Foreign fraud syndicates have strategically infiltrated Nigeria’s security, legal, and financial systems, exploiting weaknesses in immigration enforcement, law enforcement capabilities, cybercrime investigations, judicial expertise, and prison management. These criminal organizations operate sophisticated networks, using Nigeria as a base for large-scale financial fraud, cryptocurrency scams, money laundering, and even illegal arms smuggling. The absence of specialized training for key security and justice personnel has allowed these syndicates to thrive, evade prosecution, and continue their illicit activities even from behind bars. A comprehensive national strategy is required to dismantle these syndicates, beginning with the training and empowerment of Nigeria’s law enforcement agencies, financial crime regulators, immigration officers, corrections officers, and the judiciary. Without adequate training, technology, and international collaboration, these agencies will remain ineffective in preventing, detecting, investigating, and prosecuting foreign fraud syndicates that threaten Nigeria’s economic stability and national security.

Law enforcement officers and security agencies must be trained in advanced digital forensics, cybercrime intelligence gathering, financial crime tracking, and cryptocurrency fraud detection. Currently, many officers lack the expertise to investigate complex digital crimes, resulting in poor evidence collection and failed prosecutions. Training programs must focus on equipping officers with technical skills in cyber forensics, allowing them to trace encrypted transactions, decrypt digital communications, recover deleted financial data, and track online money laundering activities. The use of artificial intelligence in financial crime detection must also be incorporated, enabling officers to flag suspicious transactions, monitor high-risk digital accounts, and detect hidden fraud patterns across multiple financial platforms. Additionally, officers must be trained in dark web intelligence and cybercriminal surveillance, allowing them to infiltrate hidden cybercrime networks, track illicit online transactions, and disrupt underground fraud operations.

Immigration officers play a crucial role in preventing foreign fraud syndicates from entering and establishing operational bases in Nigeria. However, weak border security, outdated immigration technology, and a lack of biometric screening measures have allowed cybercriminals to enter the country undetected. Immigration officers must undergo specialized training in biometric identification, automated border surveillance, and forged document detection. Training must also focus on the integration of Nigeria’s immigration database with INTERPOL’s global criminal records, Europol’s financial crime registry, and the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) blacklist to prevent known fraudsters and ex-convicts from entering the country. Additionally, officers must be trained in tracking overstayed visas and fraudulent residency permits, ensuring that foreign nationals operating illegally within Nigeria are identified and swiftly deported. Immigration personnel must also collaborate closely with regional security forces to prevent deported criminals from re-entering through land borders using falsified identities.

The EFCC and ICPC must be equipped with the knowledge and tools to combat large-scale financial fraud, money laundering, and cryptocurrency-related crimes. Training programs must focus on the development of financial intelligence tracking systems, ensuring that investigators can trace illicit financial flows, freeze fraudulent accounts, and detect hidden offshore assets linked to foreign fraud syndicates. Officials must also receive advanced training in corporate fraud detection, particularly in identifying businesses that serve as fronts for money laundering operations. Training must also focus on the use of blockchain analytics to monitor cryptocurrency transactions, track digital wallets used for illicit financial movements, and intercept money laundering schemes involving decentralized finance (DeFi) platforms. The EFCC and ICPC must also strengthen their asset seizure and forfeiture capabilities, ensuring that stolen funds are recovered, confiscated, and redirected toward compensating victims of fraud.

Judges and prosecutors play a pivotal role in ensuring that foreign fraud syndicates are convicted and face severe legal penalties. However, Nigeria’s judicial system has historically struggled to successfully prosecute cybercriminals due to a lack of legal expertise in handling digital evidence, weak sentencing structures, and prolonged case delays. Training programs for judges must include in-depth sessions on cybercrime law, digital evidence authentication, and blockchain forensic analysis. Judges must be trained to understand the intricacies of cryptocurrency-related crimes, international financial fraud, and transnational cybercrime cases. Training must also focus on the admissibility of digital forensic reports as evidence in financial crime trials, ensuring that courts can effectively interpret and rely on electronic data during prosecution. Additionally, judges must be trained in fast-tracking cybercrime cases, prioritizing financial fraud prosecutions, and implementing sentencing structures that impose severe penalties on convicted cybercriminals. Extradition laws and international crime cooperation must also be included in judicial training programs, ensuring that judges and prosecutors can effectively process international arrest warrants, execute mutual legal assistance treaties (MLATs), and collaborate with foreign legal bodies to retrieve evidence from overseas.

