OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

Alhaji Buba Galadima, an outspoken politician and self-confessed insider of many conspiracies, recently raised an alarm alleging that the current downward trend of food prices was a conspiracy by the Tinubu administration to impoverish the Northern part of Nigeria. Food prices are going down. Many ordinary Nigerians are happy with the development. But people like Galadima see it as an opportunity to sell another of his many fibs about north/south dichotomy.

Many of our politicians would be nothing without the weaponisation of ethnicity and religion. No matter their level of education, the only way many of them can attract any kind of following is when they set brother against brother, tribe against tribe, Imam against pastor. They think it’s all part of the game of politics, whereas, it is the very lives of the people that are at stake. What makes Galadima’s allegation even more tragic is that he has all the education and career attainment to qualify as a beacon of the society but has chosen instead to spread darkness.

 
 

A Building Engineering graduate of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Galadima has held many choice public offices in Nigeria. He hails from Gashua, the town in Yobe State made famous when the human rights lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, was incarcerated there. He worked with the Rivers State government in 1975 and has been a Director of Ajaokuta Steel Company and Director-General of NIMASA. He was the national youth leader of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) during the Second Republic and national financial secretary of the National Republican Convention (NRC), during the Third Republic.

More recently, he was the national secretary of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), which was founded in 2009 and merged, four years later, with the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), a faction of the PDP called the N-PDP, and a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) to form the All Progressives Congress (APC). He is one of the nine signatories that signed the merger agreement.

By all local standards, Alhaji Galadima has paid his dues in the political arena, even if the public is entitled to ask, what dues, or in aid of what?

Following the presidential election of April 2011, Galadima protested that the vote was rigged and that the CPC would not accept the results until a comprehensive audit had been conducted. INEC had announced that Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP won 22,495,187 votes, while Muhammadu Buhari of the CPC had won just 12,214,853. There were outbreaks of violence across Northern Nigeria after the elections, with many deaths. Buhari and Galadima were accused of orchestrating the killings.

By 2017, Galadima had decamped to PDP and was appointed a spokesperson of the party. On February 24, 2019, twenty-four hours after the 2019 presidential election was conducted, Galadima recklessly announced on his social media handles that the PDP presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, had won the elections, even as results were still being collated by the Independent National Electoral Commission. He was later arrested.

While Alhaji Galadima’s eloquence and doggedness are incontrovertible, his style is alarmist and reckless.
A survey of the Nigerian food market revealed that there has been a 40 percent drop in food prices between December 2024 and March 2025. That ought to be cheering news!
What kind of politics is this Galadima brand that expects me to start protesting against the government when food prices are going down? Imagine if the government had not taken timely measures to ensure adequate food supply for the Ramadan season! Is there something else, unknown to the rest of us that is propelling Galadima, the perpetual ‘insider’?

“The government has started massive food importation, and this will make the economy of the North, which depends on agriculture, to dwindle as many won’t be able to farm to gain any meaningful profit”, said Galadima, who is also a farmer. Perhaps what he expects is that since the wave of banditry sweeping through many parts of the country has negatively affected food production, the government should just fold its arms and we should all engage in dry fasting until Galadima harvests his crops next season.
He accused President Tinubu of deliberately causing a sharp fall in food prices to undermine the economy of Northern Nigeria. He alleged that the policy is part of a broader strategy to weaken the North’s economic stability. He was visibly upset that Nigeria’s cost-of-living crisis recently eased for the first time since May 2023, offering an unexpected respite for households.

His claim elicited mixed reactions from Nigerians, many of who accused him of being part of the cabal profiting from the misery of the poor in Nigeria. One social media respondent, Amina Adamu, pointedly accused him of being a hoarder and a shylock merchant.

“Surely, there is a sign that he has hidden food, and by the grace of God, you will see, you will lose more than that”, said Amina. “If the poor will get better, Alhamdulilah! May God break those who play hide and seek.”

There are those who continue to make the academic argument that opening the borders to food imports will discourage local production. However, the answer to the current spate of banditry which has badly affected food production is complete routing of the criminals. Until that is done, Nigerians have to be fed.
In their bid to fully decode the complex persona of this intriguing politician, many Nigerians have zeroed in on his business activities. They draw attention to Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/1136/2019 at the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja in which the court ordered AMCON to take over the assets of Bedko Nigeria Limited, one of Galadima’s companies. Bedko Nigeria Limited and Buba Galadima owed AMCON about N900 million. The order, which was granted to AMCON by Justice A.I. Chikere, also gave the government recovery agency the power to take over some properties belonging to the politician, including House No. 15, Addis Ababa Crescent, Wuse Zone 4, Abuja, and House No. 4, Bangui Street, Wuse 2 also in Abuja.
Nigerians, who have watched helplessly over the years as big political camels passed effortlessly through the eye of the needle, swore that Galadima was too big to be forced to pay his debts and that the court’s judgement ceding his company and other assets to AMCON was government’s way of reminding him that he wasn’t as squeaky clean as he wanted the world to be and that his soft underbelly was not unreachable.

Buba Galadima is a journalist’s delight any day and I hope Providence preserves him on this side of the divide for many more years. The fact that, in spite of his wide political experience, he has wrongly predicted the winner of Nigeria’s presidential elections on at least three separate occasions should teach him to sip the waters of humility. He is one politician who can be said to possess a functional brain – which is more than can be said of many of his colleagues.

In a 2015 interview, he boasted: “No politician has ever suffered the kind of calamities I went through in the country. I was arrested, detained and harassed about 38 times.”

In whipping up primitive ethnic sentiments over the reduction of food prices, however, he should tarry awhile to benefit from the counsel of this student of the university of life: Courage is to the brave what recklessness is to the foolish.

 

The Nigerian political landscape has been plagued by constant defections among party members, with loyalty often shifting based on personal interests rather than ideological alignment.

The absence of a strong political ideology has led to a situation where politicians frequently move from one party to another in search of power, relevance, or personal gain. A notable example is the political journey of Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, former Governor of Kaduna State, whose recent defections from the All Progressive Congress (APC) to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) reflect the larger instability within Nigeria’s party system.

Nigeria’s political parties lack clear-cut ideological foundations, making them platforms for personal ambition rather than institutions that uphold specific principles. Unlike advanced democracies where parties are defined by conservative, liberal, or socialist ideologies, Nigerian parties operate more as vehicles for political survival. This has led to an endless cycle of defections whenever politicians feel sidelined or their ambitions threatened.

Mallam Nasir El-Rufai’s political history is a reflection of this trend. He started his political career under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), where he served as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) under President Olusegun Obasanjo. However, following internal party disputes and a period of self-exile, he defected to the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), a party led by Muhammadu Buhari. Later, he joined the merger that formed the All Progressives Congress (APC), where he became the Governor of Kaduna State.

