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![[OPINION] Papa Francesco è Stato Qui! - Wole Olaoye](/media/k2/items/cache/3fd0fe2c4e4c207de67a9e9e939ae7cc_L.jpg)
On Easter Sunday, I watched the expectant crowd at St Peter’s Square break into a spontaneous applause as Pope Francis’ head appeared on the most recognisable balcony in the world, the papal balcony. It was from that same loggia that the former Cardinal Archbishop of Buenos Aires, Jorge Mario Bergoglio, was introduced to the world on March 13, 2013, as the Catholic Church’s 266th pope, with the name Francis I, an appellation he took after Saint Francis of Assisi, a 13th-century mystic who renounced his wealth and devoted his life to the poor.
At the Easter celebration, he looked gaunt and pensive, like somebody who had an important mission to accomplish and was determined to pull it through.
Easter Demise
For a man known for his toothpaste smile, convivial mien and charismatic carriage, it was clear that the recent bout of bilateral pneumonia had challenged him greatly. But he was determined to do his duty of delivering his Easter message to the world. “Brothers and sisters, Happy Easter!” he said, his voice marginally above a whisper. He then ceded the task of reading his Easter message to Archbishop Diego Ravelli.
In his message, he reminded the world about the true meaning of Christ’s resurrection and related it to the challenges of the materialistic, violence-prone contemporary world.
“We were not made for death but for life. Easter is the celebration of life! God created us for life and wants the human family to rise again!” In his eyes, every life is precious!
“What a great thirst for death, for killing, we witness each day in the many conflicts raging in different parts of our world!” he lamented.
“I would like us to renew our hope that peace is possible!”, said Pope Francis. He prayed for peace in the Middle East, particularly for the cessation of bombings in Gaza, for the release of Israeli hostages, the Christian communities in Lebanon and Syria; Yemen; Ukraine; the South Caucasus; and Balkans; and parts of Africa, including the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in Sudan and South Sudan.
Then, to everyone’s surprise, he descended down to St Peter’s Square, where he was driven around in an open-top popemobile to greet and bless the cheering crowds. “Viva Papa!” they hailed respectfully.
And his earthly job was done. On Easter Monday, Cardinal Kevin Farrell broke the news to a shocked world:
“Dearest brothers and sisters, with deep sorrow I must announce the death of our Holy Father Francis. At 7:35 this morning, the Bishop of Rome, Francis, returned to the house of the Father…”
Many Firsts
Pope Francis was the first Jesuit priest and the first Latin American to become pope. He was the first pope in 600 years to take over from a living predecessor who resigned due to old age. He was also the first pope to preside over the funeral of his predecessor (Benedict XVI). He was the first pope to reject the palatial papal quarters, opting instead to live in a simple apartment with a bed and reading table. (Remember, as Cardinal Archbishop of Buenos Aires, he did not stay in the bishop’s palace but in an apartment. He preferred using public transport to a chauffeured limousine and liked cooking his own meals).
He also shunned some of the accoutrements of the office – like the crimson shoes always worn by his predecessors, preferring his black shoes. When he was healthier, he carried his own bag, which scandalised many people. He made his own phone calls, some of them to widows, rape victims, prisoners and other troubled or marginalised souls. He was the first pope to wash and kiss the feet of prisoners during Holy Week ceremonies. He ate with the staff at the apartment block where he resided and shunned any form of salary. According to Economic Times, popes are traditionally entitled to a salary of about $32,000 per month. Sources revealed that Francis had about $100 in his bank account at the time of death.
Francis was the first pope to ‘seek forgiveness’ for child sexual abuse over the Church’s dark past. He subsequently updated the Catholic Church’s criminal code by adding details on punishing sexual abuse crimes of minors by priests, among other measures.
He was never ashamed of apologising for the sins of others.
Many Battles
Francis was an advocate of universal brotherhood. He counselled world leaders to build bridges, not walls. In 2016, with Europe’s migration crisis at a peak, Pope Francis flew to the Greek island of Lesbos and returned to Rome with three families of asylum-seeking Syrian Muslims.
He was also committed to inter-faith reconciliation, kissing the Orthodox Patriarch Kirill of Moscow in a historic February 2016 encounter, and making a joint call for freedom of belief with leading Sunni cleric Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb in 2019. He helped facilitate a historic rapprochement between the United States and Cuba, and encouraged the peace process in Colombia.
Climate Appeal
Experts credited Pope Francis with having influenced the landmark 2015 Paris Climate Accords with his “Laudato Si” encyclical, an appeal for action on climate change that was grounded in science.
Controversies
One of the bitterest controversies that raged during Francis’ papacy was his seeming ‘over-leniency’ on transgressors. In a world where hypocrisy has been honed to a fine art even among clerics and self-acclaimed righteous adherents, the expectation from a pope was that he would breathe down melting sulphur and infernal inferno on sinners. That was why, very much in the fashion of the hypocrites who took an adulteress to Jesus asking that she be stoned to death as the law commanded, the modern day judgemental horde presented the case of homosexuals to the pope: Should they be ostracised, stoned to death or dealt with in some other ruthless manner?
Pope Francis answered: “Who am I to judge?” (Remember, Jesus had told the accusers of the adulteress, “Whoever is sinless among you, let him cast the first stone!”)
The pope’s explanation was that he, too, was a sinner who had only benefitted from God’s infinite mercy and that he would therefore recommend mercy and love as the best reactions towards those who had strayed.
“God is in every person’s life… Even if the life of a person has been a disaster, even if it is destroyed by vices, drugs or anything else – God is in this person’s life…”, he preached.
In many respects, his life was consequential. No wonder his funeral brought the best of the Latin and Eastern traditions together.
While his demise engendered an endless funeral train round the continents with scores of world leaders, friends and foes alike, communists and capitalists, mystics and atheists, queuing to honour him with their presence, at least one of his socio-political antagonists couldn’t overcome their ancient pettiness.
A message on Israel’s verified X account that read “Rest in Peace, Pope Francis. May his memory be a blessing” was taken down hours after it was posted last Monday. Hebrew media reported that Israeli diplomatic missions around the world were ordered to delete any similar messages and not to sign condolence books in Vatican embassies. President Herzog (bless him), posted a message of condolence, but Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had said nothing as at the time this piece was being put to bed.
I am convinced that History, the inexorable judge, will echo the adulatory chant of the mourners who thronged St Peter’s Square after the pope’s demise: “Papa Francesco è stato qui” (Pope Francis Was Here!)
Indeed, he was – and what a remarkable man!
![[OPINION] My Party Will Swallow All Yours - Chidi Amuta](/media/k2/items/cache/a12d025663b7632cfcd8ab143268c891_L.jpg)
Nigeria’s political landscape never ceases to astonish and amaze. In addition to our habitually surprising electoral outcomes, our politicians are dramatists of immense creativity. They have an uncanny ability to literally convert things into their opposites and still retain public attention and ignite curiosity and sustain interest. They have just as a group staged a successful mass psychological coup against the electorate. Nearly all our normal political expectations have been altered.
Barely two years into the tenure of the Tinubu presidency, the politicians have dramatically altered the nation’s political agenda and expectations. First, instead of holding themselves to account on the unfulfilled promises of the 2023 elections, the politicians have positioned the 2027 election as the central political concern of the moment. Forget the hunger, the unemployment, the rampaging inflation and the epidemic of insecurity and daily deaths in droves. The exchange rate of the Naira is not as important as who gets to appoint the next CBN Governor. Face 2027 and the prospect of a Tinubu second term.
Secondly, the politicians have positioned the prospect of an opposition coalition political grouping as the biggest political challenge in the horizon. Ignore the many incompetent ministers and corrupt officials of the incumbent administration. The problem of the moment is the collective of Atiku Abubakar, El-Rufai, Peter Obi, Kayode Fayemi, Datti-Ahmed, Rotimi Amaechi etc. In the perspective of the incumbent administration, these political gadflies are the ‘enemies’ of the moment. In their own right, the coalition opposition elements are complicit in diverting attention from the current challenges and focusing instead on the 2027 contest and their own chances of toppling Tinubu and the APC.
Thirdly, the opposition political figures are being driven to a wall where they just have to struggle for dear life. Their parties are on fire with internal contradictions and subversive plots sponsored by the ruling party. So, they have to strive to save their individual political lives in addition to salvaging the remnants of their embattled parties.
In addition, the politicians, especially the one in the ruling APC, want us to start juggling as to which parties stand a better chance of ousting Mr. Tinubu and his gang from Aso Villa. A faction of them have already declared Mr. Tinubu re-elected! In this regard, they have invented a new political pastime which we better call serial ‘party slaughter”. The object is to ‘kill’ as many of the opposing parties that have electoral prospects as possible. In this regard, the APC has converted the embattled Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) into a virtual political killing field of sorts. The casualties are piling up by the day.
Mr. Wike and his fellow warmongers in the employ of the ruling APC are compiling the casualty figures and reporting back to headquarters where the generalissimo is nodding in satisfaction. A smaller squad of trouble makers in the ruling APC is engaged with the Labour Party and the possibility of an SDP gathering point for the prospective opposition coalition.
But by far the greatest political drama and diversion of the moment is the increasing gale of defections and decampments from opposition parties, especially the PDP, to the ruling APC. It is like a season of mass migrations from all parties to the ruling party.
A jungle metaphor is the most apt at this moment. A forest of larger wild creature swallowing and chewing up smaller ones best describes recent happenings in Nigeria’s political space. In a gale of defections and decampments, major politicians from other parties have been trooping into the ruling APC in a series of decampments that are best described as insane.
In just one day, the migration took a quantum leap.
The Delta State governor Sheriff Oborevwori and his immediate predecessor both announced a dramatic decampment to the APC from the PDP. This particular defection is multiply significant. A sitting governor elected on the platform of a rival part changes his platform midway through his tenure. Similarly, a former governor who was the vice presidential candidate of the major opposition party also defected to the ruling party that he had opposed only in the last election. More importantly, these two defections came along with the defection of all the chairmen of local governments in the state which is considered a strategic state from point of view of national resources.
In addition, it is rumoured that Kwankwaso and the governor of Kano State are set to decamp to the APC from NNPP.
Similarly, Kano North Senator Kawu has decamped from the NNPP to the APC. In the same vein, Labour Party Senator Imasuen of Edo State is said to be getting set to decamp from the LP to the APC. News reports from across the country indicate that a total of 216 PDP and NNPP members in Jigawa state have decamped to the APC. From the Southwest, House of Representatives member Oluwole Oke has also decamped from PDP to the APC.
