One bright afternoon, some years ago, I decided to make a quick stop at my favourite shoes-and-bags shop on Allen Avenue, Ikeja, Lagos. As I approached the shop, I noticed an armed guard at the entrance. He was carrying a familiar gun – the intimidating but innocent-looking big thing only a certain agency in Nigeria bears. Oh, a DSS (Department of State Services) personnel was on the premises. A DSS guy shopping for his lady or a DSS lady taking time off to buy high heels and a nice clutch? I stepped in and lo and behold, testing a nice blue pair of eye-popper heels was a DSS lady of note and record. Go on, guess all you want. I ain’t helping or telling.

Is this a story about high-heeled shoes? Nah. It’s a story about DSS, DSS guns, DSS and the Nigerian media and their tough marriage. 

So at this year’s conference of the International Press Institute, Nigeria chapter, I was looking forward to seeing dozens of the DSS ‘designer guns on display. Maybe I’d even get to touch one, I thought. And why not? The DSS chief, yeah, the Director-General of the DSS, Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi, was going to deliver a paper and I was on the panel that would discuss that paper. So I got to the venue early. Didn’t want those hard poker-faced-dudes getting there before me. But there was no gun in sight. What the heck? Was he standing us up, sending a rep? He came himself and when he did, the guns were still missing. Nobody was wearing a black shirt or an overall with bold DSS inscribed on it. What’s going on here?

When Mr. Ajayi finally got on the podium (he, himself, looking like a bank CEO), he explained why the guns were out of sight. It was a long counselling session, the kind a wife gets even when she’s the one who woke the husband up with: “Honey, we need to talk.” His topic was: “Dissecting the frosty relationship between the Nigerian Media and Security Agencies.” He read from no notes, speaking directly from his heart. His message was clear, delivered in stern terms and tone.

There’s no frosty relationship (I added “Honey” in my head). The DSS is the DSS. It’s a security agency. It’s a secret police.

DSS protects its information

The media looks for information

Breaking news can break security

The choice of words the media uses can damage things

The media throw ‘it’ out there. 

The DSS keeps it away from getting out.

So, how do these two people who are brought up differently, trained differently to live lovingly in their federally and nationally arranged marriage? even the Bible says two cannot work together except they agree. Wait, maybe that’s the key to the resolution. Agreement. For this marriage to work, the Media and DSS will have to agree on their differences and how to live with them.

Even if the DSS Chief insisted that there is no such thing as a frosty relationship between the newsroom and security, this couple still needed to sit down and agree on the knotty issues. If a wife says it is not well and the husband says it is well, then we need to find out what’s in the well. If a husband says it is full and the wife says it is empty, we need to check the cup and look at why the two are seeing different things.

First, can the DSS be more open, and ….em… em perhaps un-scrap the scrapped office of the DSS spokesperson. Wha-a-t? Tosin Ajayi almost blew something. A secret police with a spokesperson? How does that add up? The DSS is like a sacred masquerade or ‘Oro’. It does not talk anyhow everywhere. The DSS is like a circumspect Yoruba Oba, he must not eat in public. Ok, those are my words, my understanding of the seriousness of the situation. The media want answers, voices in their stories, operating within deadlines that must be met. How do we deliver our stories when DSS doesn’t want to be seen? Tosin Ajayi said all of that can be arranged without the office of the spokesman of DSS. Seriously? What changed? Well, I learnt that this new Sheriff is a thoroughbred secret cop who rose through the ranks, not a politician or political appointee who got lucky. No, Ajayi started as a rookie, and after three decades-plus of service, he’s here determined to restore the dignity of the service. The  mask must stay on and the masquerade must stay in the grove unless there is reason for it to visit the people.