Despite his contributions to the APC, recent developments suggest tensions within the party, with speculation about his next political move. His recent defections to APC was not surprising, as such shifts have become a norm among Nigerian politicians.
There are factors for political defections in Nigeria:

1. Absence of Ideology: Since political parties do not operate based on principles or philosophies, politicians see them as mere platforms for contesting elections.

2. Personal Interests: Politicians defect when their ambitions are threatened, or they seek better opportunities elsewhere.

3. Godfatherism and Internal Party Struggles: Conflicts between powerful figures within parties often force members to leave in search of greener pastures.

4. Electoral Survival: When politicians sense that their party may lose an upcoming election, they jump ship to align with the expected winner.

5. Political Persecution: Some defections occur to evade investigations either from EFCC, ICPC,, or sanctions from ruling parties.

Consequences of Party Instability

The lack of political stability in Nigeria has several negative consequences:

Weak Democracy: The absence of ideological commitment weakens democracy, as parties fail to offer clear governance alternatives.

Lack of Policy Continuity: Frequent defections result in policy inconsistencies, as new administrations often abandon their predecessors’ projects.

Loss of Public Trust: The electorate becomes disillusioned when politicians prioritize personal gain over national development.

Political Confusion: Voters struggle to differentiate between parties, making informed electoral choices difficult.

The Way Forward

To address the problem of political defections, Nigeria must:

Enforce Party Discipline: Political parties must develop strong internal structures that discourage indiscriminate defections.

Promote Ideological Politics: Parties should be built on clear principles that guide policies and governance.

Strengthen Electoral Laws: Laws should be enacted to limit mid-term defections, ensuring political stability.

Encourage Political Awareness:

Citizens should demand accountability from politicians and vote based on ideology rather than personality.

Lastly, the constant wave of defections in Nigeria’s political space is a symptom of the lack of ideology among its political parties. El-Rufai’s journey through multiple parties highlights the fluidity of political loyalty in the country. Until parties define their core principles and politicians commit to them, the cycle of defections will continue, undermining Nigeria’s democracy and governance.

Nigeria’s political landscape is no stranger to robust debates, criticisms, and counterarguments. However, when constructive criticisms are met with Ad Hominem attacks rather than reasoned rebuttals, democracy suffers. This unfortunate trend has become glaringly evident in the Federal Government’s (FG) recurrent responses to former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s critiques.

Obasanjo, a statesman with a storied history in Nigeria’s governance, has never shied away from speaking his mind. Whether one agrees with his views or not, his criticisms, often rooted in his experience and perspective, ought to be engaged with facts, logic, and counterpoints. Unfortunately, the Nigerian government’s responses to Obasanjo have frequently taken the form of personal attacks, character assassination, and diversionary rhetoric. This approach does not serve the public interest and only deepens the perception of a government unwilling to engage in intellectual discourse.

A critical look at past engagements between Obasanjo and the FG reveals a disturbing pattern of name-calling and deflection. Rather than addressing the substance of his criticisms, government spokespersons often resort to attacking Obasanjo’s person, his past leadership, or his perceived shortcomings.

 

For instance, in July 2019, Obasanjo wrote an open letter to President Muhammadu Buhari, warning of rising insecurity in Nigeria. He highlighted the increasing cases of terrorism, banditry, and ethnic violence, urging the government to take urgent steps to address the crisis before the nation spiraled into chaos.

Rather than acknowledging the valid concerns raised, the FG, through its spokespersons, dismissed the letter as the ramblings of an embittered former leader. The response included accusations that Obasanjo was merely seeking relevance and attempting to destabilize the government. Lai Mohammed, the then Minister of Information, derided the former president, implying that he was a hypocrite who failed to tackle insecurity during his own tenure.

The core issues raised in the letter, and how to decisively tackle the worsening security situation, were left unaddressed. Instead, the response deflected attention to Obasanjo’s past rather than presenting a coherent counterargument or outlining concrete steps to improve security.

 

In a similar vein, in January 2023, following the general elections, Obasanjo criticized the electoral process, raising concerns about the credibility of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and calling for remedial actions to uphold democracy. This was a crucial intervention in a period when Nigerians were expressing disillusionment with electoral transparency.

Again, rather than engaging with the substantive issues, the FG’s response was laced with vitriol. Presidential aides dismissed Obasanjo as a meddlesome “political busybody” and accused him of attempting to install his own preferred candidates. The government completely sidestepped discussions on the election’s credibility and the concerns raised by both local and international observers. It was another missed opportunity for constructive engagement.

Also in a similar vein, in 2020, Obasanjo criticized the economic direction of the Buhari administration, particularly the growing debt profile and the lack of economic diversification. He cautioned against Nigeria’s increasing reliance on foreign loans, warning that it could lead to economic enslavement.

 

Rather than addressing these warnings with economic data or a roadmap for managing the country’s finances, the FG’s response was dismissive and laced with personal jabs. The presidency accused Obasanjo of hypocrisy, referencing the debt Nigeria accumulated under his watch while ignoring the key point of rising debt without corresponding economic growth.

In fact, the Federal Government’s recent response to former President Obasanjo’s criticism of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway project is fundamentally flawed. Attacking a respected elder statesman for expressing his views, rather than engaging with the substance of his concerns, demonstrates a disregard for constructive criticism and democratic discourse. Obasanjo’s experience and insights into governance are valuable, and flippantly dismissing his opinions with a flippant is unarguably disrespectful and counterproductive.

Furthermore, the government’s defensiveness, particularly the Minister’s personalizing of the criticism by claiming “if someone calls this project fraudulent, they are also calling me a fraud,” suggests an unwillingness to accept scrutiny. Transparency and accountability are essential for public trust, and a mature response would involve addressing Obasanjo’s specific concerns about wastefulness and corruption with detailed evidence and reasoned arguments, not resorting to personal attacks and dismissive pronouncements.

 

Without a doubt, the repeated pattern of Ad Hominem responses from the FG reveals an unfortunate reluctance to engage in serious discourse. This is dangerous for several reasons.

First, it discourages constructive criticism.  When public figures who speak out are met with personal attacks rather than rational debate, it creates a chilling effect. Other stakeholders, including civil society and the media, may become wary of critiquing the government for fear of similar backlash.

In a similar vein, it undermines democracy. This is as a healthy democracy thrives on debates, disagreements, and discourse. Therefore, when government officials choose insults over engagement, they erode the democratic culture of accountability and transparency.

 

Also in a similar vein, it distracts from real issues. By attacking the messenger, the FG often ignores the message. This lack of engagement means critical national issues, whether insecurity, the economy, or governance, remain unaddressed while political mudslinging takes center stage.

Having opined as much as harangued in this context, it is germane to sound a note of warning that the way forward is for the FG to always respond with facts, not insults, when critiqued.