Once the trend has been activated, the likelihood that it would continue is clear and present. It is a trend that has been intensified by the weaponization of poverty and hardship by the policies of the Tinubu government. Most Nigerians have been driven to a solid wall of want and hardship. The perception is prevalent that only those who join the ruling party stand a chance of surviving the pervasive hardship. Forget about party ideology and beliefs. This is the hour of crass survival.
Ordinarily, it is an implicit assumption of democracy that individuals are free to change their beliefs and party affiliations subject to the relevant rules. The right and liberty to freely associate or change affiliation is a democratic right. We can question an unusual velocity of exodus of partisans in any direction within the party spectrum. We can also raise larger issues that touch on the general trend of membership in the nation’s political party architecture.
For instance, there is something that is quite troubling in the recent wave of migrations and decampments into the APC. At a time when the state of the nation is sorry and sordid, it is inconceivable that political leaders and notable citizens should be trooping into the very party that is squarely responsible for running the nation aground. There is a consensus among most ordinary honest Nigerians that the APC government under Mr. Tinubu has been an unmitigated disaster.
Ordinarily, when parties are in power, they strive to a record of governance and performance that would at least make them a tolerable option in the next election. A bad party is usually punished by a denial of the mandate in the next election. A party that scores so abysmally in all areas of governance and whose leadership has the worst job approval rating in recent history has no business canvassing for increased membership let alone attracting an obvious drove of new members. In fact, such a party should be avoided like a plague so that it does not infect the electorate with a contagion of negativity.
What we are witnessing is therefore an obvious reversal of normal political expectation and behavior. This trend is of course a reaffirmation of the transactional essence of Nigerian politics. For most Nigerians, the political party is a machinery for the distribution of resources through pork and patronage. People want to be part of where the power is and where the patronage is being dispensed and shared. In the run up to the 2027 race, therefore, politicians are jockeying for vantage positions in the political party they consider the most viable electoral platform.
If this trend continues, we are heading for a situation in which the majority of active politicians will converge in the APC as a virtual “one party” republic. The most obvious target of the migrations is of course the PDP, the erstwhile major opposition party. The party has in recent times been the venue of the destabilization machinations of the Tinubu political machinery headed by Mr. Wike, Minister of the FCT who apparently has a mandate to destabilize and cannibalize the major opposition party to the advantage of the APC.
The gale of migrations into the APC ordinarily makes the task of an opposition coalition much easier and a more attractive proposition for the next two years. The exits define the enemy. The rate of departures delineates the line and rules of engagement in the looming 2027 confrontation. Depending on the strategic acuity of the opposition coalition, a fat ugly APC would be the easiest political balloon to deflate. It could also become a behemoth that is all pervasive and difficult to overwhelm.
The current massing in the APC also hints at the possible ideological outlines of the 2027confrontation. The APC will carry on as a signpost “progressive” party. But its new membership and configuration make it anything but progressive in essence and outlook. It poses a challenge for the coalition of real progressives that have been rumored to be working towards a new party. From the names that have been touted as leaders of the new coalition – El-Rufai, Amaechi, Fayemi, Obi, – a real progressive social democratic movement seems to be in the offing. That is the desirable direction that is required to brand the APC in its right coloration as a decadent and corrupt ultra reactionary collection of conservative rejects. A party that hoists Tinubu, Akpabio, Ganduje, Umahi and Matawalle as its mascots surely knows where it belongs on the scale of credible political gatherings.
Irrespective of the parties from which the politicians are migrating from, they are all members of the same party. Their backgrounds are the same. Their outlook on issues is the same. Their interests are the same. Their orientations are the same.
The opposition parties are mostly torn by crises and instability. In that process, they are reinforcing the notion that our system has no credible opposition. The so-called opposition parties lack internal integrity or self-defining identities to justify their independent existence in a multiparty democracy. In this atmosphere, only the APC wears the appearance of cohesiveness.
Even then, the present cohesive appearance of the APC owes only to one factor: it is the party in power and has the monopoly of control of power, patronage and pork. Outside that circumstantial exigency, the APC is as splintered as the rest. It is even more incoherent than the others in terms of ideas and a track record of governance and definable legacy.
Effectively, then, we are in a practical one party situation. There is the ruling party and literally no opposition parties properly defined. Intrinsically, there is no difference between all the major parties in contention in our democracy. There are no ideological or value differences among our parties. They are all acronyms, colourful flags and emblems with little intrinsic ideological meaning. They may have different acronyms but a united by a common blood stream of prodigal values.
Our parties are populated by the same caliber of Nigerian politicians drawn from a uniform national elite pool of unemployed college graduates, failed “charge and bail” lawyers, unsuccessful venturers and other jobless middle-aged hustlers, etc. This is why it is ever so easy for people to migrate from one party to the other with ease. No ideology. No core beliefs. No values. No commitment to any form of service to the people. No vision for the nation. Mostly a keen eye for financial returns wherever it may be found. Nigeria has earned a distinction of being the only country in which an individual can have breakfast in one party and end up with dinner in a totally different party without any qualms.
Going by the present trend, the ruling APC could swallow up most of the membership of the other parties and suffer no indigestion. But whether most Nigerians can inhabit the same political household up to the 2027 election is a huge uncertainty. For the APC to retain power in 2027 if Nigeria remains in this desperate disrepair, it will require more than a drove of “follow follow” membership. For the ruling party to lose power, an opposition coalition must meet the broad majority of Nigerians in the places where they feel the pain most.
![[OPINION] Defections and Other Matters Arising - Simon Kolawole](/media/k2/items/cache/52bc14809e7ae5576afbf4d0a6cd13ff_M.jpg)
Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta state has ended weeks of speculation by defecting to the All Progressives Congress (APC). It is significant: this is the first time Delta state would not be governed by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) since the dawn of the fourth republic in 1999. He has relocated to the APC with a number of key Delta politicians, including Dr Ifeanyi Okowa, his predecessor and — wait for this — Alhaji Atiku Abubabar’s running mate in the 2023 presidential election. (Okowa, may I remind us, is currently facing an EFCC investigation over allegations of mismanaging N1.3 trillion.) And we are hearing genuine rumours of more defections ahead.
With the exit of Delta, only Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Enugu, Rivers and Taraba states have now been governed by the PDP non-stop since 1999. The former ruling party now controls only 10 states, trailing the APC which has a massive 23. The Labour Party (LP), the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) and the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) have one each. Wow, how are the mighty fallen! At the height of its power, the PDP controlled the entire south minus Lagos state. In fact, only Lagos, Borno and Yobe states have never been governed by the PDP. In the 2007 governorship election, the PDP won 27 states — before losing four in court and gaining four via defections.
If my memory serves me right, Alhaji Abubakar Rimi was the first governor in our history to defect. He left the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) for the Nigerian People’s Party (NPP) in May 1983 after a prolonged face-off with the party leadership over ideological issues. In a rare display of honour, Rimi said he could not continue as Kano state governor having left the party that sponsored him to office, so he resigned. His deputy, Alhaji Abdu Dawakin Tofa, replaced him. Regrettably for Rimi, he lost the August 1983 governorship election to Alhaji Sabo Bakin Zuwo, who flew the PRP flag. (NB: Zuwo thereafter removed all the emirs installed by Rimi. Some things never change in Kano, do they?)
Oborevwori’s defection to the APC has reignited the debate on the health of our democracy. Many have expressed worries over Nigeria’s possible descent into a one-party state. This is generally considered to be antithetical to competitive democracy and a dangerous invitation to dictatorship. The one-party debate has dominated African discourse for decades. Many African leaders, such as Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana), Olusegun Obasanjo (Nigeria), Gnassingbe Eyadema (Togo), and Julius Nyerere (Tanzania), supported one-party system as the antidote to division in the body politic and as a catalyst for building national consensus. It brings everyone under one umbrella “by fire by force”.
I do not support the one-party system. While I admit that it has worked in socialist countries such as China and Vietnam where human and economic development has also been on the up, the same thing cannot be said of Cuba, Eritrea and North Korea which are nowhere near the prosperity recorded in China and Vietnam. This should raise questions as to what is really driving the success stories of China and Vietnam: is it the one-party system or something else? Since most of the flourishing countries in the world — going by quality of life and shared prosperity — run multi-party democracies, I am not sure we can credit one-party system with promoting peace and progress.
My position is that in a plural society, a multiparty system is desirable. Nigeria is made up of over 250 ethnic groups, two major religions, 36 states and six geo-political zones, north and south. Forcing everyone into one party may indeed create “peace” and “unity” as the promoters argue, but it may be the kind of peace you find in the graveyard. I like competition — competition of ideas. I like a race to the top — a race to win the hearts of the voters with alternative policy offerings. I like people having options and choices. Every system is flawed but I can live with the inadequacies of the multiparty system. Dozens of democracies have abandoned one-party system in the last 30 years.
But as Mr Felix Morka, the APC national publicity secretary, has aptly said, it is not the responsibility of the ruling party to strengthen the opposition. You cannot blame the APC for wooing opposition figures. You should blame the opposition politicians for having weak convictions. It is so easy for you to be in one party at breakfast, move to another at lunch and return “home” at dinner. When a party loses a state, within weeks the new party inherits its members and supporters. A state that was fully PDP yesterday can become wholly APC tomorrow. The situation is made worse by the use of federal might to whip certain politicians into line. In the end, many people care only about political survival.
We still need to be reminded that many of those we call APC “chieftains” today were once among the most powerful politicians in the PDP. In fact, the current national chairman of the APC, Dr Abdullahi Ganduje, was a founding member of the PDP and was deputy governor to Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso from 1999-2003 and 2011-15. He defected with Kwankwaso to the APC in 2013. Many past and present APC governors were in the PDP. Some PDP politicians were once in the APC as well. Many politicians have changed parties thrice. In the real sense, therefore, many politicians change their jerseys out of political expediency. Politics is, in any case, about interests. The rest is a packaging.
What then? There are so many issues that come with defections that should not be deflected. For one, it is now very clear that defection has become part and parcel of our political culture. We do not need to run away from it. Every democracy evolves with practice. Despite constitutional provisions and court rulings (some of them contradictory), politicians have continued to move from one party to the other and continued to retain their elective positions. We should just stop deceiving ourselves. Let us expunge the constitutional restraints. Nobody is obeying the law. No defector has lost a seat or a position. Let us face the reality and amend our laws accordingly. Nigerians love defection. Simple.
Two, opposition politicians are deflecting the real issue by lamenting that the APC is turning Nigeria into a one-party state. Lamentation does not help anybody. Opposition parties used to lament about the PDP turning Nigeria into a one-party state from 2003 till 2013. I recall constantly writing that the parties must unite. The lamentations changed nothing until the opposition figures finally came to their senses, buried selfish ambitions and worked for a common purpose: wresting power from the PDP. Presenting a strong, united front against the PDP created the greatest political upset in our history in 2015. This is a tested and trusted template but all I can hear today are mere lamentations.