Do you see why this relationship is rocky, if not frosty? Journalists are excited by  masks. They want to know who is behind the mask. What’s the mask made of and indeed what goes on in the grove? Why does the masquerade speak in a guttural voice? Does it have a cold or it just wants to confuse the populace? Secrets and secret hunters can hardly ever be on the same page. That is why the innocent-looking DSS guns are out of sight and the bold DSS labels are now covered by long cloaks. Tosin Ajayi doesn’t want his men in our faces even when they are all over us. A masquerade who goes to the village market every day will soon lose his mask to little boys who would think he’s one of them and not a spirit.

That was why they were all dressed like bankers at the IPI Conference. But we, yes editors, knew they were not one of us. I know they also knew we were not one of them. They did their thing and we did ours. Come to think of it: Wasn’t that what the new DSS Chief’s presentation was about?

Seriously, the media and the DSS both want the same thing, a safe environment, safe nation. The two just use different routes to the market.

Different training, different ways of life for two different professionals expected to work together. Tough but doable.

The boss at the Yellow House comes across as a man who came into this job prepared. He knew the service he joined more than 30 years ago and he didn’t like the turn it took somewhere along the way. He’s a man on a mission, determined to keep the Secret in the State Service while maintaining a smart and smooth relationship with the newsroom.

The only way for this marriage to stay on the happily-ever-after lane is mutual respect and understanding of what each party brings to the table. I can still see the D-G, DSS in his impeccable suit as he told us to stop shaking the table. We’ll try, sir, but shaking the table is what we do. We’ll just try to do it within the ambits of the law, respect the space of the sacred grove and the New Sheriff’s masquerade.

. Egbemode is a former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors.

A devastating incident has shaken the community in Rivers State, Nigeria, where a woman named Jessica has been arrested for allegedly assaulting a teenager. The victim’s mother alleges that Jessica’s husband, Ebuka, had previously raped the teenager, and in a twisted turn of events, Jessica accused the teenager of sleeping with her husband.

The brutality of the assault is shocking, with reports indicating that Jessica stripped the teenager, inserted pepper into her private parts, and beat her up. The victim’s mother promptly reported the incident to the police, leading to Jessica’s arrest. A rights group, Centre for Basic Rights Protection And Accountability Campaign, has condemned the alleged torture and demanded a thorough investigation.

The police spokesperson has promised to look into the matter, and efforts are currently underway to locate Jessica’s husband, Ebuka, for further investigation. This incident should spark a broader conversation about domestic and child abuse, highlighting the need for education, awareness, and accountability.

Where Is the Minister of Women’s Affairs in This Case?

The Minister of Women’s Affairs, Imaan Suleiman-Ibrahim, has a crucial role to play in addressing the allegations of assault in Rivers State. As the head of the Ministry, she is expected to advocate for systemic reforms to address the lack of urgency in handling domestic and child abuse cases. This includes pushing for stricter oversight of law enforcement agencies and mechanisms to ensure swift and fair adjudication of such matters.

The Minister should take immediate action to condemn the assault and express solidarity with the teenage victim. She should demand justice and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. Furthermore, Suleiman-Ibrahim should ensure that the victim receives necessary medical, psychological, and legal support. This would involve collaborating with relevant agencies and organizations to provide the necessary assistance.

To address the root causes of domestic and child abuse, the Minister should advocate for systemic reforms. This includes continuously pushing for stricter laws and penalties for perpetrators of domestic and child abuse. Additionally, she should launch sensitization and awareness campaigns to educate the public about the importance of reporting domestic and child abuse cases.

The Minister’s role is not limited to advocacy and reform. Collaboration and partnerships are crucial in addressing domestic and child abuse cases. Suleiman-Ibrahim should work with the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, to ensure that the state government takes concrete actions to address the case. She should also engage with law enforcement agencies to ensure that they take domestic and child abuse cases seriously and investigate them thoroughly. Furthermore, she should partner with civil society organizations that specialize in supporting victims of domestic and child abuse.