Prison officers must also receive intensive training to prevent foreign fraud syndicates from continuing their criminal activities while incarcerated. Many cybercriminals, after being arrested, simply relocate their operations to Nigerian prisons, using smuggled phones, bribed prison officials, and hidden financial channels to sustain their fraudulent networks. Prison officers must be trained to detect and disrupt organized cybercrime cells operating within correctional facilities. Training must include strategies for monitoring high-risk inmates, tracking suspicious financial transactions, and identifying hidden communication methods used by incarcerated fraudsters. Prison security must be reinforced with advanced surveillance systems, including AI-powered behavioral tracking, biometric-controlled entry points, and mobile signal jammers to prevent unauthorized communications. Additionally, financial monitoring systems must be established within correctional facilities to track and flag all inmate transactions, ensuring that no funds are being laundered or transferred to criminal networks outside prison walls. Corruption within the prison system must also be addressed through rigorous anti-bribery training, rotational staff deployment, and the enforcement of strict disciplinary actions against prison officials found to be colluding with inmates.

International collaboration and intelligence sharing must be a key component of Nigeria’s strategy in combating foreign fraud syndicates. Nigeria must strengthen its ties with INTERPOL, Europol, the FBI, and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) to establish real-time financial crime tracking networks. Law enforcement officers, judges, immigration officials, and financial crime investigators must be sent for specialized training abroad in countries with advanced cybercrime enforcement mechanisms, including the U.S., U.K., Germany, and Singapore. Nigeria must also gain direct access to global financial crime intelligence databases, enabling law enforcement to track international fraudulent transactions, identify foreign cybercriminals, and freeze illicit funds before they can be laundered through Nigerian financial systems. Additionally, Nigeria must harmonize its cybercrime laws with international regulations, ensuring that local financial institutions comply with global anti-money laundering (AML) and counter-terrorism financing (CFT) standards.

A comprehensive national training initiative must be launched to modernize Nigeria’s police academies, judicial training institutes, immigration service schools, and financial crime enforcement bodies. The Nigerian Police Academy, the EFCC Training Institute, and the National Judicial Institute must integrate specialized cybercrime investigation, financial crime litigation, and cross-border fraud detection into their core curriculum. AI-powered crime detection software, blockchain analysis labs, and financial fraud simulators must be introduced into training facilities to ensure that security officers, financial crime investigators, and judges receive hands-on experience in combating cyber-enabled fraud.

Nigeria must take immediate action to equip its security, immigration, financial crime, and judicial personnel with the expertise and tools necessary to combat foreign fraud syndicates. Without a highly trained and technologically advanced enforcement system, cybercriminals will continue to operate freely, exploiting legal loopholes, evading prosecution, and compromising Nigeria’s national security. The implementation of rigorous cybercrime training, international intelligence partnerships, legal system upgrades, and prison security enhancements will be critical in eliminating foreign financial crime networks from Nigerian soil. Failure to act decisively will allow these syndicates to expand their influence, further destabilizing Nigeria’s economy and reputation in the global financial system. The time to act is now—Nigeria must transform its security and justice institutions into formidable forces capable of dismantling transnational cybercriminal networks once and for all.

When the world was gripped by the salacious scandal involving former U.S. President Bill Clinton and White House intern Monica Lewinsky in the late 1990s, the fallout was immense. Clinton was impeached by the House of Representatives, his credibility took a massive hit, and the incident remains one of the most talked-about political sex scandals in modern history. Now, contrast that with the unfolding drama between Nigeria’s Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, a situation that would have triggered a political earthquake in any serious country. But in Nigeria, it is business as usual, because here, scandals don’t stick, and consequences are almost non-existent.

Without a doubt, the Clinton-Lewinsky Scandal demonstrates how far scandal serves as a lesson of accountability in a country where leaders are expected to be morally upright.