Three, may I further argue here that these defections are deflecting, or distracting, our attention from another major fact about elections in Nigeria: that a governor does not always determine the presidential candidate that the people will vote for. There seems to be an assumption that once the governor of a state defects or backs a candidate, the voters will sheepishly follow his route. Yes, governors are powerful. They build, control and fund structures. That is critical to winning an election. However, there have been instances when governors could not deliver their states to their preferred presidential candidates. In fact, a sitting governor can be voted out. The evidence is there.
As recently as 2023, Delta was under a PDP governor who was also his party’s vice-presidential candidate, but the people voted for Peter Obi, candidate of the LP. Fact. The Lagos governor could not deliver the state to his party’s presidential candidate, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. Fact. Same trend was recorded in Edo, Cross River and other places. Tinubu and Atiku also won in states under the control of other parties. I am saying there are several factors that determine who the citizens cast their votes for, but the preponderant opinion appears to be that the 2027 presidential election is done and dusted. Ganduje has said as much. May I go against the grain by saying nothing is settled yet.
I am very much aware that the opposition is in disarray. Perhaps this is driving the narrative that 2027 is over before it has even started. This is a very strong argument. After doing an extensive analysis of the 2023 presidential election, I came to the conclusion that the APC won because the opposition was divided into three. The votes that used to go to the PDP in at least 10 states went to the LP. According to results posted on the much-derided IReV portal, the APC polled 8,794,726 votes while the PDP, the LP and the NNPP had 14,582,740 combined. Do the math. The details are still there on the portal. The opposition won in 2015 by coming together, not by drifting apart. Fact.
There are at least two models of galvanising voters before an election. The party-led model of 2015 was a culmination of a series of factors: united opposition, vote-pulling candidature and a movement of disenchanted voters. This turned out to be a winner. There was also the movement-led model of 2023 built on vote-pulling candidature. Although, the APC had enough time to plan for 2015, we saw in 2023 that you do not need all the time and the money to galvanise the streets. The movement gained momentum but did not have the numbers to cause an upset. However, we saw the potential. While I cannot say whether or not Tinubu will be defeated in 2027, I know that the day is still young.
AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…
GORING GOMBE
Gombe is one northern state I celebrate as a role model for religious tolerance and accommodation. In terms of religious demographics, Gombe is a mirror image of Kaduna state — minus the resentment and bloodbath. However, something has been happening in Gombe that may potentially change the narrative of peaceful co-existence. For the third time in six years, a vehicle plunged into a Christian procession last week. It happened in April 2019, December 2024 and now April 2025. In the words of James Bond, once is a happenstance and twice is a coincidence. But thrice? That is enemy action. I appeal to the authorities to take this as a serious matter. Delay is dangerous. Troubling.
WANTED DREAD & ALIVE
Governor Umar Bago of Niger state on Tuesday ordered security operatives to arrest persons with dreadlocks in Minna, the state capital. “Anybody that you find with dreadlocks, arrest, barb the hair, and fine the person,” the governor said. “Nobody should carry any kind of haircut inside Minna.” And the people at the meeting clapped for him! They probably don’t know that some people are born with locks. Bago’s attempt to back down may not work, going by the culture of our security agencies. Do we still remember the trigger for the #EndSARS unrest? Police profiled anyone with tattoo and dreadlocks as scammers. We know how it ended. We don’t ever learn anything in Nigeria. Pathetic.
RENEWED HOPE
Sir Siminalayi Fubara, the suspended governor of Rivers state, reportedly met with President Tinubu in the UK last weekend, after which he issued a statement calling on Riverians to rally behind the president’s “renewed hope agenda”. In his Easter message, Fubara said the season “represents a time for reconciliation and unity”. A lot of people were angry with him but I was not. I have lived long enough in this country to know that, in the words of Bolaji Abdullahi, Nigeria will always defeat you. It doesn’t matter whether you are right or wrong — whoever controls the military controls the country. It seems Fubara realised this fact too late and has now opted to renew his hope. Helpless.
NO COMMENT
Mr Shamseldeen Ogunjimi, accountant-general of the federation (AcGF), told the National Economic Council (NEC) on Thursday that the excess crude account (ECA) — set up in 2004 by President Obasanjo to save the difference between the budget price for oil and the actual price — now holds exactly $473,754. You won’t understand. When President Yar’Adua died in May 2010, he left $20 billion in ECA. President Jonathan assumed power and governors pressured him to share the money ahead of the 2011 elections, declaring that ECA was “unconstitutional”. By 2015, we had only $2 billion left. And in 2025, it is now less than half a million dollars. Enough to buy peanuts. Hahahaha.
[OPINION] AMAZING GRACE & THE AKOKO MELODIOUS ROOTS: A Symphony of Hope and Resilience - Olukayode Ajulo, SAN
Admin![[OPINION] AMAZING GRACE & THE AKOKO MELODIOUS ROOTS: A Symphony of Hope and Resilience - Olukayode Ajulo, SAN](/media/k2/items/cache/ea83443d601b8fa5fa82e209910c3030_M.jpg)
As the Psalmist writes, "Sing unto the Lord a new song" (Psalm 96:1), I am moved to share the profound revelation that "Amazing Grace" has its melodic roots in the rich cultural heritage of Akoko, Nigeria.
The Akoko people, an esteemed ethnic group nestled in the southwestern region of Nigeria, particularly within Ondo State and parts of Kogi and Edo States, are an integral part of the larger Yoruba community. They are celebrated for their rich cultural heritage and vibrant traditions, which contribute significantly to the diverse tapestry of Nigeria’s ethnic mosaic.
Renowned for their resilience, the Akoko people embody a spirit of cultural richness that enriches the nation as a whole. Like many ethnic communities across Nigeria, they played a pivotal role in resisting colonial rule during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
As British influence expanded in Nigeria during this period, the imposition of foreign governance structures and the exploitation of local resources posed significant threats to the Akoko way of life. In response, the Akoko people courageously stood against these encroachments, forging a path for future movements that sought independence and self-determination for Nigeria.
Their steadfast resistance is a powerful testament to their commitment to preserving their identity amidst the challenges of colonial oppression. This historical narrative remains a vital aspect of their cultural legacy, inspiring future generations to honour their heritage and strive for a brighter, united future.
Despite the shackles of oppression, our enslaved ancestors managed to craft a masterpiece of hope and redemption, echoing the Quranic verse: "And We have certainly honoured the children of Adam" (Quran 17:70).
The majestic harmony that resonates within the realm of *"Amazing Grace"* evokes a profound realization: our enslaved ancestors were permitted only to touch the black keys of the piano, while the white keys remained reserved for others. It is within this context that many Negro spiritual hymns emerged, composed and performed using those very black keys. Yet, from these notes sprang forth a masterpiece of hope and redemption, illustrating the resilience of the human spirit.
As I stumbled upon this profound revelation, I am compelled to share it. The awe-inspiring and majestic harmony of *"Amazing Grace"* resonates deeply, reminding us that "Music is the divine way to tell beautiful, poetic things to the heart" (Pablo Casals). Wintley Phipps' breathtaking performance at Carnegie Hall is a testament to the song's enduring power, moving audiences to thunderous applause.
Although the U.S. Library of Congress, a research library in Washington, D.C., founded in 1800, and the oldest federal cultural institution in the United States, houses over 173 million items in its collections in more than 470 languages, a search for "Amazing Grace" there only acknowledges John Newton as the author of the song, while the composer of the melody is named as “Unknown.”
Whereas, the most remarkable aspect of this iconic hymn is its melody and cultural heritage, which I say without equivocation traces back to the fertile soil of Akoko in South West Nigeria.
Through my humble research, conducted in various locations across the globe, from Igarra to Lisbon; Ifira-Akoko to London; Ipesi to Kent; Imeri to Newport; Ishua to Madrid; Oka to Oxford; Akungba to Atlanta; Ikare to Ireland, I have uncovered the melodic roots of "Amazing Grace" in the very region where my ancestors once walked.
As we reflect on this remarkable journey, we are reminded of the unyielding spirit of our ancestors. Despite the trials and tribulations they faced, they managed to craft something truly extraordinary - a melody that has become a beacon of hope and redemption for generations. Their legacy is a testament to the power of resilience and creativity in the face of adversity.
May we honor their memory by embracing the beauty and richness of our cultural heritage. As their descendants, we carry the torch of their legacy, and it is our responsibility to ensure that their stories, traditions, and contributions are not forgotten. By doing so, we keep their spirit alive, and their impact continues to inspire and uplift us.
As the echoes of "Amazing Grace" reverberate through the ages, may the legacy of our ancestors forever resonate within our hearts. May their story be a reminder that even in the darkest of times, there is always hope, always beauty, and always a chance for redemption. May we continue to draw strength from their indomitable spirit, and may their legacy inspire us to create works of sublime beauty that will touch the hearts of generations to come.
[OPINION] Understanding the Legal Implication of "Next of Kin" Under Nigerian Law - M.O. Ubani, SAN
Admin![[OPINION] Understanding the Legal Implication of "Next of Kin" Under Nigerian Law - M.O. Ubani, SAN](/media/k2/items/cache/0d1c4c875a16cae0861e6d188f9e29f9_M.jpg)
Recent discussions in the public space, following the reference by the adopted son of our respected brother, Obi Cubana, to himself as "next of kin," have generated widespread debate and misunderstanding.
It has become necessary to clarify the true meaning, legal position, and implications of the term "next of kin" under Nigerian law. While an adopted child enjoys full rights equivalent to a biological child within a family, the term "next of kin" carries a far more limited and technical meaning.
This write-up seeks to enlighten the public accordingly.
1. Meaning of "Next of Kin" in Nigeria
Under Nigerian law, the next of kin is primarily a contact person, and his or her role includes:
Being notified in cases of emergency.
Being consulted regarding funeral or burial arrangements.
Having the priority to apply for letters of administration if the deceased dies without a Will (intestate).
Critically, being named a next of kin does not confer any automatic right of inheritance. It simply grants some priority in administration, particularly where the deceased left no formal testamentary instructions.
2. Where the Deceased Left a Valid Will (Testate Succession)
If the deceased made a Will:
The property is distributed strictly according to the provisions of the Will.
The deceased may bequeath assets to anyone of choice, spouse, child, friend, religious body, etc.
A next of kin not mentioned in the Will has no right to inherit simply because of the "next of kin" status.