Suleiman-Ibrahim should emulate the bold and aggressive approach of her predecessor, Uju-Ken Ohanenye, who was known for her uncompromising stance on women’s rights and social development issues. The Minister should be vocal and unrelenting in her pursuit of justice for the teenage victim and demand accountability from law enforcement agencies and the judiciary.

This is not the time for family begging or settlement outside the court. The case must be taken to court as soon as possible, and the perpetrators must be held accountable for their actions. The Minister should ensure that the victim and her family receive the necessary support and protection throughout the trial.

To ensure that justice is served, it is imperative to put huge pressure on the police to investigate the case thoroughly and bring the perpetrators to justice. The Minister should demand regular updates from the police and ensure that they are taking concrete actions to address the case. Suleiman-Ibrahim should also mobilize the public to demand justice for the teenage victim and ensure that the case is not swept under the rug.

Where is the Governor?

The Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, has a critical role to play in ensuring that justice is served in this case. As the chief executive of the state, he has the power to put more weight on the actions of law enforcement agencies and the judiciary. The Governor should take immediate action to condemn the assault and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. The delay in the police response and the systemic challenges in handling cases like this have raised serious concerns. The Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, as the chief executive of the state, must take immediate action to ensure this case does not fade into obscurity. Public trust in law enforcement and the judiciary has often been eroded by reports of compromise, such as police allegedly pressuring families to drop cases or courts failing to push aggressively for justice.

Governor Fubara’s involvement could help ensure transparency and accountability, compelling law enforcement to act decisively and ensuring that the judicial process remains focused and unbiased. His intervention would send a strong message that the state prioritizes justice for victims of abuse and will not tolerate negligence or compromise.

Governor Fubara should work closely with the Minister of Women’s Affairs to ensure that the state government takes concrete actions to address the case. He should also engage with law enforcement agencies to ensure that they take domestic and child abuse cases seriously and investigate them thoroughly. Furthermore, he should provide the necessary resources and support to ensure that the victim and her family receive the necessary assistance throughout the trial.

Where is the Police? How Far?

Arresting the accused is only the first step; ensuring justice for the teenage victim requires a comprehensive approach. There is need for forensic evidence, such as a medical examination using a sexual assault evidence kit. This process is essential to document physical evidence, establish facts, and strengthen the case against the alleged perpetrators in court. Without these critical steps, the case risks being undermined by insufficient evidence.

The Rivers State Police Command has a responsibility to investigate the case thoroughly and bring the perpetrators to justice. However, the police have been slow to act, and their response has been inadequate. The police should provide regular updates on the progress of the investigation and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice.

The police should also ensure that the victim and her family receive the necessary protection and support throughout the trial. This includes providing security and ensuring that the victim is not intimidated or harassed by the perpetrators or their associates. 

The Rivers State Police Command’s delay in providing updates must cease, as it underscores the pressing need for institutional accountability. Both the Minister of Women’s Affairs and the Rivers State Governor have critical roles to play in addressing these lapses. Their leadership should focus on holding law enforcement agencies accountable, ensuring timely and transparent communication, and driving reforms that enable justice systems to operate efficiently and effectively in protecting the rights of vulnerable individuals.

Where is the Court?

Nigerian courts, often criticized for being lax on cases of domestic violence, child abuse, and female assaults, must change this narrative. The judiciary has a critical role to play in ensuring justice is served in such cases. Courts must act swiftly to hear cases, hold perpetrators accountable, and set a precedent that these offenses will not be tolerated. Additionally, the judiciary must guarantee that trials are fair and transparent, while ensuring the victim and her family receive the necessary support and protection throughout the legal process. This shift is essential to restore public confidence and protect the rights of vulnerable individuals.

Where is the Medical Support?

Medical support is crucial in aiding the police and courts to ensure justice in abuse cases. Trained nurses and doctors must conduct thorough forensic examinations, utilizing sexual assault kits to preserve critical evidence such as DNA and physical injuries. This evidence is vital for building a strong case against perpetrators and ensuring accountability.

