
OTHERS' VIEWS
The ascendancy of Jorge Mario Bergoglio, Pope Francis, to the papacy was a trinity of sorts. It was historic, prophetic and redeeming. For 1,272 years, the papacy was occupied by Europeans only, especially the Italians. Some even joked about the Italian Mafia at work. Indeed, some mafia might at various stages been at work.
For instance, Rodrigo Borgia, Pope Alexander VI made his son Cesare Borgia, a bishop at 15 and cardinal at 18. Cesare wielded considerable power in the papal army, and the only obstacle for him becoming the Captain General of the church, that is the supreme commander of the Papal State Armed Forces, was his uncle, Giovani Borgia. The latter in 1497 conveniently turned up dead in the River Tiber.
Pope Alexander VI was said to be displeased by the reality that Jesus was a Jew from the Middle East, and therefore not a White man or an European with pointed nose, blue eyes, long brown hair and beards. So he commissioned paintings of his notorious son, Cesare as the model of Jesus Christ. Until today, the paintings with an uncanny resemblance of the cunning and ruthless Cesare, are the most common images of Jesus all over the world.
There are bound to be many controversies about the Catholic Church which also held state power. This includes Pope Paul III in 1548 declaring slave trade legitimate in the eyes of God.
There was also the controversy of Pope Pius XII during the Second World War, supporting fascism and the regime of Hitler’s main ally, Benito Mussolini. Also, in the name of neutrality he did not raise his voice against the Holocaust. When about 1,260 Jews were rounded up in Rome and detained outside the walls of the Vatican, the only recorded move by the Pope was to argue that those of them who have been baptised should no longer be considered Jews.
Clearly the Vatican at this stage, behaved like a secular state with a sense of self-preservation, and not a religious or moral authority. Although the Catholic Church has played major transformative roles in the lives of people, these incidents doubtlessly dented its image. So, after the catastrophic Second World War, it needed self-introspection, reformation and relevance to its adherents.
One of the major contributions of Pope Francis to Catholicism, was the restoration of respectability and reliability to the papacy, especially after the August 6, 1978 passage of Paul VI.
I remember the latter and Pope John XIII, particularly for their transformation politics. Particularly for their convocation and holding of the Second Vatican which set the church on the path of reform, tolerance and democratisation. Vatican II also caused the church to see Jesus Christ in the face of every crying child. It equally gave voice to the poor, the needy, and nudged the church towards a people-centred path rather than a theology-based obsession.
One of the major achievements of that conference attended by 2,625 persons, was the introduction of vernacular: allowing mass to be celebrated in local languages alongside Latin, thereby deepening understanding of the faith by the masses. Vatican II declared the Mass as the “source and summit of Christian life” in which there should be the “full, conscious and active participation” of all.
It equally recognised the role of the laity in running the church and the democratisation of the church to allow for collective decision-making amongst bishops.
Vatican II also declared freedom of religion for all human beings, and directed Catholics to stop blaming Jews for the alleged sin of killing Jesus Christ. It also recognised Judaism and preached inter-religious dialogue. To further this, the Second Vatican dropped the hitherto position that Protestants are schematics and heretics. Rather, it referred to them as “separated brethren”. Despite its openness, the Second Vatican did not end clerical celibacy.
Pope Paul VI tried to implement the outcome of Vatican II, especially in modernising the church, promoting inter religious faith and evangelisation. This saw him visiting six continents.
Albino Luciani, Pope John Paul I became pope on August 26, 1978. He combined the names of his two immediate predecessors: one had named him a bishop, and the other appointed him a cardinal. His programmes included implementing the Second Vatican, preaching the gospel and encouraging social justice. He was opposed to homosexuality and cautioned against communism. He rejected the papal coronation, preferring a simple inauguration mass. He was pope for only 33 days before suffering a heart attack, sparking controversy on his death.
Karol Jozef Wojtyla, Pope John Paul II became pope on October 16, 1978. He gave contradictory signals. For instance, as Pope in 1979, he strongly supported and campaigned for the opposition Solidarity Movement in his native Poland that ousted the Socialist government. However, when four priests sided with the revolutionary Sandinistan Movement that ousted the Pro-capitalist Somoza regime, and birthed a socialist government, the staunchly anti-communist Pope John Paul II chided them publicly for holding political positions, and got them de-robed.
When he visited Nicaragua, he angrily wagged his finger at Father Ernesto Cardenal who was Minister of Culture. Other priests in the government included Foreign Minister, Miguel D’Escoto and Father Fernando Cardenal. Father D’Escoto was not recalled until 2014, that is 31 years later. While not frontally fighting Vatican II, he used then Cardinal Joseph Aloisius Ratzinger, later Pope Benedict XVI, to beat priests into line. Later as Pope, Ratzinger continued his onslaught against the Second Vatican and pro-people priests. He became so conservative that during the spread of HIV/AIDS, he insisted that the use of condoms was a sin. He was also found to have shielded some priests who engaged in sexual abuse.
Pope Francis was a product and continuation of the Second Vatican Movement. His election was somehow prophetic although the man who made the prediction was not really religious. Fidel Castro in 1973 said: “The United States will come to talk to us (Cuba) when it has a Black President and the world has a Latin American pope.” This prediction came to pass.
Pope Francis named himself after Saint Francis of Assisi who loved the poor. As pope, he worked to end poverty and inequality, and for gender equality. He held that the power of the church is not to exact service but to serve. He campaigned against climate change and environmental degradation. After being elected pope, he flew economy, carried his own bag and, maintained his love for football.
He worked until a few hours before his death on Easter Monday, April 21, 2025. As we await the election of a new pope, can the conclave give the world another pontiff in the mould of Pope Francis? As for the latter, he has ended his earthly journey and is Heaven-bound.
[OPINION] Seeing Defection In Nigerian Politics As A Dance Of Greed, Not Ideology - Isaac Asabor
AdminIn saner political climes, party defection is typically a rare event, one driven by a clash of ideas, conscience, or a principled stance on governance. Politicians in developed democracies often cross the aisle because they disagree with their party’s policy direction or seek a better platform to serve their constituents based on deeply held ideological beliefs. But in Nigeria, defection has become a career strategy, an open market for the highest bidder, and a shameful display of selfish ambition. The principles of party loyalty, ideological commitment, or even the dignity of public service have been thrown out the window. Instead, what we see is a political class whose only guiding star is personal gain.
The recent defections of top Delta State politicians, including former governor Ifeanyi Okowa and current governor Sheriff Oborevwori from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), are glaring examples of this opportunistic culture. Their movement to a party they once demonized is not rooted in any philosophical or ideological reawakening; it is a clear-cut survival move in anticipation of federal patronage. Okowa was Atiku Abubakar’s running mate in the last presidential election and vociferously opposed the APC. Today, he is dining with the same political forces he warned Nigerians about. What changed? Nothing but the coordinates of power.
Let us not sugarcoat it, defection in Nigeria is about power, access to state resources, and political protection. These defections are not random acts. They are well-calculated maneuvers timed around elections, tribunal judgments, or impending probes. It is not about the people; it is about the politician. Okowa’s defection, for instance, comes just as the PDP continues to reel from internal crises and waning relevance at the national level. Joining the ruling party is an insurance policy, not a new beginning in governance philosophy.
Even more ironic is the case of Governor Oborevwori, Okowa’s political godson, who rode to power on the back of PDP structures. Now, under Okowa’s influence, he too has jumped ship. How does one explain that the same political structure that delivered electoral victory under the PDP is now suddenly unsuitable for governance? This is not about governance. It is about staying on the good side of Abuja.
Let us go back a bit in history. The 2014 gale of defections remains one of the most defining moments in Nigeria’s political journey. It started with five PDP governors, Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano), Murtala Nyako (Adamawa), Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers), and Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara), jumping ship to the then opposition APC. They claimed PDP had derailed and become undemocratic. Many Nigerians believed them at the time, thinking they were indeed men of conscience. But what followed was a familiar pattern, appointments, contracts, and political protection. Those who moved to APC became instant beneficiaries of federal power and resources. When the tide turned against the APC in their states, many returned to PDP or moved elsewhere.
In another classic episode, the then Senate President, Bukola Saraki, defected back to PDP in 2018 after falling out with President Buhari. He cited democratic suppression and lack of internal democracy. But many Nigerians saw through it. Saraki’s moves were less about democracy and more about shielding himself from the political witch hunt that had begun following his emergence as Senate President against the wishes of the APC leadership.
Yahaya Bello, the immediate former governor of Kogi State, though not a defector himself, has also benefited from a culture of sycophancy where loyalty is not to ideology but to whoever holds the power baton. Politicians like Femi Fani-Kayode and Musiliu Obanikoro, who were once virulent critics of the APC, are now proud card-carrying members, praising the same administration they labeled dictatorial. What changed? Certainly not ideology.
The truth is that Nigeria’s political class has no ideology. In fact, political parties in Nigeria are often indistinguishable in terms of manifestos, policy thrusts, or national vision. What we have are political associations built around personalities and power blocs, not ideals. So, defection is not a shock; it is a continuation of the same agenda under a different party name.
Compare this to the political behavior in the United Kingdom or the United States. When British MPs like Anna Soubry and Chuka Umunna left the Conservative and Labour parties respectively to form the Independent Group (later Change UK), it was due to irreconcilable policy disagreements over Brexit. In the United States, Bernie Sanders is known for his progressive ideology, running as an independent while aligning with Democrats for strategic reasons, yet remaining firmly rooted in his social democratic values. Defection, in such cases, is principled, even if controversial.
In Nigeria, however, ideology is alien. There is no left or right, no conservative or progressive. Everyone is a capitalist at heart and a socialist in campaign rhetoric. When they need the people’s votes, they promise heaven and earth. Once in power, the electorate becomes an afterthought. The party system has become a vessel for personal ambition, not public service.
This cancer of opportunistic defection weakens democracy. First, it erodes party discipline and makes nonsense of the ballot. When people vote for a candidate under one party, only to see him defect weeks or months later, it feels like betrayal. It destabilizes the political ecosystem and confuses the electorate. Secondly, it renders opposition parties ineffective. When key leaders of opposition parties defect, especially to the ruling party, it destroys the checks and balances needed in a democracy.