If dissatisfied, the next of kin can only challenge the Will on narrow legal grounds such as undue influence, fraud, or lack of testamentary capacity, not merely because they are the next of kin.
Relevant Laws:
Wills Law of various States (e.g., Lagos State Wills Law, 2004).
Wills Act of 1837 (received English law applicable in some states).
3. Where the Deceased Died Without a Will (Intestate Succession)
Where there is no Will, the rules of intestate succession apply, depending on the deceased’s background and marital system:
(a) Under Statutory Law (Administration of Estates Law)
Typically applies to those married under the Marriage Act (Statutory Marriage) and Christians.
Inheritance is ordered as follows:
1. Spouse and children first.
2. Parents, if no spouse or children.
3. Siblings, if no parents.
4. More distant relatives.
Thus, a next of kin who is a spouse, child, or parent can inherit.
If the next of kin is just a cousin, friend, or distant relative, they may inherit only if closer relatives are absent.
Example:
Under the Lagos State Administration of Estates Law, the spouse is entitled to one-third of the estate, while the children share the remainder equally.
(b) Under Customary Law
Customary rules vary across Nigeria:
In many Igbo communities, the eldest son (Okpala) traditionally inherits the ancestral home (Obu).
Widows often have limited rights to occupy but not own real property.
Other children share movable assets.
Extended family (Umunna) may intervene if the deceased had no surviving spouse or children.
Judicial Caution: Courts have increasingly rejected customs that discriminate against widows and daughters, as seen in cases like:
Mojekwu v. Mojekwu (1997).
(c) Under Islamic (Sharia) Law
For Muslims, Islamic law (Faraid) governs succession:
Shares are fixed by the Qur'an.
Specific portions are allotted to spouses, children, parents, and siblings.
A next of kin must be within the class of Qur’anic heirs to inherit.
4. Key Nigerian Cases on Inheritance Rights
Mojekwu v. Mojekwu (1997) 7 NWLR (Pt. 512) 283:
The Court condemned discriminatory customary practices that favored only male heirs.
Ukeje v. Ukeje (2014) 11 NWLR (Pt. 1418) 384:
The Supreme Court upheld that female children are entitled to inherit under Igbo customary law.
Okonkwo v. Okagbue (1994) 9 NWLR (Pt. 368) 301:
Addressed intestate succession and customary practices.
Conclusion
In summary, under Nigerian law:
Being next of kin does not make you an automatic heir to the deceased's estate.
It grants no proprietary right, only a priority in administration if intestate.
Inheritance rights depend either on the provisions of a valid Will or on the applicable laws governing intestate succession, statutory, customary, or Islamic.
It is essential for every citizen to understand this distinction to avoid misconceptions.
When in doubt about your rights or obligations, consult a qualified lawyer.
![[OPINION] Delta State PDP Defection: My views - Bukola Saraki](/media/k2/items/cache/767fd8c7407de7a8765267566b8febfc_M.jpg)
Following the development in the Delta State Chapter of our party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), I have been inundated with phone calls from leaders and members of our party as well as various youths who have been active in promoting democracy and good governance in our country. Many of the callers want to know what my reaction is to the defection of top PDP leaders in Delta State and its impact on our party.
My view is that those who want to leave the PDP should leave now and let the rest of us who want to stay concentrate on rebuilding the party and refocusing it to play the role of a viable opposition that will provide a better alternative for the good people of Nigeria.
I am convinced that it is important for all Nigerians to work for the sustenance of democracy. And to sustain democracy, there must be viable choices for people at every point. Also, there must be a viable opposition to keep people’s hope alive and create credible alternatives to keep the government on its toes. A one-party state as being disingenuously designed by some people will not augur well for a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural, multi-religious, and highly diversified society like ours. It is even more dangerous when we eliminate alternatives and make people hopeless.
Therefore, it is in the interest of Nigeria and the survival of our democracy for the opposition to be vibrant and strong enough with the capacity to replace the ruling party at any point. Thus, my charge to our party members is that the PDP is merely experiencing a rebirth. Those who want to leave the party should go and let those of us remaining have a clear view of who we are talking to and where their political loyalty lies. All we need is for those who want to stay back in PDP to show commitment and we can all work to rebuild the party.
This development has vindicated the stance of people like me who have decided to remain silent and watch events unfold.
I have seen that there was no sincerity with supposed leaders of the opposition. One was not sure of the next person one was talking to.
My appeal to PDP members nationwide is that we should know that the sustenance of democracy is not a sprint. Rather, it is a marathon. It is not a knock-out football match series. It is a league. 24 hours is a long time in politics and nobody can predict how the dynamics will evolve in the coming weeks and months. That is why PDP members across the country should not be discouraged, disillusioned, disappointed, or demoralised by the development in Delta State. We should stay strong and focus on strengthening the party. It is not necessary at this point to lament why they left.
Our party members should also refrain from blaming our woes on the ruling party. That would be a lazy approach. They are playing politics to win elections. It is our responsibility as party members to ignore their antics and seize the moment and momentum to make our party stronger and better.
Yes, it is unbecoming and shocking for the running mate to the standard bearer of a leading party to abandon ship to join the ruling party. This is unprecedented and nobody should try to justify such an act with the talk of being put under pressure. It is simply a sign of how low we have sunk as a polity. The country is experiencing a collapse of leadership values.
These developments in the polity are the reason why I have always canvassed the idea that we should emphasize building and strengthening our institutions and not individuals. With the defection of the governor of Delta State, even if the party has only ten governors in its fold, the PDP is still in a good position to win the next round of elections..
Our numerous party members should know that the PDP is better with fewer members who are loyal, sincere, determined, dedicated, and committed to its ideas, ideals, and progress than to have so many who will identify with us in the afternoon and be romancing the ruling party in the night.
We still have about two years before the next election. That is a long time in politics. We have enough time to brace up to the challenge.
There is nothing that prevents us from getting some governors from the other parties to join our ranks. My appeal to our young party members is that this defection is just a mere challenge to us to further mobilize and put our house in order. Also, our women’s wing should seize the opportunity to help in the rebuilding mission. The PDP will come out stronger from this development.
I am very sure the various leadership organs of our party will soon make public their reaction to this development and convey the necessary meetings to strategize on how to strongly and strategically respond to it. Therefore there is no cause for alarm.
Our party members should not lose focus, hope, or the determination to win. We should see the current development as a challenge to rebuild and refocus the party. Tomorrow is very bright.
. Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki is a former Senate President and Waziri of Ilorin.
[OPINION] Applauding Kate Henshaw’s Linguistic Flair: How ‘CBEXing’ Lights Up Our Lexicon - Isaac Asabor
Admin![[OPINION] Applauding Kate Henshaw’s Linguistic Flair: How ‘CBEXing’ Lights Up Our Lexicon - Isaac Asabor](/media/k2/items/cache/df88ffb1895593304f3d6f0bcae6b3b1_S.jpg)
In the ever-evolving landscape of language and communication, moments of spontaneous brilliance often birth new expressions, coined phrases that encapsulate the mood, the moment, and the message. On Wednesday, 23rd April 2025, the vibrant and outspoken Nollywood icon, Kate Henshaw, once again stepped into this space through her X handle, not just as a beloved actress or fitness enthusiast, but as a creator of language. Her reaction to an update by the Eko Electricity Distribution Company (EKEDC) on power distribution gave the public a sparkling new coinage: “CBEXing.”
At a time when power distribution remains a hot-button issue across Nigeria, and frustrations boil over in the face of epileptic supply and ambiguous communication from distribution companies, Henshaw’s expression resonated. With one word, she captured the feelings of irony, skepticism, and the exhausting dance between hope and disappointment that many Nigerians experience daily with their electricity providers.
So, what is “CBEXing” and why does it matter? To understand its impact, one must begin by appreciating the power of words, how they shape our understanding, our discourse, and our cultures. “CBEXing” may sound humorous and flippant at first glance, but it bears the hallmarks of linguistic ingenuity. It is a neologism, one of the freshest in the Nigerian lexicon, and like many before it, it springs from a blend of acronyms, sarcasm, and shared experience. According to context clues and online reactions, the term is derived from “CBEX,” believed to stand for Constant But Erratic Electricity eXperience, or some variation therein, depending on interpretation.
CBEXing is more than just an amusing linguistic invention, it encapsulates a deeper critique of Nigeria’s electricity distribution system. It mirrors the pattern of a Ponzi scheme, where consumers keep paying with the expectation of consistent power supply that never comes. Like the illusion of quick returns promised in fraudulent investment schemes, the hope dangled by electricity providers feels like a scam that cycles through repeated disappointment. The power never truly stabilizes, yet bills keep coming, often inflated and unexplained. In this light, CBEXing is a metaphor for the institutionalized exploitation of consumers, repackaged with corporate PR and hollow reassurances.
Henshaw’s use of “CBEXing” is more than a tweet, it is a linguistic rebellion. It is cultural commentary. And above all, it is creative expression at its finest.
Every language, including English, is an ever-growing organism, continuously fed by the creativity and experiences of its speakers. New words are coined daily, through pop culture, tech innovations, politics, and even slang, and these words evolve, are adopted, and sometimes enshrined in dictionaries.
Consider how the word “Google” transitioned from being the name of a company to a verb in common use (“to google something”). Or how “selfie” went from a social media trend to an entry in the Oxford English Dictionary. Language historians and etymologists constantly remind us that today’s casual slang could be tomorrow’s formal expression.
Kate Henshaw’s “CBEXing” is thus situated within this historical tradition. It holds potential to transcend the moment, becoming shorthand for the uniquely Nigerian experience of unreliable electricity, and the emotional rollercoaster that comes with it.
At this juncture, not a few readers may have wondered in this context, “Why “CBEXing” resonates with this writer. To address the wonderment, it is expedient to opine that the term caught on because it struck a nerve. It speaks to the everyday frustration and absurdity of Nigerian power supply. It is that moment when you see NEPA, sorry, PHCN, sorry again, your ‘DisCo’, flicker the lights on for five minutes, only for them to vanish mid-toast or mid-shower. It is the dry apology, the vague explanation, the unconvincing assurance that things will “soon stabilize.”
Kate Henshaw did not just name the phenomenon, she gave it personality. She anthropomorphized the energy sector’s dysfunction in a way that made it digestible, even laughable, in a country where many feel powerless in the face of such critical inefficiencies.
Without resort to flattery in this context, it is germane to applaud her creative spark. This is as Henshaw has always been known for more than just her acting skills. She is vocal, passionate, articulate, and unapologetically expressive. Whether speaking up for social justice or sharing tips on wellness, she engages the public with candor and intelligence. Her coinage of “CBEXing” is just another feather in her already vibrant cap.
