in Tanzania, would not be surprised at his revolutionary submissions.
He eventually became the leader of a failed Ugandan version of Fidel Castro’s 26th of July Movement that launched a protracted guerrilla campaign that led to the eventual resignation of Cuba’s President Fulgencio Batista on January 1, 1959.
In 1980, Museveni lost his presidential bid to rule Uganda to incumbent President Milton Obote. He later rallied opposition political parties into the National Resistance Movement that won the Uganda Bush War to become Ugandan President in 1986, after the decisive Battle of Kampala.
Though Museveni is now a dictator and has ruled Uganda since 1986, you cannot dispute his profound insight on how best to turn the economies of African countries around and free them from the grips of Euro-America’s International Monopoly Capital.
First, he explains that “the crisis… in Africa is because of philosophical, ideological (and) strategic mistakes, which we have been talking about since the 1960s”. He worries that agencies like the World Bank are preoccupied with “sustainable development,” which he thinks is a limiting paradigm.
Then he argues, “Africa does not need (what he sarcastically describes as) ‘sustainable underdevelopment,’ (but) needs socio-economic transformation.” He adds, “The main reason why there is no (economic) growth (in Africa) is because the growth sectors are not funded (by the multilateral lending institutions).”
He identifies four areas that African countries must concentrate on to achieve a low cost of production that will enable their economies to grow: These are railway transportation, electricity, low interest rates for the manufacturing sector and integration of the people into what he described as the “money economy”.
He explains that by starting with transportation: “You must have low transport cost… (which) comes from the railway.” He asks, “If you don’t fund the railway, how do you get low transport costs? Where will low-cost transport come from if you don’t have a railway?”
His discussion about electricity, which he describes as the second (low) cost pusher, starts with a query: “If you don’t fund electricity and you talk about sustainable development, what are you talking about?” He insists, “We must have low-cost electricity, not exceeding five cents per kilowatt hour.”
Though he did not explain how cheap electricity tariffs can be achieved, everyone knows that the tariffs of municipal electricity companies are usually cheaper than the cost of running personal electricity generators. Cost accountants and electricity engineers will know how to achieve his low-cost electricity idea.
He makes his case for cheap cost of capital, or low interest rate, for borrowings from development banks, instead of commercial banks, for the manufacturing sector, with the declaration that “The only person who can borrow from a commercial bank and pay back is a trader”.
His final argument is an insight into most African citizens being “outside of (what he calls) the money economy”. He notes that before 2013, more than 68 per cent of Ugandan homes “are in what is called subsistence sector”, and disclosed that from 2013, “61 per cent of the people were in the ‘money sector”.
Of a truth, those at the subsistence level of the economy will only work and eat. If they are farmers, they will only produce food crops and no cash crops that can be exchanged for money in the local and international commodities markets.
Whereas those who operate in the “money economy” will produce on a large scale for trade, even if they will consume a portion of their produce. If they are farmers, they will produce cash crops that will command high returns in the commodities market.
Then he reveals his disdain for African civil servants and policy advisers who seem to have taken the economic principles enunciated by Europhilia Adam Smith to heart. He complains, “Our civil servants talk about import support,” and declares with emphasis, “But I don’t want to import. I want to export!”
One of the major submissions of “The Wealth of Nations”, the seminal book written by Adam Smith, is that peripheral economies, like those of the Third World or the “Economic South,” must be encouraged to accumulate foreign currency to finance their importation of consumer goods from the metropolitan economies.
And, by the way, that neo-colonial device, is the foundation of the mercantilist exchange rate that requires more of the currency of a weaker nation for the stronger currency of a richer nation. An unproductive economy needs the currency of a more productive country.
This process of increased demand for foreign currency automatically raises the value of the currency of the selling nation. Thus, the exporting country trades two commodities, its currency, which must be bought at a premium, and its manufacture or produce that the weaker economy does not produce.
However, this scheme is reversed against Third World countries: If America wants to buy Nigeria’s petroleum, it does not have to first acquire the naira. It simply plunks its dollar onto the laps of Nigeria, almost with a take-it-or-leave-it attitude.
India, whose economy appears to have substantially moved away from the subsistence Third World level, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, appears to have discovered an obvious paradigm that many Third World countries appear not to have discerned, or discovered.
Interestingly, the railway, one of President Museveni’s favourite planks for economic development, leads the pack of physical, social, educational and digital infrastructure that headlines India’s paradigm shift out of poverty.
This is followed by a deliberate policy to remove as many citizens as possible from the clutches of poverty, by using a policy of inclusiveness that uses banking, housing, healthcare and even cooking gas, to migrate citizens to what President Museveni calls the money economy.
By encouraging innovations and manufacturing startups and removing archaic laws that hinder the growth of commerce, to enable the economic ecosystem to deliver more, Prime Minister Modi was able to up the performance of the Indian economy.
It is about the same way Dr Jumoke Oduwole ran the Office of Ease of Doing Business to prime the Nigerian economy to perform more optimally under the watch of former President Muhammadu Buhari. But somehow, the government of Mai Gaskiya did not deliver much on this score.
Anyway, between the praxis or practical application of the insights and theories of President Museveni and Prime Minister Modi, members of Nigeria’s economic management team should be able to tease out Nigeria’s road to economic recovery.
And while they are at it, they might think about the phenomenal Italian “economic risorgimento” that led to Italy’s blitz of economic growth, industrialisation and modernisation that occurred within a magical six years, between 1958 and 1963!
If members of President Tinubu’s economic team can swing this magic, their names may be etched in gold.
Comrade (Dr.) Segun Osoba - remember him? He celebrated his 90th birthday last week Thursday at his country home of Ijebu-Ode, Ogun state. Family, friends, comrades and students of the Marxist ideologue gathered to give him 90 hearty cheers. Comrade, as we fondly called him, was a Senior Lecturer in the Department of History at the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), aka Great Ife.
The story is told of how, because of his Leftist activism, he was passed over again and again for his professorship until he decided, no more, even when he was approached to now put in his papers. This reminds us of the same treatment meted out to legal luminary, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, who was glossed over repeatedly for the Senior Advocate of Nigeria title until Great Ife students decided to award him the Senior Advocate of the Masses title!
That he declined to be decorated with the title of “Professor” took nothing away from Comrade (Dr.) Segun Osoba. He was one of the fiery Marxist scholars that made Great Ife the hotbed of vibrant student union activism in his days. Those were also the years when the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) was a force to reckon with not only within the Great Ife campus but also nationwide. Whenever Ife ASUU sneezed in those days, the government of the day caught a cold!
It was, therefore, not an error that when the Murtala Muhammed/Olusegun Obasanjo military junta decided to give the country a new constitution in 1978, Comrade (Dr.) Segun Osoba was one of the “50 wise men” saddled with the responsibility. Together with another Leftist scholar, Dr. Yesufu Bala Usman, the two broke ranks with the other conservatives that made up the preponderance number of the constitution drafting committee to author and submit their own minority report, which was pro-people as opposed to what many Nigerians regard today as the Lugardian Constitution (as amended time and time again) but which has failed to solve the country’s myriad problems.
Osoba and Usman had posited that "our people need a country, Nigeria, operating at full capacity and unshackled by the thieving activities of a good-for-nothing ruling class". This is more apposite today than it was in 1978!
In recognition of Comrade (Dr. ) Segun Osoba’s contributions to national development (which includes decades of mentoring generations of Nigerian youths, of whom yours truly is one), President Bola Ahmed Tinubu felicitated with him on his 90th birthday. The State House press release titled “President Tinubu greets Dr. Segun Osoba at 90” runs thus:
“President Bola Tinubu congratulates Dr. Segun Osoba, a renowned historian, activist, and scholar, on his 90th birthday today January 9. The President celebrates the respected scholar on this momentous occasion and describes him as one of Nigeria's finest minds. After many years of activism and scholarship, Dr. Osoba retired from the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, as a history lecturer in 1991. He has been operating from his hometown, Ijebu-Ode, in Ogun state ever since.
“President Tinubu lauds Osoba's efforts in advancing the frontiers of knowledge, promoting scholarship, and inspiring generations of Nigerians. The President also commends the eminent historian, a staunch advocate of social justice and good governance, for contributing to Nigeria's constitutional development. He recalls his membership in the committee that drafted the 1979 Constitution, which laid the foundation for the Second Republic. Notably, Osoba and Dr. Yusuf Bala Usman produced a minority report recommending no immunity clauses for Presidents and governors and a minimum age of 30 to be eligible to run for office. The military government rejected the entire report at the time.
“President Tinubu thanks Dr. Osoba for his intense patriotism in serving the nation and prays to God Almighty to grant him many more years in good health”.