In fact, if the FG is confident in its policies and governance, it should have no difficulty responding to criticisms with facts. In the view of this writer, the government can change its approach by engaging criticism with data, acknowledge criticism and improve in the area or areas they were faulted of, and encourage intellectual discourse.

 

Explanatorily put, if Obasanjo criticizes the economic trajectory, the FG should provide verifiable data showing why his concerns are misplaced or exaggerated. Simply calling him a hypocrite does nothing to educate the Nigerian populace.

In a similar vein, not every critique is baseless. Instead of outright dismissals, the government can acknowledge valid points and outline measures being taken to address them.

Also in a similar vein, it is not a misnomer to opine that Nigeria needs a political culture that encourages robust and fact-based discussions. The presidency should set the tone by engaging critics constructively rather than reducing public discourse to name-calling.

 

In fact, the FG’s repeated use of Ad Hominem attacks against Obasanjo’s criticisms is not just counterproductive, it is a disservice to Nigerians. Whether one agrees with Obasanjo’s views or not, the issues he raises deserve serious engagement, not flippant insults. If the government truly serves the people, then it must prioritize responding with reason, facts, and solutions rather than indulging in personal attacks.

Against the backdrop of the foregoing view, it is not a misnomer to conclude that is time for the FG to elevate its discourse and prove that it is a government capable of engaging in rational debate. Anything less is a betrayal of democratic principles.

The grouse Nigerians hold against their government has never been limited to the executive arm of government despite the abundance of evidence that it is the most powerful arm of government which usually dictates the direction other arms of government will take.

While democracy predicts and prescribes separation of powers and checks and balances as necessary preservatives for democracy, these lines as salutary as they are or promise to be become easily blurred or pale into insignificance, especially when the executive is a bully, which bludgeons other arms of government into submission.

Thus, over the years, as much as Nigerians have learnt to make the executive consisting of the presidency and governors and all agencies of state at all levels the target of their ire, the judiciary, and legislature have not been spare and for good reason. For it should never be the case that democracy is weaned of the vigilance of citizens which makes it so effective.

 

Historically, Nigerians take a dim view of their legislators. This view only grew dimmer on the 6th day of March 2025 when the Nigerian senate suspended Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, the senator representing Kogi Central senatorial zone in the senate for six months. In imposing what is a draconian punishment by any measure, the senate ruled that Senator Natasha breached its standing rules, thereby subjecting the senate to opprobrium.

The suspension whichh came only after the senator accused Godswill Akpabio, the senate president, of sexual harassment and even submitted a petition to that effect has mobilized large sections of Nigerians against the senate, especially its leadership.
Nigeria’s senate which is made up of 109 members can call on only four women. With the suspension now whittling down that number to three, many have interpreted the move which came days before the annual celebration of International Women’s Day (March 8) as an attack on women, especially on the dwindling representation of women in politics.

On her part, Senator Natasha has refused to take her suspension lying down. On March 11, 2025, she took her case to the Women in Parliament session of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Meeting in New York where she broke down in tears while narrating her ordeal.

 

There is no doubt that this case is the most embarrassing case to involve the Nigerian senate in recent times. On the one hand, is a woman raising the weighty matter of sexual harassment. From all indications, not only has the senate which is dominated by men, given very short shrift to a serious allegation of sexual harassment, it is determined to send a message that any future and further smear will not be tolerated.

What should not be tolerated in Nigeria today is institutional impunity. What should have absolutely no place in Nigeria if the country wants to grow is systemic manipulation and oppression.

What is happening with Senator Natasha is a situation where an institution and its men are arrayed against a woman who is also clearly a victim. Experience shows that the victim in such situations hardly ever wins. But the victory is hardly ever in the outcome. Instead, it shines forth more in the fight.

 

The Nigerian. Senate may think that having heavily pummeled a first-time senator for daring to step out of line, others will watch their steps next time.

However, with Senator Natasha having aired the dirty linens of the senate in far away New York before a gaping world, there is surely no coming back from this catastrophic loss of face for the senate in the 10th National Assembly.
Even if Senator Natasha is peddling falsehood to damage the reputation of the senate president, and this is highly unlikely, it is not unthinkable that women should get away with some things. Men have been getting away with countless things for as long as the world has existed and the world has not ended because of that.

Law and order do not begin at the police station or the courthouse; they begin at home, in the quiet corners where parents teach their children right from wrong. When this foundation cracks, society inherits the fallout.
As a police officer, I’ve witnessed this truth play out in heartbreaking ways—parents arrive at stations, not with pleas for justice, but with demands for us to parent for them. “I want you to detain my child, I want you to discipline him.” “Torture him,” as though pain alone could rewrite a life long gone astray.

A retired soldier once came into my office in Ago Iwoye, demanding we kill his son, a university student arrested for cultism. His rage was volcanic. Yet, the very next day, that same man returned, food in hand, asking after his son’s well-being. When I joked, “So you don’t want us to kill him again?” his eyes betrayed a truth every parent knows: anger is often the flipside of helpless love.

Years later, I met that young man again in Shagamu. He’d survived his schooling, married, and become a father himself. When I asked if he’d ever want his daughter near cultism, his “No!” was instant.

 

Another father once begged us to help keep his drug-addicted son for weeks. “Keep him here,” he insisted. We refused—not out of indifference, but because cells are not rehabilitation centres. If anything were to happen to the boy, or if he escaped, who would the father blame? The police. Yet discipline cannot be outsourced. It must be nurtured, patiently and persistently, at home.

This brings me to a delicate truth: many of us grew up in an era where parents and teachers wielded firmer hands. My own father believed in the “reset button” of a good beating—a method he swore straightened my stubbornness (and yes, I laugh about it now). Teachers, too, disciplined freely, with canes and stern words. But times have changed.

Today, some see corporal punishment as archaic, even abusive. I am not here to debate methods—what worked for one generation may not work for another. What matters is engagement.

 

The problem today isn’t a lack of discipline; it’s a lack of presence. Parents once corrected their children directly, even if harshly. Some have handed that duty to strangers—teachers, police, and social workers. But no institution can replace a parent’s guidance. A child raised without boundaries at home will test them elsewhere—in cults, drug dens, or crime.

To be clear: I am not discouraging parents from reporting wayward children. If your son steals or your daughter vanishes, come to us. We will help. But do not confuse reporting with surrendering. When you hand us your child and say, “Fix them,” you misunderstand our role. We enforce laws; we cannot replace love. We investigate crimes; we cannot teach values.

The retired soldier’s son changed not because we jailed him, but because his father chose to fight for him, not against him.

 

Parents, hear me: society’s fabric is woven in your living rooms, at your dinner tables, in the quiet moments when you choose patience over fury, presence over absence. The police cannot replace your voice. We cannot instil the values you withhold. Our cells are not classrooms; handcuffs are not teaching tools. When you outsource parenting to the state, you gamble with life—and with the peace of communities.