Hospitals and medical facilities have a responsibility to provide immediate medical attention to victims, ensuring they receive necessary treatment and care. Beyond physical health, the medical community must offer counseling and psychological support to victims and their families to address the trauma associated with abuse.

Collaboration between medical professionals, law enforcement, and the judiciary is essential. Medical teams must provide detailed documentation, expert testimony, and other evidence to strengthen the prosecution’s case. This partnership ensures the courts have the tools needed to deliver justice and protect vulnerable individuals. Strengthening this cooperative framework is key to safeguarding victims and ensuring perpetrators are held accountable for their actions.

No Leniency for Serious Crimes

To ensure that justice is served, it is imperative that perpetrators of domestic and child abuse are held accountable for their actions. Convicts must not be given fines as a replacement for prison sentences, as this can be seen as a lenient punishment for serious crimes. Instead, perpetrators must face the full force of the law and receive punishments that reflect the severity of their crimes.

Rehabilitation Through Counseling

Perpetrators must be provided with counseling and rehabilitation programs while they are in prison and after their release, to address impulsive acts and prevent reoffending. This is crucial in helping perpetrators to understand the impact of their actions and to develop healthy relationships and behaviors. Counseling and rehabilitation programs can also help to reduce the risk of reoffending and create safer communities.

Addressing Female Perpetrators

This is particularly important for female perpetrators, such as the woman who used pepper in the Rivers State assault case, who must be punished accordingly and receive counseling in anger management to address their behavior. Female perpetrators must be held to the same standards as male perpetrators and receive the same level of accountability and rehabilitation. By doing so, we can create a society that values justice and equality for all.

Support and Protection for the Victim and Her Mother

The Rivers State Government must ensure that the female teenager, a victim of alleged rape and brutal assault, and her mother, who has also been traumatized by the incident, receive comprehensive support and protection. This includes providing trauma counseling, supportive services, protective measures, and safe shelter to enable them to heal and rebuild their lives.

The teenager and her mother have been through a horrific ordeal, and it is essential that they receive the necessary care and support to recover from their physical and emotional trauma. The government must take immediate action to provide them with the resources they need to rebuild their lives and ensure their safety and well-being.

Creating a Safer Society

By holding perpetrators accountable and providing them with the necessary support and rehabilitation, we can create a safer and more just society for all. This requires a collaborative effort from law enforcement, the judiciary, social services, and community organizations to ensure that perpetrators are held accountable and that victims receive the necessary support and protection. Together, we can create a society that values justice, equality, and the well-being of all individuals.

Educating, Protecting, and Seeking Justice for Our Communities

The Rivers State assault case highlights the urgent need to safeguard women and children from domestic and child abuse. Education is key: we must inform ourselves, families, and communities about reporting domestic and child abuse cases.

To foster a culture prioritizing safety and well-being, collective effort is necessary. This includes educating children and adults about healthy relationships and boundaries, encouraging victims to speak out and seek help, providing support and resources for victims, holding perpetrators accountable, and advocating for systemic reforms.

For far too long, the police and the courts have failed to take cases of domestic and child abuse seriously, allowing perpetrators to go unpunished and victims to suffer in silence. It is time for a change. Families must stop accepting begging and apologies from offenders, and instead, demand justice and accountability.

The culture of settling cases out of court or accepting compromises must end. Traditional chiefs and community leaders must stop telling families to “forget” or “move on” and instead, support victims in seeking justice. The police must avoid compromises and instead, thoroughly investigate cases and bring perpetrators to justice.

It’s Never the Child’s Fault: we must stop blaming the female child, especially female teens, for cases of domestic and child abuse.

Ultimately, we must break the cycle of silence and impunity by working together. We owe it to ourselves, our families, and our communities to take action and demand justice for victims of domestic and child abuse. It is our collective responsibility to create a safer and more just society for all.