Well, Comrade (Dr.) Segun Osoba and Dr. Bala Usman’s minority report, which was rejected by the military junta of the time, may yet become the stone which the builders rejected but which eventually became the head of the cornerstone (Psalm 118: 22).
A major highlight of the celebration was the launching of a collection of the celebrant’s speeches and papers titled “Critical and contentious issues in the modern and contemporary history of Nigetia: Collected writings of Samuel Olusegun Osoba” Another highlight was the toast to the good health of the celebrant- "For he is a jolly good fellow" - which was rendered to the admiration of all in the Ijebu language of the celebrant, after which speaker after speaker insisted on hearing from the celebrant.
Comrade (Dr.) ignited the fire of a revolutionary activist, which old age has done little to diminish. Going down memory lane, he said all his lifetime, he has dedicated himself to the struggle for a better society, the upliftment of the downtrodden and the unrelenting fight against oppression. “I spent my life trying to help people achieve their potentials. If you do that, the ruling class will grind you to dust". He added that Nigeria is well endowed but the only problem is leadership. "The ruling class is the problem", he said, but Comrade reiterated that he remains unchanged and unperturbed, even in old age.
What a better way to demonstrate this than the enthusiastic way he sang the “Victory Song” when his comrades in the house raised the song! His voice suddenly rang out, even without a microphone, and with clenched fist he sang along with the others: "There is victory for us/There is victory for us/In the struggle for Africa/There is victory for us/Forward, ever/Backward, never/In the struggle for Africa/There is victory for us! E soleto! E Africa!"
Here is wishing Comrade (Dr.) Segun Osoba many more years of celebration in good health and happiness!
Adieu! Comrade Benedicta (Bene) Madunagu
Marxist theoretician, revolutionary activist, foremost feminist and humanist, our inimitable comrade, Professor Benedicta Madunagu translated from mortality to immortality on November 26, 2024, aged 65. Funeral obsequies begin tomorrow Thursday, 16 January, 2025, to culminate in interment on Friday, 17 January, 2025, in Calabar. We will miss her!
Bene fought a good fight and left indelible marks on the sands of time. Together with her friend, husband, ideological soulmate and comrade, Edwin, they were two of the university lecturers that the Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo military junta victimised for their principled and active support for the student movement, the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS), led by the irrepressible Segun Okeowo, in 1978’s Ali Must Go student nationwide revolt against the commercialization of education by the Obasanjo military junta.
Bene, Edwin and a host of other Leftist and conscionable lecturers and administrators were branded by the ultra-conservative, reactionary and retrogressive Nigerian government as “teaching what they were not paid to teach”, for which they were sacked from their jobs, but which the courts later reversed. Alhaji Shehu Shagari 's administration upheld the court judgment.
Bene’s transition has left a void which the Nigerian Left will find hard to fill but we take solace in the fact she raised and nurtured other cadres who are continuing with the struggle. They say to live in the heart of others is not to die; Bene lives on in the hearts of other revolutionaries who will keep the revolutionary torch burning. Comrade Che Guevara spoke for every revolutionary activist when he said, “Wherever death may surprise us, let it be welcome if our battle cry has reached even one receptive ear and another hand reaches out to take up our arms”
Bene’s battle cry reached an uncountable number of comrades during her active years of revolutionary struggle; and more than one hand reached out for the arms that she doggedly did battle with. So, she lived a worthy and fulfilled life of a proud and accomplished revolutionary. This is our consolation, strength and fortitude as we grapple with this irreparable loss .
Sleep well, comrade! The task that you lived, laboured and died for shall be pursued with urgency and utmost vigor. Aluta continua! Vitoria a certa!
FEEDBACK
I disagree that stampedes are the result of hunger. Rather, I will say stampede has been with us for a long time. I can recall that the introduction of the “War Against Indiscipline” was as a result of stampedes at various service points. And stampede has never been a factor of something free. Even where a Nigerian needs to pay for services rendered, there will still be stampedes! I remember that was why I rejected taking up an appointment in Lagos in the early 1980s - except the employer would be ready to provide accommodation within the premises of my workplace! While in the university, UNIFE (now Obafemi Awolowo University), I used to visit my sister in Lagos in the late 70s. Each time I wanted to go out, she would give me a sound warning not to forget to hold firmly to my wristwatch, necklace and other valuables while rushing to board a taxi/bus because there was always a need to rush; otherwise, one would be left behind. Later, I discovered that in most urban areas of today, stampedes are also common. And in all of these circumstances, one would still have to pay for the services rendered. The point I have tried to make here is that stampede was not, and should not, be tied to hunger or T-pain alone because it has always been part of us. - Kola Oloye.
In the labyrinth of Nigerian politics, power is often perceived as an infinite resource, wielded by those who can hold onto it for as long as possible. Yet, history has repeatedly shown that the longer one clings to power, the more vulnerable they become to the political tides that eventually wash them away. The recent impeachment of Mudashiru Obasa, the erstwhile Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, is yet another testament to this reality.
Although the specifics of Obasa’s impeachment remain murky, the circumstances leading to his political downfall allow for informed speculation. His story is one of a man who rose to prominence, commanded authority, and, some might say, overstayed his welcome. While it is too early to dissect the entire saga with absolute clarity, one thing is certain: his impeachment serves as a stark reminder to politicians of the perils of holding on to power for too long.
Mudashiru Obasa, a seasoned politician, enjoyed a meteoric rise in Lagos State politics. Representing Agege Constituency 1, he climbed the political ladder with a combination of ambition, strategy, and an uncanny ability to build alliances. His tenure as Speaker began in 2015, making him one of the longest-serving Speakers in the history of Lagos State.
Obasa’s tenure was marked by legislative reforms, budget approvals, and significant influence within the political structure of Lagos. He was seen as a loyal foot soldier of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), particularly in a state known for its complex political dynamics. However, his reign was not without controversy. Allegations of financial impropriety, mismanagement of funds, and high-handedness became a recurring theme, tainting what could have been a legacy of excellence.
While official reasons for Obasa’s impeachment may not have been fully disclosed, several factors might have contributed to his political demise.
Reports of financial impropriety had long dogged Obasa’s tenure. These allegations included mismanagement of Assembly funds, questionable contracts, and extravagant spending. Although Obasa consistently denied these claims, they likely created fractures within the Assembly and eroded trust among his colleagues.
In a similar vein, Lagos politics is often shaped by intricate power plays within the APC, where loyalty to party chieftains can determine political survival. Obasa’s increasing autonomy and perceived dominance within the Lagos Assembly might have been seen as a threat to the broader interests of powerful stakeholders in the party.
Long-serving leaders often struggle to maintain unanimity among their colleagues. Obasa’s prolonged stay as Speaker might have bred resentment among lawmakers who felt marginalized or stifled in their political aspirations. The eventual decision to impeach him may have been the culmination of years of silent dissent.
The role of public perception in Nigerian politics cannot be understated. Obasa’s alleged opulent lifestyle and the Assembly’s reported lack of transparency may have alienated the electorate. With Lagos residents increasingly vocal about accountability in governance, lawmakers may have felt compelled to act to preserve their own reputations.
It is not uncommon for impeachments in Nigeria to be orchestrated as part of a larger political game. Obasa’s removal could be linked to an attempt to reposition Lagos politics ahead of the next election cycle, with party leaders possibly seeking to consolidate control by replacing him with a more pliable figure.
Obasa’s impeachment is not an isolated incident in Nigerian politics. It mirrors the fate of several politicians who have overstayed their welcome in positions of authority. The longer a politician clings to power, the more likely they are to make enemies, both within and outside their circle.
Perpetual power breeds complacency, arrogance, and sometimes, a disconnect from the people one serves. It blinds leaders to the shifting sands of political alliances and public sentiment. Obasa’s fall is a cautionary tale for leaders who believe their positions are unassailable.
Obasa’s impeachment marks a turning point for the Lagos State House of Assembly. It sends a strong message that no leader, no matter how entrenched, is immune to accountability. For lawmakers, it is a reminder that the electorate expects transparency, integrity, and humility from their representatives.
For Lagosians, the impeachment raises questions about the effectiveness of governance in the state. It underscores the need for vigilance in holding leaders accountable and ensuring that public offices are not used for personal enrichment.
The story of Mudashiru Obasa’s rise and fall is a classic tale of power, ambition, and the eventual reckoning that comes with overreach. While he undoubtedly achieved significant milestones during his tenure, his inability to read the writing on the wall cost him dearly.
For Nigerian politicians, Obasa’s impeachment should serve as a sobering lesson: power is not perpetual. Leadership is a privilege, not a right, and those who hold public office must do so with humility, accountability, and a focus on serving the people.