Yes, parenthood is hard. It is exhausting, thankless, and often terrifying. But it is also sacred. Your children watch how you love, how you forgive, and how you rise after failing. They notice when you prioritize work over conversations, screens over eye contact, and fear over understanding. The boy who joins a cult, and the girl who slips into addiction—they are not born rebels. They are shaped by unmet needs, unheard cries, and lessons left untaught.

To the father who sees his son slipping away: Stay. To the mother who feels out of her depth: Ask for help. To the parent who thinks it’s too late: It isn’t. Discipline without love breeds resentment, but love without discipline breeds entitlement. Find the balance.

 

My generation’s parents were far from perfect, but they owned their role as first teachers. They scolded, they punished, and they stayed. I urge present parents to do the same—not with the harshness of the past, but with the wisdom of your own heart. Meet your children where they are. Listen. Correct and love.

I write this not as a Commissioner of Police, but as a witness. I’ve seen the worst of humanity—and the best. I’ve watched reformed cultists become devoted fathers. I’ve seen shattered families rebuild. Let us embrace hope and commit to being the first lawmakers in our homes.

Like a stranded mariner gasping on the shores of irrelevance, former Kaduna State governor Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai writhes in the uneasy throes of power’s withdrawal. His disquiet, however, is less the quiet lament of a fallen statesman and more the tempestuous fury of a Shakespearean woman scorned. 

He has become fiery, irascible, indignant, and unrelenting in his public expressions of rage towards his former friends in power who have isolated him. He is throwing the kitchen sink at the power structures in Kaduna and Abuja in an all-out effort to extract vengeance and to ward off potential ensnarement. 

The former cushy, self-satisfied, and illiberal denizen of power who was the scourge of dissenters railing against tyranny, now finds himself wielding the very defiance he once crushed with arrogance and malevolent glee. He has become an accidental insurgent (a la “accidental public servant”) forged in the crucible of his own contradictions.

There is a part of me that loves this new insurrectionary, rebellious, activist, and intensely irate one-man band opposition that El-Rufai has opportunistically transmogrified into. 

For one, he is providing the first real opposition to the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration. Every democracy needs the well-aimed slings and well-informed counsel of a sharp-witted opposition to keep its leaders from sinking into the depths of self-satisfaction and insouciance. 

Say what you will about El-Rufai, but his intellect, erudition, and rhetorical dexterity are top-notch and undeniable. Imagine if figures of his political stature, institutional access, and strategic acumen had chosen to be thorns in the current corridors of power. Perhaps, the Tinubu administration would have thought twice before treating Nigerians with the cavalier disregard that has become its trademark in the last two years.

For another, he has an opportunity to experience what his critics went through when he was a governor for eight years. He abducted critics, caused opponents to be tortured, bragged about reducing politicians he has displaced to mere “bloggers,” instrumentalized the courts to squelch dissent, etc.

 Now, he posts social media updates about his former commissioners being “abducted,” about the judiciary being weaponized against his supporters and his past administration, about the “misuse of federal security agencies in the persecution of opposition leaders,” etc.

Not only has El-Rufai become a “blogger,” once his favorite pejorative for social-media-active politicians he has dislocated in Kaduna, he has now plunged deeper into a lowly “content creator.” With the launch of a TikTok account, he’s gone from being a mere “blogger” to a digital hustler, complete with the undignified ritual of soliciting Nigerians to subscribe to his channel.

Yet, I am delighted that El-Rufai has joined our ranks. Professional “wailing wailers” like me (to use former presidential spokesman Femi Adesina’s agonizingly asinine and illiterate insult for government critics) welcome him to the club.

  Nonetheless, my joy that he is inadvertently rendering a democratic service by the constancy and stridency of his strictures against the government has not blunted the acuteness of my awareness that he is an unbearably devious, self-seeking, hateful scoundrel who is only on a mission to avenge what he perceives as a personal affront to him.

As most people have already observed, had El-Rufai secured the minister of power position he was promised, his current antagonism toward the government would be as unimaginable as a cat lobbying for the rights of rats.

 Not only would he have been a staunch defender of every government action, but he would have also directed his trademark vitriol at ordinary Nigerians suffocating under economic hardship. He would dismiss their grievances with characteristic scorn and cruelty. 

Indeed, the same northern establishment he now courts and seeks to mobilize as a political cudgel would have been his favorite punching bag—just as it was in 2023, when he enthusiastically championed Bola Tinubu’s candidacy.

 It takes an unnatural degree of slow-wittedness not to see that El-Rufai’s newfound disillusionment with the governments in Kaduna and Abuja reeks less of principle and more of a bruised ego nursing its wounds.

In my July 27, 2019, column titled, “How Political Power Damages the Brain—and How to Reverse it,” I called attention to (temporarily) politically displaced whores of power like El-Rufai who pretend to identify with ordinary people in their moments of political trauma. 

“Also look at previously arrogant, narcissistic, power-drunk prigs who have been kicked out of the orbit of power for any number of reasons. You’ll discover that they are suddenly normal again. 

“They share our pains, make pious noises, condemn abuse of power, and identify with popular causes. The legendary amnesia of Nigerians causes the past misdeeds of these previous monsters of power to be explained away, lessened, forgiven, and ultimately forgotten. But when they get back to power again, they become the same insensitive beasts of power that they once were.”

Get El-Rufai back into power now or in 2017, he would be the same villainous backstabber he has always been. He would be the same annihilator of the homes of poor people. He would be the same horrid tormentor and abductor of critics.

 He would be the same inciter and instigator of genocide in the name of defending his people. Recall his 2012 tweet, "We will write this for all to read. Anyone, soldier or not that kills the Fulani takes a loan payable one day no matter how long it takes" and his admission that he paid bandits to stop attacking southern Kaduna?

In a September 20, 2019, article, I described him as “straight-up Nigeria's most bigoted and most dangerous public official alive.”

I said he “detains and torments people who criticize him. Abu Hanifa Dadiyata, a critic of his, just disappeared in Kaduna without a trace. Several other critics are in detention. And he recently threatened: ‘If you want to tweet anything about Kaduna be very careful because I'm watching...’”

He has a deep, visceral hatred for the people of southern Kaduna, leading to write this August 18, 2020, social media status update: “Why does El-Rufai hate and despise the people of Southern Kaduna with such unnaturally infernal intensity? He strains hard, often too hard, to be seen as ‘cosmopolitan’ when he relates with southern Christians. Why can't he even pretend to be prepared to get along with the people of Southern Kaduna? I don't get it.”