The courts have failed to help the situation. Instead of establishing a constitutional barrier against this shameless culture, the judiciary has often legitimized it. While the Supreme Court has, in isolated cases, ruled that votes belong to political parties and not individuals, the enforcement of such rulings remains weak and inconsistent. What we need is an electoral reform that makes defection consequential, perhaps a mandatory forfeiture of elective office when a politician crosses over mid-term, unless the party itself splits.
The onus is also on Nigerians. We must begin to interrogate our political leaders more critically. Defectors should be held accountable, not celebrated. Citizens must reject this political prostitution by voting against defectors, no matter the platform. The media must also play its role in shaping narratives. Instead of romanticizing defections as “political masterstrokes,” we should call them out for what they are, betrayals.
Ultimately, until Nigeria builds a system where parties are driven by ideas, where politicians are held accountable to ideological commitments, and where defection carries real political cost, the vicious cycle will continue. And every time a politician defects, it won’t be a movement for the people, but a march of personal ambition.
We must break this cycle, because a democracy where politicians jump ship at will is not a democracy. It’s a bazaar. And in a bazaar, the highest bidder wins, not the most principled leader. That is the tragedy of Nigeria’s political evolution.
[OPINION] Ogun Leveraging Agro-cargo Airport to Drive Economic Growth Through Regional Trade - Femi Ogbonnikan
AdminThe Nigerian Airspace Management Agency’s (NAMA) visit to the Gateway International Agro-Cargo Airport is a significant step towards the launching of full commercial flights. The airport is one of the legacy projects of Governor Dapo Abiodun aimed at transforming the economy of Ogun State into an industrial hub. Its cargo handling capabilities and proximity to the Olokola Free Trade Zone make it an attractive hub for trade, commerce and industry.
So, the visit signifies a crucial progress toward the operational launch, with expectations of commencing commercial flights soon.
During the visit, NAMA officials conducted essential runway checks and flight procedure validations to ensure the airport’s infrastructure and navigational systems meet safety standards. This process involves assessing the runway’s alignment, approach procedures, and functionality of navigational aids like the Instrument Landing System (ILS).
Additionally, the “23 and 05” checks were conducted to validate the runway’s orientations and ensure safe operations in both directions. In the final analysis, the agency provided guidance on upcoming installations, including ILS and other navigational aids.
This procedure indicates the readiness of the airport for full commercial flight operations. According to the Commissioner for Works and Infrastructure, Engr. Ade Akinsanya, the airport is 97 percent complete, with world-class facilities such as a 4-kilometre runway, modern terminal building, advanced air traffic control systems, and a state-of-the-art control tower.
In his remark at the end of the inspection exercise, the Manager, Flight Calibration Services, NAMA, Engr. Miri Selzing, commended the Ogun State government for the impressive facilities at the airport, especially the 4-kilometre runway, which according to him, would handle diversions from Lagos, Ibadan, and Ilorin.
He explained that the aim of the check was to ensure that the standard aligned with the proposed procedures defined for the airport.
He said: “Our purpose for coming here is to check the proposed procedures that have been defined for the airport. This is a significant process and not something that can be concluded in a short time.
“Our visit is the beginning of the validation of the procedure. We have reviewed the procedures that have been drawn up, checked them in the air, and we will analyze them when we get back to our base. From there, we will be able to come up with recommendations and modifications where necessary.
“But physically, the airport looks very good. The runway, about four kilometres long—the longest in the country—is very impressive. The airport has a good terminal building; everything is fine, so it is a great job being done here.”
He expressed hope that with the level of work done, the airport would become a destination for airplanes soon.
“The runway is long and large enough to accommodate any type of aircraft. The airport would handle diversions from Lagos, Ibadan, and Ilorin.
The Gateway International Agro-Cargo Airport’s 4-kilometre runway is indeed an impressive feature, allowing for the accommodation of large aircraft and potentially multiple flights simultaneously. Among other benefits, the capacity of the Runway to handle multiple flights and larger aircraft will lead to increased economic activity, job creation, and significant increase in income generation.
The Ogun State Government is working towards leveraging the airport to drive economic growth, regional trade, and industrial development.
For these reasons, Selzing gave the government a pat on the back for the job well done. “We commend the Ogun State government for such a laudable project, and we are prepared to assist as more facilities are installed at the airport,” he concluded.
With NAMA’s positive feedback, the airport is closer to receiving final certification for commercial flight operations.
According to Akinsanya, this is one of the last elements that need to be addressed to obtain commercial approval,” adding that once the flight check has been completed, it would be developed and made available on the Internet for easy access to the airport.
While noting that work on any airport around the world is an ongoing process, the Commissioner disclosed that the Airport was 97 percent complete with the control tower, ATC officers, fire fighters, and other necessary facilities already put in place.
Located in Ilishan-Remo, the airport is designed to boost the state’s economy and provide numerous job opportunities. By projection, the airport is expected to create over 25,000 job opportunities, contributing significantly to the state’s economic growth.
The airport’s operations will create numerous job opportunities, both directly and indirectly, contributing to the state’s economic development.
Already, Charter operations have commenced, while approval for scheduled services is pending from the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA).
When fully operational, the airport will serve as a catalyst for economic development, enabling Ogun State to become a global aviation hub. Its strategic location and design will facilitate the transportation of goods and people, stimulating industrial growth and investment.
The airport’s cargo handling capacity will also enhance trade and commerce, positioning Ogun State as a major economic player in the West Africa sub-region.
Part of the plans by the state government is to establish a Special Agro Processing Zone and an aerotropolis around the airport, further driving economic development.
In addition to that, an MRO (Maintenance, Repair, and Overhaul) facility and pilot training centre are also planned, adding to the airport’s economic benefits.
With the state-of-the-art facilities and advanced infrastructure at the airport, Ogun State has potentials to become a major aviation hub in West Africa. The airport’s cargo handling capacity and ability to accommodate large aircraft can facilitate trade and commerce, driving economic growth and development in the region.
Specifically, the Airport’s proximity to the Olokola Free Trade Zone, in Ogun Waterside Local Government Area, is expected to facilitate trade and commerce within the sub-region.
Besides, the airport is part of a larger aerotropolis project, which includes a Special Agro Processing Zone (SAPZ). This zone will enhance the cargo handling capabilities and attract industries related to agro-processing.
More importantly, the airport will significantly enhance the agro-allied value chain in several ways. One, by providing a dedicated cargo airport for agricultural products, the Gateway Airport can streamline the transportation process, reducing handling times and costs.
Secondly, its cargo handling capabilities will also facilitate the movement of agricultural goods, making it easier for farmers and businesses to access local and international markets.
The airport’s Special Agro Processing Zone will equally enable value-added processing and packaging of agricultural products, increasing their shelf life and market value.
By providing efficient logistics and value-added services, the Gateway Airport will help agro-allied industries in Nigeria become more competitive in the global market.
The airport’s focus on agro-allied industries can as well contribute to diversifying the Nigerian economy, reducing dependence on oil exports and promoting sustainable economic growth.
Above all, by improving the efficiency and competitiveness of agro-allied industries, the Airport can help increase food production and availability, contributing to food security in Nigeria and beyond.
*Ogbonnikan writes from Abeokuta, Ogun State capital
It’s nothing to laugh off, however tempting. If the movies imitate life, we may not be as far away from an African pope. It happened in The Conclave, a film by Peter Straughan released in 2024, based on the novel by Robert Harris.
Through the intrigues, rivalries and scandals of the plot, Adeyemi, a Nigerian cardinal at the Conclave, almost emerged as pope before a contestant snookered him with the scandalous love story involving him and a nun, Shanumi, who had a child for him while he was 39 and she was 19.
If the plot sounds like something from the fertile imagination of the movie director, a Nigerian, Arinze Cardinal, came close to claiming the papacy in 2005. Arinze didn’t miss it because of any scandals. Once the youngest Catholic bishop in the world, he was judged not just as one of Africa’s best but also as a global theological legend. Still, he was a nearly pope.
Banking on hope
That was two decades ago, when the papacy was a relay amongst a few European countries, with Italy claiming the lion’s share of 217. Pope Francis was the first Jesuit and cardinal from the Americas to rise to the top of the papacy, raising hopes that the next one may come from Africa or Asia.
This hope is not based solely on legend. Africa is the fastest-growing region for the Catholic Church, with about 20 percent of the church’s 1.4 billion population. This demographic shift has spurred optimism that, after the Americas, Africa or Asia could produce the next pope, and better if he is the first Black pope in modern history.
What does it mean for Africa?
An African pope will inspire faith across the continent, demonstrating that, when it matters, the church casts its vote where its mouth is. Papal historians say that some early popes were from North Africa, citing Victor I, Miltiades I, and Gelasius I, from Roman-era Africa.
But Africans are unwilling to exhume the tombs of papal history going back to the 5th century for the remains of the last Black pope. They argue, for example, that if grace is the leveller, the rock upon which Peter’s Church is built, the baton of its highest office cannot be made to look like the exclusive right of three European countries – Italy, Germany and France.
An African pope might be the most unambiguous indication yet that the Catholic Church might be inclined to continue with the legacy of Pope Francis, especially his advocacy for the poor, marginalised, and developing countries. And perhaps more than any time in the recent past, Africa has a solid lineup at this year’s Conclave.
The lineup
OK, only a few bookmakers are betting on any of the 18 African cardinals in Rome. Most forecasts put their chances at 14 percent or less. Yet, Cardinal Peter Kodwo Appiah Turkson of Ghana, Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo Besungu of the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Cardinal Ignace Bessi Dogbo of Côte d’Ivoire are among the best crop you can find anywhere in the world.
The least favoured African candidate, Cardinal Robert Sarah from Guinea, is not because of competence. He is a risky candidate because of his age (79, three years older than when Francis assumed the papacy) and his conservative views. His position on various issues, from LGBTQ rights to the exclusive use of Latin for the liturgy, puts him at odds with most European electors.