As the dust settles on Obasa’s political career, one hopes that this episode will inspire a culture of introspection among Nigeria’s political elite. The era of leaders clinging to power in seeming perpetuity must give way to a new dawn of responsible governance, where the people, not personal ambition, are at the heart of every decision.
In the end, Obasa’s story is a reminder that power, no matter how firmly held, can slip away in an instant. For those still holding on, it is a call to reflect, to serve, and to let go when the time comes.
Burkina Faso’s military leader, Ibrahim Traoré, was the centre of attention at the inauguration ceremony of Ghana’s President John Mahama on January 7 2025. From a pistol conspicuously attached to his waist, to his entourage of heavily armed guards, and the resounding ovation he received when he was introduced, the oddity of it all was not lost on many people.
Wasn’t it a paradox that the man who toppled a constitutional order in his country was being received as a hero at an occasion to celebrate the increasing resilience of liberal democracy in Ghana? And what was the subtext of inviting him at all at the occasion, given that together with his fellow coup leaders in Niger and Mali, they had haemorrhaged the Economic Community of West African States by declaring their departure from the regional grouping that was formed in 1975? Traoré’s presence marked his first official African trip outside the Sahel Alliance—a bloc comprising Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger—since the 36 year old junta came to power in 2022. Despite breaching protocol, the thunderous applause he received, especially from younger attendees, deafeningly overshadowed the acknowledgment of other dignitaries.
John Mahama’s inauguration ceremony as Ghana’s 14th President in Ghana’s Black Star Square followed the victory of his opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) party in the December 7, 2024, elections, which the Commonwealth Observer Group and several local and international observers commended for their orderly conduct. Another epochal event at the inauguration was the swearing in of Professor Naana Jane Opoku-Agyeman as the country’s first female Vice President. Mahama, 66, was previously Ghana’s president between July 2012 and January 2017. He was first sworn in as president when President John Evans Atta Mills died in July 2012. He previously served as the 12th president from 2012 to 2017 and as the fifth vice president from 2009 to 2012
How do we explain the oddity of thunderous applauses for a man who truncated democracy in his country during an occasion which was also a celebration of the increasingly resilience of the same democracy in Ghana? Any attempt to answer this would inevitably lead to the question of what do people expect from liberal democracy? Though Ghana is going through one of its toughest economic crises in a generation, the fact that they could peacefully choose their leaders, when the same cannot be said of its bigger and richer neighbour, Nigeria, seemed to be one of the grounds for optimism and even pride in the eternal brotherly competition between the two countries.
Will the election of John Mahama resolve most of the serious economic problems facing Ghana? Though the question of whether democracy facilitates or undermines economic development (at least in the short run) has remained controversial in the literature, a belief that people can freely and peacefully choose their leaders, (meaning that their votes will count if they exercise their franchise) is one of the attractions of liberal democracy. But even more important than periodic elections, (in fact a precondition for all other tangible and intangible benefits of liberal democracy) is freedom of expression. This is probably why the very First Amendment to the US Constitution on December 15, 1791 was to protect religious freedom and free speech. The Amendment stated: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” One of the main differences between democracy in transitional or new democracies and democracy in countries that we call ‘mature democracy’ is their attitude to free speech. In Nigeria, though the politics of the opposition could sometimes be problematic, we seem to have government and ruling party functionaries that see any form of criticism of government policy as an affront that must be taken personal.
There are four main arguments for free speech: One, is that it is needed for discovering the truth. A key idea here is that the truth will emerge from the competition of ideas in free and transparent public discourse. The metaphor is based on the market economy and free exchange of goods in that market. Because many goods (read: ideas) are available in such a market, we as rational consumers, choose carefully what we want from the available goods after evaluating the relative merits and demerits of each product. The ‘marketplace of ideas’ was first developed by John Stuart Mill in his book, On Liberty (1859) but was popularized in the dissenting judgment of Oliver Wendell Holmes in Abrams v. United States (1919). According to Holmes, “The best test of truth is the power of the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market, and that truth is the only ground upon which their wishes safely can be carried out.” Essentially this theory tells us that a laissez faire approach to the regulation of free exchange of ideas (both by governments and the mind-guards in group thinks), will lead to ideas, theories, propositions and movements succeeding or failing on their own merits. In other words, left to their own devices, free individuals have the capacity to sift through competing ideas and proposals in an open environment of deliberation and exchange, allowing truth or the best possible results to be achieved at the end.
A second argument for free speech is that there is a big distrust of the government and that unless citizens are allowed to freely express themselves, the government will naturally try to muzzle free speech, and allow only the echo of voices it wants to hear. A third justification for free speech is that it is necessary for citizens to become active participants in the political and governmental processes. Fourth, is that free speech is also seen as a value to be enjoyed on its own. It is believed in free speech jurisprudence that once free speech is muzzled, every other value associated with liberal democracy – accountability, freedom of assembly, periodic elections etc will become caricatured. In this sense, liberal democracy becomes ‘illiberal democracy’ in which only the form but not the substance of it is observed.
Unfortunately in many parts of Africa, liberal democracy has morphed into illiberal democracy: free speech is routinely muzzled through various contrivances – prior restraints, use or threat of defamatory action and threats of charging one for terrorism financing. In fact, one of the commonest grounds for stifling free speech in illiberal democracy is for the government to accuse people with different opinions or critics of its policies of incitement against the government. The danger here is that every idea could be construed as an incitement. As Justice Holmes put it in a landmark case in the USA, (Gitlow v New York [1925]), “Every idea is an incitement… The only difference between the expression of an opinion and an incitement in the narrower sense is the speaker’s enthusiasm for the result.” This means that everyone could potentially be accused of incitement in illiberal democracies.
When a democracy becomes so corrupted into an illiberal democracy, citizens often become so concomitantly frustrated with the system that they long for ‘liberation’ from such a system. This is where opportunists like Traoré and other military coupists come in, and those who never lived through a military regime would wrongly interpret their stern mien as evidence that they had the magic wand to turn things around. I believe this could also be a partial explanation for the applause Traoré got in Ghana- apart from what some perceive as his courage (alongside the rulers of Niger and Mali) in standing-up to France, their former colonial masters.
Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Nasarawa State University and founder of Adonis & Abbey Publishers (www.adonis-abbey.com).
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[OPINION] The future of cryptocurrency regulation in Nigeria: Opportunities and challenges - Olufemi Ariyo
AdminCryptocurrency has been steadily gaining ground in Nigeria, making it one of the top adopters of digital currencies in Africa. Despite the ongoing regulatory uncertainties, Nigerians have increasingly turned to cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin, Ethereum, and stablecoins to navigate economic challenges, protect their savings from inflation, and explore alternative financial options. With this surge in adoption, the conversation around regulation has become more urgent, as the country looks for ways to harness the benefits of digital currencies while ensuring security and stability in the market.
Nigeria’s relationship with cryptocurrency has been a turbulent one, marked by notable regulatory shifts that have created uncertainty for businesses and investors. In 2021, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) issued a controversial directive that prohibited banks and other financial institutions from facilitating transactions involving cryptocurrencies. This decision sent shockwaves throughout Nigeria’s growing crypto community, as it was seen as a direct blow to the ecosystem, particularly to fintech startups and individual traders who relied on traditional financial channels to convert and transact in digital currencies. The CBN’s ban was initially justified on the grounds of consumer protection and financial stability, with concerns about fraud, money laundering, and the volatility of cryptocurrencies. This action was particularly major in a country like Nigeria, where a growing number of young tech enthusiasts and traders were embracing digital currencies as alternatives to the traditional banking system, which many Nigerians have long distrusted due to issues of accessibility, high fees, and inflation.
Despite the CBN’s efforts to curb crypto adoption, the demand for digital currencies in Nigeria remained robust, underscoring the resilience of the market and the strength of local demand. In the face of regulatory restrictions, Nigerians turned to peer-to-peer (P2P) trading platforms to continue buying, selling, and exchanging cryptocurrencies. Platforms like Paxful and Binance P2P became more popular, allowing traders to directly engage with one another without the need for traditional banks or financial intermediaries. These P2P platforms thrived in the absence of centralised financial services, allowing Nigerians to sidestep the limitations imposed by the CBN while still accessing the benefits of cryptocurrencies. This shift to decentralised exchanges and informal networks also illustrated the innovative spirit within Nigeria’s tech community, as people found creative ways to overcome regulatory bpttlenecks. The thriving P2P market demonstrated that demand for cryptocurrencies was not merely a passing trend, but an essential part of Nigeria’s financial landscape, driven by a mix of factors, including remittances, hedge against inflation, and access to global markets.