In fact, the Clinton-Lewinsky affair was not just a tabloid sensation; it was a moment that tested America’s political and moral fabric. When reports surfaced that Clinton had engaged in an inappropriate relationship with Lewinsky, the U.S. political establishment did not sweep it under the rug. Investigations followed, and Clinton was forced to face the consequences of his actions. His initial denials, “I did not have sexual relations with that woman”, turned out to be a lie, which led to charges of perjury and obstruction of justice. The U.S. House of Representatives moved to impeach him, and while he survived the Senate trial and completed his term, the scandal left a lasting stain on his presidency.

Now, let us imagine for a moment that this happened in Nigeria. Would there have been any accountability? Would the individual in question even bother to resign, let alone face any political consequence? The answer is a resounding and capital No. Nigeria has a long history of brushing off scandals, no matter how damning the evidence is. The Akpabio-Natasha saga is proof that no amount of disgrace or misconduct is enough to shake the foundations of power in this country. In fact, given Nigeria’s situation, particularly as defensive rallies and comments have started in favor of the former governor, former Senator, and the president of the Senate, the Akpabio/Natasha scandal is unarguably a saga without consequence.

The alleged inappropriate relationship between Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has been making rounds on social media, with allegations of impropriety, power abuse, and deep political entanglements. In any other country, such a scandal would lead to calls for resignation, a full-fledged investigation, and potential legal consequences. But in Nigeria, it is just another day in the political sphere.

Instead of a serious investigation, what we see is a combination of silence, denial, and counter-accusations. Nigerian politicians have mastered the art of navigating scandals without as much as a scratch. Even when they are caught red-handed, they know the public outcry will eventually die down, and life will go on as if nothing happened. Akpabio, like many before him, will likely ride this storm unscathed.

At this juncture, it is expedient to throw insight to why scandals mean nothing in Nigeria.  This is as there are several reasons why political scandals, no matter how grave, never seem to lead to any consequences in Nigeria.

First and foremost is that Nigeria’s political space is characterized with a culture of Impunity: In Nigeria, politicians are rarely held accountable for their actions. The justice system is weak, and the political elite is shielded by a network of corruption and patronage. This culture of impunity ensures that even the most damning allegations are dismissed with a shrug.

Secondly, short public memory pervades as Nigerians are no strangers to scandal fatigue. In fact, today’s outrage is tomorrow’s forgotten news. Political actors exploit this short memory span, knowing that no matter how serious the allegations, something else will come along to distract the public soon enough.

Also is the prevalence of ethnic and political bias. The moment a politician is caught in a scandal, their supporters immediately turn the issue into a tribal or partisan debate. Rather than focusing on the substance of the allegations, people rush to defend their “own,” making it impossible to hold individuals accountable.

In a similar vein, is lack of institutional checks and balances. Unlike in the U.S., where independent institutions like the media, judiciary, and Congress ensure that political misconduct is addressed, Nigeria lacks strong institutions capable of upholding accountability. Here, institutions are often used as tools to protect the powerful rather than to check their excesses.

Worst of all, in Nigeria, scandals are weaponized.  In this part of the world, scandals are not necessarily about seeking justice or accountability; they are often politically motivated. Accusations only gain traction when it serves someone else’s agenda, and once that agenda is met, the case disappears. If the Akpabio-Natasha case serves no political purpose for the opposition or media, it will fade into oblivion.

Also, the Nigerian double standard cannot be pooh-poohed, and dismissed with mere wave of the hands in this context.  The foregoing view can be buttressed by opining that if Bill Clinton had been a Nigerian politician, the Lewinsky scandal would have been dismissed as a mere distraction. Instead of an impeachment trial, he would have remained in power, and his loyalists would have defended him with absurd justifications like, “Is he the first man to cheat?” or “Why are they attacking him? It is politically motivated!”

Even worse, Lewinsky herself would have been vilified. She would have been labeled a gold digger, accused of trying to bring down a great leader, and dismissed as an attention-seeker. Instead of holding the powerful accountable, the blame would be shifted to the victim or whistleblowers. To reinforce the foregoing view, it is germane to recall that statements which gave defamatory impression that Akpoti-Uduaghan thinks that being a lawmaker was about “pancaking her face and wearing transparent outfits to the chambers” had been made, and which compelled Natasha to file a suit filed before the Federal Capital Territory High Court on February 25, 2025, wherein she listed the President of the Senate, the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and Akpabio’s Senior Legislative Aide, Mfon Patrick, as the second and third defendants, respectively.