Stars not enough
Despite its bright stars, why does Africa still appear unlikely to get the number one spot? Cardinal Sarah’s dilemma – his mainly conservative views – reflects not only the sentiment amongst the other 17 cardinals and the predominant position of the 281 million faithful on the continent, this conservatism also impairs the chances of the African cardinals.
The beggar church
Yet, conservatism is only one of the many obstacles. The African church may have the fastest-growing flock, but it is also the begging bowl. In a world where money is the bicycle of the gospel, the African church is the largest recipient of many forms of financial aid. Although the irony is less rampant among the Catholic church than it is among Pentecostals, Africa has some of the world’s richest Forbes-worthy pastors in contrast to the majority of the poor flock.
According to one statistic, at 32.6 percent between 2020 and 2023, the African Catholic church received the largest assistance per region from the Catholic Charity Aid. Compare this with the German national church, for example, which has $26 billion of the net assets of the Church.
Some also argue that African cardinals have limited chances because they have faced less scrutiny. An article published by www.devdiscourse.com on April 22 acknowledged that even though a figure like Cardinal Turkson has emerged as a potential candidate, “Vatican insiders highlight the lack of public scrutiny by African contenders compared to their Western counterparts, potentially complicating their candidacy.”
Conclave politics
Yet, others say politics may be the most potent obstacle against African candidacy, reminiscent of the deadly secret plots in Straughan’s movie once the doors in the Domus Santa Martha were shuttered and millions of the faithful waited outside the Sistine Chapel to see the white smoke and the face of the new pontiff.
It won’t take very long to find out. Pope Francis wanted his successor elected within two weeks of his death. It used to take much longer. In The Conclave, for example, which spiked 283 percent across streaming platforms in one day from 1.8 million to 6.9 million, it took five votes over an unspecified period to elect the cardinal from Kabul, Cardinal Benitez.
The longest papal conclave after the death of Pope Clement IV lasted almost three years, from November 1268 to September 1, 1271, after which Pope Gregory X was elected.
Long road to change
For the pontificate and the faithful, it’s been a long road since. The Catholic Church has evolved from its medieval conflicts, reformation and counter-reformation through seasons of loss of power.
While books like In God’s Name: An Investigation into the Murder of Pope John Paul I by David A. Yallop highlight the tragedy of an institution endangered by internal corruption and fierce power play, the bestseller, The Da Vinci Code by Dan Brown explores the grip and fascination of theological myth over the faithful and even millions of non-believers.
Yet the encyclicals of Pope Francis, his willingness to confront dogma with doubt and creed with charity, show the extent of introspection and modernisation in the Church. As the world waits for the white smoke from the Conclave, those who hope these changes may be so profound as to produce an African pope may have to wait a bit longer. Perhaps a sequel to Straughan’s movie would be the sign.
The odds, this time, favour yet another Italian pope.
Long before the late Sergei Mavrodi arrived on the Nigerian financial scene in November 2015 with his MMM pyramid scheme, his reputation as an international fraudster preceded him. As far back as 2007, Mavrodi had been convicted in Russia for defrauding 10,000 investors. But somehow, he survived brushes with the law over sharp practices to go global with a Ponzi scheme that promised 3,000 percent ‘return on investment’ after upending the savings of more than a few people in his country. With such tantalising promise, it came as no surprise that Mavrodi would hit the jackpot in Nigeria where too many citizens are looking for ‘miracle money’.
Unfortunately, by December 2016, the scam had unravelled, leaving about three million Nigerians holding the wrong end of the candle just days before Christmas. “What is the scam here, if all members are warned in advance about all the risks, the possible and impossible ones?” an unrepentant Mavrodi asked in a letter he posted on the page for swindled participants of the scheme but addressed to then President Muhammadu Buhari. “They know there are no investments at all. The warning is a red text on a yellow background placed on the most prominent place of the website.”
Following that misadventure, the Security and Exchange Commission (SEC) warned Nigerians about patronizing Ponzi schemes. SEC listed a few of these ventures to include Now-Now Alert, Flip Cash Investment, Result Investment Nigeria Limited, Helping Hand and Investment, No Failure Development and Empowerment Nigeria Ltd, and several others. Despite the warning, patronage for these Ponzi schemes only increased. A few of them also devised a clever way to legitimise their businesses: They boycotted industry regulator, SEC, and secured certificates of registration with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). That became the tool for deceiving the unwary.
The latest of these ‘businesses’ is Crypto Bridge Exchange otherwise called CBEX which has scammed our people to the tune of more than a trillion Naira, going by most reports. Registered with the Corporate Affairs (CAC) last September, its EFCC certificate was obtained in January this year. Because they do their businesses online, it is easy for most of these crooks to evade accountability, but it is also obvious that they have collaborators within the system. It is important that they be identified and brought to justice.
Meanwhile, I have read the lamentation of several of the victims, but they have only themselves to blame. The Yoruba people have a way of putting this: “Ẹni ńwá’fà ńw’ófò.” Crudely translated, it means financial deals that are too good to be true most often end in tears. Perhaps the United States SEC definition of Ponzi schemes would be more useful. “A kind of pyramid scheme that operates on the ‘rob Peter to pay Paul’ principle,” the US commission explains. “With the promise of large returns as bait, the fraudster takes in money from new investors and uses it to pay off the earlier investors until no more new recruits can be found and the whole scheme collapses, with the newest investors losing everything.”
It is easy for all kinds of dubious businesspeople to prey on the greed and ignorance of gullible Nigerians. That is because the virtual collapse of the moral frame of our government mirrors other fractures in our society. There is also a way in which we can connect this to the get-rich-by-any-means mentality that is at the heart of the activities of ritualists as captured in my column of last week. Incidentally, I received several mails on that column but one stood out for me. It is from a young man, Oluwafisayo Agbolabori. He highlighted several things that are often ascribed to ‘miracles’ by many Church leaders in Nigeria in a manner that absolves people of their responsibilities. “At the individual level, such ‘miracles’ corrupt the minds of the gullible into thinking that there is an ‘invisible hand’ somewhere that could change N3,000 to N3,000,000,” he wrote. “As a Christian, I strongly believe in miracles. But my point is this: Instead of sharing these ‘miracles’ that, at best, can’t be replicated by most of our people, the clerics can share the potency (miracle) of self audit, hard work, self reliance etc…”
I agree with Oluwafisayo. The mentality that stupendous wealth could be ‘created’ outside productivity or credible investment also explains why promoters of Ponzi schemes continue to thrive. But the real enablers are the regulatory institutions whose certificates assist these crooks in their nefarious activities. That is where the real inquisition should begin on this matter.
Francis, The Exemplary Pope
Whether you are a Pentecostal or a Catholic, there is something about the Papacy that makes almost every occupant a unifying force for Christians. But in the death of Pope Francis, just as it was with Pope John Paul II in 2005, there is a sense of universal grief. Whatever misgivings anybody had about some of his positions on contemporary issues, Pope Francis was a genuine shepherd who preached love and tolerance in a world where hate and bigotry have become the defining ethos. “Pope Francis will long be remembered for his outreach to those on the margins of the Church and of society,” said Archbishop Timothy Broglio, president of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops.
From his humble background as a chemical technician and bouncer in his early life, to Bishop in his native country of Argentina, Pope Francis preached social justice for all humanity. He emphasized that clerics must be like medics in a “field hospital” attending to people where they are. And he demonstrated uncommon humility throughout his life and ministry. For instance, in an unprecedented gesture to make the notorious warlord rivals of South Sudan embrace peace, he kissed their feet one by one at the Vatican, after organizing a spiritual retreat for them in April 2019.
There is hardly any worthy social cause that the late Pope did not endorse. On immigration, he tasked leaders to erect bridges and not walls and he supported the campaign on the sustainability of our environment. “The universe unfolds in God, who fills it completely. Hence, there is a mystical meaning to be found in a leaf, in a mountain trail, in a dewdrop, in a poor person’s face,” Pope Francis wrote in his famous ‘Laudato Si’ delivered in 2015 while advocating “a new way of thinking about human beings, life, society and our relationship with nature.”
But perhaps the most controversial legacy of Pope Francis was his taking sides with the marginalised communities in every sphere of life by preaching inclusivity. On that score, he challenged doctrinal orthodoxy on the LGBTQ issue with his famous refrain, “Who am I to judge?” on matters of faith and sexual choices. It was not a popular position even among the Catholics, to put it mildly. Within the Pentecostal family, it was almost an anathema.
As I write this piece, I received a forwarded message. After reading it twice, I felt it perhaps sums up the message Pope Francis was trying to pass to some of us who could not understand him. Almost as if the sender was reading my thoughts, she followed up with a terse message: “It’s easy to be judgemental. The late Pope is a shining example of how NOT to be. A sad loss.” I was shocked that the message reflected exactly what I was thinking at the time.
On reflection, it couldn’t have been an accident that Pope Francis died on Easter Monday. “There are three virtues that the world still needs — faith, hope and love,” King Charles of England wrote in his Easter message last weekend. “And the greatest of these is love”. Yet, to love means we must embrace and respect others even when we disagree with their choices. Therefore, to those whose knowledge of the Bible is restricted to what happened to Sodom and Gomorrah, Pope Francis is reminding us that there is also Psalm 130 verse 3 in the same Bible: “Lord, if you kept record of our sins, O LORD, who could stand?”
Now, to the WhatsApp message. Like all such messages, nobody knows the original writer, but here it goes, though slightly abridged:
I chuckled the first time I came across the phrase, “Until you have money to finance your temptations, don’t brag about morals. Too much is hidden in poverty.” It peeled back the comfortable layers of ‘self-righteousness’ we often wear and exposed an uncomfortable truth: that what we sometimes call morality may, in fact, be a privilege of limited options. It reminded me of another saying: “You call it corruption – until it comes your way. Then you’ll call it connections. And if you’re religious, you might even call it grace.”
In our moral superiority, we mistake the absence of opportunity for strength of character. And in doing so, we judge others through a lens clouded by comfort, detachment, and unchecked privilege. It’s easy to seem disciplined when nothing desirable is within reach. Easy to appear loyal when there’s no better offer on the table. Easy to claim honesty when a lie has never promised to save you. And so, we stand on our ‘safe little hills’ of assumed virtue, pointing fingers at those who fall—never pausing to ask whether we’d have done any better in their place. Maybe we haven’t resisted as much as we think. Perhaps we’ve just never been offered the shortcut.