As we entered 2023, the regulatory landscape started to shift in a more optimistic direction. There has been a noticeable change in tone from Nigerian regulators, particularly with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), which has begun to show more interest in creating a regulatory framework that acknowledges the potential benefits of cryptocurrency and blockchain technology. Unlike the CBN’s more restrictive stance, the SEC’s focus has been on ensuring that digital assets are properly regulated while fostering innovation and investor protection. For example, in 2022, the SEC began providing clearer guidelines on the regulation of stablecoins and security tokens, signalling an intention to bring these assets into a formal regulatory structure. Furthermore, the Nigerian government had also expressed interest in developing a Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC), known as the eNaira, which could work in tandem with cryptocurrency regulations to provide a more stable, government-backed alternative to digital currencies. This shift towards a more structured regulatory approach, while still in the early stages, signals a move towards striking a balance between protecting consumers and encouraging the growth of blockchain and cryptocurrency innovations in Nigeria. Such changes where well deployed could help position Nigeria as a leader in the African crypto space, providing the regulatory clarity that both investors and entrepreneurs need to navigate the rapidly changing digital economy.
Opportunities for Nigeria in Cryptocurrency Regulation
A clear and comprehensive regulatory framework presents numerous opportunities for Nigeria’s burgeoning cryptocurrency market. Here are some of the key benefits:
- Financial Inclusion
Nigeria’s financial access gap remains one of the most pressing hurdles in its economic landscape. With over 50 million adults (about a fifth of population) in the country lacking access to formal banking services, a major portion of the population is excluded from traditional financial systems. This exclusion is particularly pronounced in rural areas where physical banks are scarce, and many Nigerians are unable to meet the requirements to open a traditional bank account due to lack of documentation or minimum balance requirements. Blockchain technology and cryptocurrencies offer an opportunity to bridge this gap by offering a decentralised alternative to traditional banking. Through blockchain, Nigerians can access peer-to-peer (P2P) financial services, participate in the global economy, and store value without the need for a centralised financial institution. This is particularly beneficial for the unbanked population, as it allows them to send and receive money, invest, and build wealth without needing access to a bank branch. By adequately regulating the cryptocurrency sector, Nigeria can create a more accessible, secure, and inclusive financial ecosystem that enables millions of Nigerians to engage in financial activities that were once out of reach.
A well regulated cryptocurrency market can also bring much-needed stability and confidence to Nigeria’s financial ecosystem, especially in the context of inflation and currency devaluation. The Nigerian Naira has experienced major volatility in recent years, leading many Nigerians to seek alternative stores of value to protect their wealth. Stablecoins, digital currencies pegged to the value of assets like the US dollar, present a viable solution to this problem. These digital assets offer a relatively stable store of value, shielding users from the rapid depreciation of the Naira. By enabling access to stablecoins in a regulated environment, Nigeria could provide its citizens with a hedge against inflation, especially in times of economic uncertainty. Moreover, cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin or Ethereum could offer investment opportunities for individuals who might not have the means to access traditional investment vehicles, like stocks or bonds. With clear regulations in place, these digital assets would not only increase financial literacy and awareness but also allow Nigerians to store, transfer, and transact in a more secure, transparent, and accessible manner, contributing to broader financial inclusion. Thus, cryptocurrency could move from a speculative asset into a vital tool for financial empowerment, especially for underserved and marginalised communities in Nigeria.
- Legal Clarity for Businesses and Investors
This represents one of the most pressing hurdles for crypto-related businesses in Nigeria. This lack of clarity surrounds the operation of digital assets and blockchain technology. Without a clear regulatory framework, entrepreneurs and businesses in the cryptocurrency space are often left in a legal grey area, unsure of their obligations, liabilities, and the potential risks they face. This uncertainty stifles innovation and discourages both local and foreign investment in the sector. For instance, the United States has created a relatively clear regulatory environment for cryptocurrencies, with agencies like the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) providing specific guidelines on how digital assets should be classified and taxed. This legal clarity has promoted a thriving crypto ecosystem, where businesses are able to operate with greater confidence, leading to the creation of large-scale companies like Coinbase and Ripple. In contrast, Nigeria’s lack of such clarity has forced many businesses to operate in a legal limbo, which hinders growth and limits the potential for technological advancements. By creating a comprehensive regulatory framework, the Nigerian government could signal to entrepreneurs and investors that the country is serious about encouraging a competitive and innovative crypto market, thus attracting global investors and giving local businesses the stability they need to scale and succeed.
For investors, the lack of clear regulation in Nigeria creates major risks, as there is no legal protection in place to ensure the legitimacy of projects or mitigate the threat of fraud and scams. The rise of Initial Coin Offerings (ICOs), Security Token Offerings (STOs), and the Non-Fungible Token (NFT) market has brought new investment opportunities but also increased the potential for malicious actors to exploit inexperienced investors. China and Singapore have taken proactive steps to regulate ICOs and other digital assets, with Singapore’s Monetary Authority introducing clear rules around token offerings, investor protections, and anti-money laundering (AML) measures (Nigeria and Africa can learn from them). This has led to a stable environment for investors and a thriving cryptocurrency market, with projects such as Chainlink and Aave operating successfully in Singapore. A similar regulatory approach in Nigeria would help reduce the risks associated with Ponzi schemes, pump-and-dump schemes, and unregistered projects, which have been rampant in many emerging markets due to the lack of oversight. Clear regulations would instill confidence among investors, knowing that their investments are being protected by legal frameworks and that they can pursue legal recourse in cases of fraud or misconduct. Additionally, a regulated environment would encourage institutional investment in digital assets, further legitimising Nigeria’s crypto market and driving long-term growth.
- Government Revenue through Taxation
Blockchain and cryptocurrency have the potential to be lucrative sources of government revenue, especially in a country like Nigeria, where the government is constantly seeking innovative ways to diversify income streams and reduce dependence on oil revenues. By instituting a clear regulatory framework for the crypto sector, the Nigerian government could impose taxes on crypto transactions, capital gains, and other related activities, similar to the approaches adopted by many developed nations. For instance, Germany treats Bitcoin as a private asset and taxes capital gains on crypto holdings, providing the government with additional revenue while encouraging long-term investment in digital assets. Similarly, in the United States, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) taxes cryptocurrency transactions as property, and this has contributed to a notable stream of revenue for federal and state governments. The introduction of taxes on crypto activities in Nigeria could help the government capture a portion of the rapidly expanding market while also formalising the sector, leading to a more transparent and stable environment. Given the high volume of crypto trading in Nigeria (some companies even pay their staff salaries using cryptos, as they accept crypto from investors), particularly in peer-to-peer markets, a well-structured tax regime could unlock substantial funds to finance public services, infrastructure, and development projects, boosting national economic growth.
Moreover, by adopting a pro-crypto regulatory framework, Nigeria could position itself as a regional hub for cryptocurrency and blockchain innovation in Africa. The continent is seeing an influx of global blockchain firms, as countries like Malta, Switzerland, and Singapore have attracted digital asset companies with favourable tax laws and regulatory clarity. Nigeria has the potential to tap into this growing market, which could lead to the establishment of new blockchain startups, fintech companies, and crypto exchanges in the country. For example, Luno, a leading global cryptocurrency exchange, has already made inroads into Nigeria, and regulatory clarity could encourage more international firms to set up operations in the country. This influx of businesses would create competitively high-paying jobs, boost local innovation, and stimulate investments in technology and education, resulting in an overall economic uplift. Additionally, attracting global blockchain companies would bring much-needed capital, expertise, and technology transfer to Nigeria’s growing tech ecosystem, powering a more vibrant and competitive economy. By positioning itself as a crypto hub, Nigeria could generate enormous tax revenues and strengthen its position as a leader in Africa’s digital economy.
- Boosting the Tech and Startup Ecosystem
Cryptocurrency, blockchain technology, and artificial intelligence (AI) are converging as part of the broader fintech revolution that is sweeping across Africa, and Nigeria, with its dynamic, tech-savvy population, is primed to benefit from this intersection. Countries like Estonia have used AI in tandem with blockchain to enhance government services and fintech solutions. For example, Estonia’s e-Residency program leverages both AI and blockchain to offer global entrepreneurs a secure, transparent, and automated system for starting and managing businesses remotely. In Singapore, AI-powered blockchain applications help to streamline financial services, including crypto trading platforms, smart contracts, and payment systems. Nigeria can harness this fusion of AI and blockchain to catalyse innovation, particularly through the development of decentralised applications (dApps), AI-driven crypto wallets, and automated systems that cater to both local and international markets. By encouraging the creation of AI-powered financial services and machine learning algorithms for data analysis, the government can enable Nigerian startups to build next-generation fintech solutions that improve efficiency, security, and scalability in ways that traditional systems CANNOT. This convergence of AI and blockchain empowers local entrepreneurs to create new revenue streams, optimise supply chains, and even revamp industries such as agritech, e-commerce, and logistics.