In fact, the Akpabio/Natasha scandal, like many before it, will eventually be swept under the rug. No resignations, no serious investigations, and certainly no consequences. The Nigerian political system is designed in a way that allows the elite to get away with almost anything, no matter how scandalous.

Until Nigerians demand accountability, nothing will change. Scandals will continue to mean nothing, and politicians will continue to operate with impunity. If Clinton had been Nigerian, he would not have lost a single night’s sleep over Lewinsky. And if Akpabio were American, his career would likely be over. But this is Nigeria, where anything goes, and nothing ever happens.

Who should we hold responsible for demonisation of democracy the iconic Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, once called ‘dem don crazy’, ‘demonstation of craze…’ in this country? It’s a time to speak truth not only to power that the majesty of democracy has been defiled. And so it is a time to ask whether democracy can be sustained to deliver the much-needed development to the most populous black nation on earth. Yes, it is a time to evaluate democracy we have been monitoring for 25 years because the main strength of its majesty, the rule of law, has become the rule of man, indeed the rule of only the ministers in the temple of justice. They are the ones who now determine who should occupy elective offices after elections. The Bar and Bench powers are the electorate, after all. And so we do not need to read law before awareness that where man alone rules without the law, there will be chaos and underdevelopment.

As a student, I read Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s book on, “The travails of democracy and the rule of law” but I did not understand the significance of that classic until now.
I have covered this dispensation of democracy as a senior journalist for almost 26 years, (since 1999). But I am beginning to conclude from its performance indices that this house (of democracy) has fallen not only because of the effects of those who ruled the country as “Federal Republic of the Nigerian Army” as general Chris Ali, former Army Chief captured in his book.

Democracy has failed us in Nigeria not only because of the effects of the unfavourable political economy of press freedom. Democracy appears to have lost its brand reputation not only because some of “soldiers of fortune” conspired and annulled our best election. Let’s do some introspection before the next 2027 plunge.

Behold, the man who should be held responsible for the collapse of democracy is called, “Mr. Complacency”! Yes Complacency, also known as “contentment”, “gratification”, “pleasure”, “civility”, “courtesy”. Really, the God of man, not any man of God, please, has revealed that yes; “Complacency” is the man, the stronghold that has ruined the majesty of democracy in this place. And here are the gifts of the strong man some World Bank’s development experts have just tagged “Civic Incompetence”: He is a sycophant. He does not like pen pushers who speak truth to power. He does not read. He is not discernible. He is perpetually afraid of any governing cabal that is ruthless and doesn’t tolerate the rule of law.
The prominent but insignificant man Complacency is perpetually filled with Epicurean spirit (loves pleasure and good life). He likes a little learning and so is ruled by intuition, not by learning or knowledge. Oh, he does not like the power that knowledge gives. He worships mediocrity in all his ways. He does not like anyone to peddle any excellence spirit in his domain. He doesn’t like to see law enforcement agents. The only adorable thing he likes is media trial of corrupt people where suspects are named and shamed before investigations.
And so the offspring of the limited man, Complacency are always reinforced in the system by the “economic man” who also has a cousin called the “administrative man”. Both men are not patriots, after all. They also do not care about gains that democracy can bring to the people. They work only for the gods of their bellies. And worse still, his expectations of the governing system are very low. According to a managerial economist, Ripunjay Tiwari, the “economic man” is purpose-driven. He is rational in that he can order his various preferences according to his hierarchy of values and then actually make his choice to maximise some desired value. To the “economic man”, there is complete awareness of various alternatives and the outcome of each alternative can be identified so that the alternative with the best outcome is selected.
It assumes that there is no limit on the collection of information and its processing. That is the way of the “economic man” who benefits from an atmospherics of the main man, Complacency.

In the same vein, the “administrative man” is a relation of the “economic man” in the kingdom of “Complacency”. According to Herbert Simon, a policy guru, the “administrative man” has only a limited, simplified view of problems confronting his society because he has only limited information. Besides, he does not have full knowledge of all the possible alternative solutions to the problems and their outcomes.