This isn’t to romanticize failure or excuse poor choices. It’s not to say wrong becomes right if it’s understandable. No. It’s a call to humility. A reminder that judgment without context isn’t strength. It’s easy to judge others simply because they sin differently than you. It’s easy …to scoff at the one who compromised – until your own values are tested not in theory, but in fire. And when that ‘fire’ comes – and it does come – you begin to understand that real morality is quiet. It’s forged in private. And it costs.
We shouldn’t glorify mistakes or blur the line between right and wrong. But we must stop weaponizing virtue. Because morality isn’t proven by the absence of failure. It’s revealed in the presence of options. It’s folly to assume we’re better simply because we haven’t faced the same storms. Life has a funny way of humbling people. The very thing you once judged may become the thing you one day understand. And when that moment comes, may you be met with compassion – not condemnation. We’re all human. All learning. All navigating the chaos of life with the tools we’ve been given, in stories the world may never fully know. So, hold your standards high – but hold your heart higher. Speak truth—but season it with tenderness. And let your integrity be the kind that doesn’t need a stage to be real.
Pope Francis did not author the above. But that, I guess, was the message he was trying to pass to some of us. May his legacy endure!
Spending unappropriated revenue is a serious offence in a democracy. But that may not be applicable to us here where equality before the law is not only a myth but where our governors who are above the law can feely fritter away N300m. As if that is not bad enough, there are just too many ignoble fortune-seekers within the noble profession of law who will rather trade in chaos than in stability.
If you are in doubt, just take one look at the two-year old war against Fubara’s government. What you see are reckless elders fuelling the crisis by talking from both sides of the mouth; hungry and angry youths who expect crumbs following and hailing Fubara after every act of sabotage against his own government, television platforms that lionize clueless Fubara every morning while they smile to the banks in the afternoon with millions they haul in through news commercialization.
We cannot easily forget, Ugochinyere, an interloper from Imo State who became Fubara interpreter of court judgments.
And of course we now know those ignoble men in the judiciary who after collecting Fubara’s N300m gift, failed the people of the Rivers by not availing their governor of the proper interpretation of court judgments or bold enough to remind him the buck stops at his table. However, to make up for their betrayal, they are today blindly fighting the perceived enemies of Fubara – the executive, legislature and even the Supreme Court, moving from one television house to the other.
But it must be said that we have always had ignoble fortune-seekers in our judiciary. The first republic threw up Ben Nwabueze, the author of Unitary Decree 34 of 1966 which led to a civil war and whose effect continues to haunt the country. He also featured in the aborted third republic with his interim government decree that effectively aborted the third republic, paving the way for Sani Abacha, an evil dictator to wage a five-year war against Nigeria.
In the second republic, we had Chief Kehinde Sofola, an attorney general and one-time chairman of Body of Benchers who sadly admitted that “the primary duty of the judiciary is to protect the judiciary”. In the fourth republic, we have had an Abubakar Malami, attorney general who sabotaged Buhari’s anti-corruption war by attempting to smuggle and indicted fellow into the civil service, chased out of office the chair of the EFCC he had falsely accused of fraud, and misled President Buhari on the war against Nigeria by immigrant herdsmen whose illegal infiltration of reserved forest in the southwest he encouraged.
Now let us examine how the NBA chairman is prosecuting his defence of Fubara’s N300m gift.
Governor Fubara, unable to manage his own government, committed an error of judgment by opting to deal with Victor Oko-Jumbo-led three-man House of Assembly, despite Court of Appeal affirmation of a Federal High Court order that it was constitutionally wrong of him to deal with only three of the 32-man assembly. Fubara had insisted that 27 members of his House of Assembly do not exist. In February, the Supreme Court put an end to such conceit by declaring that: “What is clear is that the 27 lawmakers are still valid members of the Rivers State House of Assembly and cannot be prevented from participating in the proceedings of the House by the governor in cahoots with the four other members” and made it clear that “Sections 102 and 109 cannot be invoked in aid of this unconstitutional enterprise”.
The Supreme Court was to add that “As it is, there is no government in Rivers State… political disagreements cannot justify these attacks and contempt for the rule of law by the governor of a state or any person. What he has done is to destroy the government for the fear of being impeached”.
Afam Osigwe who slept all through two years of what the Supreme Court described as ‘Fubara’s despotic rule’ did not wake up from his slumber long after the fallout of the supreme court judgment with the aggrieved 27 House of Assembly members whose salaries had been seized for two years, demanding their pound of flesh by slamming the governor with impeachment notice.
Exploiting the ethnic divide as the first Ijaw man to be elected governor of Rivers State, Fubara was ready for a showdown. He publicly told jobless and marginalised Rivers youths who follow him around streets of Port Harcourt to wait for instructions. Less than 24 hours later, oil pipeline whether by fifth columnists as argued by his supporters, or his supporters, started exploding.
The president chaired a security meeting of his security chiefs. He promptly shared the intelligence at his disposal with the National Assembly and what followed was declaration of six months of state emergency and suspension of the warring governor and his state House of Assembly members jointly responsible for absence of government in the past two years in Rivers.
Since Rivers State allocation was ordered to be withheld by the Supreme Court following Fubara’s breach of one of the most serious impeachable offences in a democracy- spending taxpayers money without appropriation, a sole administrator needed to be appointed to ensure payment of salaries to essential workers such as teachers, medical workers and civil servants.
It was not until this time Osigwe woke up from his deep slumber. But that did not stop him from concluding that the situation in Rivers did not call for declaration of a state of emergency. Osigwe, who is not privy to the information at the disposal of the president and the National Assembly that have upheld the decision of the president insisted the president’s action was illegal. He also declared the president’s suspension of the governor and other elected members of the state assembly unconstitutional ignoring the fact that the constitution gives the president discretionary power to do whatever he deems fit to avert anarchy.
As an officer in the temple of justice, he did not wait to allow the courts that can make a distinction between the letter of the law and the spirit of the law to decide if the president’s discretionary powers cover suspension of the main obstacle to peace and the democratic process, i.e, the fumbling Governor Fubara and his vengeance-seeking lawmakers.
Afam decided to usurp the role of opposition leaders like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi who are at liberty to exploit every action of the president for political gain like opposition politicians; Afam started moving from one television station to the other selling what can at best be described as warped logic.
But we now know, courtesy of the Rivers’ sole administrator, that Afam’s blind fury is all about Fubara’s N300m gift to NBA which the sole administrator insists must be returned. He anchored his argument on the fact that since the money does not belong to Fubara but to Rivers State programed to benefit from hosting the NBA’s conference, which Afam had unilaterally moved to Enugu as if Rivers has ceased to exist because of Fubara’s temporary absence, there was no basis to refund the money.
As if taking N300m that would have been enough to build an hospital or a cottage industry that could absorb some Rivers street boys was not enough assault on sensibility of Nigerians, the claim by the chairman of the NBA 2025 Conference Planning Committee, Emeka Obegolu’s (SAN), that the money was “an unconditional gift to support the event” was insensitive.
It is also not of any relief that while successive governors of Rivers including Fubara, Nyesom Wike, Rotimi Amaechi often try to outdo each other by bringing notable Nigerians to commission projects, the readily available jobs to the teeming youths of Rivers remain blowing up of oil pipelines when the elite want to blackmail the federal government or torching of government buildings, and visiting violence on each other when involved in intra-party feuds that have come to define every election in Rivers.
It is reassuring that credible voices in NBA including that of Andrew Emwanta, president of the African Public Interest Lawyers Union are already warning Osigwe who after sleeping all through two years of Fubara’s ‘despotic rule’. He accused him of starting a condemnation of the emergency move “barely two hours after the broadcast”. For him, “The proper thing to do, “to save the image of our profession, is for that money to be refunded. It’s Rivers taxpayers’ money. If you are not doing business with them, return their money.”
It is sad that NBA’s Afam Osigwe and some of his fellow travellers are not ashamed of joining PDP parasites whose elections Wike claimed he partly funded and their media enablers who regard Rivers as ATM without password.
Afrobeat singer Mayorkun has hinted at marriage, revealing he’s off the singles market.
In a recent interview on Arise TV, he disclosed that he’s committed to someone special, although he prefers to keep their identity private for now.
Mayorkun said: “I am off the market. There is no chance for any other girl. I am not going to mention my partner’s name or give any details about her now. My fingers are crossed on that. But eventually, everyone will know her.”
This isn’t the first time Mayorkun has been linked to someone. He made his relationship public with UK-based Nigerian choreographer Cocainna, sharing photos and videos on Snapchat.
However, it seems that relationship has ended, as Mayorkun confirmed they’re no longer together but maintain a good relationship.
A video surfaced of him being close to Dorathy Bachor at a birthday party in 2023 surface online.
However, neither party has confirmed or denied the rumoured relationship.
[TheNation]
For a sermon that urges people to “understand their terrain”, it is ironic how many things Pastor Poju Oyemade got wrong in his message that compares realities between Nigeria and the USA. Most of the blowback to the respected pastor focuses on the controversial claim that Nigerian doctors are trained with a mere N500,000, but his sermon contains the same fallacious claims Nigerian leaders make when they relativise their country with advanced economies. It is one thing for the average talker on social media to construe subsidised medical education as a government charity to doctors, but it is another thing when a cleric repeats it. How come those who mouth these things never stop to ask why the government at the state and federal levels chooses to subsidise rather than demand full monetary value?
Nigerian universities, public or private, cannot come anywhere close to medical training in US schools simply because of affordability. For an under-producing economy, there is a practical limit to what can be charged if you want people to be able to afford medical training. Already, we are a society short of doctors; erecting any more financial barriers in their training system will be hugely detrimental. It is in the interest of the government and society to keep the costs of doctor training low enough. Can the existing arrangement be better structured to enhance value for the parties involved? Absolutely! But we cannot progress by making misleading arguments that fail to weigh the current calibration of interests by the parties involved.