Language experts often point out that the best neologisms are those rooted in shared experience, those that reflect a collective emotional truth. Kate’s coinage did just that. She turned a national grievance into a linguistic gem. She reminded us that even in frustration, Nigerians are masters of humor, satire, and expression.
It is also worth celebrating how “CBEXing” was not forced. It did not come out of a marketing campaign or a think tank. It was organic. Raw. Instinctive. And that is what makes it brilliant.
Whether “CBEXing” will find its way into formal linguistic acceptance remains to be seen. But language is not governed from the top-down, it evolves from the grassroots up. If people begin to adopt the term in everyday conversation, if it becomes shorthand in headlines, if radio hosts and comedians pick it up, then it lives. Just like “japa,” “sapa,” and “gist” have all taken root beyond their original niches, so too can “CBEXing.”
Already, social media users are having fun with it: “My fridge just CBEXed my stew,” “We are back to CBEXing again. Generator go run tire,” “CBEXing is now a national sport.”
These are not just jokes, they are the linguistic evidence of adoption.
It is indeed a lesson for creatives and communicators. Kate Henshaw’s coinage is a gentle reminder to all creatives, journalists, marketers, and public speakers: never underestimate the power of originality. In a digital age flooded with recycled phrases and buzzwords, originality cuts through the noise. It endears, it engages, and it endures.
To the creatives out there, let “CBEXing” inspire you. Every moment is an opportunity for expression. Every frustration can be molded into metaphor. Every observation can become a line, a phrase, a movement.
In fact, let there the light, and laughter. In a nation grappling with the very serious problem of power instability, Kate Henshaw gifted us a word that blends irony, frustration, and humor in one breath. “CBEXing” may be informal, but its truth is undeniable.
We salute her not just as an actress, but as a wordsmith, a culture-shaper, and a woman whose wit refuses to dim, even when the lights do.
So here is to Kate Henshaw. May your light never flicker, your voice never fade, and your lexicon continue to enrich ours.
After all, it is through the lens of creative minds like hers that new language, and new thinking, emerge. And in that spirit, we are all better for it.
CBEXing. You have heard it. You have lived it. Now, go ahead use it.
A former governor of Kano State, Rabiu Kwankwaso, and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) are currently exploring their political options, with the possibility of aligning with either the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) or the opposition coalition led by Atiku Abubakar.
A reliable source, who spoke to Punch on condition of anonymity, revealed that Kwankwaso and the NNPP would not contest independently in the upcoming 2027 elections, as they did during the 2023 elections.
“What I can confirm is that Kwankwaso and the NNPP will not contest independently as they did in the 2023 elections. Considering the current political landscape, they are weighing the possibility of either joining President Tinubu’s APC or aligning with the coalition led by Atiku, el-Rufai, and others,” the source disclosed.
The development comes amid a rapidly shifting political environment, as various political actors and parties seek strategic alliances ahead of the next general election.
In response to growing speculation, NNPP National Publicity Secretary, Ladipo Johnson, confirmed in an interview with Punch that the party was indeed considering these political options.
He stated, “Well, so far, what I’ll say is this: in the NNPP, we tend to, at least from our own history as the Kwankwasiyya movement, wait till midterm. May 29th will be the midterm for this administration. It will be two years down, and two years to go. That is when we believe that proper politicking will commence.
“So, yes, we are talking, and we’ve been talking. But you’ll recall that at that time, I told you I didn’t want to mention specifically the groups or persons or movements that are in conversation with us. That is still the position now.
“You’ll recall that there have been many publications in newspapers and online, insinuating that Senator Kwankwaso is moving to the APC, that it is imminent and all that. That is just the nature of the game. Some people are pressing or pushing that narrative for their selfish reasons.
“But the bottom line is that very soon, they will begin to hear from us. We will tell our supporters what we are doing. There are basically three cards on the table: either we remain in the NNPP and continue with those who joined us all the way or we form some sort of coalition with Atiku, others; or we form an alliance with the ruling party. I am not saying any of these is the case now. But these are the three basic options that could happen.”
[NaijaNews]
[OPINION] Hearts, Minds, And Hands: Soludo’s Human Capital Revolution In Anambra - Christian Aburime
Admin![[OPINION] Hearts, Minds, And Hands: Soludo’s Human Capital Revolution In Anambra - Christian Aburime](/media/k2/items/cache/35a4dbb3159309862758594a18748714_S.jpg)
In the story of every great society, the true engine of transformation is not limited to oil or infrastructure alone; it is also about the people.
It is education that shapes their minds, healthcare that preserves their lives, skills that empower their hands, and dignity that secures their place in society.
In Anambra State, Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, is scripting this very story with breathtaking urgency. His human capital and social agenda is a people-centred movement to build a prosperous and compassionate homeland.
At the onset of his tenure, Governor Soludo’s bold declaration of a state of emergency in education was a necessary jolt to a system that had lost its way. Today, Anambra is the first state in Nigeria where every child in public school, from nursery to SS3, pays nothing: no levies, no fees, and no hidden charges.
This landmark policy has reversed a decline in enrollment. Public primary school enrollment has surged by 27.05%, while secondary school numbers have risen by 10.36%.
In 2024, Unesco rated Anambra State as the lowest in out of school syndrome at a rate of 2.90 While the 2024/25 National Education Management Information System Annual Census held in conjunction with State Education Management Information System rated the out of syndrome at 0.25. Anambra now boasts with the lowest rate of out of school children in Nigeria.
When Governor Soludo took office, over 7,500 teaching positions were vacant. Within his first year, he recruited 8,115 teachers in a merit-based, digital-savvy cohort drawn from 18 states across Nigeria. These teachers have been deployed to every corner of the state, from bustling cities to forgotten villages, dramatically improving the teacher-learner ratio to 31:1 in primary, 28:1 in secondary, and 26:1 in ECCD. Every headteacher and principal now has a laptop. 22 pilot smart schools are transforming into centres of innovation, preparing students for a world where knowledge, not connections, defines the future.
Through the Public-Private-Community Partnership (PPCP) model, 70 philanthropists have invested in renovating and building schools. Mission schools, long neglected, are receiving generous government support, ₦2.2 billion in grants, including for Pentecostal schools for the first time. Eighty per cent of newly recruited teachers serve in mission schools whose salaries are fully covered by the state, almost ₦1 billion monthly. Education is no longer an orphan of policy; it is the crown jewel in Anambra State under Governor Soludo
Also, Anambra is setting national standards in healthcare with its telemedicine network. Every primary healthcare centre in the state is now digitally linked to a pool of 42 doctors, available 24/7. With the tap of a button, a villager in the remote areas can consult a doctor, be referred, and even evacuated using the Anambra State Emergency Ambulance Service (ASEMSAS) via a toll-free line.
Today, 326 primary health centres have been renovated and equipped with solar-powered boreholes, lithium inverters, and internet-enabled diagnostic tools. Once-abandoned facilities are now hubs of life-saving care. Each political ward in Anambra has at least one functional medical facility.
Five brand-new general hospitals have been built, all in underserved areas of Anambra North, defying political calculations as Governor Soludo is from Anambra South. Additionally, three general hospitals have been upgraded to specialist status. Equipment such as dialysis machines, dental theatres, and ophthalmology labs now exist where there was once neglect. At the tertiary level, a state-of-the-art Trauma Centre is under construction at the Chukwuemeka Odimegwu Ojukwu University Teaching Hospital. A smart nursing school, the largest in Southeast Nigeria, is also taking shape.
Over 102,643 women have benefited from completely free antenatal care and delivery, including 344 cesarean sections. Since its inception, public hospital births have risen from 200 to over 1,000 monthly, with 52% of beneficiaries being non-indigenes, an evidence of the universal humanity guiding the policy.
From 3.8 million mosquito nets distributed to cervical cancer screening for over 13,000 women, the healthcare revival is as broad as it is deep. Anambra’s Health Insurance Scheme now covers 120,000 residents, including keke riders and shuttle bus drivers, and aims to double coverage by 2025.
Governor Soludo’s vision for youth development is practical, visionary, and deeply cultural. Inspired by the Igbo Apprenticeship System (IAS), the One Youth, Two Skills initiative is empowering 5,000 young people in 2024, with another 8,700 in training for 2025. With over ₦2 billion in seed capital and an additional ₦2.5 billion in concessional loans through ASBA, over 3,000 youth have become self-made millionaires, armed with skills that scale. This is not the usual handout or welfarist tokenism; it is wealth creation in action.
The Soludo administration’s compassion also finds real expression in its social justice programmes. Over 1,800 children separated from families have been rescued and reunited. Over 150 interventions have protected widows from inhumane practices, enforcing the Widowhood Rights Law. More than 3,000 disputes have been resolved through Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR), giving women and children an accessible justice mechanism. Over 2,000 perpetrators of gender-based violence and trafficking have been apprehended, while 121 children were rescued from exploitative conditions. Over 1,500 grassroots women leaders have been mobilised into governance, with 2,500+ women trained in vocational and entrepreneurial skills. Governor Soludo’s women agenda is empowerment by design.
With decades of dry taps behind them, Anambra residents are now witnessing the return of pipe-borne water. Five major urban water schemes, 15 small-town networks, and 109 rural projects, including 30 in Okpoko alone, have been rehabilitated and upgraded. For many, this is the first time in living memory that potable water flows at home.
Governor Soludo’s human capital agenda is a deeply personal, profoundly life-changing covenant with the people of Anambra. By investing in minds, healing bodies, empowering youths, uplifting women, and restoring dignity, he is building a better, more just, equitable society where every life counts. In Anambra, for the first time in a long time, governance has truly come home. Solution is here!
![[OPINION] Pastor Bakare: Tinubu is playing God - Ugoji Egbujo](/media/k2/items/cache/37181d78aae7c2725b1319393859a575_S.jpg)
The PDP governors are queuing up to jump into the APC. They say their ship is sinking. They are singing and dancing and justifying their capitulation as nation-building. The PDP once thought it was the greatest party in Africa. These are trying times on all fronts. The conspiracy of the ruling class could be the final straw.
Indeed the PDP had been infected by a debilitating human virus. I need not name the motormouthed Nebuchadnezzar. The man who planted the moles who have been used to debilitate that party. But some of the governors weren’t motivated by imminent political homelessness, they were threatened to submission. Some others only had to see the juicy carrot of a no-contest reelection to reconsider their relationship with the dying PDP. Bakare said the destruction of the opposition was the deliberate handiwork of political bandits led by the president. Tinubu, many now say, is driving Nigeria down a one-party slope. Tinubu’s priority is political conquest. For the discerning, the future is concerning.