What is more, he does not have capacity to navigate the competitive environment and technical information therein.
Therefore, human and organisational limitations make it impossible for people to make perfectly rational decisions where the “economic man” and the “administrative man” dominate in a society ruled by Complacency. There are always ‘boundaries to rationality’ in such a milieu. Sadly, these men always seize power at the centre because democracy is fragile here.

That is why we have to sound the alarm that Mr. Complacency has to wake up from political stupor that the “economic man” and “the administrative man” would like us to remain in this age that the skilled young ones are daily disrupting with social technologies that help them to make progress.

I would like to challenge all the young ones below 40’s to be interested in this country that democracy and its drivers have relegated to one of the poorest on earth. Let no young one be deceived by the common public enemy called Complacency ruling everywhere you go in Nigeria. This democracy that has survived for only the “economic man” since 1999, cannot lead this country to greatness. Democracy is even unsafe at the moment.

This is a time to tell some home truth to the young ones from 30 and above too that they should print out the lyrics of the old national anthem and spring from their rhetoric in the social media to action, “lest we should be the last” as a Ghanaian writer, Kwesi Brew once warned us.

The old and the just rested national anthem should be their (call-to-action) weapon of social mobilisation so that the cursed democracy (since 1999) will be rescued. The young ones that successive generations, including mine have failed should brace up to take back their blessed country, which politicians have ruined with an atomic bomb they call democracy. There is some glimmer of hope in the architecture we can find in the rubble. And so, the young and vibrant ones should arise and obey Nigeria’s call. This is so because instead of fulfilling the pledge to Nigeria, to be faithful, loyal and honest, our leaders have become unfaithful, disloyal and dishonest in all the arms of government. Instead of “serving the country with all their strength”, they have been looting the country’s treasury with all their strength. Instead of defending her unity, they have been condoning “disunity” that the governing party’s leadership has been unleashing on the country with insufferable and unending “parochial appointments”.
There is neither honour, nor glory left for the citizens to cherish. Every day, young ones weep for the state of anomie in a country, where most of the leaders are virtually sleeping on duty. And as a foremost African writer, Ngugiwa Thiong’o notes, “Hope of a better tomorrow is the only comfort you can give to a weeping child”. In this case, there is no glimmer of hope of a better tomorrow beyond sloganeering. Almost twenty-six years of democracy has delivered only a man called Complacency to the nation.

The economy is a shambles. Electricity has always been around 4000 megawatts for the more than 200 + million people in 36 states and the nation’s capital. Generally, after 26 years of consistent democratisation, there are no good link roads from states to states.
Even the roads to the economic agencies including the Air and Sea Ports in the so-called economic capital of West Africa, Lagos are not remarkable. Democracy has only delivered private jets to the very prominent power elite who daily fly over bad roads that the people ply, suffering and smiling. As the roads have been left to God in heaven to fix, even the schools – from primary to university levels- are not institutions where innovations can be delivered to the citizens in the 21st century.
As for healthcare delivery, this column has been asking questions: why even the often sickly leaders, some of whom have died in office have not considered it expedient to fund even the University Teaching Hospital in Ibadan to a world class health centre where they can get medical services – as it used to be. Where is the ray of hope where ‘legislooters’, ‘execu-thieves’ and ‘judi-sharing’ as citizen journalists now call them, collaborate to protect their accused members in an enclave nurtured by complacency?
As we have seen through the ages as noted by a political thinker, James Laxar, democracy emerged in a particular historical and cultural context as a consequence of specific social, political and economic struggles. And yet, there has been no compelling evidence that there is a universal yearning for democracy in all cultures and social settings, and we can therefore dispense with the dubious proposition that democracy is an outgrowth of human nature.

And so the appetite for democracy arises not from political theory but from the tangible needs of millions of people. The young ones should note that above all, democracy is advanced by the success of political movements whose goal is to improve the lives of the majority of the population in a number of ways. This has not happened in our country.

Today, as Chinua Achebe noted in 1983, the trouble with Nigeria is still simply and squarely failure of leadership that has institutionalised corruption as a fundamental objective and directive principle of state policy. Doubtless, corruption that has incredibly given birth to mediocrity and hopelessness in the country. Part of the fallacies of democracy has just re-echoed in the centre of drama called Lagos. Yes Lagos where a former Speaker could break into the chambers he presided over for 10 years and declare himself Speaker with the help of our lawless police officers. Haba, democracy, where is your classic majesty?