In addition to the affordability, countries where they charge far more for medical training are incomparable to Nigeria in terms of training facilities and amenities. Do we want to compare Johns Hopkins Medical School with even our UCH, where their electricity supply was cut off for 100 days plus? It was just in January that medical students at UCH protested the prolonged power outage. When you listen to the heartbreaking accounts of how they coped during that dark period, you will be amused that someone thought comparing us with a country where no one worries over something as basic as electricity makes for a logical argument. Doctors at Johns Hopkins pay more, but their training also returns value for money. Can the same be said of Nigerian doctors? How many times has Pastor Poju heard of doctors in the USA going on strike over salaries, like they frequently do in Nigeria? Even our leaders know the difference, and that is why successive presidents opt for foreign hospitals rather than local ones staffed with N500,000 trained doctors!
Some of the arguments that Pastor Poju made in that video reprise what you read on social media by netizens, given to blindly defending Nigeria. One of them is that Nigerians work harder abroad while those at home are shiftless. He specifically said, “If you ask a Nigerian to do two jobs, he will curse your life out.” Really? Does the opportunity to take multiple jobs exist for Nigerians as it does for their counterparts elsewhere? To have a society where people can take multiple jobs, you must also have a productive economy that rewards. When the pastor looks around in his Lagos abode and sees the thousands of people who leave their homes at 4am to return at night, does he think they remain poor because they do not do enough?
Since the pastor’s data on Nigerians’ work culture is anecdotal, let me offer him one too. The other day, a well-meaning activist shared a video of herself scolding a mother who had brought her underage daughter to assist her in her sweeping job at 5am. We later learned from that poor mother that she leaves her home in Oworo by 3am to resume at the job at Ikoyin by 5am, and for a salary of N19,800! Will Pastor Poju agree that such a woman’s poverty is a consequence of her not taking a second job or driving for Uber? I can offer him more examples of how Nigeria’s problem of undervaluing labour contributes to the poor work culture. Once, I wrote a column on the poor remuneration of labour in Nigeria and I was shocked when several readers got back to me with figures of what they earn across sectors. The details were so ridiculous; I do not know how possible it is to survive on those salaries. For people to raise families on those amounts, they must already work on multiple fronts.
Before we accuse Nigerians of laziness compared to their immigrant counterparts, let us be sure that we have provided them with similar opportunities, but they failed to take them. Each time I think of the Oworo-to-Ikoyi woman’s 11-year-old daughter who joins her mother to do a menial task for a pittance, I wonder how exhausted she must be by a life that has not even started! If she grows up to despise work, some privileged person who does not know where she has been will compare her to her mate in the USA and conclude she is “lazy”. I am admittedly sensitive to an unnuanced comparison between Nigerians at home and abroad.
Pastor Poju made an important point about “employment data”, which he says does not capture the reality of Nigeria’s underground economy. I agree with him on that score. Truly, we can make a legitimate argument that the mathematics of “less than a dollar per day”, which international organisations use to count the number of poor people in the third world, focuses too much on what we lack at the expense of what we have. Those measurement scales are designed to be universal and can therefore elide the complexities of people’s lives in their respective countries. Yet, that should not becloud the reality of the harshness of our economic situation. If we decide to calibrate our own barometer for calculating poverty in the country, it should be to more accurately pinpoint where the problem lies and how it might be addressed, rather than being merely defensive against external agents.
We are a society so invested in faux patriotism that when we challenge poverty figures, we do so simply to contend with the international organisations that calculated them and not necessarily because we have developed a better understanding of the problem. You will hear economic advisors share spurious examples, such as the price of a bottle of Coke in the USA or how much a plate of food in Lekki Phase One costs. Those are unsophisticated understandings of what constitutes poverty in the world and its realistic effects in a modern world. Even Pastor Poju had yet another anecdote of a woman who bought wigs to prove that Nigeria might not be as poor. If a person can invest enough capital to sell wigs at N250,000 each, can she really be classified as part of the country’s informal economy system?
The people who feel the effects of these issues keenly and express their angst on social media are not, contrary to Pastor Oyemade’s wild assertion, being “programmed to hate their country”. That claim misunderstands the social terrain that precipitates these discussions and the issues that will not disappear simply because people engage in some syrupy positive speak. It is not self-hatred, expressing frustrations with your country. Those who act otherwise are not necessarily patriotic; they are just partisan. Many of them will turn coat the day the government they dislike comes to power.
It is also a part of the expression of our citizenship to stand up to a country that diminishes us. James Baldwin once said, “I love America more than any other country in this world, and, exactly for this reason, I insist on the right to criticise her perpetually.” As a cleric, Pastor Oyemade must also know that not every prophet in the Bible spoke peace to Israel at its crucial moments. Some denounced their homeland with curses. Was that (self-)hate or exhortation to righteousness? Those who still criticise Nigeria do so because they care and do not want to see it drown in injustices. I will take that over their indifference any day.
I met Quadri Alabi, the child of destiny, on Tuesday, at the News Central TV in Ogba, Ikeja. They – Quadri, his lawyer, Inibehe Effiong and Ms. Hassana Nurudeen, co-founder of Ray of Hope Prisoner Outreach – were coming out of the studios after an interview as I was stepping in for the newspaper review segment of the same breakfast programme.
I held the young lad’s hand, looked into his eyes and wished him well and shook hands with Inibehe, who I thanked for his labour of love.
I didn’t watch the interview live but the breakfast crew of Olive Emodi, Joe Hanson and Gbenga Aborowa, told me it is a must watch. And having watched the video clip, I concur. It is one interview every well-meaning Nigerian should watch because it speaks to the real issues of our law enforcement’s ruination – the fact that the police, the country’s primary law enforcement agency is not fit for purpose.
I referred to Quadri as a child of destiny because right from the day he intuitively jumped in front of Mr. Peter Obi’s campaign convoy in 2023, he came across as someone destined for a divine purpose. If you ask him, as I did last Tuesday, why he did what he did on that fateful day, you will not get an answer just as I didn’t.
During the interview, Hassana Nurudeen said the NGO, which she co-founded with Stephen Oguyinka, together with one Oyiga Michael, a social media influencer, organised a football match at the Kirikiri Correctional Centre between Twitter Influencers and Kirikiri inmates.
It was at that event, part of the group’s prison outreach, that she met a guy called Jonathan, who had been in detention for about four months because he was owing someone N1.2 million. After the match, the NGO did crowd funding to raise the money and secured Jonathan’s freedom.
It was in the course of a thank-you-visit that Jonathan told Hassana that the boy who stood in front of Peter Ob’s convoy was actually his prison mate. She called Quadri’s mother on phone and the distraught woman confirmed his son’s ordeal. She took the case to the court of public opinion by escalating it in the social media, which, by the way, the Sultan of Sokoto recently described as a tool worse than a terrorist organisation. A pity!
When the story went viral on Twitter, many Nigerians, including Peter Obi, called Inibehe to intervene. And he did. After interfacing with Hassana and convincing himself that it was a case of persecution, he took remedial steps to ensure that Quadri regained freedom.
First, he escalated the matter by bringing it to the attention of the appropriate authorities, before proceeding to the court to find out the status of the case, after which he applied for the necessary documentations and then made an application to the Apapa Magistrate Court where the Magistrate who had earlier scheduled the case for April 28 agreed to hear it on April 17. Then the Lagos State Director of Public Prosecution, DPP, Babajide Martins, reviewed the case file and found out “for a fact that truly Quadri had no case to answer.” There was no evidence to support his arrest or the effort to prosecute him for armed robbery. With the DPP’s advisory, Inibehe and his team went back to the court and the Magistrate implemented the advice and Quadri was accordingly discharged.
Inibehe didn’t just jump on the case to chase clout. “I carried out my own personal investigation. I don’t jump on cases because they have gone viral or become sensational. Before I get on any matter, I must have personal conviction and I must have done due diligence. I met with Quadri at the Kirikiri Correctional Centre and had an interview with him for over two hours and thereafter spoke with his mother. I did everything as a lawyer to have them contradict themselves but they were consistent and the sequence of events supported their position. I was convinced thereafter that this was another case of abuse of power by the police,” Inibehe told his interviewers.
What did the police do to investigate the case? Nothing! And if not for providence, Quadri would still be in prison today just as there are hundreds, if not thousands of innocent people languishing in jail for crimes they knew nothing about. Hassana said the NGO secured the release of about 22 inmates who were wrongfully accused and jailed since 2022. In 2024, they secured the release of two minors, one of them a 15-year-old lad who had spent about 10 years in prison unjustifiably.
And what was Quadri’s crime? The touts in his neck of the woods thought he must have made a heck of a fortune after his day in the sun in 2023 and wanted their share. The baale of the Amukoko community where they lived not only joined in the conspiracy but summoned Quadri’s mother, threatening that if the money that had allegedly been given to her son was not split in two, she wouldn’t see him again. What did the police do to investigate this? Nothing!
On the day Quadri was arrested, he was coming back from work and didn’t know that there had been a fight earlier in the day in the neighbourhood. The touts stole his phone and money before handing him over to the police who locked him up in a cell with four strangers. In the morning when the complainants – a man and his wife – came to the police station, the suspects were paraded and they couldn’t identify him. Yet, the police at Amukoko Police Station detained him for a week before charging him to court in January. In Kirikiri prison, because he couldn’t afford to pay the marshall, he was subjected to the indignity of cleaning up faeces from morning until 6pm.
Inibehe, who insists that Quadri’s case is a painful example of the putrefying corruption, monstrous impunity, and pervasive injustice in the Nigeria Police Force, demanded that the Lagos State Police Commissioner, Jimoh Moshood, and Inspector General of Police should, as a matter of urgency, remove the DPO of Amukoko Divisional Headquarters, CSP Ismaila Olaniyi and subject him to orderly room trial along with the Investigating Police Officer, IPO, Inspector Odigbe Samuel, and other officers who participated in what he called the “evil, sinister, oppressive, and corrupt scheme of framing-up a teenager for armed robbery at the behest of rogue Area Boys.” He also demanded a N100 million compensation and public apology from the police.
“There are many Quadris languishing in detention centres across Nigeria because of the unbridled criminality, lawlessness, and lack of accountability in the Police institution and the weakness of the justice system. History will vindicate the just,” he said.