A supportive regulatory framework for cryptocurrency and blockchain can also attract global venture capital and angel investors who are increasingly looking to invest in the intersection of AI, blockchain, and fintech. Countries like the U.S., United Kingdom, and Singapore have attracted millions in investment by positioning themselves as global hubs for AI-driven fintech solutions. In the U.K., companies like Revolut and Monzo are already using AI to enhance user experience, predict market trends, and offer tailored financial advice to users. Similarly, Binance, the global cryptocurrency exchange, uses AI-based algorithms to detect fraudulent activity and optimise trading experiences. By adopting a regulatory framework that supports cryptocurrency and AI, Nigeria could become a magnet for global investors looking for opportunities to fund cutting-edge AI and blockchain startups. This would help Nigerian entrepreneurs scale their operations while driving the development of AI-powered financial tools that can tackle specific challenges within the African market, such as financial inclusion, cross-border payments, and mobile banking. As AI and blockchain technologies evolve together, Nigeria could emerge as the Silicon Valley of Africa, providing a hub for technological innovation that combines the power of AI, cryptocurrency, and blockchain to transform industries, create jobs, and drive economic growth.
Challenges to Effective Cryptocurrency Regulation
Despite the promising opportunities, there are several challenges that Nigeria must navigate to ensure effective and balanced cryptocurrency regulation.
- Regulatory Overreach
This stands out as the primary concerns for crypto enthusiasts, where overly restrictive policies could stifle innovation and drive businesses away. While regulation is essential for protecting investors, preventing fraud, and ensuring the security of the market, excessively stringent regulations can create a hostile environment for startups and entrepreneurs. Countries like Malta and Switzerland have successfully attracted global cryptocurrency businesses by adopting pro-crypto regulatory frameworks that emphasize transparency, security, and investor protection without imposing heavy burdens on businesses. Malta, often called the “Blockchain Island,” has built a robust legal framework for blockchain and cryptocurrency, providing legal certainty for businesses and entrepreneurs (Africa can learn from them). Similarly, Switzerland, with its Crypto Valley in Zug, offers a favourable regulatory environment that encourages innovation while maintaining strict anti-money laundering standards. In contrast, countries that have adopted harsh measures, like China, which has imposed outright bans on cryptocurrency exchanges and mining, have seen their markets move to more crypto-friendly jurisdictions. For Nigeria to avoid stifling its growing crypto sector, it must find the delicate balance between ensuring sufficient oversight and maintaining an open, conducive environment for innovation. Overly aggressive regulation could drive talent and investment to countries with clearer, more attractive policies, hindering the development of Nigeria’s crypto ecosystem.
- Lack of Infrastructure and Education
Despite the increasing adoption of cryptocurrency in Nigeria, major hurdles remain due to the lack of infrastructure and limited education on blockchain and digital assets. Many Nigerians are still unfamiliar with the intricacies of cryptocurrency trading, digital security, and the underlying blockchain technology, which can lead to skepticism or poor decision-making. Kenya, another African country with rising crypto adoption, has made notable strides in addressing these issues by promoting financial literacy programs and partnering with blockchain companies to educate the population about the opportunities and risks in digital finance. However, infrastructure remains a notable barrier, as many Nigerians still face bottlenecks with reliable internet access, which is basic for trading and securely managing digital assets. Additionally, the lack of secure exchanges and access to professional financial services leaves users vulnerable to scams and fraud. This is a challenge faced in India, where the rapid growth of crypto trading led to numerous fraud cases due to unregulated exchanges and a lack of consumer protection. To ensure the long-term success of cryptocurrency in Nigeria, the government, alongside industry players, must prioritise comprehensive educational programs and the development of secure, user-friendly infrastructure. These efforts should focus on improving financial literacy, teaching blockchain fundamentals, and providing training on safe crypto trading practices. Without these foundational elements in place, widespread adoption could be delayed, and Nigerians may fall prey to financial risks, ultimately undermining the growth of the digital economy.
- Risk of Financial Instability
The speculative nature of cryptocurrencies poses a huge risk to financial stability, particularly in emerging markets like Nigeria, where investor protections are often limited and the financial literacy gap is wide. In the absence of proper regulation, speculative trading can result in sharp market volatility, leaving uninformed investors vulnerable to significant financial losses, as seen in South Korea during the 2017 cryptocurrency boom. At that time, a surge in speculative trading led to market instability, prompting the South Korean government to implement stricter regulations, including banning anonymous crypto accounts and enforcing real-name trading. Similarly, in China, the speculative frenzy around crypto trading led to the government’s decision to crack down on exchanges and Initial Coin Offerings (ICOs), fearing it would destabilise the financial system. These measures, while aiming to protect investors and prevent market manipulation, also helped to curb rampant speculation. For Nigeria, it’s crucial to adopt a regulatory approach that balances investor protection with sector growth. The government could introduce safeguards such as mandatory disclosure of risks, investor accreditation for participation in high-risk assets, and guidelines to limit excessive leverage in crypto trading. These measures would help curb speculation while maintaining a nurturing environment for innovation and growth in the sector, similar to how Germany and Switzerland have implemented clear regulations that allow crypto markets to flourish but with enough oversight to prevent systemic risk. By taking a proactive approach, Nigeria can reduce the risk of financial instability while encouraging the growth of its digital economy.
- Security Concerns and Cybercrime
As cryptocurrency continues to gain popularity in Nigeria, the risks associated with cybercrime and fraud will inevitably increase, threatening both individual investors and the broader market. The decentralised and pseudonymous nature of cryptocurrencies makes them attractive targets for cybercriminals, and without robust security measures, Nigeria could see an uptick in incidents of hacking, scams, and identity theft, as seen in countries like Japan and South Korea. In Japan, the Coincheck hack in 2018 saw cybercriminals steal over $500 million worth of cryptocurrencies, highlighting the vulnerabilities of exchanges in an under-regulated environment. Similarly, in South Korea, the exchange Upbit faced multiple security breaches, leading to the loss of millions of dollars’ worth of digital assets, which seriously undermined investor confidence in the local market. For Nigeria to avoid these pitfalls, it is essential that the government and crypto businesses work together to implement robust cybersecurity frameworks. These measures should include two-factor authentication, regular security audits, insurance coverage for digital asset theft (new opportunities for insurance companies), and anti-fraud regulations that hold businesses accountable for safeguarding their customers’ funds. Additionally, education around digital security is important to ensure users understand how to protect their private keys and avoid falling victim to phishing scams and fake investment schemes. If left unaddressed, these security concerns could erode trust in the cryptocurrency space, potentially derailing Nigeria’s ambitions to become a leading player in the global crypto market. By prioritising cybersecurity and collaborative efforts between regulators and crypto firms, Nigeria can build a more secure, trustworthy ecosystem that promotes innovation while protecting its citizens and investors.
The Future Role of Blockchain in Nigeria’s Digital Economy
While the road ahead is fraught with challenges, the future of cryptocurrency and blockchain in Nigeria remains bright, offering the potential to model the country into a leading digital economy. A well-crafted regulatory environment will be key to unlocking these opportunities, striking a delicate balance between encouraging innovation and mitigating risks such as cybercrime and market instability. For instance, Estonia’s approach, where blockchain is embedded in e-governance, healthcare, and financial services, has demonstrated how blockchain can drive efficiency and transparency while maintaining regulatory oversight. Similarly, Rwanda has explored blockchain to improve transparency in supply chains, boosting trust in sectors like agriculture and trade. By drawing from these examples, Nigeria can build a framework that encourages blockchain adoption in areas like financial inclusion, healthcare, and government services. This would not only offer Nigerians with easier access to financial services but could also empower underserved communities, especially those without access to traditional banking systems. Furthermore, by educating the workforce and powering a culture of technological innovation, Nigeria can create a thriving ecosystem of blockchain startups and fintech companies, attracting global investment and talent. As Nigeria positions itself as a hub for blockchain and cryptocurrency innovation, it will play a crucial role in shaping the future of Africa’s digital economy, driving growth, creating jobs, and ensuring that the benefits of the digital revolution are felt across the continent. Through smart regulation, concise education, and an emphasis on technology-driven solutions, Nigeria can harness the full potential of blockchain to drive economic growth, improve public services, and position itself as a global leader in the digital economy.