He is also a rhetorically violent man. In October 2015, he told his critics to “climb Kufena Hill and fall.” At a Kaduna APC stakeholders’ meeting in September 2017, El-Rufai told political opponents that death is a possible outcome for fighting him. “I had fought with two presidents,” he said. “Umaru Yar’Adua ended in his grave, while President Goodluck Jonathan ended in Otueke.”

He repeated this a few days ago. In my September 23, 2017, column titled “El-Rufai’s Morbid Fixation with Death of His Political Opponents,” I pointed out that El-Rufai betrays a disturbingly shallow humanity and a murderous inner disposition. In addition to many examples of his embrace of the rhetoric of violence, he endorsed, defended, and even celebrated the brutal, cold-blooded, and unjustified mass slaughter of hundreds of Shiite Muslims in his state.

El-Rufai’s latest political metamorphosis is less a transformation than a temporary realignment born of personal grievance rather than ideological conviction. His brand-new zeal for opposition, while inadvertently serving the democratic process, is unmistakably fueled by wounded pride and thwarted ambition. 

The same man who once ruled with an iron fist, silencing critics with impunity, now fashions himself as the voice of the oppressed, railing against the very structures of power he once upheld with ruthless enthusiasm. His current posture as an anti-establishment crusader is not the product of principle but of exclusion, making his activism less an act of courage than an elaborate act of self-preservation.

Yet, even as he momentarily aligns with the forces of resistance, history warns against mistaking his opportunistic dissent for genuine reform. Should fortune return him to the corridors of power, El-Rufai would waste no time reverting to the autocratic instincts that have long defined him. He would crush opposition, weaponize state institutions, and wield power with the same reckless abandon that now makes him a pariah. 

Today’s dissenter is often tomorrow’s despot. To embrace him uncritically is to risk aiding yet another cycle of tyranny dressed in the fleeting garb of rebellion.

In these days of questionable public discourse on governance, any attempt to speak of tolerably good performance by a state governor will attract suspicion. It will either be that the governor has procured platforms to nurse a presidential ambition, or that he is working to hoodwink the public despite his obvious poor performance.

The other sad feature of some media commentary onpublic office holders is that it sometimes presents government interventions as favours by the governor; for which the people must thank him profusely. Service delivery, for which the governor was elected in the first place, then gets presented and projected to the public as acts of benevolence. At the end of the day, state resources are seen, and treated, as the personal resources of the governor to be dispensed at his discretion. Absurd!

But here we are, about to talk about a serving governor whose first series of actions culminated in a Masterclass for would-be state officials before he began to govern. Yes.

The first thing the current governor of Taraba State didafter he emerged victorious in the elections was to patiently scrutinize the human capital of his state, and then and make some key appointments. After the appointments, rather than say, “Alright, now report at your respective offices and start work”, he planned a capacity development immersion. The programme was held at the Nigerian Army Resource Centre (NARC), with every key official of the future Taraba State in the governor’s mind assembled in one location. His reason for doing this was quite simple: Dr. Agbu Kefas told his people that there is always a right and wrong way of doing everything.

That being the case, he maintained that the only way to work as a government official in a 21st Century world was to give every worker the ideas and template for his specific schedule before he starts work. So, he gathered his people but not for motivational talk, boring lectures and an excuse for collecting Duty Tour allowance(DTA), no! it was for them to get Actionable Ideas for hands-on performance, in order to serve the best interests of the people of Taraba State who elected him into office.

He called it an induction course and retreat. It was organized for commissioners, special advisers, permanent secretaries, senior directors, legislators and judicial officers. The aim was to help everyone to fully understand respective roles and responsibilities in the State governance process. It was to also equip newly appointed cabinet members with the basic skills and knowledge they need to engender true service delivery for Taraba people. It was all designed to help create synergy and ensure that the executive, civil service, legislature, judiciary and other key stakeholders work together with the right team spirit.

That retreat emphasized the primacy of public policy as a tool for the developmental blue-print of Taraba State through a whole-of-government approach. It spelt out the import, impact and value of accountability, transparency, good governance and efficient budget process as drivers of sustainable economic growth. 

This way of onboarding government officials and stakeholders, on the importance and necessity to pursue excellence and good governance in Taraba State, was the grand takeoff plan of the newly elected governor.

He told them, at the retreat, that he was poised to transform the poor economic and social indices of the State so as to promote all round growth and development and wealth creation. He also emphasized the fact that he would prioritize security, because peace and prosperity for the people could only be achieved in an environment with meaningful security for life and property.

A former Vice President of the World Bank was among the resource persons. When, back thenbar the retreat in 2003, I spoke to them on “Building a New Generation of Public Sector Leaders in Taraba Through LeadershipMentoring, Emotional Intelligence and Strategic Management of Human Relations”, my emphasis was on the importance of humanizing governance, while keeping to best global practices.

The governor identified the key drivers of the Taraba State he had in view included improvements in education, health, industry, agriculture, mining, tourism and much more. The newly elected governor also placed significant emphasis on attracting FDIs andpromoting MSMEs for broad-spectrum prosperity. He used the occasion to present his vision for the State, the pillars of his government and the philosophy of his administration, as he charged everyone to translate the vision into better life for the people. 

Less than two years into his tenure, the question you sometimes here is: “So, what was Taraba State before this your new governor? It is very much like the case of Jigawa State during and after the tenure of Sule Lamido as Governor. 

Every meaningful state infrastructure, far reaching development plans, new ideas about human capital development, internally generated revenue gains and much more in Taraba today have acquired new flagellaunder the incumbent governor.

Today, Taraba State has a human capital development resource centre, patterned to some extent after NARC in its aspiration, to drill down sustainable knowledge growth in an all-round manner. To that extent, the state is turning into a reference template for far-seeing steps in social development, economic growth, responsible environmental stewardship and new vistas of responsible leadership. 

The indices are reassuring on all fronts, but the state government is fighting great retrogressive forces as it prioritizes the welfare of its citizens. It projects are broadly impactful, with policies on social stability and internal security on the upswing. The provision of operation vehicles for the military and security forces, especially also the provision of surveillance drone facility to support the army and other national security forces working in the area, are landmark gains.

While it is true that the state has made massive investments in road construction projects, this is not at the expense of healthcare facilities and healthcare personnel. Educational institutions are getting the desired attention, with a new focus on connectingcommunities with enhanced access to essential services.

Taraba that is often referred to as the “Nature’s Gift to the Nation” now seema to be everaging its fertile land to boost agricultural productivity and be true to this appellation. It has a new Green Taraba Project, which has empowered farmers, reduced food insecurity, and created thousands of jobs.

Add that to the state government’s upgrading ofhospitals, the provision of free medical services for vulnerable groups, and the implementation of robust healthcare policies. And the state is not resting on a bed of borrowed funds, having made significant strides in boosting its internally generated revenue. This has dramatically reduced reliance on federal allocations.