A Culture of Forgetting Cases Must End

In Nigeria, societal tendencies to beg families to “forget” abuse cases or settle disputes outside the legal system often derail justice. This cultural practice, combined with reports of compromised law enforcement and judicial processes, further marginalizes victims. For this case to stand as a turning point, decisive action must be taken to prevent it from being swept under the rug.

A Call for Justice and Systemic Transformation

This case serves as a critical reminder of the need for comprehensive reforms in how abuse cases are handled. The combined efforts of the state governor, the Minister of Women’s Affairs, law enforcement, and the judiciary are essential to ensure justice for the teenage victim.

Governor Fubara’s immediate involvement, alongside proactive leadership from Suleiman-Ibrahim, could set a precedent for handling such cases with urgency and fairness. Advocacy groups and the public will continue to monitor the situation, pushing for systemic changes that prioritize justice and protect vulnerable individuals. Only through such collective action can trust in the justice system be restored and societal attitudes toward abuse cases be transformed.

Obafemi Awolowo, one of Nigeria’s most influential leaders, famously described Nigeria as “a mere geographical expression” in his seminal book Path to Nigerian Freedom (1947). By this, Awolowo highlighted the artificial nature of the Nigerian state, created by colonial Britain in 1914 through the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates. His observation pointed to the lack of a unifying national identity among Nigeria’s diverse ethnic and cultural groups, which makes most Nigerians more disposed towards their ethnic groups ahead of the Nigerian nation.

Several other Nigerian leaders, through their actions and words, keep echoing this perspective, making it a reference point in discussions about Nigeria’s unity, governance, and the challenges of nation-building. Our leaders, rather than seek the higher ideals of building a more united Nigeria by nurturing a shared identity and common purpose among Nigerians, they mindlessly tread the path of ethnic glorification. Over the decades, up until the present administration led by President Bola Tinubu, their words and actions have the effect of predisposing the people to their tribes ahead of the country. Sadly, the nation’s political and social landscape was, and remains, fragmented by social, religious, cultural and political differences.

So, when recently Kemi Badenoch, the UK’s Conservative Party leader, in her altercations with Nigeria’s Vice President, Kashim Shettima over her negative references to Nigeria, echoed this perspective to the effect that she identifies more with her Yoruba ethnic group than with a broader Nigerian heritage, nearly everyone came down on her. Like many Nigerians, Shettima viewed her usual reference to her experiences in Nigeria to depict corruption and bad governance, as denigrating her country of birth. He even suggested that if she was not proud of her Nigerian heritage, she could “remove the Kemi from her name.” That was the beginning of a new perspective in the altercation that led Badenoch, who was born in the United Kingdom to Nigerian parents, to explain that her cultural identity is deeply rooted in her Yoruba ancestry. “While I acknowledge my Nigerian heritage, my primary identity is Yoruba. That’s where my sense of belonging lies,” she stated.

Her remarks had ignited controversy, drawing both praise and criticism from Nigerians at home and in the diaspora. Most others were dumbfounded, mainly because it is largely a fact of our national life.The question is: was Badenoch really undermining efforts to promote national unity in Nigeria, a country already grappling with significant ethnic and regional divides, or was she simply stating the obvious facts of our national life? Was her prioritization of ethnic identities over a collective national consciousness, a denigration for Nigerians.

Several decades since Awolowo’s statement, many Nigerian leaders, through their words and actions, have affirmed that characterization that Nigeria’s political reality remains shaped by regional and ethnic loyalties. While Badenoch’s comments were personal, they bring to light a troubling reality—that the actions of Nigerian leaders often reinforce ethnic divisions and undermine the sense of a unified national identity. This anomaly is fueled by the tendency of Nigerian leaders to prioritize their ethnic groups in appointments, resource allocation, and project locations. Such favoritism sends a message that ethnic identity matters more than national identity, leaving citizens to see themselves through the lens of ethnicity rather than as Nigerians.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration provides a contemporary example of this phenomenon. Since assuming office in May 2023, Tinubu has faced criticism for his appointments, which many argue, reflect a bias toward his Yoruba ethnic group and the South-West geopolitical zone.