In conclusion, the cryptocurrency space in Nigeria should be growing at an unprecedented pace, and with this should come the pressing need for a thoughtful and comprehensive regulatory framework. While challenges such as regulatory uncertainty, financial literacy gaps, and security concerns continue to pose major obstacles, the opportunities for Nigeria are immense. By establishing clear and balanced regulations, Nigeria can avoid the pitfalls seen in other regions while positioning itself as a leader in cryptocurrency adoption across Africa. This framework would promote a thriving digital economy and pave the way for a more inclusive financial system, offering millions of Nigerians access to decentralised financial services, greater economic opportunities, and increased participation in the global digital economy. Moreover, with the right investments in education, infrastructure, and cybersecurity, Nigeria can cultivate a robust tech ecosystem that attracts global investors and innovators, creating jobs, driving economic growth, and unlocking the immense potential of blockchain and digital currencies. As the country steers through the complexities of regulation, it holds the key to shaping a future where blockchain and cryptocurrency are powerful drivers of financial empowerment, technological advancement, and economic prosperity, not just for Nigeria but for the broader African continent.
Thank you for the huge investment in time. Please follow my Medium: https://medium.com/@roariyo and LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/olufemiariyo/ for more; or send an email to This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
The phrase “It’s the economy, stupid” gained prominence during Bill Clinton’s successful 1992 U.S. presidential campaign, thanks to strategist James Carville. It served as a directive to campaign staff, urging them to focus on key economic issues to sway voters. In a similar vein, the title of this piece—“Detty December: It’s the Currency Devaluation, Plain and Simple!”—is aimed at highlighting a core factor behind the recent surge in economic activities and festivities in Nigeria during December: the significant devaluation of the naira.
This devaluation prompted many Nigerians living abroad to return home to celebrate the holidays with their families, spurring an unprecedented wave of revelry and tourism. As I see it, this marks a tangible benefit of President Tinubu’s socioeconomic reforms. Without a doubt, December’s economic boom, particularly in Lagos, was fueled by diasporans’ spending and benefited various service providers, including hotels, car rental businesses, nightclubs, cruise operators, and food vendors. Even microeconomic activities saw funds trickling down the value chain, driven by the influx of diasporans escaping winter from overseas.
Until now, the positive impact of this devaluation had gone unnoticed or unacknowledged by many, especially critics who dismissed my earlier piece, “Governing Nigeria is Tough, But Tinubu is Achieving Remarkable Progress” (published in ThisDay on Christmas Day, 2024). In that article, I suggested that the Nigerian economy was beginning to thaw. However, some skeptics failed to appreciate the role the weaker naira played in the remarkable economic activities witnessed during December, particularly in Lagos.
With the naira trading between ₦1,166 and ₦1,750 to the dollar by December, the exchange rate was nearly four times what it was before Tinubu assumed office in May 2023. For diasporans, this provided a unique advantage. Take, for instance, a nurse or doctor in the UK who migrated (or “japa-ed”) and suddenly found their £1,000 paycheck converting to a minimum of ₦2 million at the rate of ₦2,000 to £1. Such individuals could easily afford a luxurious week-long stay in Nigeria, renting hotels or short-let apartments, hiring cars, enjoying boat cruises, dining out, and indulging in Lagos’ vibrant nightlife.
This windfall spending by diasporans, as highlighted in a recent revealing report, underscores the vital role currency devaluation played in creating the economic dynamism of December 2024. It’s a phenomenon that further validates the optimism expressed in my earlier commentary about Nigeria’s evolving economic landscape.
By now, many readers may have come across the insightful analysis of Nigeria’s economic activities during December 2024, particularly in Lagos. However, for those who might have missed this remarkable report—which has gone viral on social media and received significant attention in traditional media—I will summarize its key points to provide context for the discussion on how naira devaluation has driven positive economic outcomes.
One of the reports, authored by Mr. Kayode Osebi, a consultant to the Lagos State government on taxation and revenue, was reportedly commissioned by the Lagos State government. While the accuracy of the research cannot be independently verified, the data aligns with the economic realities experienced during December. Below are the highlights:
• Inbound Passenger Traffic: Between November 19 and December 26, 2024, Lagos Airport (MMA) recorded approximately 550,000 inbound passengers, 90% of whom were Nigerians in the diaspora visiting for leisure and tourism.
• Tourist Origin and Destinations: The top five originating countries were the U.S., Canada, Italy, South Africa, and the U.K., while Lagos, Edo, Delta, Ondo, and Ogun States were the top destination states. Lagos alone hosted an estimated 1.2 million tourists, 60% of whom were local tourists from the South East and FCT.
The report also noted that insecurity in the South East and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s presence in Lagos contributed to the influx of visitors.
• Hotel Revenue: Hotel bookings generated an estimated ₦54 billion ($36 million) in revenue, with 15,000 confirmed bookings in December. Guest spending on food and beverages amounted to ₦13.5 billion ($8 million), while the top 15 hotels accounted for ₦10.5 billion in bookings.
• Short-Let Apartments: Short-let apartment bookings were valued at ₦21 billion ($13 million) across 5,937 apartments, with an average daily rate of ₦120,000. Eko Atlantic ranked highest in residential bookings, while Banana Island recorded the highest estate bookings by value.
• Nightlife and Recreation: The top 15 lounges and nightclubs generated ₦4.32 billion ($2.7 million) in sales, with daily revenues averaging ₦360 million and table spends averaging ₦1.2 million. Beach and resort bookings brought in an additional ₦4.5 billion ($2.8 million), with Ilashe/Ibese and Elegushi beach houses leading in revenue.
Other highlights included:
• Event centers earning ₦1.2 billion ($804,000) from 1,175 bookings.
• Car rentals in the Eti-Osa area generating ₦1.5 billion ($937,500) from 750 high-end vehicle bookings, with daily rates reaching as high as ₦2 million.
• An additional ₦20 billion ($13 million) in revenue from recreational activities such as artist bookings, fine dining, boat rentals, and DJ services.
These figures, compiled by Mr. Osebi, align with another Lagos-based report titled The Economics of Detty December by GrowingNigeria.com. Both reports highlight the significant inflow of funds into the Nigerian economy during the festive period, particularly in Lagos, which served as the epicenter of the festivities.
What stands out most is the sheer scale of money injected into the economy by Nigerians in the diaspora. Instead of enduring the cold winters in Europe and North America, many returned home to celebrate with their families, spurring economic growth. Their spending fueled a near-carnival atmosphere, attracting Afrobeat enthusiasts and tourists from around the world, reminiscent of how reggae music was popularized globally in the 1990s by icons like Bob Marley.
The Bigger Picture.
To fully appreciate the significance of Detty December, it is essential to consider its broader economic implications. A summary of the referenced report captures it succinctly:
“Detty December has evolved from a simple season of family time and Christmas jollof into a global attraction for diasporans, tourists, and Afrobeat lovers. Whether through concerts, beach parties, weddings, or fashion shows, this cultural phenomenon has become a time to experience everything Nigeria has to offer. But beyond the good vibes, have you ever stopped to think about the economics of it all?”
This lighthearted description transitions into a deeper discussion about the massive inflow of foreign exchange into the Nigerian economy. Once converted into naira, these funds were used for lifestyle and entertainment, creating significant economic benefits, particularly for Lagos.
Clearly, Detty December in Nigeria did not commence in 2024. But the exceptional turnout and outcome of the celebrations last december have been exceptional. That is because of the naira devaluation under Tinubu’s watch. Not many commentators including the authors of the headlines hugging reports viewed the Detty December phenomenon from that prism.
Conventionally, nations prefer their currencies to be weak to boost exports and trade because the lower the value of a country’s currency, the more she will be exporting as lower costs attract importers. This can help stimulate economic growth, create jobs, and improve the trade balance.
Critics may argue that Nigeria need not devalue her currency simply because it has nothing substantial to export, except crude/refined petroleum products which in anycase the price is being determined by the Organization of Oil Producing Countries,OPEC.
I would argue that such a point of view is not exactly correct. That is because the huge number of Nigerian professionals in health care and Fintech migrating abroad are actually our exports. India and the Philipines generate enormous revenue from their human resources working in the diaspora.
The potentials of Nigeria’s diaspora population is evidenced by the CBN data cited by the authors/researchers of the Detty December survey where it was noted that over $20 billion was remitted by diasporan Nigerians back home in 2022 and reflective of how the economic landscape of Lagos was impacted for good last december.
In light of the above, is it not preprostrous that there was a time when the agenda of some of our political leaders during campaigns was making the naira exhange rate to be at par with the dollar i.e N1 equal to $1?
Thankfully, president Tinubu is not one of those romantizing the so called good old days of the naira exchange rate being higher than the pound sterling and dollar.