A one-party state is a literal civilian dictatorship. Nigeria’s eastern neighbour, Cameroon, has a certain geriatric called Paul Biya as president. He has been the leader of that poor country since time immemorial. After eliminating his opponents, he devised a strain of multiparty democracy with the ruling party as an indomitable lion and he, the owner of the lion. He stages regular elections to justify his perpetual presidency. Many of his critics are in jail. Most of the time, he is in a hotel in Geneva. Sometimes, for three-month stretches, he lives in Switzerland, ostensibly on work visits. That is where he says he finds the peace to work. Paul Biya lives in opulence, indolence and paranoia. And Cameroon, now cracking, has endured severe growth retardation.
Nigeria needs to look at Tinubu and look critically across the border to the east and recoil. These cavorting politicians waving flags of surrender with pomp and pageantry could be the first victims. The former presidents, governors, and ministers might think that the grass will bear the brunt. But Cameroon is a vivid cautionary tale. Paul Biya chased Ahidjo into exile. Then he eliminated most of the big men. That’s what authoritarianism breeds. Summoning the populace into Tinubu the Tinubu bandwagon might seem a smart move today. But inevitability, paranoia, and gossip will collaborate to pick out and liquidate the early victims from the uppermost echelon. History might be kinder to Paul Biya. He ascended the throne when autocracy was rife in Africa. What shall we say of Tinubu, the prodemocracy activist who came when democracy was the norm
Bakare has described a total emasculation of the parliament by the deft imposition of enterprising and often comical lackeys. They raise songs of adulation to worship the president when he comes to the parliament. The parliament was once described as a rubber stamp. But It is now more servile and less passive. It has the same quality of obsequious servility, but it no longer waits to be used, to be called upon to render abject service. It marches around searching for new ways, including bending the rules and sabotaging the Constitution to prove its subservience to the president.
Bakare didn’t dwell on the courts. Perhaps with the parliament in the president’s back pocket, the president is technically above the law. After all, he can very easily disregard the courts. The only body that can sanction him has sworn to serve him. The courts are a little fortunate. This president pretends to be a Democrat. So he perhaps spares the courts public humiliation. Rather than allow himself to disobey the law of the judges, he can make sure the judges understand his philosophy. So they work harmoniously. He has a certain man nicknamed POS Africa and a few others who have certified expertise for that liaison. This president may never have to disobey a court. The courts can be retrofitted and synchronized to fly at the same altitude as the executive. By the time the judges realize the damage, by the time a one-party state arrives, the judges would have gone from being judicial merchants to no more than errand boys at the temple of the chosen one
Like Bakare reminded the lawmakers and governors, no man is good enough or wise enough to be entrusted with absolute power. One-party rule has brought prosperity to a few countries. But it hasn’t worked anywhere in Africa. It might require a sense of shared nationhood, which doesn’t exist in most countries created by white imperialists. The impetus to work hard to be validated by the electorate won’t exist. The electorate will become detached and accustomed to the grossness. In a fragile multi-ethnic Nigeria, sick with tribalism, a one-party state will ultimately lead to marginalization, disenchantment and disintegration. Tinubu should know that. But will Babasopecracy, which is his preferred democratic model, allow him some room for sober reflection? Tinubu is preoccupied with political conquests. Bakare says Tinubu has ordained opportunism as the political philosophy of the conniving ruling class.
Bakare says Tinubu is playing God. Tinubu’s brazen nepotism, cronyism and tribalism could all be elements of the God complex. Being answerable to no one. We could actually have misunderstood omniscience and omnipotence and questioned his disregard for equity and fairness. The sinister plot to wreck the opposition, demolish dissent, and corral the masses into a single party in some form of political monotheism could all be mortal designs of a motor park chairman. But Tinubu ‘s tendency to order reforms he won’t be bound by, travel to France to work from there for weeks and suspend a governor on a whim all fit into the God psychology.
Pastor Bakare was courageous. Other pastors have gone mute. They are praying and fasting for good governance. They do not want to use their anointed heads to collect a wasp. Many erstwhile crusaders of social justice, democracy and good governance have lost their voices. Pastor Bakare was incisive. He didn’t powder the boil. And he didn’t just lacerate Tinubu and his friends; he pointed them to the path of redemption. Bakare asked Tinubu to think like the biblical Joseph, who planned an economy for good and bad days for the benefit of the people, transforming Egypt into a booming and resilient nation.
Bakare wants Tinubu to have a compelling vision which he can sell to all Nigerians to restore hope. He wants Tinubu to lead by personal examples. He wants Tinubu to discard hubris, embrace humility, and pursue reconciliation and national unity. He wants Tinubu to overhaul his team and find Joseph-type leaders to replace the hyenas in his cabinet. Bakare, like a good pastor, left many prescriptions. But he was emphatic that without a change of attitude to promote social justice, moral politics and good governance, Tinubu may become a god but his kingdom shall not endure.
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![[OPINION] Pastors, Politicians, and the gang-up against the poor! - Emmanuel Aziken](/media/k2/items/cache/f2d2aa54e47f972e269b9cbde3be690d_XS.jpg)
In a week that the country’s political landscape reverberated with the most shocking defection to the ruling party so far, it was no less of a shock that one of the leading lights of the Nigerian charismatic movement was also busy mobilizing against the poor in our midst.
Whatever, the reason behind the defection of the 2023 vice presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Senator Ifeanyi Okowa remains a matter of conjecture. Remarkably, he has not gone out to denounce his former party besides the claim by his PDP campaign spokesman, Charles Aniagwu that the PDP has lost taste.
According to Aniagwu when the taste of the palm wine changes the pattern of drinking will change.
However, for Pastor David Ibiyeomie of Salvation Ministries, Port Harcourt, his shocking assertion that Jesus boycotted the poor is unarguably one of the shocking fallouts of the convulsion that has taken up the Church of Christ by the cankerworm of prosperity teaching.
Even more shocking was that following his initial teaching to his disciples, that he came forward to double down on his fallacious assertion.
Given that he heads what he calls Salvation Ministries, it is fitting to say that his perspective of salvation is defined by riches and not necessarily sin, which was the primary concern of Christ’s coming to the earth.
As the former Jewish law exponent, Paul wrote to his disciple, Timothy, “This is a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners; of whom I am chief.”
Pastor Ibiyeomie’s claim that Jesus boycotted the poor and did not visit them is particularly ridiculous and rooted in a beclouded revelation. He apparently forgot that Jesus was born in a manger in the midst of goats and other animals because his parents could not find a room in the available hotels in Bethlehem. What could indicate poverty worse than being born among animals? That was what Jesus undertook to bring salvation to mankind.
That Ibiyeomie cannot find any example of Jesus visiting the poor did not mean that he did not visit the poor in their conditions. John the Beloved in his book (21:25), wrote: Jesus also did many other things. If they were all written down, I suppose the whole world could not contain the books that would be written.
It is, as such, incongruous for one to assert that because he did not see Jesus visiting the very poor in their homes, that such meant he detested them or their conditions. Where we did not find Him visiting the poor in their homes (maybe because they didn’t have homes) but he went out to meet them like the woman who had spent all her money on physicians. Where else but on the street could he have found the woman who spent all her money on physicians? Jesus allowed the poor to swamp him contrary to Ibiyeomie who would not want us to go out to be with the poor.
Pastor Ibiyeomie’s focus on wealth and riches reminds us of the charge by Paul on how the pursuit of riches caused many to forsake the cross. Writing in Philippians 2:21 he charges ”All the others care only for themselves and not for what matters to Jesus Christ.” NLT
Going further in Philippians 3:19, he cautions the Christians in Philippi against those who were against the gospel of self-denial and death to the cross. He said, “They are headed for destruction. Their god is their appetite, they brag about shameful things, and they think only about this life here on earth.”
It is the prayer of this correspondent that all Men of God, lift up their eyes above the trappings of the earth and look unto the plans of God and stop bragging about their cathedrals and vain things.
Those who brag about boycotting the poor and boasting about what they have on earth and not what they have done in bringing many sons into glory have a day to give account.
Contextualising our walk on earth on the material sphere defeats the essence of the incarnation which was essentially to defeat the works of the devil. The principal work of the devil is sin. I give it to Pastor Ibiyemoie that sin ravages the poor. But it also ravages the camp of the rich around him, if not more.
The story of the rich young ruler concludes with Jesus giving a serious caution to those who put wealth above every other consideration.
”How hard it is for the rich to enter the kingdom of God!”
It is a spiritually infantile postulation for any spiritually discerning person to relate with people based on their wealth. The bible tells us that riches have wings and can fly away in a moment. Such people judge people on sight and not by faith which is the framework for spiritual exercise.
Jesus told us that the poor will always be in our midst and he never warned us to boycott them. Pastor Ibiyeomie’s revelation is a strange fire that must be quenched.
James the apostle warned against discriminating against the poor in James 2:1-3, saying that the rich should not be given a privileged sitting position over the poor in the congregation. It is fitting to conclude that with the oratory that many pastors have, that many of them are just like Nigerian politicians, determined to suppress the poor, or like Pastor Ibiyeomie to put them out of sight.
That is why the fundamentals of good governance are put aside in the embrace of political capital and survival. They lie shamefacedly saying bad is good. Now, pastors are about giving spiritual resonance to their claim!
![[OPINION] 2027 presidency: A north vs south contest? - Temidayo Akinsuyi](/media/k2/items/cache/d7cf5aa4280153385751b74ee914efe9_XS.jpg)
A few days ago, I had a conversation with one of the senior leaders of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) who was in London for a medical check-up. During our meeting, I sought his views on the latest developments in the party and who will likely emerge as the presidential candidate in the 2027 general elections. His response: “As you are aware, the PDP governors already said they won’t be part of any coalition but will rebuild the party into a formidable opposition. Well, if they are able to keep the party together and Atiku didn’t join the SDP, he is our best bet for now.”
The next question is, does Atiku stand a chance against a master political strategist and sitting president like President Bola Tinubu, who will likely seek reelection for another term? My host replied, “Yes, I think he stands a chance when you consider (President Bola) Tinubu’s abysmal performance and the opposition from the North, especially on issues relating to anti-North policies and (alleged) marginalisation. Don’t forget, Tinubu got the support of the majority of the northern governors to win the APC presidential ticket in 2022. They also worked massively for him in the 2023 presidential election.”