Much of this was achieved through tax reforms that streamlined tax collection processes and leveragedtechnology to minimize leakages; even as the state is harnessing its agricultural potentials to attract investors and generate revenue.

Taraba State is collaborating with private sector players and consultants to unlock new revenue streams, and these efforts have increased the state’s IGR and also created a more resilient and self-sufficient economy. The revenue collection records show a 54% increasebetween 2023 and 2024; and the Taraba State Internal Revenue Service (TIRS) team was only inaugurated in June 2024. The IGR jumped from about 10 billion Naira to over 17 billion within months, after inauguration.

On environmental sustainability, the state is adopting a global model for environmental conservation. A place that is known for its lush greenery, wildlife, and natural resources is now implementing groundbreaking initiatives to protect itself in very important ways. This includes reforestation programmes, involving large-scale tree planting campaigns, to combat deforestation and climate change.

The state’s Eco-Tourism Development programme issustainable tourism, as it seeks preserves the naturalbeauty of the environment while creating economic opportunities. And this has seamlessly keyed into a waste management systems that is using modern waste disposal techniques to keep cities clean and green.

As for the Resource Centre and deliverables, its purpose is to empower Citizens Through Knowledge. The knowledge impartation resource centers haverevolutionized access to capacity building opportunities, information availability and continuous education. 

For the record, these centers serve as hubs for skill acquisition, to offer training programs in ICT, entrepreneurship, and vocational skills. There is also the matter of research and development, to provide resources for students, researchers, and innovators to drive local solutions to global challenges.

As part of community engagement for social cohesion, the hosting workshops and seminars has become a regular means of educating citizens on governance, health, and economic opportunities.

Because Taraba State is endowed with vast mineral resources, including limestone, kaolin, and gemstones, the government is taking strategic steps to harness this potential, through some Mining Sector Reforms. These reforms are creating the enabling environment for investors, while ensuring sustainable mining practices.Jobs are also being created in the process, as more hands are engaged in the overall value chain. 

All things considered, the state in now deep into the serious business of economic diversification, by leveraging its mineral wealth to boost the economy and fund developmental projects. And security in important for all of this to happen. 

There is Community Policing, which is engaging local communities in security efforts to foster trust and collaboration. The stare government is providing modern equipment and training for security agencies, in addition to Conflict Resolution Mechanisms; implementing programs to address communal clashes and promote unity.

Therw is also the Taxpayer Education Initiative, for willing compliance, through a proactive approach to taxpayer education. This is helping yhe citizenry to understand the importance of taxation in nation-building. The state is embarking on awareness campaigns, using radio, television, and social media, to educate taxpayers on their rights and civic responsibilities.

Simplified Tax Processes have also become a tool for making it easier for individuals and businesses to comply with tax regulations. Added to the foregoing are transparency and accountability parameters, which are seen in the governemnt’s open demonstration ofhow tax revenues are utilized. This further fosterertrust and willingness to pay.

In sum, Taraba State is doing well today, but it must avoid any premature celebrations. Good governance is always a work in progress. The state must remain forward looking, as it expands the frontiers of impact in every positive sphere. The retrogressive forces that have held the state down for so long are not resting. Therefore, the progressive forces of today should endeavour to stay awake 25 (not 24) hours every day. enought said.

Small and Medium Scale Enterprises (SMEs) contribute to improved living standards, bring about substantial local capital formation and achieve a high level of productivity. They have also been identified as a vehicle for employment generation, as they provide opportunities for entrepreneurial training and manpower development.

Also of importance in any nation are indigenous enterprises because they offer huge opportunity for both cultural preservation and economic progress. Resilience, creativity, and the incorporation of cultural values into corporate operations are frequently linked to their success.  All over the world, governments take deliberate steps to make sure that SMEs are nurtured.

This is why a recent revelation by the Comptroller General of the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), Mr. Adewale Adeniyi, that companies operating in the nation’s Free Trade Zones (FTZs) violate the law regulating their operations is deeply troubling.

According to Adeniyi, who disclosed this at a recent House of Representatives public hearing on the tax reform bills in Abuja, some of the companies operating in the FTZs go into Customs areas where extant tax laws are operational to conduct their businesses.

He said, “The sticky issue over the years has been the compliance of free trade zone operators with the provisions of the law. The law allows them to import every manufacturing input they need, 100 per cent sometimes, including things that are prohibited into the customs territory.

“In fact, a lot of those incentives were given to them to manufacture. However, the initial incentives were for them to export everything that they (imported OR MANUFACTURED?) inside this free zone. But from time to time, I think they started to develop loan proofs for the local markets. There have been reported violations of these provisions.”

In Nigeria, FTZs, also known as Export Processing Zones (EPZs) are geographically designated areas that offer special privileges to businesses, including tax benefits and reduced customs regulations for activities like importing, manufacturing and exporting goods. FTZs in the country include the Calabar Free Trade Zone, Kano Free Trade Zone, Lekki Free Trade Zone, Ladol Logistic Free Zone, Ogun Guangdong Free Trade Zone, and Snake Island Integrated Free Zone. These zones were created to support the development of industries focused on exports and also to encourage businesses to operate with as low government interference as possible.

The primary purpose is to assist companies in the manufacturing, processing, and export of goods from Nigeria as they are exempted from payment of import and export duties thereby lowering their operational cost. Presently, most of the companies operating in FTZs in Nigeria have a significant foreign interests.

Regrettably, findings have shown that some companies operating within these zones flout the rules guiding their operations. Some of those who operate in the free trade zone that ought to focus on exporting their finished goods, end up selling them in the local market, thereby denying the government the necessary revenue. Besides, this creates unfair competition and unfair trade in the market place.

For instance, manufacturers who operate outside the FTZs that import raw materials for their production are charged Customs duties which range (from)REMOVE between 10 percent and 25 percent, depending on the item they are bringing into the country. After this, they bear the cost of production associated with the country’s harsh business environment before processing these raw materials into finished goods and they are sold to the market. For those who are into export business, they are made to pay the relevant duties and levies. However, those that have their plants located within the FTZs, when they bring in their raw materials, they don’t pay duties on the assumption that whatever they produce would be exported 100 per cent.

Therefore, after production, if they then decide to move their goods to the Customs areas, they ought to pay duties on the finished items. But unfortunately, due to alleged lapses and corruption on the part pf some regulators, these manufacturers now bring in their raw materials, process them, and instead of exporting these finished items as expected, they end up selling their products in the country.

What this does is beyond the loss of revenue to the government and the denial of the country the expected forex inflows, it also creates unfair trade to those manufacturers that are not fortunate enough to site their plants within the FTZs. This act is enough to throw them out of business. 