But CP Jimoh Moshood, would have none of that. Insisting that Quadri’s statement after arrest indicated that he was 18 years and not 17, he emphasized that no one was above the law, regardless of age. “I personally checked the record at Amukoko Police Station. He wrote down his age as 18, and that is the basis on which we proceeded with the investigation.”
Pooh-poohing Quadri’s birth certificate presented by Inibehe, Moshood said the documents must be verified. “The best person to confirm someone’s age is their parent. A birth certificate or affidavit of age declaration must be thoroughly investigated. These days, with AI and digital tools, anything can be fabricated.”
The irony is that the police neither verified the documents nor sought clarification from Quadri’s mother.
But his argument sounded hollow, as always. Anyone who knows Moshood right from his days as the Force Public Relations Officer will not be surprised because he is one officer with whom every conversation sooner than later runs off the rails. With him, well-reasoned arguments might as well be whispers in the wind and no matter how compelling the points are, they won’t get through. So, Nigerians need not bother with his defence of the indefensible.
But it is sad that even in the face of incontrovertible evidence, CP Moshood is still lying about the facts of the matter. First, his claim that the DPO personally arrested Quadri after receiving a distress call is a lie. It is also not true that Quadri made a confessional statement as claimed by Moshood who should know that by law, as ruled by the Supreme Court, if someone is to make a statement that may implicate him, it must either be on video or in the presence of a counsel.
But what I found most bizarre is Moshood’s rage that Inibehe took Quadri to a “presidential candidate after his discharge.”
Warning that politics should not be mixed with criminal investigations, he said: “If someone commits a crime, it doesn’t matter if they are close to a presidential candidate or a media personality—they should face the law… When the boy was asked to go, the lawyer took him to that presidential candidate first.”
That got me thinking. Could it be that the reason the police framed a 17-year-old minor for armed robbery was because of his presumed association with Peter Obi, the political establishment’s bête noire? That, indeed, is the tragedy of Nigeria under President Bola Tinubu’s watch.
“A viable polity is not a committee of vultures, hungry for the blood of all, except their own, nor is it a choir of praise singers and boot lickers who criticise corruption but sit expectantly in the corruption lounge begging for an invitation to the dining table. The hallmark of a viable polity is a civil service that understands the difference between national service and personal service and loyalty to the nation as against loyalty to individuals.”
The Pan Atlantic University’s 18th Inaugural Lecture was recently delivered by Professor Emeka Osuji of its School of Management and Social Sciences. Nduka Nwosu who has been following Osuji’s trends over the years till date, reminisces on the high points.
How time flies. The 18th inaugural lecture of Pan Atlantic University which held at the Lagos Business School, Lekki, was one auspicious moment of reunion and reminiscences by old friends after many years apart. For Pan Atlantic University, it was a coming of age, an 18-year track record of academic excellence and very solid on the ground.
The inaugural lecture was marked by the pomp and pageantry of academic procession in the serene LBS environment and delivered by one of its eminent scholars, Professor Emeka Osuji, distinguished Professor of Economics, who while introducing himself reminded the audience he had been in this business of postulation of theories bordering on the subject for over a quarter of a century.
Osuji has come of age for those who know him. He is many personalities rolled into one, each personality struggling to over power the other. However the Osuji dominant persona realised mid-stream the direction of the wind, adjusted his compass and made a good sail.
Osuji defined the basis for his lecture with an invocation: “An inaugural lecture is more than a milestone. It is a declaration of purpose, a commitment to continue to push the boundaries of thought and a challenge to embrace the unknown. Beyond that, an inaugural lecture is an Initiation Rite that welcomes an academic as a High Priest of his chosen Temple of Learning, authorised by his academic ancestors to break kola nuts, pour libation(s) and preach the Sacred Words of his ancestors in the Temple of Knowledge.”
This reporter once sat beside Osuji, Ben Akabueze and Ifueko Omoigui-Okauru (MFR) in the Statistics and Accounting classes of Dr. Ikechukwu Nwobodo, then a staff of NNPC and a part time lecturer at the Faculty of Business Administration at the University of Lagos, and Mr. R.S. Wallace, an Economics First Class graduate from the London School of Economics who lectured in Accounting and did not hesitate to educate you he was ICAN and ICAN was Wallace. He set the ICAN examinations off head and if you wanted to pass his papers, it was in your interest to listen to him, not any other lecturer who would hide behind a PhD and could not set questions off curve.
Wallace resolved all the complex equations and balanced his accounts to produce a perfect balance sheet. If there were students who could not follow Wallace and Nwobodo at first instance, three people stood out as their possible assistants who could help out. Their brains raced sharply ahead of everyone else. Their commentaries were suggestive they had known these figures and calculations earlier before now. Where were they coming from? Everyone asked. Osuji rattled his way through each lesson discussion and Ifueko always predicted where these lecturers were headed; she buried herself in the Science Department complex totally disconnected from humanity especially on weekends.
I was not sure if Osuji had time to read for too long but he had time for every issue that was of national significance and he made his relevant contributions with his commonsensical take on the solution to every problem. He picked the issues that mattered as the lecture proceeded and with a little extra research, he was done. He loved books and much later after graduation, wrote profusely as a journalist who had a column in the Vanguard as well as being Deputy Business Editor.
In the end Ben Akabueze made a First Class, Ifueko also made a First Class and was the Valedictorian and best all round student of her set. She went ahead to study at the Imperial College London and the Harvard Kennedy School Cambridge while Akabueze went to the LBS and the Harvard Kennedy School (HKS).
Emeka Osuji emerged with a Second Class Upper, surprisingly though because he was in that troika of the most brilliant of their time in the faculty.
While Ifueko chaired the FIRS distinguishing herself with her Restral Consult, board chairmanships and memberships, Akabueze made it through Price Waterhouse, Citibank, Fidelity Bank, UBA, stepping out successfully as the driver of the top lofty seat of Sterling Bank then NAL Merchant Bank to become a commissioner for Economic Planning and Budget in Lagos State and later Nigeria’s Director of Budget.
Osuji on the other hand was several things at different times working as a Special Assistant and adviser to three distinguished men of banking and finance. Otunba Balogun, Pascal Dozie and Chu SP Okongwu definitely found Osuji’s academic brilliance something to rely on. Even after leaving FCMB, Balogun found him useful for regular contacts, mentioning his name as one of his reliable foot soldiers. He did not disappoint.
As Okongwu’s special assistant, Osuji, at the instance of his principal Okongwu, who was the Honourable Minister of Finance, organised the powerful delegation of Nigerian businessmen and women, corporate chieftains and industry leaders as well as government officials whom President Ibrahim Babangida mandated to visit the Asian Tiger countries, see what they could learn from them, return home to implement same and move the economy to the next destination. Chief MKO Abiola was the head of that delegation with Chief Sonny Odogwu as his deputy. Okongwu was the anchor head of the delegation reprsenting Mr. President. It was one moment of a historical turn around when Babangida welcomed the travelers of about fifty men and women to Dodan Barracks. Osuji also had the additional task of inviting bank CEOs for weekly dialogues with the honourable minister.
Osuji, a man whose compass reminds him its time to unhook his moors and set sail for his next destination, disengaged from Okongwu’s office to start a finance company at a time new banks were emerging in the banking and finance sector. We all taught he was going to start a new bank using what he had learnt at the then International Merchant Bank (IMB) and the First City Merchant Bank (FCMB) and his vast contacts in the banking industry and government circles.
His finance company Leverage suffered the set backs of the time but he was not one to give up, picking a number of lessons in buying and selling, in lending and borrowing and in real estate while going back to run a degree programme in law at his alma mater and a bachelor of law at the Nigerian Law School. Of course with the prompting of his elder brother, Osuji had enrolled for a Master’s degree programme in Economics shortly after his first degree and went ahead to write his doctorate in the same department. Osuji is also an alumnus of the Lagos Business School (LBS), the Wharton School of Business, the University of Pennsylvania, to strengthen his negotiation skills, and the Harvard Business School (HBS). It was also not too surprising he disengaged from his finance company at the prodding of Dr. Pascal Dozie, to join him at the headquarters of Diamond Bank where he was working in the chairman’s office as the special assistant. He later moved into the Diamond Pension Fund Custodian Limited as chief executive and has had the privilege of being called to board chairmanships and membership.
Again, before long, Osuji moved into academia, having explored the corporate world and seen it all, convinced academic excellence was what he needed to distinguish himself while churning out his books as his evidence of scholarship.
Osuji reminds me of Dr.Pius Okigbo whose sibling was the famous poet Christopher Okigbo, seamlessly used his literary prowess to support his knowledge of world history and how economics determined the evolution of civilisation and the building of wealth among nations. He did this interplay between literati and economics to the joy of listeners at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) Victoria Island.
Osuji’s perfection of the enigmatic persona in the delivery of his economic sermon of the dog wagging the tail or the tail wagging the dog, quickly takes you to the Achebean literary epistles on colonial rule and its effect on the native people, the fairy tales of The Forest of a Thousand Daemons, Fagunwa’s foray into fantasy, reality and religious didacticism where men walk down the streets with their heads and drink palm wine through their noses, a parallel universe of magic and the occult. Here familiar characters such as are portrayed in the historical fiction work of Baroness Orczy’s Scarlet Pimpernel, live a double life because they have the magical powers of disguise or deception used to short change the less fortunate of mankind.
In Osuji’s dialogue with his audience he summarises the two universes he is familiar with , one where men do not speak in the tongue of demons but angels, and the second where the characters create a voodoo universe simply to confuse the rest of us if only to loot our collective commonwealth. It is a scenario comparable to the deceptive characters in government and how colonial rule and independence have failed to resolve the formal and informal phenomenon of governance.
This is how he summarised the awkward situation in the proverbial zoo Republic of Animal Farm: “A viable polity is not a committee of vultures, hungry for the blood of all, except their own, nor is it a choir of praise singers and boot lickers who criticise corruption but sit expectantly in the corruption lounge begging for an invitation to the dining table. The hallmark of a viable polity is a civil service that understands the difference between national service and personal service and loyalty to the nation as against loyalty to individuals.”