He continued, “However, even Tinubu knows that many of the northern governors and lawmakers are unhappy with him over the tax reform bill and other policies and will work against him, even though they may be shouting ‘Sai Tinubu’ in public now. I believe Atiku is in talks with Peter Obi, and he wants a repeat of the joint ticket they had in 2019. Obi has a huge followership among the youths, who constitute a greater percentage of the voting populace. If Obi can bring that to the table and Atiku also delivers the North and some southern states, then the deal is done. Tinubu will also want to consolidate his base in the South. So, it is likely going to be a north vs south contest.”
After our meeting, so many thoughts kept ringing in my head, especially the ‘north vs south’ contest which he mentioned. How does that bode for Nigeria’s unity? We are yet to recover from the deep-seated animosity and ethnic rivalries that permeated the entire landscape during the last general elections, and now some people are ready to deepen it further with a north vs south political battle. Just recently, these leaders in their Easter and Sallah messages enjoined Nigerians to shun division and embrace unity and co-existence. They also called for a renewed sense of national cohesion and empathy while also urging the citizens to rise above divisions and work collectively towards peace and progress in the country. Yet, because of insatiable lust for power, these same people are prepared to throw that unity to the wastebin and are scheming towards an election that will further polarise an already divided country.
Let me begin with Atiku, Nigeria’s vice president from 1999 to 2007 during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency. Atiku has been contesting presidential elections since 1993, and he is likely to do so again in 2027. Unlike before, when he jetted off to Dubai after elections and resurfaced after four years, Atiku has played the role of an opposition figure very well since the conclusion of the 2023 elections, constantly checkmating every decision taken by the Tinubu administration. However, from a candid point of view, Atiku’s desire to become Nigeria’s president is driven more by desperation than patriotism. He mouths the need for unity in the country on festive occasions, but in his heart, he is ready to jettison that unity for his selfish ambition.
The last presidential election reinforced my belief that Atiku is not a nationalist as he claims. There is an unwritten agreement that power should rotate between the north and south in the spirit of fairness, equity and justice. After a northerner, Muhammadu Buhari, was about to complete two terms of eight years, Atiku, who is from the northern state of Adamawa, threw his hat in the ring. If Atiku had won the election and served two terms, it would mean the north would have been in power for 16 consecutive years. How will that engender unity in a heavily polarised country? Will Atiku, in his heart of hearts, allow another southerner to become president after another southerner has completed eight years? Despite winning the presidential ticket of the PDP, Atiku’s party was heavily polarised, and he lost the main election. Just like he did with the Biblical Pharaoh, God ‘hardened’ the heart of Atiku, and he refused all the entreaties of party stakeholders, especially the G-5 governors led by Nyesom Wike. The rest, as they say, is history.
Atiku, who will be 80 years old in 2027, lost two golden opportunities to become Nigeria’s president. The first was in 2003 when the majority of the governors of the then ruling party, PDP, agreed to back him in the party’s presidential primary against his principal, Olusegun Obasanjo. The old, wily Obasanjo knew he had to stoop in order to conquer, and he did just that – he knelt down before Atiku and begged him to allow him to run for a second term.
Giving a vivid picture of what transpired then, Nobel laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka, as published by TheCable in the August 3, 2018 edition, said: “Before the PDP primaries in January 2003, Obasanjo got everyone he knew could reach me on the surface of the earth, including Yemi Ogunbiyi and my son, to get me to help him intercede when it was clear that (Abubakar) Atiku was in a position to take his job. He knew Atiku had a lot of regard for me and called me ‘Uncle’.
“The pressure was intense. Of course, I could not have knelt before Atiku, not to embark on a course of action that would lead to his boss’ disgrace. But I can confirm to you that Obasanjo, as president, knelt down before Atiku so that he would not lose his job. But I warned Atiku that for making Obasanjo kneel down for you, be sure you would have to pay heavily for that. I guess my warning came to pass if you remember Atiku’s dramatic change of fortune once Obasanjo was sworn in for a second term of office.”
The second golden opportunity missed by Atiku was in the last presidential election when Atiku refused entreaties by major stakeholders in the PDP to respect the zoning formula in the party, which states that the presidential candidate and national chairman cannot come from the same region. Atiku is from the North-East (Adamawa), while the then national chairman of the party, Iyorchia Ayu, is from the north-central (Benue). The director-general of the presidential campaign, Aminu Tambuwal, is also from the north-west (Sokoto). In the interest of unity, the stakeholders want Ayu to resign so that another chairman from the southern part of the country can step in, but Atiku disagreed.
Also, the PDP stakeholders pleaded with Atiku to field Wike as his running mate. After a series of meetings both locally and abroad, Atiku breached the agreement and settled for Ifeanyi Okowa, the immediate past governor of Delta State. Now, Okowa has dumped Atiku and the PDP and has gone to pitch his tent with President Tinubu’s APC.
Speaking on Channels Television recently, Governor Seyi Makinde said the PDP also made a grave mistake by handing the presidential ticket, national chairman slot, and office of the director general of the presidential campaign to members from the northern region only. He said the exclusion of southerners from the three major slots dealt a self-inflicted blow to the PDP, which culminated in the loss suffered by the party in the poll.
How can you breach the rotation agreement between the north and south as well as the zoning formula within your party, and then convince Nigerians that you have the capability to unite the country? That is food for thought for Alhaji Atiku.
As for President Tinubu, he granted an interview in the ThisDay publication of April 13th, 1997, where he declared that ‘I don’t believe in One Nigeria’. The interview resurfaced online during the build-up to the 2023 presidential election, but his loyalists claimed that he was quoted out of context, especially when you consider the fact that as governor of Lagos State, he ran a pan-Nigerian cabinet which included many non-Yoruba-speaking people.
However, since becoming president, questions have been raised about his appointments, which some Nigerians believe are heavily skewed in favour of the south-west. To counter this, his media aides released the list of ‘all’ the appointments made by the president, but also quickly withdrew it after many loopholes were discovered. Sunday Dare promised to provide an updated list very soon, but he has yet to do so three weeks later.
Having lost Lagos, Osun, Enugu, Akwa-Ibom, Edo, Abia, Plateau, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Ebonyi, Anambra and Imo in the 2023 presidential election, President Tinubu cannot afford to take chances again if he desires to seek re-election in 2027. It is glaring that many of the northern stakeholders who worked for him in the 2023 presidential election will not do so again. This singular reason explains the recent actions taken by the president in Lagos during the Obasa impeachment imbroglio. Tinubu weighed the political value of Obasa on one hand and Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu and the 36 lawmakers on the other. His verdict? Obasa, one of his die-hard loyalists, has more political value than Sanwo-Olu and the lawmakers. He therefore did everything possible to restore Obasa to his position.
The president also did the same in Rivers during the battle between the former governor of the state, Nyesom Wike, who is now the minister of the FCT, and the current governor, Siminalayi Fubara. Many analysts believe that Tinubu sided with Wike, especially given the fact that only Fubara was suspended for six months while Wike remained in office. Last week, it was reported that Fubara met with the president in London, and they allegedly had an agreement that Fubara’s sins would be forgiven if he joins the APC. Now, Delta state is already in the kitty with the defection of Governor Sheriff Oborevwori and his predecessor, Okowa. We are also told to expect more defections into the APC in the days ahead.
If things continue this way, then, as rightly predicted, the 2027 presidential election will be a serious battle between the north and south, a complete departure from the June 12, 1993 presidential election, which to date remains the freest, fairest and most credible election in Nigeria’s history. Is that the future our leaders desire for our beloved country and generations unborn?
Akinsuyi, former group politics editor of Daily Independent, currently studies sustainability communications strategies at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
![[OPINION] Heightened Global Uncertainties and the Nigerian Economy - Obinna Chima](/media/k2/items/cache/e8a7b184e916ec3fdc50ca27c59ee20a_XS.jpg)
Global economic leadersCOMMA WHO gathered in Washington DC for the International Monetary Fund (IMF)/World Bank Spring Meetings which commenced this week, have been focused on how to navigate the tension created by the United States’ President, Donald Trump’s reciprocal tariffs, ongoing trade wars, inflation fears and new worries about the prospect of a global recession.
As a journalist covering these meetings, it is visible that both multilateral institutions are presently under pressure from the Trump-led United States – their biggest financial contributor – as representatives of both organisations ensure they avoid confrontations or even questions from reporters that would pit them against the administration. Even criticism from U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, who demanded IMF Chief Kristalina Georgieva and World Bank President Ajay Banga refocus on core missions to gain the Trump administration’s trust, will not provoke them.
Already, the IMF has slashed its growth forecasts for the United States, China and most countries, citing the impact of U.S. tariffs now at 100-year highs and warning that rising trade tensions would further slow growth.
According to the Fund’s World Economic Outlook (WE0), global growth forecast was cut by 0.5 percent to 2.8 percent for 2025, and by 0.3 percent to three percent for 2026, from its January forecast that growth would reach 3.3 percent in both years. The IMF estimated that inflation was expected to decline more slowly than expected in January, given the impact of tariffs, reaching 4.3 percent in 2025 and 3.6 percent in 2026, with “notable” upward revisions for the U.S. and other advanced economies.
“We are entering a new era as the global economic system that has operated for the last 80 years is being reset,” IMF’s chief economist, Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, said.
The IMF said the swift escalation of trade tensions and “extremely high levels” of uncertainty about future policies would have a significant impact on global economic activity.
For Nigeria, the economic growth projections for 2025 and 2026 were slashed downwards, reflecting the growing global uncertainties and sustained weaknesses in oil prices.
According to the WEO, Nigeria is now expected to grow by three percent in 2025 and 2.7 percent in 2026, down from its WEO forecasts of 3.2 percent and 3 percent, respectively, issued in January. The Fund attributed the downgrade to a mix of domestic challenges and worsening global conditions, including trade tensions, slowing demand from advanced economies, and a sharp decline in crude oil prices.
To Nigeria’s Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr. Wale Edun, as the ripple effects of US’ reciprocal tariffs continue to reverberate, the reforms introduced since President Bola Tinubu assumed office have placed the economy in a stronger position than anticipated to absorb potential shocks. He listed reforms under the current administration to include fuel subsidy removal, foreign exchange liberalisation, reset of monetary policy, elimination of Ways and Means, among others.
“Nigeria hasn’t suffered from the same reciprocal-type regime pressures as other economies because ours has been paused. We’re in a better position today due to the reforms and progress we’ve undertaken. In Nigeria, I believe we can attract private sector investment. The progress we’ve made so far is significant, and our near-term priorities are taking shape amid widespread macroeconomic uncertainty around the globe.
“Under the leadership of the President, we have successfully implemented reforms that are quite unprecedented. These are reforms we’ve spoken about for years; reforms we promised we would complete, and this time, we stayed the course. Now we can confidently say that we have implemented difficult but necessary reforms,” Edun told a gathering of foreign investors and investment bankers in Washington DC.