In conclusion, Detty December has showcased the untapped potential of Nigeria’s tourism sector. With the right policies and infrastructure, the nation could transform this seasonal boom into a year-round driver of economic growth.
Tragic December: Lessons for Nigeria’s Tourism Potential.
Before diving further into the economic gains generated by Detty December in Nigeria, it’s important to reflect on the tragedies that marred the same period. In my column titled “Tragic December: Why Can’t Palliatives Be Distributed Dangote Way?”, I addressed the unfortunate loss of over 70 lives in stampedes during food and palliative distribution events in Ibadan, Abuja, and Okija between December 18 and 21.
These avoidable tragedies underscore the urgent need for Nigeria’s national and subnational governments to enact laws regulating the distribution of aid to prevent such disasters in the future. Similar historical incidents, such as the 1929 St. Valentine’s Day Massacre in Chicago, prompted legal reforms in the U.S. to safeguard lives during public events. Nigerian lawmakers should take inspiration from such examples and establish regulations to prevent harm during public gatherings.
The heartbreaking losses during December meant that many families were plunged into mourning during what should have been a time of celebration. This stark contrast highlights the need to ensure that future festivities are not tainted by avoidable tragedies.
The Economics of Detty December.
Returning to the report titled “The Economics of Detty December” by a firm known as GrowingNigeria, the document reveals the massive economic boost generated by festive activities, particularly in Lagos. The editors highlighted how Detty December has evolved into a major economic driver, attracting foreign currency and stimulating various industries.
Key Insights:
1. Diaspora Contributions: Nigerians in the diaspora, carrying foreign currencies, are central to the December economic boom. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) reported diaspora remittances exceeding $20 billion in 2023, a significant portion of which flowed in during the festive season.
2. Tourism and Spending: Dollars, pounds, and euros exchanged at airports and POS machines across Lagos fueled spending on flights, hotels, events, and cultural activities. Custom-made outfits (aso-ebi) for weddings and events further benefited local artisans.
3. Ripple Effects: Industries such as hospitality, logistics, events, and even local crafts saw significant liquidity. As the report noted: “Detty December is more than a social calendar; it is a money-making machine.”
Unlocking Nigeria’s Tourism Potential by replicating Detty December financial boom nation wide.
The economic success of Detty December underscores Nigeria’s untapped tourism potential. However, the benefits are currently concentrated in Lagos. To fully harness tourism, the following steps must be prioritized:
1. Addressing Insecurity: The lingering insecurity in Nigeria, particularly in the northern regions, must be tackled. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu must work to dissuade religious insurgents through persuasion and economic opportunities rather than relying solely on military force.
• Example from Islamic Countries: Countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Egypt, despite being Islamic nations, have leveraged tourism as a significant income source. For instance, Saudi Arabia earned $36 billion from tourism in 2023, contributing 11.5% to its GDP.
2. Tourism as a Tool for Peace: By creating job opportunities in tourism, the government can redirect those involved in insurgency toward productive activities. Former militants could serve as tour guides or offer other services, as seen in the Middle East and North Africa.
3. Diversifying Tourism Beyond Lagos: Authorities should promote tourism nationwide, leveraging Nigeria’s vast cultural and natural attractions. Lagos should remain a hub, but other states with rich histories and unique landmarks must also be developed as tourism destinations.
Comparisons to Global Tourism Earnings.
Despite Nigeria’s size and cultural wealth, its tourism revenue in 2022 was only $17.3 billion, representing just 3.6% of its GDP. This pales in comparison to:
• Saudi Arabia: $36 billion (11.5% of GDP in 2023)
• UAE: AED 220 billion (11.7% of GDP in 2023)
• Egypt: $15 billion (2023)
With strategic planning, improved security, and proper investments, Nigeria could significantly increase its tourism revenues and reduce reliance on oil.
Detty December has proven that tourism is a viable path for Nigeria’s economic growth. The challenge now lies in extending its benefits nationwide while addressing the structural issues holding the sector back.
We can emulate Egypt which is an African country deeply rooted in lslam yet they welcome foreigners as tourists to live amongst them.
In Egypt for instance, there is a city known as Sham El Shek. It is a purpose built location for european tourists who have established their winter homes over there. Currently , owing to climate change effects, europe and north America -USA and Canada are frozen with the elderly ones anxious to relocate to countries with more clement weather.
The weather and environment of Sham El Shek is not different from what is obtainable in Kaduna and kano states in Nigeria.
There are even tourist locations such as Tiga Dam around Kaduna and Kano.
Ordinarily, the europeans spending their winter in Egypt could have done the same in Nigeria.
But they are unable to do so owing to insecurity imposed on the areas by religous extremists and bandits including herders-famers engaging in violent clashes.
The same panacea being proposed for the northern parts of Nigeria applies to the Unknown Gunmen , ravaging the south east also known as separatists and environmental rights activist who have become militants in the Niger Delta.
The faith based institutions and priests in those regions also have a role to play in persuading the angry Nigerians engaged in rebellion against our country in multiple guises, that it is time to give peace a chance so that we can all harness the immense potentials of our beloved country for the greater good of all.
Magnus Onyibe, a public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, (2003-2007) sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.
To continue with this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng.
“Why sale of Port Harcourt Refinery to Dangote was cancelled by President Yar’Adua by Femi Falana” – VANGUARD, January 4, 2025
I never thought a situation would arise which would induce me to come to the defence of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited, NNPCL. But, this page started with a pledge to adhere to the basic principles of journalism, which is facts are sacred; comments are free. We have tried to maintain that principle; despite the occasional emotional reactions of the officials who are carpeted on this page. Former President Obasanjo’s attack on the NNPC and late President Yar’Adua is one of those rare examples when NNPC must be defended.
First of all, my sincere appreciation goes to Femi Falana, SAN, whose rejoinder to OBJ in the VANGUARD, cited above, has partly exonerated the NNPCL.
Posterity will someday recognise Falana as one of the greatest lawyers of our era. He had, in that short piece, exposed the corruption behind the purported sale of the refinery to Dangote for $750 million. One does not need to be versed in law; neither is it necessary to have a great grasp of the English language to understand that what Obasanjo called a sale was in reality a scam.
“If I were to try to read, much less answer, all the attacks made on me, this shop might as well be closed for any other business”.
US President Abraham Lincoln, 1809-1865.
However, before going further, I must advise the Board and Management of the NNPCL to develop appropriate thick skin to criticisms. In a situation in which every decision affects various groups differently, for good or ill, it is out of question to expect losers to join the praise singing or for winners to see anything wrong with the decision. Invariably, there are very few neutral observers.
More to the point, it is difficult for me to understand why the current managers of the NNPCL felt called upon to publish rejoinders to Obasanjo’s outburst when most of it referred to decisions made long before any of them got into office. Two Presidents – Jonathan and Buhari – had the opportunity to revisit Yar Adua’s decision, which was most patriotic, and they did not reverse it. So, what has the current NNPCL managers got to do with it? They should simply have ignored Baba.
“Truth that’s told with bad intent/ Beats all the lies you can invent.” William Blake, 1757-1827.
NNPCL should have left OBJ to Falana and Dele Sobowale; who know a lot more about why the former president is still sore about the sale of the refinery.
As Falana pointed out, the former President co-opted the statutory functions of the Vice-President by giving the excuse that he wanted to eradicate corruption in the privatisation process. He did the same with the Petroleum Development Trust Fund, PDTF. Yet, a Senate ad hoc Committee, headed by Senator Daisy Danjuma had this to say about PDTF under Obasanio.
“I was shocked, disturbed at the extent of gross abuse of office, privileges and misapplication of public funds by both the President and Vice President…PDTF was paying for services outside its mandate.” PDP:
CORRUPTION INCORPORATED, P. 19S). Incidentally, page 197 of the book has information vital to a current case of defamation now trending. Somebody close to Obasanjo must be very careful. Reputation once considered rock solid is in jeopardy. Just as Obasanjo was intentionally hypocritical and used the office of Nuhu Ribadu, Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, to cover his involvement in the controversial PDTF funds case he was not totally honest about why 51 % shares in two refineries were sold on May 17 and 28 respectively. Keen observers would notice that the second sale, on May 28, 2007, was made on Obasanjo’s last day in office when all the organs of government which should have been involved have shut down. Again as Falana rightly pointed out, the shares in the Port Harcourt refinery sold for $516 dollars were estimated to be worth $5 billion. It is baffling how anybody who disposed of public assets worth $5 billion for $516 million can still go around talking as if he was acting in the national interest. We all know what would have happened to such a man in China or Singapore!
SALE OF OIL BLOCK
“$2 billion oil block sold at $5 million”. The NATION, July 31, 2008.