One could hear from his student the echoes of an Okongwu philosophy and ethics of governance for while in government he believed it was demeaning for him to be discussing oil blocks or how to inflate contracts. You could also feel in Osuji’s character the Catholicism that moulded Dozie’s character in his dealings with the wider world.
In his microcosmic paradise, Osuji could not have done what he did with efficiency and best results without having behind him a wife and partner whose devotion and love remain a constant till date. Emile Osuji, an executive director at the Nigerian Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC) is a non-pareil in Professor Osuji’s life.
You would think the Osuji persona probably equates with that of his favourite philosopher Aristotle or Isaac Newton who would forget to take care of their well being for the sake of knowledge. Osuji is a town crier in corporate Nigeria but also understands and responds to the needs of his grassroots constituency. Last December he and his wife donated a hospital to his Obiangwu community. Unfortunately he is not your everyday politician and does not crave for visibility for its sake. The vibrant Mezie Owerri he belongs to is a cultural institution that is a moving spirit of development in his geographical location. Among the members are Nick Oparandudu, a former banker at Diamond and Commissioner for Finance and later Works under Governor Rochas Okorocha, and Dr. Reginald Ihebuzor who was also a Commissioner for Budget and Economic Planning under Governor Emeka Ihedioha and currently the Coordinating consultant of the Niger Delta Development Bank, as well as Chijioke Eke, an Abuja based IT guru.
Professor Osuji is a man of lofty ideas and landmark achievements, not waiting for history to define him but stoops to gather what he needs to make history. Therefore, while hollering three hearty cheers to him for the moment, let us not be caught unawares for what lies ahead in the ecosystem of accomplishments he designs for himself.
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[OPINION] Seye Kehinde At 60: The Man Who Sees Stars: The Promoter of Dreams and Stories - Olukayode Ajulo, SAN
Admin...a tribute to Dr. Seye Kehinde on the occasion of his birthday, honouring a life devoted to celebrating others and illuminating hidden greatness.
“I will bless those who bless you; ...and all peoples on earth will be blessed through you.”- Genesis 12:3
Today, I honour a remarkable man through whom this divine promise has come to life, Dr. Oluseye Olugbemiga Kehinde, Chief Executive Officer of City People Group Limited, Publisher of City People Magazine, and Organizer of the esteemed City People Awards. His blessings shall continue to flow, for he has been a blessing to me, and this divine mandate will persist in his life.
This is more than a mere birthday message; it is a tribute to a rare gem, a journalist whose talent transcends the written word, rooted in an unwavering commitment to help others shine. It is this very essence that propels his ascent.
From my earliest days as a student, I recall submitting articles, poems, and opinion pieces to Newswatch, Nigerian Tribune, National Concord, Prime People, Hint Magazine, and City People. He stood by me with unconditional support and guidance. Throughout my journey, he not only championed my work, but did so selflessly, expecting nothing in return, no transactions, no conditions, only a genuine belief in my potential.
When I was appointed National Secretary of the Labour Party in Lagos, he organised A Day in the Industry for me, a gesture that spoke volumes: "I see you." Yet, the truth is, he has always seen me, from my formative years at Aquinas College, Akure, to the University of Jos, Law School, and beyond, never faltering, always promoting my work with steadfast devotion.
In an industry where many pursue gain before offering their platforms, Dr. Seye Kehinde stands as a beacon of integrity. He is motivated not by self-interest, but by the grace to recognise and nurture burgeoning greatness.
He is akin to a big brother who discerned a spark in me early on, nurturing it until it blossomed into a radiant flame. He has taught me, and many others, that the act of celebrating others is a noble ministry, and through this, he has forged a legacy far richer than mere headlines.
Because he celebrates others, God will continue to celebrate him.
Because he promotes those around him, God will continue to elevate him.
Because he sees the stars in others, he shall shine eternally.
Happy Birthday, dear brother. May your days be long, your light ever brighter, and your rewards transcend all expectations.
Signed:
Dr. Olukayode Ajulo, SAN, OON
Attorney General & Commissioner for Justice, Ondo State
There’s a shift in Nigerian politics of seismic proportion going on. As governance gives way to the politics of another electoral cycle in 2027 with many seeking reelection to their offices, especially those of the president and many governors, a new game is playing out. Governors of states run by opposition parties are taking turns to pledge their commitment to working for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reelection.
Nothing strange about it. After all, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi as governor of Rivers State and Bukola Saraki, his Kwara State counterpart led a team of five PDP governors to openly declare their opposition to then President Goodluck Jonathan’s bid for reelection in 2015. Four years later, Nyesom Wike led another group of five governors, again all PDP, to defy their party to vote in the candidate of a rival party.
The difference, and a crucial one at that, is that on both occasions, the renegade governors had already secured their second and final terms. This time, the opposition governors are all angling for reelection, just like Tinubu. Some of them are even quietly exploring the possibility of decamping to Tinubu’s APC. Akwa Ibom’s Pastor Umo Eno was unequivocal about his decision. “As for me, I’m supporting Baba Bola Ahmed Tinubu for a second term. When the time comes, I’ll tell you why”, he said.
Osun’s Ademola Adeleke went a step further with his campaign posters openly suggesting an alignment between him and Tinubu. His campaign posters feature both him and Tinubu as a combo to the people.
Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State clearly equated the success of his administration with that of the president in urging his people to support the president. Plateau’s Caleb Muftwang, Douye Diri of Bayelsa as well as Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano have been taking turns to extol President Tinubu. Even the suspended Rivers governor Siminayi Fubara, in his Easter message, made praising the president the main part of his address to his people.
It is a development that has upended political calculations on what to expect in 2027. While the governors openly acknowledge the tough economic climate occasioned by the policies of the federal government and do not endorse such policies, yet in their calculations, the path to guaranteeing victory does not like in using the state of the economy in their messaging.
Critics of Nigeria’s political system ascribe the development to an acknowledgement of the failure of the electoral system and how it has been corrupted and manipulated. In the run up to the 2023 elections, the level of discount with then President Muhammadu Buhari was such that the opposition parties took it for granted that the APC government will be beaten. So confident were they that they failed to form a common front.
Unfortunately, their confidence was misplaced. Despite receiving less than 30 percent of popular votes, Tinubu somehow emerged victorious. With him now firmly in charge, there is very narrow chance of an upset in the election. The conduct and outcome of the recent governorship election in Edo State is seen as dress rehearsal of how it may pan out in 2027.
To that extent, the opposition governors may simply be playing a game of survival. It is not like a recourse to the judiciary may give the desired reprieve. The proceedings in the courts over the crisis in Rivers State may have made them recognise that a combination of a damaged Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the courts that has been making very controversial and strange judgements may have created the perception that Tinubu’s infamous recipé on how to win by grabbing it and running with it was not a joke.
Dele Farotimi, in a recent interview, is of the view that unless there is a fundamental electoral reform, the outcome of the 2027 elections has already been written. If there is no comprehensive reform, he said he will not participate in the election. The reality of conduct of elections in the country has raised concerns on the future of opposition parties in the country’s evolving political culture. And Farotimi’s stance resonates with leaders in the opposition parties even as they continue exploring the path to collaboration and merger to confront the behemoth APC has become.
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar accused APC of intolerance and working to monopolise of power. He said the actions of the ruling party were steadily eroding pluralism, an essential element of true democracy. He said through his “unchecked actions”, Tinubu is “blurring the line between state power and personal ambition, magnifying his control over both the nation and its institutions.”
Dele Momodu, veteran journalist and PDP chieftain, echoed Atiku’s position, accusing the ruling party of deliberately instigating crises within Nigeria’s major opposition parties in an effort to weaken them. “Nigeria is obviously moving in a direction of a one-party state. The ruling party, APC, is so scared of opposition that right now crises are being orchestrated from party to party, especially the leading opposition parties like PDP, Labour Party, and NNPP. It’s obvious what is going on”, he said.
Similarly, Mark Adebayo, national spokesperson of the Coalition of United Political Parties (CUPP), accused Tinubu of engineering the disorganisation and persistent divisions within opposition political parties.
Although, opposition parties have control over 15 states, a healthy number, leaving the rest 21 to APC, internal squabbles in virtually all of them have left the governors from their fold seeking reelection vulnerable. They are on their own to fashion their own pathways to remaining in office.
The evolution of Tinubu and APC into a collosal machine is not the product of sterling performance or popularity in the years they have been running the country. In the run up to the gubernatorial election in Edo State, it was almost taken for granted that Godwin Obaseki would successfully engineer the victory of his party and install his favoured successor. They may not have reckoned with the ground work of the party in Aso Rock. They factored everything overwhelmingly. From the electoral umpire, the persons running the errands and the judiciary, it was a thorough job. It was a dress rehearsal for 2027 that delivered.
[OPINION] The Freudian Slip That Exposed the Seat: Wike, Tinubu, and Rivers State - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminThe Slip Heard Across a Nation
In psychoanalytic terms, a Freudian slip is never accidental. It is the unconscious leaking through the cracks of performance—the raw truth escaping the mouth before the mind can trap it. And on a national stage, in a country already choked by doubt and distortion, Nyesom Wike uttered what may now go down as the most revealing political confession in recent Nigerian history: “Who is Tinubu other than me?”
The sentence fell like a joke but landed like thunder. It was more than arrogance—it was an exposure. It was the unconscious voice of a man who, perhaps more than anyone else, has become emblematic of the deep rupture between democratic appearance and authoritarian reality. And in that moment, Wike did not just reveal how he sees himself—he exposed how power in Nigeria is truly perceived: as a game of control, not consent; of dominance, not mandate.
The Wrapping of the Presidency
From a psychological lens, this moment was not merely about politics. It was about suppressed identity, unchecked power, and the projection of ego onto a nation’s highest office. Wike’s statement was a slip, yes—but it was also a scream. A scream from a psyche so saturated with control that it no longer separates itself from the State. In that phrase, Tinubu was not insulted. He was eclipsed. The President was rendered a shadow—an extension of Wike’s political muscle and historical maneuvering. And the terrifying part? The silence that followed confirmed the possibility. Not a rebuttal from Aso Rock. Not a press statement from the Villa. Not even a whispered contradiction from those in Tinubu’s inner circle. Just silence—the kind that confirms suspicion.