And so to the young ones, don’t lose hope, organise. yes, organise. Don’t agonise anymore. This is the big data age. Get cracking in organising your data on how Nigeria’s power elite, politicians, civil servants and some morons called barons have demonised democracy as government of the corrupt few for their families and their in-laws. That is why the paralysed man called Complacency should be banished for democracy to be a pleasant conversation, a boon. And so, the young talents here should not allow the greedy kingmakers to cast a pearl called democratic leadership before a swine anymore, lest they continue to mess up our country. The weapon they always use is called Complacency. The cure for it is pursuit of civic competence: the power that knowledge and integrity can give to defeat fear of our “very bad people” who have within 25 years crashed democracy and are dancing on its grave.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation with over 200 million citizens, is grappling with a complex web of interconnected challenges that threaten its stability, development, and the well-being of its people. These include multidimensional poverty, hunger, insecurity, economic instability, corruption, governance inefficiencies, poor education standards, and social issues such as early marriages. This report outlines practical short- and long-term measures that the federal government, 36 states, and 774 local government councils can implement to address these pressing issues, ensuring a better quality of life for all Nigerians.

Introduction

Nigeria’s challenges are deeply interwoven, with poverty, insecurity, and governance failures reinforcing one another. Multidimensional poverty, which encompasses deprivations in health, education, and living standards, affects millions of Nigerians. Insecurity, ranging from Boko Haram in the North East to kidnappings nationwide, disrupts lives and economic activities. Economic hardships, including high inflation, double digit interest rates and a rising cost of living, exacerbate these issues, while corruption and bloated governance structures drain resources. Poor education standards, a high number of out-of-school children, and early marriages, particularly in the northern states, hinder human capital development. Addressing these issues requires coordinated action across all levels of government—federal, state, and local—along with the involvement of civil society and international partners.

Section 1: Tackling Multidimensional Poverty and Hunger

Current State

Nigeria has one of the highest poverty rates globally, with over 80 million people said to be living below the poverty line. Multidimensional poverty affects even more, encompassing not just income but also access to healthcare, education, and basic living standards. Hunger is rampant, particularly in conflict zones, and food insecurity is worsened by disrupted agricultural activities.

Short-Term Measures

 • Expand Social Safety Nets: Scale up programs like the Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) to reach more vulnerable households, especially in rural and conflict-affected areas.

 • Food Distribution Programs: Increase emergency food aid in regions facing acute hunger, in the North East, North West, North Central, South East, South West and South South, regions of the country aimed at curbing malnutrition. 

 • Subsidize Essential Commodities: Temporarily subsidize staple foods and essential goods to ease the burden of inflation on low-income families.

Long-Term Measures

 • Boost Agricultural Productivity: Invest in modern farming techniques, irrigation, and access to credit for smallholder farmers to increase food production and create jobs.

 • Improve Infrastructure: Develop rural roads, storage facilities, and electrification to reduce post-harvest losses and connect farmers to markets.

 • Enhance Healthcare and Education Access: Build more primary healthcare centers and schools, particularly in underserved areas, to address health and education deprivations.

Section 2: Addressing Insecurity

Current State

Insecurity is pervasive across Nigeria’s geopolitical zones. Boko Haram and its splinter groups continue to terrorize the North East, while cattle rustling and banditry plague the North West. The South East faces violence from unknown gunmen, and kidnappings for ransom are widespread nationwide.

Short-Term Measures

 • Strengthen Security Forces: Increase funding for intelligence gathering, equipment, and training for the military and police.

 • Community Policing: Empower local vigilante groups and community leaders to collaborate with security agencies in identifying threats.

 • Support for Victims: Provide immediate relief, including shelter and healthcare, to displaced persons and victims of violence.

Long-Term Measures

 • Address Root Causes: Implement poverty alleviation programs, youth employment initiatives, and equitable resource distribution to reduce grievances that fuel conflict.

 • Promote Dialogue and Reconciliation: Facilitate peace talks between conflicting groups, such as herders and farmers, and support community-based conflict resolution mechanisms.