According to him, the fuel subsidy was a major reform, which he put at about five percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product.
“This, combined with the reforms on the monetary side, such as putting in place efficient market systems and enabling price discovery, not just in foreign exchange, but also in petroleum products, has created the foundation for renewed industrialisation in Nigeria.
“We are targeting seven per cent annual growth, and this is a commitment President Tinubu is serious about. We believe that level of growth is essential to lift millions of Nigerians out of poverty. We are pushing for inclusive growth. With macroeconomic stability largely restored, we are expanding our focus on agriculture, infrastructure, especially digital and finance. This includes crowding in the private sector at a time of constrained fiscal space. By addressing agriculture, infrastructure, and financial access, we believe Nigeria is now firmly on the path towards a seven per cent annual GDP growth exactly where we need to be,” he added.
One thing that also excite investors about the country is the revelation that its economic managers are in talks with JP Morgan for it to be admitted back into the JPMorgan Emerging Market Bond Index.
To the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the country’s return to orthodox monetary policy is beginning to yield tangible results as he cited gains in macroeconomic stability, investor confidence, and improvements in Nigeria’s global credit ratings.
“The numbers speak for themselves. The difficult reforms we’ve undertaken are beginning to yield results. One of the most important decisions we made was to pursue orthodox monetary policy, an approach we were firmly committed to and have no intention of compromising on.
“As a result of this policy stance, we’ve been able to stabilise macroeconomic indicators. Today, we’re in a much better position than we were previously,” Cardoso, who spoke after Edun said.
Echoing the position of the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy on Nigeria’s buffers against global volatility, Cardoso noted that while the country was not immune to global financial shocks, its exposure has been comparatively moderate. Cardoso stressed that rebuilding trust and confidence was central to the CBN’s agenda.
“There’s a common thread running through all our actions – building confidence. We’re not claiming perfection, but we are making real progress. Confidence in the naira is strengthening and confidence in our policy direction is growing. And, perhaps most importantly, there is a renewed sense of hope in the country’s economic future.
“Nigeria’s credit ratings have improved, which signals that our reforms are working. But we remain realistic, we’re still navigating a highly uncertain global environment. Anyone who followed the recent World Bank and IMF meetings would know that economic uncertainty is a global theme, and Nigeria is not exempt,” he added.
From the foregoing, just like the global economy, the Nigerian economy is at a critical juncture. As the world grapples with a confluence of escalating uncertainties, the combined impact casts an ominous shadow over Nigeria’s economic outlook. To navigate this turbulent landscape and secure a prosperous future for its burgeoning population, Nigeria must adopt a proactive, diversified, and strategically agile approach.
Amidst these challenges lies an opportunity for Nigeria to chart a more resilient and sustainable economic path. Diversification of the economy away from its over-reliance on oil remains paramount. Investing strategically in sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology can create new avenues for growth, employment, and export earnings, reducing vulnerability to global oil price fluctuations.
Strengthening domestic production capacity is equally crucial. By fostering a conducive business environment, improving infrastructure, and providing access to finance, Nigeria can reduce its dependence on imports and build a more self-reliant economy. Investing in human capital through education and skills development will be essential to drive innovation and productivity across all sectors.
Additionally, Nigeria must be on the driving seat in advancing intra-African trade and ensure that the African Continental Free Trade Area agreement becomes operational.
Finally, the central bank must maintain its hawkish monetary policy stance and remain vigilant so as not to be caught flat-footed at a ttime like this and must ensure that it deploys its policy instruments proactively.
![[OPINION] In 2027, Tinubu Won’t Win; The Opposition Will Lose - Farooq A. Kperogi](/media/k2/items/cache/8db8435a0cc8e74028c2a71616e36326_XS.jpg)
If economic health, social vitality, and the raw pulse of public opinion were the only indicators relied upon to prognosticate the chances of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reelection in 2027, I would say with cocksure certitude that he is condemned to be a one-term president.
Not even the most hopelessly unthinking defenders of the Tinubu presidency can deny that his reign so far has been defined by unrelieved economic hardship, staggering inflation, a collapsing naira, and a deepening sense of despair among Nigerians. In other words, the objective conditions for his political repudiation are overripe.
Nonetheless, elections, especially in Nigeria, are not won on the basis of public frustration alone. They are won — or lost — on the strength of political organization, elite consensus, strategic emotional manipulation, and the ability to convert popular anger into electoral mathematics. Call those the subjective conditions of electoral triumph, if you like. And this is where the tragedy of the opposition begins.
The opposition is undisciplined, hopelessly spineless, irredeemably fragmented, strategically bankrupt, and is falling cheaply into the trap set for it by Tinubu.
First, the opposition is shaping up to be disappointingly provincial. It is dominated by elements from a slice of the North that seems to be suffering from withdrawal symptoms from loss of political power. This is reminiscent of the narrow-minded opposition to former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s second term, which helped him to create a coalition of southern Nigerian, Christian northerners, along with portions of the North that felt excluded from the regional mainstream.
Perhaps the most egregious expression of naïve, historically inaccurate, self-sabotaging provincial self-importance from the region came five days ago from Dr. Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, a former appointee of the Tinubu administration who, before his sojourn in the administration, was a higher-up at the Northern Elders’ Forum.
“In the next six months, the North will decide where it stands,” Dr. Baba-Ahmed said in a viral post. “If the rest of the country wants to join us, fine. If not, we will go our own way. One thing is clear: nobody can become president of Nigeria without northern support.”
Well, Olusegun Obasanjo was elected for a second term in 2003 without “northern” support. I inserted scare quotes around “northern” because, although Baba-Hakeem appeared to be ecumenical in his conception of the North (he referenced “Muslims, Christians, Fulani, Baju, Mangu” — the Baju and Mangu being ethnic groups from southern Kaduna and Plateau — indicating pan-Northernism), we all know that the North has never been a monolith and is often riven by religion.
When people like Baba-Ahmed talk of the “North” in such tyrannizing, self-aggrandizing terms, they often mean a particular part of the North.
Obasanjo deployed the perks of incumbency to mobilize the entire South, appeal to the Christian North, and to make offers to parts of the Muslim North that Muhammadu Buhari didn’t consider “northern” enough to deserve his electoral entreaties. Even if the election wasn’t rigged, Buhari didn’t stand a ghost of a chance of winning the 2003 election.
Former President Goodluck Jonathan used Obasanjo’s 2003 template in 2011 to defeat Muhammadu Buhari. But in 2015, Jonathan lost the Southwest to Buhari, which led to Jonathan’s loss and Buhari's epochal, unexampled triumph.
This shows that no region can win a national election without the other, making Baba-Hakeem’s self-lionizing boast a rhetorical gift to Bola Tinubu. We’re already seeing its effect.
Several southerners who are wriggling in the torment of Tinubu’s economic policies have chosen to rather live with the sting of his policies than embrace the provincial arrogance of people like Baba-Ahmed who arrogate to themselves the exclusive power to determine who is president and who isn’t.
Similarly, in Nigeria’s informal power-sharing arrangement, the expectation is that after eight years of a northern presidency that ended in 2023, no northerner should be president again for the next eight years. But the northern opposition to Tinubu seems to be anchored on a desire for premature power grab back to the North.
Unless the northern politicians who have stuck out their necks to oppose Tinubu support another southerner with widespread appeal, their opposition will only strengthen Tinubu’s southern coalition and buy him sympathy from parts of the north that don't enjoy regional political hegemony.
This is particularly so because since the start of the Fourth Republic, the South has never expressed opposition to northern presidencies by sponsoring southern candidates. The South supported Atiku Abubakar, a northerner, in 2019. Umar Musa Yar’adua’s main opponent in 2007 wasn’t a southerner. It was Muhammadu Buhari, a northerner.
But when it was the South’s turn to get presidential power in 2023, the North presented a formidable candidate in the PDP. In fact, the APC hierarchy, with the support of Muhammadu Buhari, settled on former Senate President Ahmad Lawan as the “consensus candidate.” That was embarrassing.
Already, there are insinuations that PDP governors who are defecting to APC are doing so not just because they are being bludgeoned into it through subtle EFCC prosecutorial threats but also because they fear that their party’s standard-bearer in 2027 will be a northerner.
I understand the dilemma of the northern politicians in opposition. Should they support a southern candidate to dislodge Tinubu, such a candidate would, as sure as tomorrow’s date, seek a second term. That would defer the presidential aspirations of the northern politicians by eight years instead of four.
If they sit by listlessly as Tinubu shoves them to the margins of the orbit of power, they will be like fish flailing out of water. They will be so disoriented and weakened that by the time presidential power drifts back to the North, they probably won’t even have the strength to fight for a place.
Northern opposition politicians like Nasir El-Rufai also don’t seem to realize that the Social Democratic Party (SDP) they have embraced as the vehicle to displace Tinubu is, in fact, Tinubu’s spare car.
It is fully fueled, tuned, and parked in his garage for contingencies. As early as April 2022, BusinessDay reported that Tinubu had opened backchannel talks with the SDP and explored it as a fallback platform in case his APC ambitions stalled.
In other words, the opposition is not commandeering an independent vehicle; they are clambering into a car whose engine hums to Tinubu’s touch and whose keys he can reclaim at will. They are, quite literally, riding shotgun in a machine built for their defeat. Unfortunately, he has also hijacked their car, the PDP!
Adewole Adebayo, SDP’s 2023 presidential candidate, unintentionally echoed this sentiment a few days ago when he used the metaphor of a car to send a not-so-subtle dig at El-Rufai.
“As for the coalition, we’re listening to them,” Adebayo said. “What we don’t want to be—we don’t want to be a get-away car for a conspiracy and robbery we did not plan. So, if you planned something somewhere and you want to use the SDP as a get-away car, that’s not available.”
Adebayo added another pointed dart to El-Rufai when he said, “if the coalition is a crying center for disappointed Tinubu followers, they should go back to Tinubu who gave the promise to them and resolve their differences there.”
In the end, Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s greatest electoral asset may not be the loyalty of the masses, the success of his policies, or even the cunning of his political machinery. It may well be the disarray, hubris, provincialism, and strategic myopia of his opposition.
They are too divided to form a coalition, too impatient to build trust across regions, and too blinded by immediate resentments to think in terms of long-term electoral triumph.
In 2027, Tinubu may stagger into a second term not because he inspires, but because he survives; not because he triumphs, but because those who should have dethroned him will, through a toxic mix of arrogance and amateurism, hand him victory on a silver platter.
It won’t be Tinubu who wins; it will be the opposition that loses. And Nigeria, trapped in the wreckage of broken possibilities, will pay the price.