Media as Courtiers, Not Critics
Wike’s statement, then, was not just a gaffe—it was a window into Nigeria’s power psychosis. And what made it worse was the atmosphere in which it was received: a media assembly that looked less like a press conference and more like a coronation. The journalists present did not challenge him—they lobbed softballs. They smiled. They chuckled. They nodded, not as watchdogs of democracy, but as spectators of theatre. There was no seriousness, no confrontation, no accountability—only the uncomfortable energy of people who seemed to know they were in the presence of someone they could not question. It was as though they had been given something—not just access, but instruction. And so, a man rewrote the hierarchy of Nigerian power, and the fourth estate took notes instead of asking questions.
A Subconscious Walkback in Real Time
Somewhere deep within, perhaps even Wike himself knew that his slip revealed too much. That is why, in the very same breath of arrogance, he quickly tried to shield himself with reassurance—by publicly declaring he would ‘make sure Tinubu wins again in 2027,’ even boasting that Tinubu would remain in office until 2031. It was not just strategic flattery—it was psychological defense. A subconscious attempt to patch the wound he had just torn open. He needed to show that his dominance was not betrayal, but partnership. That he still had Tinubu’s political back, even as he stepped on the President’s symbolic head. But the nation heard both messages. And it understood the contradiction. That contradiction has now become a national mirror: Are we being governed, or ruled? Is this a democracy, or a carefully staged theater of submission? Again, perhaps sensing he had gone too far, with his slip, tried to walk it back—but the damage was done. Nigerians heard the contradiction: a man asserting dominance while pretending to be loyal. And the people drew their conclusions. In this distorted republic, are we governed—or ruled?
And in that window, we saw everything: the fragile ego of godfatherism, the muted voice of elected leadership, and the raw scream of a nation searching for who actually holds the reins. And this is why the protests will continue. This is why the prayers will deepen. Because in a land where one man can say “Who is Tinubu other than me?” and walk away stronger, it is no longer enough to vote. It is time to call for judgment—not just legal, but ancestral. Not just electoral, but spiritual.
The Cry Beyond Politics
Because sometimes, the deepest truths come not from manifestos—but from slips. And in Wike’s slip, Nigeria saw the face behind the mask. Today, many Nigerians—especially the people of Rivers State—have drawn their own conclusions: that this one man is no longer just a minister, but a shadow ruler. That he is perceived to control not only the presidency, but also the judiciary and the legislature. And when that perception becomes lived reality, when justice feels rented and democracy feels stolen, the people no longer cry to Abuja—they cry to the heavens.
A Turn to Divine and Global Witnesses
In helpless tears, they have turned to President Tinubu not just for action, but for redemption. And when he does not speak, they turn further: to the Almighty, to the ancestral spirits, to the gods of the land, and finally to the watching eyes of the world. Because when democracy is kidnapped and power becomes personal, the people must call upon forces greater than the state—forces that do not blink, do not bargain, and do not forget.
These cries are not born out of religious fanaticism, but from psychological exhaustion and institutional betrayal. They represent the final effort of a people who have knocked on every door of democratic process—only to find them bolted shut by one man’s influence. The people of Rivers, like millions across the nation, now pray with tears not just for Fubara’s restoration, but for the resurrection of dignity, of truth, of constitutional order. They are turning to God not only for spiritual strength, but for judgment. They chant to the gods not for spectacle, but for balance. They cry to the ancestors not to preserve tradition, but to awaken a force that predates corrupt empires.
And to the world—the UN, the ICC, the superpowers—they say: if you care about democracy, this is your test. If you believe in justice, listen to Nigeria’s silence. If you value peace, watch Rivers closely. Because the people have spoken with their ballots. And now, they speak with their spirits. If ignored again, the next voice may not be protest. It may be the unraveling of a nation’s fragile peace.
Wike made that statement while Tinubu was in Abroad. And upon the President’s return, the country was buzzing with a single question: who is really in charge? Tinubu, trained in American political culture, understands the weight of silence and the cost of perception. Wike’s words, delivered without apology, redefined the national hierarchy—and Tinubu knew it.
But something may have shifted. Perhaps Tinubu, reflecting on the growing protests, chants, and prayers from women in mourning cloth, realized that Wike is no longer an asset but a burden. “Yes, you delivered Rivers,” Tinubu may have thought. “But now, you’ve become the distraction.” And maybe—just maybe—he has decided to act. To restore Governor Fubara. To end the games.
Again, in their despair, many citizens have turned beyond politics—to the divine. They call not just on Aso Rock, but on the gods, ancestors, and international observers. These cries are not superstition. They are the final acts of people who feel democracy has failed them.
If ignored again, what follows may not be protest. It may be the unraveling of Nigeria’s fragile peace. The presidency cannot afford to remain in shadow. Not anymore. Allah bless Mr. President, God bless Nigeria.
If history has taught us anything about Nigeria’s main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), it is that it does not need external enemies to fail, its internal betrayals, power tussles, and ego battles have always been more than enough to keep it in a state of political limbo. As we inch closer to the 2027 general elections, one question continues to echo loudly in political circles and among concerned citizens: Who will break the self-destructive jinx in PDP before it is too late, again?
Since its humiliating fall from power in 2015, the PDP has had multiple chances to regroup, restructure, and reinvent itself. But what has it done with those opportunities? Squandered them, repeatedly. Despite being the largest party in Africa at the time, with unrivaled grassroots structure and years of incumbency advantage, the PDP failed to read the signs of the time, culminating in the unprecedented electoral defeat that ushered in the All Progressives Congress (APC).
From the infighting that shattered the party in the lead-up to the 2019 elections, to the North-South zoning war and the controversial emergence of Atiku Abubakar as its 2023 presidential flagbearer, the PDP has constantly chosen internal chaos over unity. Instead of learning from its failures, the party has nurtured a culture of political cannibalism, where ambition, not ideology, drives decisions; where loyalty is a currency quickly devalued; and where leaders would rather burn down the house than let someone else hold the keys.
No recent example illustrates the PDP’s destructive streak better than the messy fallout between Nyesom Wike and Atiku Abubakar. What began as a legitimate grievance over zoning and fairness quickly degenerated into open hostility, with Wike leading the G5 governors into rebellion against the party. These were not lightweight political players. They were serving governors with strong influence in their respective states. The refusal to manage egos and build consensus turned what could have been a formidable campaign machine into a fragmented and toothless opposition during the 2023 elections.
Atiku’s emergence as the flagbearer, despite the party’s own zoning principle, was viewed as a betrayal by many Southern stakeholders who had expected the presidency to rotate to the South after President Buhari’s two terms. Rather than using diplomacy and reconciliation, the party doubled down, effectively sidelining Wike and the G5. The result? The PDP experienced hemorrhaged support in key states and performed dismally at the polls. The APC won not because it was more popular, but because the PDP was too divided to present a united front.
What is even more disheartening is that, rather than closing ranks after the election, the wounds have deepened. Wike, who is now a minister in the APC-led government, continues to throw jabs at his former party, and many believe he still has one hand on the PDP’s throat, even while wearing APC colors.
While the ruling APC continues to struggle under the weight of economic hardship and dwindling public goodwill, the PDP, which should be capitalizing on the situation, is instead wasting time shadow-boxing within itself.
This is not a one-off problem. The PDP has made it a tradition to approach every election season with more division than vision. Every election cycle since 2015 has featured parallel congresses at state and national levels, endless court battles over primaries, an obsession with power rotation without a consensus framework and kingmakers who become wreckers once their preferred candidate loses out.
These self-inflicted wounds are no coincidence. They point to a systemic illness, a refusal to prioritize the party’s survival over personal interests. Unless that jinx is broken, 2027 will not be different. In fact, it may be worse. The PDP is in danger of becoming irrelevant if it doesn’t reset urgently.
So the question remains: Who in the PDP will rise above ambition and ego to steer the party back from the brink?
Is it Atiku Abubakar, who still carries the burden of a serial presidential candidate but risks overstaying his welcome in the political ring? While his experience is undeniable, many Nigerians believe his time has passed. The electorate, especially the youth, are yearning for fresh ideas and faces.
Is it Nyesom Wike, whose influence remains potent but polarizing, especially with his flirtation with the ruling APC? Can he be trusted to lead a party he once undermined?
Could it be younger, less divisive voices like Aminu Tambuwal, Bala Mohammed, or even a completely fresh face who can rally the party around a unifying agenda rather than individual ambition? Could the party produce a consensus builder like the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who would prioritize healing and development over factional dominance?
Whoever it is, one thing is clear, PDP cannot survive another round of selfish politics. It needs leadership that understands compromise, respects the party’s diversity, and willing to put structure over self.
Given that time Is not on their side, it is germane to opine that the 2027 elections may seem far away, but in politics, time flies. The APC is already positioning itself for the next contest. The Labour Party is quietly rebuilding. Even fringe parties are beginning to gain traction among the frustrated youth demographic.
The PDP? Still stuck in the loop of old wounds and new betrayals. If nothing changes, and fast, it may end up not even being the main opposition anymore. That title could very well go to the Labour Party or even a coalition of third-force elements.
Another fundamental challenge the PDP must confront is the trust gap between the party and the Nigerian people. Many Nigerians see the PDP as no different from the APC as they are seen to be two sides of the same coin. That perception can only be changed through bold reforms, internal democracy, inclusion of young and competent candidates, and a clear ideological shift.
The PDP must prove to Nigerians that it has learned its lessons and that it is no longer the party of impunity, rigging, and corruption that got it booted out in 2015. If not, even a united PDP may still be rejected at the polls.
History is watching. Nigerians are watching. And if PDP fails to fix itself yet again, it will have no one else to blame. The jinx will not break itself.
The clock is ticking, and the 2027 elections will not wait for anyone. If the PDP truly wants to reclaim its lost glory and provide credible opposition to the APC, it must start now. It must identify and empower a new generation of leaders who are not tainted by the past and who are genuinely committed to service.
Until then, the question will remain unanswered: Who will break the self-destructive jinx in PDP before 2027?