Indeed, this is unfair (for)TO businesses trying to create jobs, most who pledge substantial part of their property and resources as collateral just to get bank loans at cut-throat interest rates and THEN some disingenuous people work round the clock to make these loans go bad because they are allowed to sell their products at cheaper price due to their low production cost. This clearly stifles innovation and undermines business growth as these struggling businesses are systematically being discouraged.

The federal government needs to take action to guarantee the continuous survival of businesses outside the FTZs by ensuring that operators abide by the rules of the game to save jobs.

Beyond the lamentation by the Customs CG, Adeniyi, there is also a need for increased supervision and monitoring by the NCS and other government agencies saddled with the responsibility of ensuring adherence to regulatory requirements and compliance by those operating within the FTZs.

Besides, some of these challenges can be dealt with through the use of technology tracking devices. The Federal Ministry of Trade and its counterpart, the Federal Ministry of Finance should deploy technological devices to track the importation of raw materials and follow through till they are processed into finished goods and exported, to address inefficiency and laziness on the part of some of the regulatory agencies and eliminate corruption.

The choice is clear: It is either the government protects these businesses outside the FTZs or watch them vanish. We cannot afford to let these economic saboteurs thrive. Therefore, its time to defend our entrepreneurs in order to build a truly resilient Nigerian economy.

The Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in his recent Purim message responded to the continued threats of annihilation of Israel by the enemies of the Jewish state by reminding them of the biblical story of Haman. Haman obtained an irreversible decree to kill all the Jews in Persian and confiscate their properties. But before the date of execution, God intervened and Haman, his sons and the enemies of the Jews were killed instead. You know the story very well. We will come back to it later. Yes, I so much admire the dedication, love and courage of Bibi (as he is fondly called) to the cause of Israel. He is always ready to do everything necessary to protect and advance the interests of the Jewish state, especially the policy of never to allow the people go through the threats and victimization of the past. I see Benjamin Netanyahu in the mould of Moses, Joshua, Gideon and Samson. And thanks to his family that gave Israel three indefatigable brothers – Yonatan, Benjamin and Iddo that served in the elite IDF Special Forces, sacrificing their comfort and life. They left the comfort as the children of an American professor and training in Ivy colleges, migrated and joined the Israeli forces in the 60s and have played exceptional roles in defending the Jewish nation and its people.

    Though this piece is not about the Netanyahus, but we will forever remember the sacrifice of the indomitable Yonatan ‘Yoni’ Netanyahu; that young Israeli Special Forces commander that successful led the rescue of about hundred Jewish hostages in from Entebe Airport, Uganda in 1976. That operation remains a reference in the study of rescue missions and special operations. Just go back and read the accounts again and watch the films. And you will be amazed by the professionalism, patriotism and courage exhibited by the planners and executors of that mission and what those guys could do as far back as the 70s. Ironically, only Yoni lost his life in that most-daring operation, but that was after terminating the terrorists, rescuing the hostages, sending them home. He and his men were retreating to board the plane and leave the place when he was cowardly shot by a Ugandan soldier hiding on the airport towers. The Jewish commandoes went back and cleared the place immediately and also inflicted an irreparable damage to the Ugandan Air force by blowing up most of the fighter jets and equipment on ground. Because of my love for the boldness and sacrifice of Yonatan. I dedicated my book / audiobook Power of Sacrifice to him. And it is now in English, Spanish, Portuguese, Finish, Swedish, French, Dutch, Chinese, Italian, German, Afrikaans, Indonesian, etc. Yes, there is no better time to remind the enemies of the Jews of God’s covenant of protection with his people than the Festival of Purim.

    As you already know the Festival of Purim is an annual event to commemorate that spectacular, miraculous deliverance of the Jews from annihilation during the reign of King Ahasuerus of the Persian Empire in 5 BC. Haman; a Jew-hater was appointed a prime minister of the empire. And when Mordecai, a Jew refused to bow to him, the proud Haman got the king to sign an irrevocable decree to kill all the Jews - young and old, infants and women and confiscate their properties in a day. But God miraculously intervened when Esther and Mordecai mobilized all the Jews throughout the empire to fast and seek divine intervention. Their enemy Haman was hanged, Mordecai (a Jew was appointed in his place), and another decree was promulgated that countered the first, empowering the Jews to defend and kill their enemies. God delivered his people from certain destruction. Since then the Jews have been celebrating this dramatic deliverance and display of divine power till date. Yes, Bibi was right to remind the enemies of Israel that the God of Purim is still alive to protect his people. And also that there is still today unwavering, commitment, determined, patriotic and fearless Jews like Esther and Mordecai to sacrifice everything, including their lives to see that nobody, no nation, no interest or gang up will ever be given that chance to humiliate or threaten the existence of Israel again. This has always been sufficiently demonstrated since the establishment of the modern Jewish State. And that policy remains unchanged. Touch Israel and you burn your fingers.

   But Haman is not the only example to be given to the enemies of Israel. Pharaoh messed with Israel and he, his commanders and horsemen perished in the Red Sea after the angels of destruction and death devastated his land. At that night of Passover, men and beast mourned and wept throughout Egypt. Sennacherib boasted and tried it. He even queried the ability of the God of Israel to deliver; comparing him with the gods of other nations that he had destroyed. I love the way God responded to this, “Who is it you have insulted and blasphemed? Against whom have you raised your voice and lifted your eyes in pride? Against the Holy One of Israel... Because you rage against me and your insolence has reached my ears, I will put my hook in your nose and my bit in your mouth, and I will make you return by the way you came.” You already know how he ended. Then, three nations came against Jehoshaphat and Judah. God took over the battle and that enemies in confusion slaughtered themselves. Not one person survived. What of the mighty and proud Goliath? After boasting, harassing and humiliating the Israelites for days, his head was cut off and his people defeated. And can go on and on. Now, every enemy harassing you or the people of God will be displaced and cut off today in the mighty name of Jesus! Till next week, Shalom!

It is always good to hear that evident improvements are taking place in one's dear state, and the March 12, 2025 report by the Kebbi State Commissioner of Information and Culture, Yakubu Ahmed BK, on the commissioning of a dedicated 180,000 litres capacity Aviation Fuel Depot at the Sir Ahmadu Bello International Airport (SABIA), Birnin Kebbi, Kebbi State, is one such example. 

Having said that, however, his mode of presentation on the significance of the said fuel depot has been grossly exaggerated beyond what is practicable, and it sure didn’t need to be so. Granted, government press handlers have this general tendency to want to always make their principal look good at every opportunity, but even that needs to be done with some reasonable degree of decorum, which has sadly not been the case here.

To a very large extent, the Commissioner may have achieved his primary objective of portraying his principal to the teeming familiar crowd of the gullible ones out there in the intended larger-than-life fashion.  But to that same extent, he has also exposed his manifest lack of understanding and appreciation of the Aviation sector, especially as it relates to aircraft refueling operations and the strict sets of rules and procedures guiding it. 