 • Justice and Accountability: Establish special courts to fast-track prosecution of terrorists, bandits, and kidnappers, ensuring swift justice, such as the long and winding case of Nnamdi Kanu.

Section 3: Managing Economic Challenges

Current State

Nigeria’s economy is grappling with high inflation, double digit interest rates, a rising cost of living, and overreliance on oil. The long over due removal of fuel subsidies and currency devaluation have further strained household incomes.

Short-Term Measures

 • Monetary Policy Adjustments: The Central Bank should implement measures to stabilize the naira and control inflation, such as interest rate adjustments.

 • Price Controls on Essentials: Introduce temporary price caps on basic goods like food and fuel to prevent exploitative pricing.

 • Support Small Businesses: Provide grants, tax relief, or low-interest loans to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to stimulate economic activity.

Long-Term Measures

 • Economic Diversification: Invest in non-oil sectors such as agriculture, artificial intelligence, technology, and manufacturing to create jobs and reduce dependence on oil revenues.

 • Improve Tax Collection: Reform the tax system to widen the tax net, and increase revenue without overburdening the low income earning citizens, and reduce wasteful government spending.

 • Renewable Energy Investments: Develop solar, wind and other renewable energy projects to reduce reliance on expensive and environmentally harmful fuel sources.

Section 4: Combating Corruption and Improving Governance

Current State

Corruption remains endemic at all levels of government, draining resources meant for development. The large size of government, with overlapping agencies, contributes to inefficiency and wastage.

Short-Term Measures

 • Enforce Anti-Corruption Laws: Strengthen agencies like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to prosecute corrupt officials without political interference.

 • Increase Transparency: Mandate public disclosure of government budgets, contracts, and procurement processes.

 • Reduce Government Size: Streamline federal and state agencies by merging duplicative functions and cutting unnecessary bureaucracy.

Long-Term Measures

 • Civil Service Reform: Introduce merit-based recruitment and performance evaluations to improve efficiency and reduce patronage. The Tinubu administration should quickly revisit the Oransaye’s Civil Service Reform Report, with a view of implementation of the relevant reforms. 

 • E-Governance: Digitize government services and financial transactions, using artificial intelligence technology to minimize opportunities for bribery and embezzlement.

 • Civic Education: Launch nationwide campaigns to educate citizens on their rights and how to report corruption. 

Section 5: Enhancing Education and Social Development

Current State

Nigeria has one of the world’s highest numbers of out-of-school children, estimated at over 10 million, with the North particularly affected. Early marriages, especially of underage girls, remain prevalent, and education quality is poor.

Short-Term Measures

 • School Enrollment Campaigns: Launch targeted initiatives, especially in the North, to encourage parents to send children, particularly girls, to school.

 • Free School Meals: Expand school feeding programs to incentivize attendance and reduce hunger among students.

 • Enforce Laws Against Early Marriages: Strengthen enforcement of the Child Rights Act and provide shelters and support for girls at risk.

Long-Term Measures

 • Invest in Education Infrastructure: Build and renovate schools, train teachers, and provide learning materials, especially in rural areas.

 • Vocational Training: Integrate skills acquisition programs into the curriculum to prepare students for the job market.

 • Promote Gender Equality: Implement policies that promote women’s education and empowerment, including scholarships for girls in STEM fields.

Conclusion

Nigeria’s challenges are daunting but not insurmountable. Addressing multidimensional poverty, insecurity, economic instability, corruption, and social issues requires a coordinated, multi-level approach involving the federal government, states, and local councils. Short-term interventions must provide immediate relief, while long-term strategies should focus on systemic reforms and sustainable development. Success hinges on political will, transparency, and collaboration among all stakeholders, including the private sector, civil society, and international partners. With decisive action, Nigeria can break the cycle of poverty and insecurity, paving the way for a prosperous and stable future.

This report provides a roadmap for Nigeria’s leaders and citizens to confront the nation’s most pressing challenges. By prioritizing human development, security, and good governance, Nigeria can unlock its vast potential and ensure a better quality of life for all.

Sonny Iroche is a 2022-2023 Senior Academic Fellow at the African Studies Centre of the University of Oxford, and Post Graduate in Artificial Intelligence at the Saïd Business School of the University of Oxford 

LinkedIn: http://linkedin.com/in/sonnyiroche