The sub-head to the story said: “The DPR chief, Obasanjo directed sale”. The rest of the story read as follows: “The House of Representatives Ad Hoc Committee probing the oil sector heard yesterday how a $2.28 billion [then, N296.4 billion; now N3.476 trillion] was sold to a Chinese firm for $5 million by some workers of the Directorate of Petroleum Resources, DPR”
Further, one Tony Chukwueke, a Director of the DPR, said the “block was awarded on the directive of former President Olusegun Obasanjo.” The full disclosure about this deal is available on pages 290 to 292 of PDP: CORRUPTION INCORPORATED, which was published in 2011. The truth is, when Obasanjo took the unprecedented step of appointing himself Minister of Petroleum Resources, he claimed that the aim was to wipe out corruption in the sector. Probes by Ad Hoc Committees of the Senate and House of Representatives have proved beyond reasonable doubt that instead of eradicating corruption, Obasanjo encouraged it. Before you start thinking that another Dele is fishing in troubled waters, just read the book. It is available online. You will be amazed that a former official who has so many skeletons in the archives of the National Assembly, NASS, would still be pointing accusing fingers at a sector in which his government established a new template for corruption.
DELIBERATE NEGLECT OF TURN AROUND MAINTENANCE
“TAM contract awards: More sacrifices on the altar of greed.”
When Obasanjo decided on fuel subsidy removal and proposed to privatise the four refineries, his government released a document which made several revelations. Pages 283 to 288 of PDP: CORRUPTION INCORPORATED were based on a document titled REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON THE REVIEW OF PETROLEUM PRODUCTS SUPPLY AND DISTRIBUTION which was released by the Federal Government in October 2000.
I must confess to receiving a copy plus briefing before other columnists from late Mr Tuni Oseni, the President’s Senior Special Adviser before it was widely distributed. Read my book; and you would be shocked at the depth of deliberate sabotage at the highest levels of government.
Because of space constraints, I will limit myself to only one issue – Turn Around Maintenance, TAM. The last TAM was in 1994 before 1999. TAMs were last carried out regularly under Babangida. Obasanjo undertook only one – which was not full – before deciding to privatise and sold one to his crony. The refineries were deliberately allowed to run down; they operated at about eighteen per cent of installed capacity; in order to provide the excuse for selling them as scrap to a benefactor. Read the truth and you will feel sorry for Nigeria for having such a leader at a critical point in our history.
I am a member of the foreign relations think tank, the Society for International Relations Awareness, SIRA. Its membership is made up primarily of retired ambassadors, Emeritus Professors, academics, former Permanent Secretaries, political scientists and lawyers. There is just a sprinkling of other professionals such as the military and trade unions. About four years ago, SIRA founding President, Professor Nuhu Omeiza Yaqub, former Vice Chancellor, University of Abuja, UNIABUJA and, later, Sokoto State University, called me. He wanted to visit me at home. I protested that it was I as one of his mentees that should visit him. He insisted on the visit. What he said shocked me. The elders of SIRA had consulted and had decided that I should be the next president of the organisation. I gave some reasons why I could not be SIRA President, including the fact that I had not even been a member of the Executive Board. Yaqub brushed aside my objections saying I had no choice in the matter. He added in his characteristic humour that since Nigeria is a democracy, I had the right to protest against my nomination at the convention.
He had no airs and was ever ready to assist people. In January 2024, I sent him an urgent text message. A group of us in Nigeria had decided to organise The International Lenin Centenary Conference to commemorate the January 21, 1924 passing of Vladimir Lenin, the man who led the first Socialist Revolution in the world. I asked if despite the very short notice of a few weeks, he could present the Keynote Address. Within hours, he sent me theme of his presentation: “Labour Aristocracy and the Denouement of Democratic Politics in Nigeria: Marxism-Leninism to the Rescue.”
Some months later, SIRA decided to organise an International Conference for the Eradication of Colonialism on Earth. The theme was: “The Forgotten Peoples: International Conference to Decolonize the World.” We zeroed in on Professor Ibrahim Gambari, last Chair, UN Special Committee Against Apartheid and former UN Special Envoy to Cyprus, Zimbabwe and Myanmar. To secure the consent of the quite busy international envoy, Prof Yaqub led a delegation to Prof Gambari.
Prof was a very active advocate of various causes, including those for the total independence of Western Sahara and, the lifting of the six-decade embargo against Cuba by the United States. I recall that in 2019, the Nigerian Movement of Solidarity with Cuba had a public campaign for Cuba in the Nasarawa State University, Keffi. Prof drove there to express his solidarity. He just could not stand by and watch people suffer.
In 1992, a young public servant, Olusola Magbadelo, based on the perspective of the ‘Home-grown Democratization Theory’ presented a paper on the Transition Programme of the Babangida regime. It was at the International Political Science Association Conference. He got jeers and condemnation, left the hall head bowed with a sense of dejection.
It was in that state of despair, someone approached him outside the hall, commended him for the bravery he displayed and enquired why he was not in a doctoral programme. That was how he met Yaqub.
“In 2024, that is 15 years after he had left UNIABUJA, a professor pasted on the Professors WhatsApp page, a photograph he took with Yaqub; what followed was an avalanche of testimonies highlighting his humanness, commitment to merit, mentorship and sense of social justice”
Magbadelo told him that he was shortlisted for the 1994/1995 Commonwealth scholarship to support his PhD programme in Canada. Yaqub advised him to start the doctoral programme locally while awaiting the Commonwealth scholarship. Yaqub who was then the Head of Political Science, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, obtained the institution’s postgraduate form and sent it to Magbadelo. The latter was admitted into Danfodio in 1994. Shortly afterwards, the Commonwealth Scholarship programme for Nigerian scholars was cancelled as Canada pulled out of Nigeria in protest against the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election and, the 1995 execution of environmentalist, Ken Saro-Wiwa. So, Yaqub’s advice and action turned out to be providential. As his main supervisor, he helped Magbadelo secure the research grant to support his comparative study of the democratisation processes in Nigeria and South Korea. When the latter’s workload in the civil service from 1998 made him to abandon the PhD programme, Yaqub, whenever he was in Abuja, ensured he met Magbadelo to pressure him to resume his PhD programme. When he eventually did, Yaqub and his family hosted his student whenever he was in Sokoto and arranged accommodation for him in the University Guest House. These acts enabled Magbadelo to complete his Political Science doctoral programme in 2001.
When Yaqub was UNIABUJA Vice Chancellor, Professors Ohaire and Aliyu Hussaini who were travelling to attend the College of Education, Okene, convocation ceremony, died in a motor accident. Yaqub did not only ensure befitting funeral rites, but also offered jobs to the families of the academics.
In 2024, that is 15 years after he had left UNIABUJA, a professor pasted on the Professors WhatsApp page, a photograph he took with Yaqub. What followed was an avalanche of testimonies highlighting his humanness, commitment to merit, mentorship and sense of social justice.
On Monday, December 2, 2024 I was with Yaqub at the 70th Birthday programme of Professor Jibrin ‘Jibo’ Ibrahim. We agreed to meet to update ourselves on events. He was also active in at least three other programmes leading to the New Year. So, nothing prepared me for the shock on Saturday, January 4, 2025 that he had marched on.
At his January 11, 2024 Fidau prayer, the crowds gathered. The diplomats included the 74th United Nations General Assembly President, Tijjani Muhammad- Bande; Cuban Ambassador Miriam Morales Palmero and Western Sahara First Secretary Hamahu-Allah Mohamed. The political class included former Education Minister, Professor Tunde Adeniran, former Niger State Governor Babangida Aliyu and two Commissioners representing Kogi State Governor Usman Ododo. Also present was prolific author, Dr Buka Usman and trade unionists Chris Uyot, Hauwa Mustapha and Denja Yaqub. Civil Society leaders included Mma Odi. The Amilcar Cabral Ideological School sent a three-person delegation. Academics expectedly thronged the venue. They included Professors Adele Jinadu, Bolade Eyinla and Jibrin Ibrahim. The SIRA family included Professor Warisu Alli and Rear Admiral Anthony Isa, who gave the vote of thanks.
Professor Abubakar Suleiman, Director General of the National Institute of Legislative and Democratic Studies, said Yaqub had so much humility that even when he wanted to minute to a messenger, he would begin with the word ‘Please’.
In response to the messages of appreciation heaped on him by UNIABUJA professors, Professor Yaqub had responded in October, 2024: “My obsession in this earthly world is to beseech God not to allow me to fall below the high estimation that each of THESE MY COLLEAGUES have bestowed upon me. God, kindly allow me to come back to You in the Hereafter in this blaze of integrity and performance quotients that my colleagues have heaped on me.”