That fact alone has now presented a veritable opportunity in the form of a teachable moment of sorts that I would like to take advantage of to correct some of the obvious errors in his entire communication around the said aviation fuel depot at SABIA. To do that, we need to dispense with his ludicrous claims about the reported transformation of SABIA "from an unrecognized terminal to a hub of global aviation where flights now land not just for pilgrims, but also for refueling from various International destinations".

An online dictionary source defines an "international hub" as a "... central location, often an airport or a port, that serves as a major point of connection for international travel, trade, or logistics, facilitating the movement of people or goods between different countries*". 

The question then is, when exactly did SABIA, Birnin Kebbi become an international hub, or a hub for global aviation, to use his exact words? Apart from the annual Hajj airlift operations involving a few dedicated flights as approved by the National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON), and perhaps the occasional chartered Umrah flights here and there, which other international airlines land in Birnin Kebbi? Which destinations do those flights connect from there?

Secondly, I do not regard myself as an expert on aviation fuel refueling operations by any stretch of the imagination. But having headed the nationwide refueling operations of a major oil marketer for a number of years, during which I also doubled as the Secretary of the Aviation Managers Forum of the Major Oil Marketers Association of Nigeria (MOMAN), I should certainly know a thing or two about the subject. 

The aviation industry is one of the most regulated industries in the world for obvious reasons, and aircraft refueling operations are no less so. There are strict standards, processes and procedures guiding the establishment and operation of Aviation Depots, which the industry regulators and the airlines themselves do not joke with.

That is precisely why there are mandatory stipulated daily early morning checks in place that must be carried out by the jet fuel suppliers at their respective depots, along with the usual parameter tests at the foot of the aircraft that must be witnessed by the airline representatives before each refueling operation. The international airlines, on their part, do also carry out scheduled annual or spot inspection audits at the depots to ascertain their continuing adherence to the stipulated standards for such operations.

Even before such routine visits by the airline customers happen, the IATA Fuel Quality Pool (IFQP) inspectors, comprising a group of airlines that actively share fuel inspection workload and reports globally, must have inspected and certified your depot handling and refueling operations and processes and published their findings on the International Air Transport Association (IATA) portal for all member airlines to see. The initial and routine annual IFQP inspections are done using the Joint Inspection Group (JIG) standards, which is an international organisation that monitors and ensures that the transportation and storage of jet fuel in a safe manner across the world's largest airports.

The IFQP inspection and eventual certification, without which no international airline will ever patronise your refueling operations, remains one of the most eagerly anticipated and challenging periods for any Aviation Manager. It will be great to hear from the Commissioner when that took place in the case of the new aviation fuel mini depot at SABIA. 

Away from the quality side of things, there is also the small matter of the constant availability of the product that, in addition to regular and timely replenishment, can only be guaranteed by the relative size of a marketer's secondary storage facility at the airports. The relative proximity of the secondary storage to the primary storage facilities is also a huge factor. And the farther away one is from the other, the bigger the secondary storage necessarily needs to be to guarantee a reasonable stockholding of a minimum of 6 days’ supply to your contracted airline customers on average at any point in time.

To address the all-important airport storage issue in a more cost-effective and holistic manner, marketers have been known to come together to jointly build and operate shared common storages like the Joint Users Hydrant Installation (JUHI) at the Murtala Mohammed International Airport, Ikeja, and the Joint Aviation Facility (JAF) at the Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport in Kano, for example. Just recently, on October 17th, 2024, the Aviation Minister, Festus Keyamo, commissioned the long-awaited 15 million litres capacity JUHI 2 in Ikeja, which adds to the JUHI 1 and the respective marketers’ individual storages there.

Again, the standard practice is that all airlines, both local and international, do have in place executed fuel supply contracts with the respective marketers that are renewed annually, even though some small operators and one-time visitors do make ad hoc purchases occasionally. The airlines execute such contracts with more than one marketer to spread their risks, as opposed to putting all their eggs in a single basket by way of having only one dedicated supplier. That way, in the event that one supplier runs out of Jet Fuel or Aviation Turbine Kerosene (ATK), as it is also called, the other(s) can easily supply them. The suppliers must always put them on notice well in advance in the event of any anticipated supply disruptions, in order not to disrupt their schedules. For international airlines specifically, they usually have programmed slots on specific days of the week for their suppliers, and any of them can cover for the other in the event of supply disruptions affecting either of them. In the (un)likely event of a general scarcity affecting all marketers, however, the airlines are usually notified to come with enough jet fuel in their tanks and only top up with just about enough volumes to fly to the next destination to take in more.

I, therefore, struggle to rationalise the outrageous claim by the Kebbi Commissioner of Information and Culture where he stressed for emphasis that “it is on record that aircraft on international routes land at the airport for the sole purpose of refueling and moving on”. Apart from the requirement of the IFQP certification and the prerequisite of a subsisting business relationship between the depot operator at SABIA and the individual airlines that are both required to make that possible, the miserly 180,000 litres capacity storage does not even support such a claim. More so when there are numerous other marketers-owned and operated storage facilities with combined capacities running into millions of litres at the nation’s major international airports in Abuja, Kano, Lagos and Port Harcourt, where these airlines usually land and operate at.

With such readily accessible larger storage facilities at these four strategically located major airports across the country, I wonder what level of tomfoolery will push any serious international airline pilot to make a detour to Birnin Kebbi just to refuel at its mini depot that is the equivalent of a few of fuel tankers in terms of capacity. Aviation refueling is not your typical petrol or diesel refueling by Damfo or Molue commercial drivers, who may be at liberty to break their journey at will to refuel at any available roadside filling station, enroute their respective destinations.

Plus, the average ATK volumes consumed by these international flights in a single refueling operation is such that SABIA’s 180,000-litre capacity storage will not even be attractive enough. Just by way of illustration, a DHL Cargo flight from Lagos to Johannesburg will take an average of 65,000 litres of jet fuel during refueling, for example; a British Airways flight to London Heathrow with require around 70,000 litres; just as a Delta Airlines non-stop flight from Lagos to Atlanta will consume between 120,000 to 130,000 litres. Pray, what will be left for the depot operators’ local airline customers after a single refueling operation?

The fact that one or two local airlines flying into Sokoto might have ran into a possible stockout situation at the Sir Abubakar III International Airport and detoured to Birnin Kebbi to take a few thousands of litres is not enough justification to make such wild claims about international airlines refueling there. If it holds true, the Commissioner should please release the names of those airlines and the respective dates they stopped over just to refuel.

In conclusion, I am saying all this just to let the author understand and recognise the untenable slant to his wide-off-the-mark claims, and to urge him to please desist from making such embarrassing submissions that are not backed by logic or facts in the future.