While some of these appointments can be justified based on competence, the overwhelming dominance of Yoruba figures in key government positions has sparked allegations of favoritism. This pattern is not unique to Tinubu’s administration but is a recurring feature of Nigerian leadership. Past presidents have also been accused of favoring their ethnic or regional groups in appointments, perpetuating a cycle of mistrust and alienation among the country’s over 250 ethnic groups. By appearing to prioritize ethnic loyalty over national unity, Nigerian leaders inadvertently encourage citizens to align more closely with their ethnic identities.

Beyond appointments, the location of developmental projects also reflects ethnic favoritism. Under Tinubu, there has been an increased focus on the South-West region, to the detriment of other areas. This imbalance is a continuation of a trend seen in previous administrations, where leaders prioritize their regions in the distribution of resources and infrastructure, thereby deepening perceptions of exclusion and marginalization, particularly in regions like the South-East and the Niger Delta, which have long felt sidelined in national development.

When leaders use their positions to benefit their ethnic groups disproportionately, they reinforce the notion that Nigeria is not a truly united nation. This fuels a fragmented identity, where individuals, like Badenoch, see themselves first as Yoruba, Igbo, or Hausa before identifying as Nigerians.

While Kemi Badenoch’s preference for her Yoruba identity may reflect her personal journey, it is actually a fact of our national life. The actions of leaders who prioritize ethnicity over national unity have normalized divided loyalties, eroding the collective sense of being Nigerian. So, Nigerian who love to live in denial, have largely been hypocritical in criticising Badenoch and her statement. If, indeed, Nigeria is to move forward as a united and prosperous nation, its leaders must rise above ethnic biases and govern with fairness, equity, and a true commitment to national unity. Only then can the anomaly of divided identities be addressed, and the dream of a united Nigeria realized. After all, Chief Awolowo’s statement did not foreclose the possibility that the ethnic nationalities cannot find common grounds beyond their cultural, political and religious differences.

Sheddy Ozoene is the Editor-In-Chief of People & Politics.

Nigeria’s northern geopolitical neighbour, Niger Republic, was effectively an annex of our country under the rulership of the immediate past President, Muhammadu Buhari. At every given opportunity, Buhari never failed to advertise the consanguineal connectivities between him as an individual, and Niger Republic, and indeed between his traditional sociocultural origins in Daura in Katsina State, and Maradi prefecture in Niger Republic. He confirmed he had cousins across the Nigerian border and even threatened to relocate to Niger if he suffered any discomfiture from Nigerians, as he disembarked from office in 2023. Buhari and his Nigerien counterpart who shares a slightly moderated first name with him, Mahamadou Issoufou, both signed an agreement in July 2018, for Nigeria to extend oil pipelines to Niger, and to build a refinery in that country, at the cost of $2Billion, fully bankrolled by Nigeria.

Under Buhari, a 286-kilometre long rail line to connect Nigeria and Niger, was approved by Buhari’s federal executive council, (FEC), in September 2020. The Kano- Katsina- Jibiya- Maradi rail link is costing Nigeria a staggering sum of $1.959 Billion. Buhari’s successor, Bola Tinubu inherited the project which was 35 per cent completed in 2023, and is proceeding with its completion. It should be ready before the end of 2026. The June 2021 edition of a publication which goes by the name The Africa Report, indeed asked a rhetorical question, occasioned by Buhari’s obsession with Niger, and Nigeria’s glaring economically lopsided investments in the desert nation. The document inquired: “What is it about Buhari’s passion for his northern neighbour, the Republic of Niger? Is it economic or commercial logic, altruism or just family and ethnic ties?” Buhari’s spokesman, Femi Adesina in a February 10, 2021 edition of Arise News proffered that: “Jibiya and Maradi constitute a significant trading core between Nigeria and Niger Republic dating back many centuries. This vital infrastructure will establish an end-to-end logistic in railway transport services before northern and southern sections of the country, reaching Nigeria’s southern ports of Lagos and Warri.”

Added to these prodigal investments in a virtual wasteland was Buhari’s procurement of sports utility vehicles, (SUVs) valued at $2.7million for senior government officials in the employ of Niger Republic, in August 2021. Buhari during his years as helmsman, practically developed Niger with Nigeria’s commonwealth at a time Nigerians were suffering, and are still groaning from the buffeting spinoffs of multisectoral lack, deprivation, hunger, insecurity and despair, precipitated by his leadership. Ochereome Nnana, respected columnist with Nigeria’s Vanguard newspaper, provided insights into Buhari’s consangiunity with Niger Republic in the November 25, 2020 edition of his column. His words: “Buhari is a first generation Nigerian whose father, Ardo Adamu Buhari, a dock seller, migrated from Niger and settled in Nigeria. He married Zulaihat, a Nigerian woman who bore Muhammadu Buhari for him.”

Establishing this foundation is imperative for our investigation of the subsisting diplomatic fissions between Niger Republic and the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS), on one hand. There is also the estrangement of Niger, with Nigeria which President, Bola Tinubu, doubles as ECOWAS Chairman, in another breadth. Tinubu’s leadership of the regional grouping was renewed for a second term, at a meeting of leaders of member countries last December. The Niger Republic/ECOWAS/Nigeria stalemate which began in 2023, has stretched into a second year. Specifically on July 26, 2023, the commander of the presidential guard in Niger, Abdourahamane Tchiani, arrested and detained the incumbent democratically elected President, Mahamadou Bazoum. Tchiani proclaimed himself the new leader of a new military adventurers in that country. The coupists suspended the country’s Constitution and refused entreaties to reinstate the ousted President. Nigeria’s President, Tinubu was barely two months in office at the time, and had just assumed the leadership of ECOWAS, shortly before eruption of the Nigerien crisis. He threatened that Nigeria may consider leading an ECOWAS force to dislodge the mutineers if they didn’t restore Niger Republic’s Constitution and President Bazoum.

Tinubu despatched President Patrice Talon of Benin Republic to Niamey to mediate in the governance crisis in the brother West African country. A wholly Nigerian delegation led by Nigeria’s former military Head of State, Abdulsalami Abubakar, was also emplaced by Tinubu on the same impasse. This bouquet of diplomatic engagements, however, yielded no tangible results. Rather, Tchiani and his colleagues dug in. They were emboldened by precedents in Burkina Faso, Guinea and Mali, where the military establishment had upset the apple cart of popular governance in the west coast and formed new alliances with Russia, as counterpoint to their erstwhile colonisers, France. Alongside Burkina Faso and Mali, Niger has since exited ECOWAS and formed a three-nation mutual defence partnership which they christened the Alliance of Sahel States, (ASS).

If you ask me, the onset of the Nigerien crisis was a most appropriate opportunity to engage and test former President Muhammadu Buhari’s touted relationship with the northerly nation. If he was not specifically beckoned upon by Tinubu to avail his immediate successor his services, it would not have been out of place for Buhari to offer himself to help out with the Nigerien face-off. He shares the same sociocultural background with the Nigeriens across our borders. As President, Buhari clearly and needlessly over-romanced Niger Republic at the expense of our national till. He did so much for that country with funds borrowed in the name of Nigeria, which will be continously serviced for decades to come by successor generations. He should be confident of a red carpet if he was to mediate in the logjam. While Buhari played Santa Claus in Niger, the educational, healthcare, agricultural, defence, infrastructural sectors in Nigeria were grossly under-funded. We are talking about the blind investment of well over $4 Billion frittered in the sands of Sahara desert.

Say what you like about him, Olusegun Obasanjo the first democratically enthroned President of Nigeria’s fourth republic has continually acquitted himself as a preeminent leader and statesman, in and out of office. His stature looms large, his tentacles embedded in time and space. While on a visit to Nigeria July 16, 2003, former President Fradique de Menezes of Sao Tome and Principe, was deposed by the military back home. A flustered Obasanjo who wouldn’t brook such a putsch especially when the victim was his guest, held Menezes by the hands, took him in his aircraft and flew him back home to Sao Tome. The typically humorous Obasanjo reassured his guest as much as possible in the course of the trip, that he will be restored. Obasanjo jokingly said to his beleaguered Sao Tome counterpart: “If there is shooting within the perimeters of the airport at the point of the descent of my plane, my pilots will abort touchdown and head back to the skies,” as he tried to crack up his brooding guest. By July 23, 2003, one week after Menezes’s initial dislodgement, Obasanjo reinstated him to the delight of the international community.

Mathieu Kerekou and Boni Yaya, both former Presidents of the Republic of Benin, Nigeria’s western neighbours, were regular guests of Nigeria during the Obasanjo years. They often never had to fly and just drove to meet their host in Badagry in Lagos State, or Otta in Ogun State. In response to cross-border robberies, smuggling and child-trafficking considered injurious to Nigeria’s peace and economy, Obasanjo never spared any chance to padlock the Nigeria-Benin borders. The attendant socioeconomic asphyxiation of these border seal-ups to Benin Republic, compelled regular entreaties by successive Beninoise governments to Nigeria. The sing-song was always for Nigeria to conceive of and treat the small French-speaking country as its 37th state. Such was the worth of Nigeria in regional politics. Obasanjo continues to be called upon across the world, to add width to issues of democracy, politics, governance, peace and international affairs. That is an essential patriarch.

Former President Goodluck Jonathan has recently been on the road across West Africa as Special Envoy of ECOWAS. He has been leading mediation talks across the subregion, especially in Mali, one of the rebelling member countries of the body. Indeed, Jonathan is Chair of the “West African Elders Forum,” a senior advisory body committed to peace and stability in West Africa. In August 2022, Jonathan led the “Electoral Observation Mission” of the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa, to monitor the presidential polls which produced William Ruto as president of Kenya. In January 2024, Jonathan headlined a group of multidisciplinary experts from across the Commonwealth to observe the elections in the Asian country of Pakistan. The brief of the body was to offer independent and comprehensive assessment of the electoral process in the country on that occasion.

Buhari’s deputy during his time as President, Yemi Osinbajo, SAN, was in July 2023, less than six weeks after he left office, appointed Global Advisor to Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet, (GEAPP). The body is an agglomeration of philanthropists, local entrepreneurs, governments and financing partners. Last August, Osinbajo and Peter Obi, presidential candidate of the Labour Party, (LP), at the 2023 presidential election, were guests of the 2024 “Democratic National Convention” in Chicago in the United States. The National Democratic Institute, (NDI), organisers of the convention is a nonprofit, non-partisan organisation pushing democratic values around the world. These are just aspects of concerns and engagements to which Osinbajo has been adding vistas since he departed Aso Villa in May 2023.

I’ve always wondered what worth, what value Buhari, one of Nigeria’s most privileged public officers of all time, has ever impacted to the broad gamut of governance and politics in Nigeria. At various times, Buhari was Military Governor; Federal Commissioner, (more contemporaneously Minister); Military Head of State and civilian President. Despite this string of enviable adornments, I’m yet to see Buhari present a paper at any conference; lead a cerebral discussion at any forum; or headline a symposium or conference on the national question. I’m yet to see his memoirs or autobiography where he shares perspectives on the special privileges Nigeria has availed him and how he has in turn been beneficial to the national cause. I’m tempted to conclude that Buhari unimaginatively, unforgivably frittered the collective calendars, the patrimony and emotions of Nigerians, especially during his eight year reign, better branded “Nigeria’s years of the locusts.” Buhari had little to offer and he offered nothing.

Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja.