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![[OPINION] MultiChoice tariffs: View from Canada - Seun Bisuga](/media/k2/items/cache/500d2df8fe1c82660f0b03a4dc0123f0_L.jpg)
I moved to Canada three years ago and encountered many surprises. One of the biggest was the high cost of pay television services and their billing models.
During my time as a journalist at TheNEWS Magazine, I consistently advocated for the implementation of a pay-per-view billing model. I frequently expressed my frustration with price increases by MultiChoice, the service to which I subscribe. I believed I had the right to watch only what I wanted, whenever I wanted. Choosing what to watch and when sounds like a good option until that option is actually available to you.
Living in Canada now, I’ve found it frustrating that I don’t have access to the wide variety of channels that MultiChoice provides without paying a hefty price. To watch major sports events like the Premier League, Serie A, La Liga, Bundesliga, Champions League, and significant boxing matches, you need to subscribe to three different providers: Fubo, DAZN, and TSN. However, even your subscriptions do not necessarily cover the biggest fights.
To clarify, after paying your monthly or yearly subscription for DAZN, you would need to pay an additional $79 (Canadian) to watch the Usyk vs. Fury fight. This bout is available exclusively on pay-per-view and is not included in your regular subscription. In Nigeria, I was able to watch many big fights live on DStv at no extra charge, but that option is not available in my current location.
Many people have to rely on alternative methods to watch major fights, and these options often come with costs that may be a little less steep, but steep all the same. When I moved to Canada, I started to realize that in Nigeria, I had access to live sports at a much lower fraction of the price I currently pay. Here’s why: I had two active MultiChoice subscriptions and believed I didn’t need a local subscription in Canada. I was informed when I arrived that the cost of watching soccer matches (as North Americans refer to football) could be financially overwhelming.
As a savvy Nigerian, I told my friends that I would avoid their expensive subscriptions by continuing to watch DStv. However, I soon realized that I couldn’t access DStv due to geolocation restrictions. You might suggest using a VPN, but I tried that, and it’s easier said than done. While chatting online is manageable, streaming satellite TV is a different story. I also experimented with IPTV, but I’m not a fan of the lag. There are times when a goal would have been scored or a red card shown before the live TV feed is restored. Additionally, I would to keep Livescore handy to stay updated on everything happening in the game. That was not the way I wanted to watch football.
I had no choice but to rely on match highlights, but I wasn’t satisfied because watching live football is what I grew up with. Did I mention how much it costs to subscribe to Fubo, DAZN, and TSN? Fubo is about $85 per month, DAZN costs $30, and TSN is $10. It’s not always better on the other side, as you can see. And before you start asking how much the minimum wage is here, the television service providers here do not ask how much.
Pay up or jog on. Simple.
Even with monthly or yearly subscriptions, there’s no guarantee that you’ll get access to major matches or fights. For instance, to watch the English FA Cup matches, you will need a monthly subscription with Rogers that costs $108. If you’re not a dedicated football fan, you might wonder why you should pay such a high price. That’s a valid question, but the same applies to those who enjoy movies or shows.
I realized that it’s more convenient to have everything in one place and at an affordable price. It’s important to note that the prices mentioned are not fixed. If inflation occurs, many businesses, including pay television service providers, tend to raise their prices.
I realized that my perspective was unrealistic while I was at home. Whenever fuel prices rose or the naira depreciated, leading other businesses to increase their prices, I found myself joining in the criticism of MultiChoice if they raised their prices. I don’t understand how I became so misinformed to believe that adverse economic conditions affecting the prices of groceries and food would not similarly impact pay television prices. I have participated in mocking and complaining about MultiChoice’s price increases, but I now see that they are an easy target.Many people living abroad often reach out to friends and family to ask how they plan to watch major fights because their subscriptions do not cover them. The tradition of watching games and fights in pubs and bars is not solely about wanting to socialize; it’s also financially motivated. Spending $50 to enjoy a match with others who share a passion for the sport can be a more economical choice than paying $79 to watch it alone at home with no additional perks.
In a bar or pub, you can buy a beer or two and enjoy some chicken wings for around $50 while watching the game. Although this adds an extra expense, many people are willing to pay for the experience. Comfort comes at a price. I once told a friend that traveling abroad for a visit is completely different from living abroad and having to manage the bills.
MultiChoice offers many channels for free; take CNN as an example. While it comes with most bouquets in Nigeria, it is not included here. Unless you’re okay with watching outdated news, old shows, and old movies, you won’t be able to watch CNN or Fox News on your regular bouquet.
Consider Amazon Prime. There are movies and shows available on Prime that require a separate subscription, even if you already have a Prime membership. The same applies to Disney+. To access Paramount, AMC, Apple TV+, Crave, Starz, and others, you need additional subscriptions.
When I was at home, I found pay television much easier to navigate compared to my current situation. Many Nigerians abroad would agree that MultiChoice provided us with the most convenient and relatively affordable options to access hundreds of channels in one place.
Looking back at what I paid then versus what I pay now, I appreciate the value of the services MultiChoice offers at their price point. I’ve gained a better understanding of this. Sometimes, when we have easy access to these things, we tend to take them for granted until we try something different. The idea that “it’s greener on the other side” is often misleading.
As for the content posted on social media, I choose not to comment; people are entitled to portray their lifestyles however they wish.
This is my opinion, but a poll among Nigerians living abroad would likely reveal that many share the same view about MultiChoice and its pricing. Where I am, I following, through traditional and social media, how Nigerians are yearning for pay-per-view, which they do not understand, and telling themselves that pay television services abroad cost the same as three bottles of beer back in Nigeria. It is not so. Ask around, as Mr. Macaroni would say.
Bisuga, a former correspondent of The NEWS Magazine, writes from St John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada
[OPINION] Bayelsa is Not Rivers, Wike: Diri’s Calm Resistance Against Your Stubborn Disruption - John Egbeazien Oshodi
Admin![[OPINION] Bayelsa is Not Rivers, Wike: Diri’s Calm Resistance Against Your Stubborn Disruption - John Egbeazien Oshodi](/media/k2/items/cache/87ce213f7627c87deb46eabbfd5408ed_L.jpg)
Governor Douye Diri is not a man who operates on impulse or seeks conflict for conflict’s sake. Instead, he demonstrates the rare quality of psychological resilience and strategic patience. A leader who knows the value of calmness and the devastating power of overreaction.
Wike’s tactic is simple: Instigate, provoke, and push until the target explodes. It’s a method he perfected in Rivers State, where his abrasive style often left opponents reeling, scrambling to respond to his bulldozing presence.
But Bayelsa is not Rivers. And Governor Diri is not a man easily rattled. He sees through the trap laid before him—a political snare meant to provoke an overreaction, triggering chaos and inviting federal intervention.
President Tinubu’s recent declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was a blunt and exploitative move, a calculated attempt to centralize control through what appeared to be a justified action. A classic strategy: provoke chaos, then swoop in under the guise of restoring order.
Governor Diri is too wise for that. He knows that any attempt to shut down rallies, to overreact, to play into Wike’s hands, would only give Abuja the excuse it needs to tighten its grip on Bayelsa. But Wike has made the fatal mistake of assuming that all governors are driven by ego and insecurity.
Governor Diri is not weak. He is shrewd. He is deliberate. And most importantly, he is prepared.
Wike’s Persistent Provocation: Desperation Disguised as Bravado
Wike, you are relentless, but not in a noble or courageous way. Your relentlessness is born out of a deep-rooted insecurity, a fear of irrelevance that haunts you even as you bark orders and declare dominance.
You have become so addicted to the sound of your own voice that you have convinced yourself it can carry over state lines, penetrating territories where your name is nothing but a passing shadow.
The truth is, your loudness is a cover for your psychological insecurity. You have convinced yourself that volume equates to authority, that noise is the same as power. But you are mistaken.
You have made a career of bullying your way through political landscapes, crushing dissent and ruling with an iron fist. You believe that intimidation is a form of leadership, and that conflict is the same as respect.
But Bayelsa is not Rivers. Your reputation here is more of a warning than an accolade. And Governor Diri is not Fubara.
You see, Governor Diri is not engaging with you on your terms because he understands the danger of trying to compete with madness. He understands that your provocations are symptoms of desperation, not strength.
Every time you roar about your rally, about your plans to disrupt Bayelsa’s peace, it only underscores how hollow your power truly is. You are driven by bravado, but behind that mask of confidence is a man flailing against the inevitable reality that Bayelsa rejects you.
Even Tinubu Can’t Save You Here, Wike
You have placed far too much faith in your connections to Abuja. You parade your alliance with President Tinubu like a badge of immunity, believing that your new federal title somehow elevates you above the authority of Governor Diri.
You think that your position grants you power over the states, that your proximity to the Presidency makes you untouchable. But here is a truth you cannot escape: Even if Tinubu comes with you, he cannot protect you.
Governor Diri is the Chief Security Officer of Bayelsa, and his authority over his state is enshrined in the constitution. No presidential influence, no ministerial title, no federal might can erase that.
Even if you arrive with a convoy of police officers and military personnel, Diri’s authority remains superior in Bayelsa. He holds the legal right to refuse access, to enforce order, to maintain peace. And if your presence threatens that peace, he retains the constitutional power to act accordingly.
It does not matter if you come with the entire security apparatus of Abuja. In Bayelsa, Diri’s authority supersedes yours.
You thought that your friendship with Tinubu would shield you from accountability, that it would allow you to walk into Bayelsa and impose your will. But the constitution is clear: Bayelsa is not under your control.
Diri’s Respect for Law and Order: A Stark Contrast to Wike’s Recklessness
Unlike you, Wike, Governor Diri understands the law and respects it. He is not trying to silence you. He is not trying to obstruct your fundamental rights.
Governor Diri has even acknowledged the proper protocol for such rallies— a respect for order and communication. He pointed out that the First Lady, Remi Tinubu, followed due process by informing the state government of her visit to Bayelsa.
Governor Diri’s approach is not about domination or control. It is about protecting the peace and integrity of Bayelsa. But of course, you see any regulation as an attack because you are driven by ego, not principle.
Wike, The Apparent Compromised Judiciary Won’t Save You This Time
You have become accustomed to hiding behind compromised courts, running to judges who twist the law to serve your interests. You have made a career out of manipulating legal systems to cover your own inadequacies.
But this is Bayelsa, not Rivers. And here, you are facing the court of the people.
Even if you manage to pull strings and secure a ruling in your favor, it will be meaningless. Because you are not dealing with legal loopholes and courtroom tricks—you are dealing with a unified population that rejects your arrogance.
The judiciary won’t save you, Wike. Not this time. Governor Diri has the support of his people and the legitimacy of his authority. No court ruling, no manipulated judgment, no backdoor deal will change that.
Conclusion: Diri’s Calmness Is Your Undoing
Governor Diri’s calmness is not a sign of weakness. It is a strategic advantage that you have failed to comprehend. While you flail about, trying to force conflict and chaos, Diri has anchored himself in composure and authority.
Your desperation is evident. Your need for relevance is exposed. You wanted chaos, but instead, you are the one trapped in a cycle of your own making.
Governor Diri has already won this battle. His calmness has turned your arrogance into a weakness. Bayelsa is not Rivers. And you are not the man you imagine yourself to be.
[OPINION] The Helicopter That Flew Over Their Illusions: Natasha’s Skyward Triumph Against Akpabio, Bello, Ododo, and Eneji’s Roadblocks of Desperation - John Egbeazien Oshodi
Admin![[OPINION] The Helicopter That Flew Over Their Illusions: Natasha’s Skyward Triumph Against Akpabio, Bello, Ododo, and Eneji’s Roadblocks of Desperation - John Egbeazien Oshodi](/media/k2/items/cache/e9e5ecc6d032564b53e9dfd3dcce509e_M.jpg)
A Helicopter, A Masterstroke, And The Unraveling Of Corrupt Plots
What do you get when powerful men plot against a woman with courage, intelligence, and strategy? You get failure. You get panic. You get the kind of public disgrace that echoes far beyond their little enclaves of power.
Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s helicopter landing in Ihima was not just a tactical maneuver; it was a bold declaration that left Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo, former Governor Yahaya Bello, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and their eager enforcer Hon. Amoka Eneji fumbling in confusion.
These men, accustomed to wielding power with impunity, found themselves outmaneuvered by the very person they sought to crush. They planned, plotted, and schemed from their positions of comfort, confident that their influence could intimidate Natasha into submission.
But their arrogance blinded them to the fact that true power lies not in titles or wealth but in the ability to inspire, persevere, and stand firm against oppression. What followed was not just a failure of their plans but a public unraveling of their incompetence and corruption.
The Roadblocks of Futility: A Display of Desperation
The entire roadblock operation was a comedy show staged by politicians too blinded by arrogance to recognize their own incompetence. Governor Ododo and his loyal pawn Hon. Amoka Eneji must have imagined themselves as grand strategists, orchestrating a flawless operation.
They mobilized police officers as if preparing for war. Roadblocks were erected with a sense of urgency that suggested something monumental was being defended. But the truth? They were only defending their fragile egos.
The roads leading to Ihima were flooded with officers who looked more confused than prepared. Their posture was stiff, their eyes scanning the horizon for a convoy that never came. They thought Natasha would be driven in like a regular politician, expected her to crawl through their traps like an insect caught in a web.
But Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan soared above their traps like an eagle circling over petty creatures scurrying below.
How did these men react to being so easily outmaneuvered? With panic, confusion, and a desperate attempt to save face. The entire roadblock strategy was built on an assumption of control. But Natasha’s helicopter landing shattered that illusion.
Eneji’s Curfew: A Pathetic Attempt at Control
Hon. Amoka Eneji, desperate to prove his loyalty to his superiors, declared an “emergency curfew” with all the gravity of a child playing soldier. He imagined that by issuing such an order, he would come off as powerful, authoritative, a man to be feared.
Instead, his curfew became a joke. The people ignored it as though it were a whisper against the howling wind. They gathered in numbers that dwarfed the efforts of Eneji’s curfew declaration. They came out in support of Natasha, laughing in the face of a command they knew was built on fear, not authority.
Eneji’s attempt to wield power was the equivalent of throwing stones at the sky. His curfew did nothing but expose his desperation and insecurity. The only people who paid any attention to his curfew were those laughing at it.
Akpabio’s Imploding Concern: The Price of Desperation
If anyone felt the sting of Natasha’s brilliant maneuver, it was Godswill Akpabio. A man who has spent his political life wielding power like a sledgehammer, only to find that the same power now works against him.
Imagine Akpabio, seated comfortably in his office or residence, waiting for news of Natasha’s humiliation. Waiting for reports of roadblocks stopping her progress, of police officers turning her away, of her supporters cowering in defeat.
But instead, he receives a call informing him that Natasha has arrived safely. By helicopter.
That was the moment his arrogance transformed into deep unease. The moment he realized that Natasha had outsmarted him once again. His supposed fortress of power was nothing more than a crumbling illusion.
What does a man like Akpabio do when faced with failure? He blames everyone but himself.
Calls must have gone out to Bello and Ododo. Furious accusations, desperate demands for explanations. But deep down, Akpabio knew the truth: his power was failing. And Natasha’s success was a sign of things to come.
Bello’s Alliance of Failure: Desperation Meets Desperation
Yahaya Bello, a man already tarnished by ongoing EFCC cases, hoped to shield himself by aligning with Akpabio. He thought that Akpabio’s influence could provide cover from his own legal troubles.
But what does desperation mixed with incompetence produce? Failure.
Bello’s alliance with Akpabio was never about strength. It was about weakness. It was about clinging to power through whatever means necessary. But the moment Natasha’s helicopter appeared over Ihima, Bello’s partnership with Akpabio was exposed as nothing but a desperate attempt to hide from the inevitable.
Every alliance made out of fear is bound to collapse. Bello’s dependence on Akpabio is now a burden, a weight dragging him down as he struggles to maintain relevance.
Akpabio, Turn Yourself In Before It’s Too Late
Akpabio, your desperation is becoming impossible to hide. The facade you have worked so hard to maintain is crumbling before the world’s eyes. And now, with every passing day, your sins grow more public, more undeniable, and more damning.
For years, you have walked through the corridors of power with arrogance and entitlement, believing that your title of Senate President rendered you immune from consequence. You thrived on intimidation, manipulation, and coercion. But now, your methods have turned against you.
The truth is simple, Akpabio. Your political career is falling apart. Your allies are faltering. Your apparent misconducts are now common knowledge. You can feel the weight of your mistakes pressing down upon you, squeezing the air from your lungs, leaving you gasping for control.
Imagine the conversation you’ve likely rehearsed in your mind, the words you’ve been too proud and too afraid to utter:
“Sir, I cannot continue like this. The scandals are too much. The accusations are not going away. I tried to stop the Senate investigation, but now there is talk of murder plots. Natasha has humiliated me. My international reputation is ruined. I may even be stopped at foreign airports. Sir, maybe I should step down… at least temporarily.” As you speak these worlds to President Bola Tinubu, conceivably. Tinubu on his part, is running from all these rising, mounting and soaring issues or wahalas, and he is off to France to cool off and re-focus.
But you haven’t said those words, have you, Akpabio? Because the pride that once made you feel untouchable is the very thing destroying you.
Conclusion: A New Democratic Dawn for Nigeria
The failures of Akpabio, Bello, Ododo, and Eneji are not just personal defeats. They are symbols of a corrupt establishment crumbling under the weight of its own hypocrisy.
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s helicopter flight was not just a maneuver—it was a message. It was a declaration of defiance, a demonstration that true power comes from resilience, intelligence, and courage.
Nigeria deserves leaders who understand that the people are not enemies to be conquered but voices to be heard. Those who plot against the truth only succeed in destroying themselves.
Akpabio, Bello, Ododo, Eneji—you’ve been outsmarted. Your schemes are crumbling. And the people are watching.
[OPINION] Russia’s Expanding Geopolitical Influence in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger - Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Admin![[OPINION] Russia’s Expanding Geopolitical Influence in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger - Kestér Kenn Klomegâh](/media/k2/items/cache/ed31158c9b13126c6649caef82cd668a_M.jpg)
Growing impatience over the fragile security situation in the Sahel region and collective anxiety to lift up and strengthen their Confederation of Sahel States (AES), some prefer the Alliance des États du Sahel (translates in English as the Alliance of Sahel States), the three Foreign Ministers of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger embarked on a fresh trip to Moscow. Meetings, held in early April 2025, with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov undoubtedly gave a strong boost to the AES relations, marking the latest new chapter in building sustainable security ties and economic cooperation.
Ahead of the meeting, the Russian Foreign Ministry said the Sahel foreign ministers prioritized perspectives on regulating their political crisis as well as focusing on economic spheres. According to Russia’s MFA, the three African countries’ foreign ministries indicated in a joint statement that the joint visit as the first session of “AES-Russia consultations” which aims at finding appropriate pathways in fighting jihadist insurgencies that has spread across the region south of the Sahara.
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger currently run by military governments that have taken power in coups between 2021 an 2022, have formed an alliance known as the Confederation of Sahel States (AES). By creating their own bloc, it exposes Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) weaknesses and its long-term inability and incompetency to deal with regional problems, particularly rising security through mediation. The French grouping later kicked out French and other Western forces and conveniently turned towards Russia for military support. Their foreign ministers will visit Moscow on April 3 and 4 and hold meetings with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov at his invitation, the statement said.
Basic research and review show that besides instability, these countries are engulfed with various socio-economic problems primarily due to the system of governance and poor policies toward sustainable development. And Russia’s renewed and full-fledged interest is primarily focused on uprooting French domination, and support the development goals of these French-speaking West African countries in the Sahel region.
For fear and concerns about the new rise of terrorism and for the sake of deeper cooperation and integration, the three Sahelian countries have turned to Russia, and as expected Russia has since offered tremendous assistance. As a follow up, the early April meetings in Moscow, several critical issues are on the agenda: military assistance to fight growing terrorism, and efforts to strengthen political dialogue and promote concrete partnerships relating to trade and the economy in the region.
The AES has multitude of obstacles, the main problems emerged after exiting out of ECOWAS, the regional organization consisting 16 West African states. Finance is another hurdle among others. Nevertheless, Russian Foreign Ministry explained in a statement posted on its website, that Russia’s military-technical cooperation with African countries is primarily directed at settling regional conflicts and preventing the spread of terrorist threats and fighting the growing terrorism in the continent.
Russia’s MFA has earlier assured: “we will continue supporting it with the supply of arms and hardware and personnel training, including peacekeepers, as it is very important to help put an end to this evil and other challenges and threats, including drug trafficking and other forms of organized crime.”
With regards to financing AES, the bloc on March 31st introduced 0.5% levy on imported goods to finance their newly formed three-state union, following their withdrawal from ECOWAS. The agreed levy took immediate effect and applies to all imported goods except humanitarian aid. It also implied that the move officially ended free trade with West Africa’s ECOWAS bloc, deepening the rift between the three and regional democracies like Nigeria and Ghana. Worth noting that ECOWAS sanctions imposed to force a return to civilian rule have had little impact, as the Sahel alliance continues to strengthen economic and security cooperation.
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger are among many African countries bartering natural resources. There have been cases, where huge natural-resource projects were given away without cabinet discussions and parliament’s approval. Apparently, these agreements on resources extraction hardly deliver broad-based development dividends. Nevertheless, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have bilateral agreements with Russia. The three have offered complete access to exploiting their natural resources in exchange for military equipment and weaponry as well as military training. Burkina Faso signed a Memorandum of Understanding on nuclear energy with the State Atomic Energy Corporation (Rosatom) during the Russia-Africa summit held in St. Petersburg in July 2023. Russian President Vladimir Putin mentioned security issue and economic cooperation during his opening and closing speeches at the summit and even previously, indicating its importance on Russia’s agenda with Africa. In fact, there were five key summit documents and one of them focuses on ‘Strengthening Cooperation to Combat Terrorism’ which neatly relates to this article theme here under discussion.
Although Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have abundant human and natural resources, offering tremendous potential for rapid growth, there are existing deep-rooted challenges – environmental, political and security – that may affect the prosperity and peace of the region. Therefore, external support is badly required and which is why Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have to look up to Russia as their economic and security saviour, particularly this changing geopolitical situation in the world.
According to various narratives, Russia has embarked on fighting “neo-colonialism” which it considers as a stumbling stone on its way to regain a part of its Soviet-era influence in Africa. Russia has sought to convince Africans over the past years of the likely dangers of neocolonial tendencies perpetrated by the former colonial countries and the scramble for resources on the continent. In pursuit of its geopolitical interest, Russia has ultimately begun making inroads into the Sahel region, an elongated landlocked territory located between North Africa (Maghreb) and West Africa, and also stretches from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea.
With human and natural resources, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger China are undertaking giant economic and social transformation. Quite essentially, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, within the geopolitical reconfiguration in West Africa, are desirous to ensure their political sovereignty, engage in development which Russia has expressed interest to support.
Certainly, the three have pledged to work together to find common solutions, and are oriented towards multipolarity. In this way, they could consolidate its integration to become a center of influence, diversify the economy to become prosperous in the region. Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger are expected to continue to advance their collective interests for the purposes of their development, prosperity and stability.
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![[OPINION] Uromi: Matching injustice for injustice - Abimbola Adelakun](/media/k2/items/cache/b0841656abacd99cdfe1ca25e2f9dadc_M.jpg?t=20250403_133536)
Years ago, I had an unforgettable experience of nearly witnessing a lynching at Iwo Road in Ibadan. It was a typical day, and while standing at a bus stop, a woman two paces away suddenly shouted that her purse had been snatched. She held the clothes of the man standing beside her. Before you knew it, the place had transformed. A crowd quickly gathered around, many of them young men who seemed to have magically sprouted from thin air. From ordinary guys going about their lives, they instantly transmuted into the judiciary and were ready to execute a self-designated mandate. They stripped the accused, kicked him, beat him, and demanded he return the purse.
Perhaps the most amazing transformation for me was a man who had stood beside me at the bus stop. While I was still puzzled at the events unfolding around me, this guy had found a huge stone and was yelling at the crowd to clear a path for him—he was going to smash the skull of the accused! Fortunately, the accused man managed to escape while those who had arrested him were still deciding on how to lynch him. I do not know if he was guilty of stealing the purse or not, but I am thankful that he did not die that day.
Every time I have told this story to friends, I have also wondered how and when that man transmuted from just another person at the bus stop to a potential killer. Was that even a real human man or a gnarled monster walking around at noonday like some mythological fables report? Imagine a man ready to commit murder, maybe just an hour after leaving his home in the morning. If he had managed to participate in killing that man, would he still have proceeded through the rest of his day like nothing had happened? Would he have gone back home to his family at night (if he had one) and continued life like he had not just killed a man?
Since the news emerged about how a vigilante group in Uromi, Edo State, lynched 16 hunters after tagging them kidnappers, I have returned to that incident to once again ask how men become the monsters who set up bonfires to burn their fellow humans. What (and when) is the moment of their transfiguration? It is when a situation like the Uromi incident occurs that we realise that there are many subhuman mongrels among us, some of them able to transfigure into monsters who can lynch a person in an instant. They lynched not one, not two, not three, not even four humans!
One must wonder about the kind of people who would keep throwing one person after the other into the fire (while some equally depraved people thought it was worth recording the pain and agony of the victims on their camera for later distribution). If there was no moment at which any internally controlling ethical code restrained them, then it is also probably not the first time they have lynched people. Those vigilantes must have played at being the law for so long that they started imagining themselves to be truly one. This unfortunate incident is one of the many fallouts of the state recession in the public sphere. When you have a country where security can no longer be guaranteed by the state, all sorts of maniacs will step in to fill the void.
This distressing incident has also thrown up the fault lines of ethnicity and religion between the northern and southern regions of the country. One only needs to read Nigerians from the two divided halves of the country as they bicker over the deaths to see how they are gauging their respective regional civilisation from the responses to the distressing event. It seems to me that northerners see the Uromi incident as an opportunity to take down the smug superiority of snobbish southerners who have typically imagined themselves to be socially superior. Now that the so-called civilised South has displayed a similar primitive behaviour that, if it had happened in the North, would have been filed as one more example of their cultural backwardness, they are practically celebrating their vindication along with mourning the demise of the victims.
For the southern commenters, the incident is not only distressing but also embarrassing as they must justify themselves before people who never apologise for the lynching that happened in their territory. And they are right because the Uromi incident is similar to that of Deborah Samuel, the Christian student who was lynched in 2023 by some religious fundamentalists who admitted their crime on video. Unlike this ongoing case, where the southerners are condemning the lynching and calling for justice, I do not remember the northerners doing the same. Many northerners, including their prominent clerics, justified the killing of Samuel. A presidential candidate who dared to condemn the murder had to withdraw his statement when they threatened his presidential ambition! The Edo State Governor, Monday Okpebholo, is running all over the place and promising the family of the victims compensation, something that is unlikely to happen if the situation were reversed.
The court freed Samuel’s killers, and that woman did not get justice. Nobody in the government dared to touch them because of politics. In the wake of the Uromi incident, some of them are still doubling down on their justification for lynching that woman. If they cannot see her humanity, then on what moral grounds do they stand to demand justice for the Uromi victims? Yet, not wanting to be outdone, they bring up the case of Adamawa woman Harira Jubril, the pregnant woman who was killed along with her children in Anambra State by some unidentified gunmen. It is bad enough that she, too, never got justice; it is also horrible that her story is cheaply weaponised by those who merely want to score political points against a rival group.
Still convinced they are the bigger victims, the southerners start to reel out the many cases of Fulani herdsmen attacks on villages, farmlands, and their communities. They list the deaths and the destruction caused by Fulani herdsmen who have been rampaging through communities in Nigeria, mostly unchecked. This self-justification by matching northern stories of injustice with southern stories of injustice eventually spirals into an endless loop of barbarism, bloodletting, and unleashed monstrosity.
In trading stories of injustice for injustice, these people also catalogue the injustice the nation has committed against our collective humanity. Notwithstanding their motivations, their exchanges are an indictment of a nation that cheaply discounts our lives, and—by failing to pursue the outstanding debts owed to our murdered compatriots—serially indicates that we are simply not worth the trouble of the pursuit of justice. In fact, one can say the reason the Federal Government swooped into action in the case of Uromi is the fear of reprisals by irate northerners, and not because they deemed the lives of those 16 hunters worthy enough to merit justice.
What is saddest about these fiery exchanges is that the compiled evidence is being misdirected and misused by people wanting to balance out tribal wrongs rather than indict the real culprit: Nigeria, a country that has failed to establish a standard of righteousness, of justice, of truth, of integrity, and the ascriptions of full value to our lives. Consequently, we have too many among us who have been driven over the edge, deeply traumatised by the harassments of our Nigerian lives, but have not yet found the mouth with which to tell the story. They think they are normal because they can still type coherent sentences on social media, but the truth is that they are bleeding internally from the wounds of our national existence.
![[OPINION] Akpabio and the allegory of tortoise - Ikechukwu Amaechi](/media/k2/items/cache/5a36924216bdc877600d933913545f9b_M.jpg)
My March 13, 2025 column titled, “Akpoti-Uduaghan’s suspension: The joke is on Akpabio, Senate,” elicited diverse comments. I would have been surprised if it didn’t. The roforofo between Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is no longer just a case of “two fighting” but a national debacle that has exposed Nigeria to international ridicule. Two of the comments were particularly instructive.
First, a female colleague who obviously has sympathy for the Senate President, asked rhetorically: “How is the joke on Akpabio? What are the facts on ground to warrant your conclusion? If you believed that Akpabio would promise Natasha ‘quality time’ in his house in any part of Akwa Ibom State, then you could believe anything.”
The second comment came from a serving Senator, who, I am not at liberty to disclose his name but who I know is not a fan of Akpabio. Suffice it to say that he is one of the few federal lawmakers that I respect.
He wrote: “Ike, I know that Akpabio is on the crosshairs of everyone given the damning performance of the Tinubu government and the obvious missteps of the Senate President in handling this matter. However, she (Natasha) is not an innocent in this matter and has been manipulating public opinion. Some of us who are well aware of other issues not in the public domain regarding them (who were family friends and enjoyed fraternities) are understandably reluctant to engage in pillorying Akpabio. There is much more to all this.”
I agree that only Akpabio and Natasha, and not even their spouses, know the full story, but I have no doubt that Akpabio made sexual advances at Natasha and she has incontrovertible evidence against him, which explains why the Senate President has made every effort to forestall a transparent investigation as demanded by well-meaning Nigerians. The most effective way to shut Natasha up is to allow for an open investigation but that will be too much of a risk for Akpabio to take. Unfortunately for him, resorting to the rather puerile theatrics of kissing his wife publicly at the drop of a hat, good optics as the gesture may be, cannot be a proof of innocence.
While such public show of affection may, indeed, be an indication that Akpabio loves his wife, Unoma, to bits, it cannot be a proof that he didn’t make passes at Natasha. Moreover, nothing says that men who have affairs with other women, single or married, love their wives less and Nigerians are not interested in knowing how crazily in love he is with his delectable wife.
What those defending Akpabio seem not to realise is the fact that the issue at stake is not whether Akpabio made passes at Natasha, a woman of extravagant beauty. After all, as former Minister of Works, Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe, recently said, her beauty poses a problem for her in politics because men will find it difficult to ignore her presence. Perhaps, Akpabio is one of those men to whom, according to Senator Ogunlewe, Natasha’s beauty has become a problem; men to who “it is a natural thing to look at beautiful women” and who are not expected to close their eyes when a beautiful woman is passing.
So, there is nothing wrong if Akpabio appreciates Natasha’s stunning beauty even though it will be morally wrong if the appreciation goes beyond the bounds of decency, more so when the woman in question is the wife of his bosom friend. But it becomes a national scandal, in fact a crime, if the Senate President decides to demean and persecute her because his amorous advances were rebuffed which is exactly the allegation Natasha is making.
So, those who say that she is guilty of breaking Senate rules and deserves to be punished miss the point. Senator Natasha’s position is that her being called a club girl at plenary, relocation of her seat, though a prerogative of the Senate President, and removal as chairperson of the Local Content committee are all acts of victimisation which would not have happened if she acceded to Akpabio’s request to “make him happy.” And her open rebellion, which Akpabio now used to suspend her for six months and withdraw all her privileges as a senator, is her own way of protesting against the perceived injustice.
Whenever I reflect on the Akpabio-Natasha debacle, what comes to my mind is the allegory of the tortoise that willfully refused entreaties from concerned friends who desperately tried to dissuade him from a disaster prone journey. Asked when he would return, his “not until I am disgraced” retort was both instructive and foreboding. His friends, aghast, must have wondered what would spur him on such nihilistic mission.
Akpabio seems to have embarked on that tortoise-like journey from which he is unprepared to turn back until he is thoroughly disgraced. The sad thing is that he seems poised to throw mud not only at the Senate but the country in the process. Warriors, as the saying goes, pick their battles, a concept, which is a core principle in Sun Tzu’s “The Art of War,” which emphasizes the importance of knowing when to fight and when not to.
The former governor of Akwa Ibom State should have known that this battle with Natasha is needless. If he was a man given to choosing his battles wisely, he should have known that Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is the wrong person to pick a fight with because she is a ruthless fighter herself. Unlike Akpabio who was propelled to the Senate by the criminal Nigerian system even when he didn’t contest the primaries, Natasha conversely battled the system to a standstill to be at the Senate. She fought and overwhelmed a vicious ruling party and brutal political actors in Kogi State who don’t take prisoners and came out triumphant.
The fact that she is representing her senatorial district of birth – Kogi Central – rather than Delta State where she is married, on the platform of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, the first elected female senator in Kogi State, should have told Akpabio something about the woman. Her parting “this injustice will not be sustained,” shot before she was escorted out of the Senate chambers on the day she was suspended for six months should have told Akpabio that he was dealing with a determined woman.
The fact that unlike her male colleagues – Femi Okurounmu (1999), Joseph Waku (2000), Arthur Nzeribe (2002), Isah Mohammed (2004), Ali Ndume (2017), Ovie Omo-Agege (2018) and Abdul Ningi (2024) – who went home sulking after their suspension, Natasha was not only defiant but escalated the matter internationally by presenting her case at a UN forum, speaking at the Women in Parliament session during the recently concluded Inter-Parliamentary Union meeting at the United Nations in New York should have told Akpabio to tread carefully. Rather than being eclipsed, Natasha has become an international celebrity, granting interviews to the likes of BBC and Sky News, while her traducers have become international pariahs.
I dare say that Natasha will win this battle even in the very unlikely event that she is recalled from the Senate. From what happened on Tuesday when she went home, it was clear her constituents love her. She connects with them in a way that 99.9 per cent of Nigerian politicians can’t. That is a huge political capital, which not even Akpabio can boast of. He will be the ultimate loser.
The first law of holes is an adage which says: “If you find yourself in a hole, stop digging.” Simply put, it is a metaphor which warns that when in an untenable position, it is best to stop making the situation worse.
Right now, Akpabio is in an untenable position in his tango with Natasha. The wise thing to do is to pull back and deescalate. But blinded by hubris and a warped sense of invincibility, he is not. Instead, he continues to dig, plotting for her recall from the Senate.
In his 1961 book, The Theatre of the Absurd, Martin Julius Esslin, a Hungarian-born British journalist and professor of drama, lamented what he called absurdism – the inevitable devaluation of ideals, purity, and purpose. Esslin couldn’t have had the 10th Nigerian Senate in mind when he wrote his famed book 63 years ago. But nothing captures the state of affairs in the Akpabio-led red chamber of the National Assembly more profoundly than Esslin’s “theatre of the absurd.”
That the 10th Senate has become a theatre of the absurd is an understatement. What is worse, the situation is getting more bizarre by the day, a situation which the theatre critic further labelled “the absurdity of the absurd,” with impunity walking on all fours. Truth be told, Akpabio has done enough damage to the Nigerian brand. It is high time he and his minions stopped.
![[OPINION] A Nation That Disdains Knowledge - Olusegun Adeniyi](/media/k2/items/cache/1cf45ec470a3af177073060bd1ae069b_S.jpg)
In 1979, the outgoing military administration of General Olusegun Obasanjo established the Nigerian National Merit Award (NNMA) to identify our country men and women (whether at home or in the Diaspora) who have made outstanding contributions to knowledge and creativity and grant them special recognition. The award is categorised under four fields of human endeavour: Science, Medicine, Engineering/Technology, and Humanities—including arts and culture. After a rigorous selection process, worthy candidates are awarded the Nigerian National Order of Merit (NNOM) with a certificate and cash prize by the President on the first Thursday in the month of December—although the cash prize has dwindled in value over the years.
From inception till date (46 years), the NNMA Governing Board has only conferred the prestigious NNOM award on a total of 79 Nigerians to demonstrate how exclusive it is. Past awardees include Professors Chinua Achebe, Idris Mohammed, Anya O. Anya, Akin Mabogunge, Umaru Balarabe, Niyi Osundare, Jacob Olupona, Barth Nnaji, Femi Osofisan, J.P. Clark, Ben Nwabueze, J.F. Ade-Ajayi as well as the late Mrs Ladi Kwali, Mr Bruce Onobrakpeya, and a few others who distinguished themselves in their chosen vocations outside the Ivory Towers. Interestingly, even though Nobel Laureate, Prof Wole Soyinka, delivered the first NNMA Winners’ lecture at the University of Lagos on 3 May 2012 titled, ‘Monumentalism and the Renaissance Dream: The Bane of Power Aesthetics’ and is recognised as an NNOM winner, there seems not to be a proper record of the year he was awarded.
Following the enactment of the NNMA Act in 1992 by the military administration of General Ibrahim Babangida, the cash prize was reviewed to N5 million for each recipient. With the exchange rate in 1992 standing at N9.91 to a dollar, that put the amount received by each awardee for that year at $500,000. But with a progressive decline in the value of the Naira, President Goodluck Jonathan jerked up the prize money for each recipient to N10 million in 2011. Since the exchange rate at that period was N148 to a dollar, an awardee still received an equivalent of about $68,000. Meanwhile, funds for the cash prize and other activities, including calls for nomination/application advertisement, quarterly award winner lectures, payment for internal and external assessors, an annual forum of NNOM laureates, etc. are included in the NNMA annual budget.
At the investiture dinner in honour of two NNOM Laureates in December 2017, then Vice President Yemi Osinbajo spoke on how the fame and glory of nations largely rely on the hard work, creativity and service of their best talents. “Consequently, any society that favours exigencies of any kind over merit has chosen to function at its sub-optimal level and greatness must, by the force of principle, elude it,” said Osinbajo. “High attainment, whether it be for individuals or nations, is a function of the priority given to merit.”
Unfortunately, the government Osinbajo served displayed a befuddling but not surprising disdain for merit by starving the NNMA of funds. But the current administration seems to have carried this contempt to a new level. In the 2024 budget, the NNMA received an allocation of N16 million (capital). It is from this ridiculous amount that the NNMA is expected to organize all its programmes and pay the prize money of N10 million that is now worth less than $7,000. To compound the challenge, the federal government is planning to merge the NNMA with the National Honours Awards. A bill to that effect is already before the National Assembly.
In a piece I wrote in 2012 titled ‘National Honours as Chieftaincy Titles’, I recalled what happened in 1996 when then Head of State, the late General Sani Abacha, was said to have been handed a list of nominees for National Honours for that year, for the approval of the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) which he chaired. After going through the names, Abacha reportedly looked straight at the official who gave him the paper and remarked: “These are the Nigerians you think merit National Honours? More than half of the people on this list are crooks!” That year, no Nigerian was bestowed a national honour, and I really cannot recall if Abacha ever conferred any until he died two years later.
Therefore, merging the NNMA with National Honours is to subvert the entire idea. The NNMA is premised on the notion that sustained recognition of, and reward for, excellence, signals a nation’s appreciation for meritocracy, intellectual rigour and creativity. This is why the NNOM is the highest academic and intellectual award in the country, once likened to the Nobel Prize by President Jonathan. We know that the national honours award is secured by lobbying, cronyism and other unwholesome practices, while the NNOM comes with a rigorous selection process involving applications discreetly evaluated by eminent academic peers of integrity. How can the federal government put the two awards in the same pot?
I understand that the NNOM laureates (renowned professors who are mostly in their eighties and nineties) held a zoom meeting last week to lament how a noble idea to promote scholarship is being gradually bastardised in Nigeria. They have my sympathy. I just hope that President Bola Tinubu will not allow the NNOM to join the long list of Nigerian initiatives that have suffered egregious institutional degradation.
The Uromi Lynching of 16 Hunters
When the sacred duty of protecting lives and property is outsourced to unregulated and untrained security outfits comprised of personnel with questionable backgrounds, avoidable calamities are never far away. That explains the tragic fate that befell 16 hunters last Thursday at Uromi, Esan Northeast Local Government Area of Edo State. Travelling to their home state of Kano from Port Harcourt, Rivers State, for the end of Ramadan festivities, the hunters were ambushed and gruesomely murdered by a local vigilante group. In a statement by its President, Archbishop Daniel Okoh, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) spoke for many critical stakeholders in demanding justice for the slain hunters, arguing that their extrajudicial killing in “such a senseless and brutal manner…is a chilling reminder of the dangers of lawlessness.”
While I commiserate with the families of the deceased hunters, there must be a thorough investigation of not just the actors, but also those who could have averted the tragedy and dropped the ball. We should also not discount the incessant killings and kidnappings in Edo and other states that fuel these irregular security measures. The bigger tragedy, of course, is that the hunters wereprofiled as terrorists and kidnappers because of the language they spoke. In Nigeria, once you put a negative label on people, what follows is primordial hate mongering and its destructive grip. As I argued in one of my ‘Platform Nigeria’ presentations, while the social and economic bonds that unite us as a people may be strong, the rights of citizenship remain shackled by boundaries of state of origin, ethnicity and religion.
However, we must commend the traditional institution in the North, particularly the Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi II, for the interventions to prevent reprisal actions that could lead to further bloodshed of innocent people across the country. Authorities in both Edo and Kano States, led by Governors Monday Okpebholo and Abba Yusuf respectively, have also demonstrated commendable leadership. Okpebholo visited Kano last weekend and met with families of the deceased hunters, promising to pay compensation. I am also impressed by the statement of Uromi community elders. In taking collective responsibility for what it described as an abomination without excuse, the Esan Descendants Assembly (EDA) pleaded through its chairman, Prof. G.R.A. Okogun and General Secretary, Mr Saint Moses Eromosele: “To the families of the slain, to the communities from which they came, to the states that raised them, and to the nation whose conscience has been wounded, we offer our deepest sorrow. We do not apologise from politeness, but from the pain of brotherhood. No man deserves to be judged by fire. No mother should receive her child in ashes.”
Meanwhile, the bigger challenge rests with the federal government. While the worsening security situation in the country has led to the proliferation of vigilante groups, authorities must also understand that these outfits are susceptible to the kind of jungle justice visited on the 16 hunters. This should therefore be another teachable moment. In an April 2022 report titled, ‘Managing Vigilantism in Nigeria: A Near-term Necessity’, the International Crisis Group (ICG) warned that while “Vigilantes have become so important to protecting the Nigerian public that for now the country has little choice but to rely on them… the emergence of ethnically exclusive groups threatens to stir up communal tensions.” Over the long term, according to the global NGO committed to preventing, mitigating and resolving deadly conflict, “Nigerian authorities need to rebuild trust in their capacity to protect the public without vigilante assistance through comprehensive police reform.”
Beyond the challenge of insecurity, we must all be concerned about the collapse of the mores that bind us together as a society despite the right to life being a universal principle contained in section 33 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). That collapse accounts for how the law of the jungle operates, as we saw when the vigilante group doused the hunters in petrol before setting them ablaze along with their truck while onlookers recorded and cheered.
In so many ways, as I have argued numerous times on this page, Nigerians reflect their government. If a society is not compassionate, it is futile to expect the government to be. If a society has degenerated to the level of every man for himself, then we delude ourselves to expect anything better from government. The net result is a collective descent into a Hobbesian jungle where life becomes nasty, brutish, and short.
Aderemi Adeoye’s Desperation
I am aware that the former Commissioner for Police in Anambra State, Mr Aderemi Adeoye, is facing multiple court actions from some of his former ‘business partners’. But Adeoye imagines he can use me to ‘catch cruise’ by instituting a frivolous court case against me to demand N50 billion (the man surely loves billions!). When I received the papers two months ago, I decided there was no point writing about it since we would meet in court where Adeoye has questions to answer. But on Monday, he decided to be his own judge by going on ARISE Television to talk about the case he has instituted against me. He has forgotten, as the Yoruba people would say, that even when a wicked man reserves the right to state his case, he would not be the judge of the matter!
Of all the fundamental issues I raised in the two columns I wrote on Adeoye’s ‘Facebook company,’ including a possible conflict of interest and gross violations of the constitutional provisions on code of conduct for public officials, what he continues to parrot is the headline that calls him a billionaire cop. But since he has already gone to court, I wish he would shun needless propaganda. To make billions of Naira, Adeoye should concentrate on those Nigerians who are taken in by social media posts. I am not one of them! But for the benefit of readers who may not know the background to this matter, below is my last column in May last year titled, ‘CP Adeoye and Matters Arising’.
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Following my last Thursday column, ‘The Billionaire Police Commissioner’, Mr Aderemi Adeoye responded on his Facebook page, apparently for the benefit of his Alpha Trust Investment Club members who then circulated the message. “The publication (my column) is nothing but junk journalism. I will be appearing on ARISE Television by 9am tomorrow Friday 3rd May 2024 to show how unintelligent the article is and throw light on all issues surrounding renegade members antics to blackmail us,” Adeoye wrote on the platform. “If you are interested in knowing the truth in a no holds barred manner, please tune in.”
Last Friday morning, I watched Adeoye on ARISE as he tried to justify his actions, and I leave readers to their judgement of his performance. But I need to clarify a few issues concerning my column. One, did I check for the registration of Alpha Trust Investment Club at the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC)? Yes, I did. The search came up with five companies by similar names: Alpha Trust Nigeria Limited; Alpha-Trust Divine Resources Limited; Alpha Trust Company Nigeria; Alpha-Mage Trust Insurance Brokers Limited and Alpha Intercity Trust Securities Limited. But Adeoye made some clarifications on ARISE. “The name of this organization is Alpha Trust Investment Club. Our loan arm is registered as ATIC Cooperative Multipurpose Society Limited, which is registered with the Lagos State Government. We carry on investment under the business name of ATIC Ventures and Business Services and that is the name that is registered with the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC)”, Adeoye said on ARISE. So, I concede that the business is registered, even though with a different name. But the devil, as they say, is in the detail. This business (ATIC Ventures and Business Services) has only three people listed as proprietors (not investors) at the CAC: Aderemi Olufemi Adeoye, David Kaykay Egbele and Akanbi Babatunde Olanrewaju. “Principal business activity: Real estate and importation of vehicles.” That’s what is on the official record with nothing about Alpha Trust Investment Club there.
If Adeoye says this company belongs to 1400 Facebook members, I choose not to contest that. The fact that he controls a business worth N20 billion doesn’t mean he is a billionaire, Adeoye told ARISE. That is also a valid point, especially since he explained that the 11 million shares that he alluded to in his PUNCH interview do not belong to him. Incidentally, a friend forwarded this message to me last Thursday for my response: “Good afternoon, Sir. I just went through this (link to my column added). Please, if you don’t mind. Can I have a brief audience with Mr. Segun Adeniyi. I don’t mind a tripartite call. I also don’t harbour any grievance based on the content of his piece. I only want to explain a few things. My brother is definitely not a billionaire, among other things. The investment club is registered with LASG as a cooperative. It’s not a company.” I declined speaking with the said brother but appreciated his point.
On the allegations by those Adeoye considers ‘renegade members’, I have received a deluge of messages from some of them. I have also received in my mail several unsolicited documents, including from the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Lagos State Ministry of Commerce and Cooperative where the business is registered. My attention has also been drawn to Section 160 of the Investment and Securities Act, 2007 on ‘Authorization of Collective Investment Scheme’ that may have been breached. I have also seen a copy of the 8 March 2024 letter to the Inspector General of Police, Mr Kayode Egbetokun, personally signed by Chief Afe Babalola, SAN, on behalf of a lady who made damaging allegations against ‘the Chairman’ (Adeoye). Babalola ended the letter with an appeal to Egbetokun: “I passionately, but humbly, appeal that you use your good offices to investigate the matter, prosecute the perpetrator(s) for fraud and assist the said (name withheld) retrieve her trapped fund from the Scheme.” Since the issue between Adeoye and his Facebook Club members is of no interest to me, let me leave out the lurid details in the letter. Besides, it is also fair to say that I know members who defend Adeoye.
One of them, a very close friend and former classmate now based in Belgium sent me a message. “I am still a member of ATIC. The N20 billion belongs to ATIC and not to Remi Adeoye personally. I don’t think he needed to mention ATIC in his disengagement speech, but ATIC is not a Ponzi Scheme,” she wrote to which I replied that it was not me that described it as such and that I never even heard about Adeoye or the scheme until I read his police pull-out speech last week. My concern, I explained to her, is whether a public official could engage in such business. “I don’t know the rules of the police, but I know a lot of people have one business or the other on the side for their families,” she replied. I conceded this same point in my column last week: “I am not opposed to legitimate ‘side hustles’ without which it is difficult for professionals to stay afloat in Nigeria.”
Now to the questions I posed: “How could Adeoye have been diligent in his work as a law enforcement officer if he spent considerable time chasing money from people whose backgrounds he had no idea of—including those who could be criminals? Are there no regulations within the police that frown at a serving officer establishing and running a business venture, especially of this nature? Are police officers exempted from the code of conduct for public officials in Nigeria?”
Adeoye said that what he is running on Facebook is not a business. “So, we don’t have an office, we don’t have overhead costs, we don’t have employees, we don’t pay salaries, we don’t have a generator, we don’t have official cars. The only thing we spend money on is organizing our physical meetings and this is paid for by membership dues, which is N5,000 per member, per annum,” Adeoye said although he forgot to mention that the online club also has no website which we can be described as another ‘cost-cutting measure.’ But despite having no structure, Adeoye wants us to believe all the 1400 members were verified. “Usually, we demand to see a workplace identity card and we go further to verify it. We do background checks, and we insist that any member we admit must not have any criminal record. Those who have pending matters with EFCC are excluded.” I would have asked for how this extensive and obviously expensive vetting process (including of people abroad) is done and who the WE are but then, what is the point?
For a venture that has no support system (no office, no staff, no website, no vehicle), it is remarkable that Adeoye could undertake all these and still be diligent at his work, especially at a period Nigeria is facing huge security challenges: “We bought hundreds of plots at N750,000 per plot in 2019 and today each plot is worth N12 million. It is determined by the market price. We subscribed for 600 plots and in Ibeju Lekki we subscribed for five plots.” And on accountability: “We are not answerable to anybody, except to our members, the BOT, and the management for our record, unless you bring a court order for us to account to you. Everything we do is published for our members to read. At the AGM, our accounts are approved.”
Now to my interest on this matter. I am aware of the provisions of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 on code of conduct for public officers. Section 1 states: “A public officer shall not put himself in a position where his personal interest conflicts with his duties and responsibilities.” And Section 10 states, “A public officer shall not be a member of, belong to, or take part in any society the membership of which is incompatible with the functions or dignity of his office.” These are Constitutional provisions. Even if we overlook several other things, should we not be concerned if a law enforcement official initiates a ‘Facebook business’ that would elicit being accused of unwholesome practices while still in uniform? Besides, Section 95 of Police Act, 2020 on ‘Private Business and Conflict of Interest’ states: “A police officer shall not, while in service, be directly involved in managing and running any private business or trade except farming”—the only vocation also permitted a public official by the Constitution.
Let me reiterate that I have nothing personal against Adeoye and I had no inkling of his problem with some of his Facebook ‘business partners’ until the Google search led me to the petition. And in writing my column last Thursday, as I do every week, the only motivation was public interest. My main concerns stem from issues of possible conflict of interest, divided loyalty, abuse of power/office and what I consider sacred lines that should not be crossed by public officials. For instance, all the certificates of shares issued to members that I have seen were all signed personally by Adeoye which means he was running the business while still in uniform, notwithstanding his claims to the contrary.
On Tuesday, Adeoye released an ‘ATIC UPDATE BROADCAST’ on his investment platform where he stated, “We need 10 copies of ThisDay Newspaper of Thursday, 4th May 2024 urgently (the day my column was published). We will pay N1,000 for each copy we can get. We want to make those who published falsehood against us pay for their perfidy.” I hope the retired CP does not include me among his enemies, but this is also public notice, in case anything happens to me. He then concluded his message: “I invite ATICIANS in Abuja Zone to join me at Transcorp Hilton Hotel Abuja on Saturday for a Press Conference during which we will address the blackmail against our Club and Cooperative. We will have lunch together afterwards. The bill is on me. Members who are able to make it are requested to come in their ATIC Tee Shirts as top. We will hold preliminary discussions afterwards on our direction in business.”
Adeoye is now retired from the police, so he is free to undertake any jamboree. I am also aware that he has reported me to the THISDAY ombudsman, threatening to take legal action, which is fine by me. He doesn’t own the court, so we meet there. He said his shareholding is “just a little above half of” the 11 million ascribed to him. He also alleged that I am being sponsored by renegades and low-life criminals, which underscores why a public official, especially a policeman, shouldn’t get into such transactions in the first place. If he admitted low-life criminals to the club, what does that say about his judgement and the quality of checks he claimed was done before members were admitted into his Facebook Club? This venture raises serious ethical and legal issues, which still seem lost on Adeoye, possibly because he thinks he can bully people. But this is a public interest issue, and Adeoye cannot intimidate me.
While I await Adeoye’s legal challenge, relevant regulatory agencies and accountability agencies must be interested in this matter. If only to establish the appropriate boundaries (if any) for public officials in Nigeria.
ENDNOTE: Now that Adeoye has gone to court, he should stop his media campaign against me. That is another battle he cannot win!
![[OPINION] When Are You Going to Get a Proper Job? - Azu Ishiekwene](/media/k2/items/cache/e3cbb4c65bc0deb049d419c4748aa114_S.jpg)
He didn’t say when his father asked him, but I wonder what the old man must think in his grave. Jonathan Power is now 83 and arguably one of Europe’s most widely published columnists.
He was a young freelance journalist when his father asked him the question. Still, even if he had lived to see his son syndicated globally, including by some of the world’s most prestigious newspapers and magazines, I’m not sure his father would have retracted the question: when will you get a proper job?
Power’s father didn’t think of journalism as a job. Instead, he considered it a lens or a keyhole through which one looks at the world’s most notable jobs like engineering or medicine. A side hustle, in today’s language. That was perhaps the whole point of supporting him to study agricultural economics, a distant cousin – but a cousin anyway – of some of the world’s proper job routes, only for his son to go astray.
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More than a betrayal
I’ve known Jonathan Power for over 25 years. But I met him again in his new book When Are You Going to Get a Proper Job? It’s a chronicle of his 60 years in journalism, which helped me understand why he once told me that I’d be better off being a plumber than hoping to make money from syndicated writing. It also helped me understand why my son regards journalism with courteous disdain.
But Power’s 227-page novel-like autobiography published by Noema in 2024 is more than a son’s betrayal of his father’s wishes. It’s also about relationships, love (especially eros), travel, religion and faith in the intrinsic goodness of the human being.
When Are You Going to Get a Proper Job? divides Power’s life into three main parts: his love/family life, his travel encounters mostly related to his job as a foreign correspondent or human rights advocate, and his quest for the essence of life.
The heart is not smart
Power is a passionate husband and a doting father but a woefully unlucky lover. If you discount the tragic end of the Barnes in Paul Murray’s The Bee Sting, in which Dickie Barnes is a principal character, Power’s account of his love and marriage life reminds you of how complications and unresolved issues in a marriage can undo even the best intentions, leaving emotional scars that won’t go away, even when it’s all over.
I started reading Power’s 15-chapter book from Chapter 4, entitled “My long-time friend, Nigeria’s Big Man”, but quickly returned to Chapter 1, “I and Me.” I should have started here. While I could easily relate to Chapter 4, which deals with Power’s over 40 years relationship with one of the troublers of Nigeria, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, “I and Me” explores a more universal, human conundrum: love.
“If only I had been more lucky, wise, sensible…,” Power writes. “I never found the clarity of mind, the right sound or (the) perfect female. I died with no money in the bank.” He was talking to himself.
The women in his life
Two women dominate the first more than 20 years of Power’s love story: Anne and Mary Jane. He met Anne when they both worked on Martin Luther King’s staff, and he met Mary, the stewardess, on the plane. He was attracted to each woman for a different reason – Anne was his philosophical soulmate, and Mary, who came after, was the Beyonce missing in Anne.
When the tests came after three children with Anne and one with Mary – all girls – the gardens of the marriages were undermined by the foxes of irreconcilable individual differences. The endings were bitter. In Power’s earlier novel, The Human Flow, he quoted Chimamanda Adichie as saying, “You don’t fall in love. You climb up to love.” Power climbed but fell badly.
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Man on the road
The book is more than a failed love story told by a journalist with a heartfelt, almost naïve honesty. Power’s travel diary is remarkable, not just for his travels but also for the purpose, people, sights, sounds, and smells, as well as the impact of a few of the dramatic moments, like when he was almost stranded in the Caribbean after losing his guide, and later, his wallet.
His visits to Tanzania, Nigeria, Brazil, Guatemala, and India make for fascinating reading. Curiosity took him on some of these visits, but the quest for the truth, the desire to make a difference by chasing down the main actors – sometimes at significant personal risk – kept him returning to the trail.
Journalism did not discover the law of gravity, invent the submarine or split the atom. However, this improper job can also be gratifying by occasionally presenting the opportunity to change the course of history by engaging those who sometimes deploy scientific inventions or power in devastating uses.
Who knows what the world might have been if Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward hadn’t played their part in exposing Watergate or if Oriana Fallaci hadn’t tackled the Shah of Iran?
Walking a tightrope
From Chapters 3 to 10, Power writes about his relationship with former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere and how Ujamaa fell far short of its redemptive promise despite the iconic leader’s best intentions.
A chunk of Power’s diaries on his encounters with influential people is devoted to his friendship with Nigeria’s former President Obasanjo, whom he met in the retired general’s first life as military president.
The dynamic of Power’s relationship with Obasanjo is quite interesting. He stroked Obasanjo’s ego when asking testy questions, for example, about allegations of human rights abuses against Nigeria’s military – the most appalling of which was in Odi – almost spoiling the interview.
The relentless stream of presidential guests sometimes threatened his interviews. Still, he managed to navigate it as he navigated his host’s tempestuous mood by sometimes enduring his self-adulatory game of squash. Obasanjo is a bundle of contradictions, nice and nasty in unequal measure.
Yet, Power managed to get away with openly complimenting the “gorgeous breasts” of Obasanjo’s wife and teasing him about the misuse of oil money, the bane of all Nigerian governments. Did Power get a pass because he might have contributed to saving Obasanjo’s life by speaking to German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt on his behalf when Sani Abacha jailed the general on charges of coup plotting?
The spirit of Martin Luther King
Power’s visits to Brazil, where, as changes in the Amazon occurred, he observed significant shifts in power relations between peasants and clergy on the one hand and politicians, including Lula, who would later become president, on the other; his incisive conversations in New Delhi with Sonia Gandhi and Pervez Musharraf in Islamabad; and his encounter with Jimmy Carter that may have, by Andrew Young’s account, tangentially been responsible for Carter’s presidency are far more than one can get by viewing history from a keyhole.
The author’s early years of working on Martin Luther King’s staff in the ghetto slums of Chicago instilled in him the values of pursuing social change through peaceful means, fighting against injustice and discrimination, and fostering a society where everyone is treated with respect.
Power’s views on US-Russia relations, sometimes sounding like a broken record, are also rooted in his sense of justice, respect and fair play.
A chastened life
These values come through, whether in his journalism or filmmaking – even intruding in his love quests, which perhaps explains why, despite the cost, he prioritises a peaceful breakup with Anne over a bitter divorce. The peacenik in him even sometimes brings him into a head-on collision with his improper job, journalism, which prefers to lead if it bleeds.
The book ends the way it starts: with existential questions about love, life and meaning, viewed from Power’s Swedish soul chastened by adventures. If the world was his oyster, the book is the reader’s shucker. As I look for a proper job, the book’s unpretentiousness and light touch in attempting to answer life’s difficult questions will make me read it again.
[OPINION] Why Are The Police, DSS, And President Tinubu Failing Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan? Must She Be Killed Before You Act? - John Egbeazien Oshodi
Admin![[OPINION] Why Are The Police, DSS, And President Tinubu Failing Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan? Must She Be Killed Before You Act? - John Egbeazien Oshodi](/media/k2/items/cache/cf5a7fc1909672667957237aa1ef8abe_S.jpg)
The silence is deafening. The lack of action is appalling. As the days go by, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s life hangs by a thread while the Nigerian Police, DSS, and the Presidency under Bola Tinubu appear indifferent to the terrifying allegations she has made. She has named names, exposed the plots, and gone through the proper channels by reporting to the Inspector General of Police. Yet, her cries for protection have been met with nothing but silence.
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan did not reveal these horrific plots to the world today for fame or sympathy. She did so because the institutions tasked with protecting her have failed to act. Where is the President of Nigeria, Bola Tinubu, in all of this? Where are the police? Where are the DSS? Where is justice? Nigeria’s institutions are failing, and the world cannot afford to remain silent.
By now, every day that passes without an investigation, without even the invitation of those implicated, brings her closer to the very fate she fears. Her blood is crying out for justice. And if these institutions do not act now, they are effectively endorsing her death.
Selective Enforcement and Institutional Failure
Nigeria’s security apparatus is built on the principles of justice, impartiality, and the protection of all citizens, regardless of their political status or social standing. However, the silence in the face of Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegations reveals the hypocrisy embedded in these institutions.
Natasha has reported credible death threats from powerful figures—Senate President Godswill Akpabio and former Governor Yahaya Bello. Yet, instead of immediately launching a full-scale investigation, the Nigerian Police, DSS, and other agencies have remained silent. Their refusal to act is not due to ignorance; it is a deliberate choice, rooted in a system that favors the powerful over the powerless.
Selective enforcement has become a chronic problem in Nigeria’s justice system. It is a disease that prioritizes political connections over truth and integrity. When ordinary Nigerians are accused of crimes, the response is swift and brutal. Yet when prominent figures are implicated, the machinery of justice grinds to a halt.
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s case is a glaring example of this disparity. Despite her formal complaints and public statements, the response has been a deafening silence. What message does this send to the Nigerian people? That justice is only available to those who wield political power?
The failure of the Nigerian Police, DSS, and other relevant bodies to investigate such serious allegations is an indictment of the entire system. If the institutions meant to protect the people cannot act when the threats are so explicit, what hope is there for ordinary citizens who seek justice?
Alarming Allegations By Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegations are not casual statements made in passing. They are direct, precise, and documented. The details she provided are chilling and demand immediate action. During her recent homecoming address, Natasha stated:
“On the 13th of March at 10:00 pm… Akpabio called Yahaya Bello. I was informed of everything… The meeting was on two folds – they told him to commence my recall and that he was going to fund it. The second thing he said was that he should try and kill me. I didn’t make this public, but I have written to the IG of Police. Akpabio told Yahaya Bello that he should make sure that killing me does not happen in Abuja, that it should happen here so that it will look as if it was the people that killed me here.”
These are not vague allegations. They are direct accusations against high-profile individuals, detailing a conspiracy to kill her and make it appear as though it was an act of public violence. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has made it clear that she has reported these threats to the Inspector General of Police, but no action has been taken.
The fact that she has had to go public with such information is a damning indictment of Nigeria’s security institutions. It highlights their failure to act on credible intelligence and their apparent unwillingness to protect a woman who has dared to challenge the power structures of the nation.
The implications of her allegations are staggering. If powerful men like Akpabio and Bello are allowed to plot against her with impunity, then Nigeria’s justice system is a hollow shell, serving only those who control it.
Political Influence And The Manipulation Of Law
The legal and security institutions of Nigeria have been compromised by political influence and manipulation. Instead of acting as impartial arbiters of justice, they have become tools for the powerful to suppress opposition and eliminate threats to their dominance.
Despite the gravity of Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegations, the Nigerian Police and DSS have failed to even question the individuals implicated. Senate President Godswill Akpabio and former Governor Yahaya Bello have not been summoned, interrogated, or even formally addressed. Why? Because their political stature affords them protection from the law.
Political influence over law enforcement agencies has created a culture of impunity where the powerful are untouchable. Akpabio and Bello continue to enjoy freedom and influence, despite allegations of conspiracy to assassinate a senator. This blatant manipulation of the law erodes public confidence in the very institutions meant to uphold justice.
President Tinubu must recognize that this culture of impunity cannot continue. By failing to act decisively, he is not only endorsing the actions of Akpabio and Bello but also undermining the credibility of his administration. The entire justice system is on trial, and the world is watching.
Systemic Rot And Corruption
Nigeria’s legal and security institutions are deeply infected by corruption. The failure to investigate Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegations reflects a broader pattern of systemic decay where political power trumps the rule of law.
Corruption has permeated every level of Nigeria’s justice system. From the police to the judiciary, powerful figures use their influence to bend the law to their will. Natasha’s ordeal is not an isolated incident; it is a symptom of a larger problem that has plagued Nigeria for decades.
The lack of accountability for powerful individuals is a betrayal of Nigeria’s democratic principles. When justice is only accessible to the privileged, the entire system is compromised. Natasha’s case is a wake-up call that demands immediate and thorough reform.
The culture of corruption and selective justice must be dismantled. President Tinubu, the Nigerian Police, and the DSS must act now to restore faith in the nation’s institutions.
The Global Digital Spotlight: The World Is Watching
The world is not blind to what is happening in Nigeria. The allegations made by Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan are now circulating across international platforms, prompting concern and condemnation from human rights organizations, media outlets, and global advocates for justice. When a serving senator makes explicit claims of assassination plots involving high-ranking officials, the global community takes notice.
Foreign governments, international watchdogs, and human rights organizations are closely monitoring Nigeria’s response. Organizations like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and others dedicated to protecting the fundamental rights of individuals are listening. Nigeria’s continued silence and refusal to investigate such credible allegations will not go unnoticed.
In a world where information spreads within seconds, Nigeria’s leaders must understand that their actions—or inaction—will be scrutinized. The international community is not only aware of the allegations but is also documenting how Nigeria’s institutions respond. Every day that passes without action strengthens the perception that Nigeria’s legal and security systems are compromised by political influence and corruption.
President Tinubu, Akpabio, Bello, and all relevant parties must understand that the global community is waiting for accountability. They must realize that these allegations cannot be swept under the rug. The failure to act will only attract more condemnation and could potentially damage Nigeria’s reputation on the world stage.
Nigeria cannot afford to ignore the voices of its allies, partners, and advocates for justice. By refusing to address the allegations against Akpabio and Bello, the nation risks becoming a pariah state where political violence and intimidation are accepted norms.
Selective Justice: Why Hasn’t Akpabio Been Questioned?
Nigeria’s justice system is supposed to be impartial, equitable, and just. But the selective application of justice has become a defining characteristic of the nation’s institutions.
Why hasn’t Akpabio been questioned? Why hasn’t Bello been called in for interrogation? Why hasn’t President Tinubu demanded immediate action? These are the questions that echo through the minds of Nigerians and observers worldwide.
The failure to even question those implicated in Natasha’s allegations reflects a disturbing double standard. If the accusations were leveled against an ordinary Nigerian or a political opponent with less influence, the response would be swift and unforgiving. Police would have already launched an investigation, questioned those involved, and made arrests if necessary.
Yet, in this case, the accused are high-ranking political figures. They enjoy a level of protection that ordinary citizens cannot access. Their influence over the police, DSS, and other agencies has created a wall of immunity that shields them from accountability.
The selective nature of justice in Nigeria is a betrayal of the nation’s foundational principles. It sends a clear message that those in power are above the law. It also raises a fundamental question: If Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan cannot obtain justice, what hope do ordinary Nigerians have?
By failing to investigate the allegations, the Nigerian authorities are effectively endorsing a culture of impunity. They are signaling to the world that justice in Nigeria is reserved for the powerful and politically connected.
The Price Of Inaction: A Risk Too Great To Ignore
Every day of inaction is a day that brings Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan closer to danger. The threats she has reported are not theoretical; they are specific, documented, and credible. Yet, the refusal of the Nigerian authorities to act sends a chilling message.
The blood of an innocent woman will be on the hands of those who refuse to act. If Natasha is harmed, it will not be the result of a random event—it will be a consequence of deliberate neglect. The police, DSS, and the Tinubu administration will be directly responsible for failing to protect her.
But the price of inaction goes beyond Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s personal safety. It speaks to a larger issue of institutional decay and moral failure. If powerful figures can plot against a serving senator without consequence, then what hope is there for ordinary citizens?
The refusal to investigate this matter undermines the credibility of Nigeria’s institutions. It confirms that justice is only available to those who hold political power. It creates a dangerous precedent where violence, intimidation, and murder become acceptable tools for silencing opposition.
President Tinubu, Where Are You?
President Tinubu’s silence in the face of such serious allegations is both alarming and unacceptable. As the President of Nigeria, he is the ultimate authority responsible for ensuring justice, maintaining order, and protecting all citizens. His refusal to address the allegations made by Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan could be seen as a failure of leadership.
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has reported her allegations to the police. She has made her case public. She has done everything within her power to seek protection. And yet, President Tinubu has remained silent. Why? Is his loyalty to Akpabio and Bello greater than his commitment to justice?
By refusing to act, President Tinubu is undermining the credibility of his administration. His silence gives the impression that he is complicit in the injustice being perpetrated. If he allows political allegiances to override his duty to protect Nigerian citizens, then he has failed in his role as President.
President Tinubu must recognize that this issue will not simply disappear. The world is watching, and his administration will be judged by how it responds to these allegations. If he continues to ignore the matter, then he is inviting condemnation and ridicule on both a national and international level.
The time to act is now. President Tinubu must demand immediate investigations, ensure that the police and DSS do their jobs, and demonstrate that no one—regardless of their political status—is above the law.
Demand For Immediate Action
The gravity of Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegations requires immediate and decisive action. The following steps must be taken without delay:
Immediate Investigation: The Nigerian Police and DSS must, right now, initiate thorough investigations by inviting and questioning Akpabio, Bello, and all others implicated. This cannot be delayed any further.
Accountability: Akpabio and Bello must be held accountable for their actions, regardless of their political status. No individual should be above the law.
Presidential Action: President Tinubu must intervene, ensure immediate investigations are conducted, and demonstrate that his administration values justice over political allegiance.
International Pressure: The international community must press Nigeria to act on these serious allegations. Silence is complicity, and global bodies must demand justice.
Protection of Human Rights: Nigeria must demonstrate its commitment to justice, democracy, and the protection of all its citizens. Anything less is a betrayal of its foundational principles.
Conclusion
If, at the time of this writing, no action has begun—no urgent investigations, no invitation of Akpabio, Bello, and others for questioning—then it must start now. Not tomorrow, not next week. Now.
President Tinubu, you are the leader of this nation. You are responsible for upholding justice and protecting your citizens. You must act now before Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s blood stains your hands and becomes a permanent scar on your administration’s legacy.
The world is watching, the Nigerian people are demanding justice, and your leadership is on trial. Act now before it is too late.
This writer does not know any of the individuals involved; the focus is solely on upholding democracy, truth, and justice.
![[OPINION] Urging The Powers That Be To Allow Natasha To Breathe - Isaac Asabor](/media/k2/items/cache/30e0ddb81ba2fd7264e10524685489ed_S.jpg)
In Nigeria’s murky political landscape, where opposition voices are often stifled, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s ordeal stands out as a glaring example of how power is wielded against those who dare to challenge the status quo. The relentless political persecution she has faced before, during, and after her election into the Senate reveals a disturbing trend of intimidation, gender bias, and an apparent fear of her rising influence.
From the moment she declared her intention to contest for the Kogi Central Senatorial seat, Natasha has been subjected to a series of orchestrated attacks. The political establishment, particularly the ruling party in Kogi State, has continuously thrown roadblocks in her way. The latest chapter in this troubling saga is her ongoing suspension from the Senate, a move that reeks of political witch-hunting.
In fact, before the election, it was no doubt a rough road to the Senate. This is as Natasha her political ambition has always been met with hostility from entrenched political forces. As a woman in a male-dominated political space, she was never going to have it easy. However, the level of resistance she encountered went beyond mere political rivalry; it became a full-blown war against her person.
Her 2019 gubernatorial ambition in Kogi State was met with a violent and systematic crackdown. Her campaign offices were attacked, her supporters were harassed, and she faced relentless smear campaigns in the media. Rather than engage her on the issues, her opponents resorted to intimidation tactics designed to break her spirit. The same pattern followed her senatorial bid in 2023.
From the moment she secured the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), all manner of legal and extra-legal obstacles were thrown her way. Her candidacy was challenged in court on flimsy grounds, and there were multiple attempts to manipulate the electoral process to ensure she did not emerge victorious. However, despite the numerous hurdles, Natasha triumphed, winning the Senate seat in a keenly contested election. But even after her victory, the battle did not end.
The moment Natasha was sworn into office, it became clear that certain powerful forces were not ready to accept her presence in the Senate. The political persecution she endured before her election seamlessly transitioned into a new phase, one that involved attempts to frustrate her legislative efforts and, eventually, remove her from office.
The situation reached a boiling point when she was suspended from the Senate under controversial circumstances. The reason given for her suspension was a supposed breach of parliamentary rules, but many political analysts believe it was nothing more than a calculated move to silence her for crying out loud that she was being harassed sexually by the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio.
Her suspension followed a series of confrontations with powerful figures within the National Assembly and her state government. Unlike many lawmakers who prefer to toe the line of political godfathers, Natasha has remained vocal in her criticism of policies that do not favor the people she represents. This, undoubtedly, made her a target.
Given her travails, it is not out of context to ask, “Is she a victim of being a woman, or rather is it because she is a fearless woman in a man’s world?
In answering the foregoing question, one cannot overlook the gender dynamics at play in Natasha’s travails. Nigerian politics has long been an exclusive club for men, with women often relegated to the background. When women dare to challenge this dominance, they are met with aggressive resistance, and Natasha’s case is a classic example.
From verbal attacks laced with sexist undertones to physical threats and outright political exclusion, Natasha has faced it all. The hostility towards her is reminiscent of the experiences of other female politicians in Nigeria who have had to fight twice as hard as their male counterparts to gain recognition and respect.
Rather than judge her based on her capabilities and contributions, many of her critics have chosen to focus on her gender, using it as a weapon to discredit her. If she were a man, would she have faced the same level of opposition? This question lingers in the minds of many who have followed her political journey.
There is no denying the fact that Kogi State has a reputation for political turbulence, and Natasha’s struggles cannot be divorced from the power play within the state. Her victory in the senatorial election was a significant blow to the ruling party in the state, as she defeated a candidate who had the backing of the former governor, Yahaya Bello.
The ruling party in Kogi has made no secret of its disdain for Natasha. The state’s political machinery has been mobilized against her at every turn. The legal battles, the threats, the propaganda, all point to a coordinated effort to undermine her influence.
One of the most telling signs of this political vendetta was the alleged role played by state-sponsored thugs in disrupting her campaign activities before the election. Even after winning, her victory was contested in court in what many saw as a desperate attempt to keep her out of the Senate.
Concerning her suspension from the Senate, it is not an exaggeration to opine that it is a dangerous precedent. In fact, her suspension from the Senate is not just an attack on her but a dangerous precedent that could be used to silence other dissenting voices. If a senator can be suspended simply for speaking out about her plight in the Senate, what does that say about the state of democracy in Nigeria?
Her suspension also raises questions about the impartiality of the leadership of the Senate. If parliamentary rules were truly the issue, why have other senators who have engaged in far more controversial activities not faced the same fate? The selective application of disciplinary measures suggests that Natasha’s case is politically motivated.
Given the foregoing backdrop, it cannot be wrong to contextually scream, “Enough is enough!” The persecution of Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan must stop. It is time for those behind this unrelenting campaign against her to step back and allow her to perform her legislative duties without intimidation.
The Senate must revisit her suspension and ensure that due process is followed. If she is guilty of any offense, let it be addressed in a fair and transparent manner, not through politically motivated vendettas. More importantly, the political class in Kogi State must recognize that democracy thrives on diversity of opinions. The constant attempt to shut out opposition figures does not bode well for the state or the country at large.
Natasha has shown remarkable resilience in the face of adversity. She has refused to be cowed by the intimidation tactics used against her. Her story is an inspiration to many young Nigerians, particularly women, who aspire to leadership positions. If she can stand her ground despite the odds, then others can too.
Just today, April 1, 2025, she defies Kogi rally ban, even confirms Sallah visit to constituency, and announced that she would not back out on her plan to return to her constituency for the Sallah break. She also urged her supporters to disregard speculations making the round that she has cancelled her scheduled visit.
Without a doubt, the political war against Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is excessive and unjustifiable. It is a reflection of a broader problem in Nigeria’s political system, where opposition voices are often treated as enemies rather than partners in governance.
It is time for the powers that be to allow Natasha to breathe. She won her election fair and square, and she deserves to serve her people without undue interference. This roforofo fight against her must stop—haba, wetin happen?
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![[OPINION] Who Pushed Uromi People To The Wall? - Isaac Asabor](/media/k2/items/cache/0ca0ec317e0b4b8e7c51efb20d8a2b68_XS.jpg)
The recent tragic incident in Uromi, Edo State, where a vigilante group allegedly killed 16 hunters of Northern Nigeria extraction, has sparked national outrage. The media has been flooded with reports, some portraying the people of Uromi as hostile and unjust in their actions. However, the deeper, underlying issues that led to this unfortunate event have been largely ignored. A critical question must be asked: Who pushed the people of Uromi to the wall?
Without a doubt, Uromi, and neighboring communities in Esanland have been witnessing a history of hostility and survival from the hands of herdsmen and hunters of Northern extraction. For years, Uromi, a largely agrarian community, has been under siege from armed herdsmen. The people have suffered relentless attacks, farm destruction, kidnappings, and killings. The tension between herders and farmers in Nigeria is well documented, but in Uromi, it has been particularly intense. Their plight has often been overlooked by both state and federal governments, leaving them to fend for themselves in the face of grave security threats.
The people of Uromi are not aggressors; they are victims who have had to adopt self-defense mechanisms for their survival. The killing of the 16 hunters, while tragic, cannot be viewed in isolation. It is a culmination of years of terror, frustration, and a desperate attempt to secure their land and lives.
To aptly put it, Uromi people have been fight a silent war as they have been under attack. There have been several documented cases of herdsmen attacks on Uromi and other Esan communities. In 2018, suspected armed herdsmen attacked a farm settlement in Uromi, killing farmers and displacing many families. The attack left the community in mourning and heightened fears among locals.
Again, in 2020, gunmen, believed to be herdsmen, stormed another farming settlement, killing four people and destroying large hectares of farmland. The police response was lackluster, as no arrests were made, and the community was left to deal with the trauma alone.
In 2022, another brutal attack took place in Uromi, where a farmer and his son were slaughtered in cold blood while working on their farm. Their only crime was resisting the invasion of their farmlands by cattle. In response to this growing insecurity, many communities, including Uromi, formed local vigilante groups to protect themselves.
Despite the incessant attack on the people of Uromi, it is widely alleged that the government has been silent to the people’s response for years, even as pleas from the people of Uromi for better security have fallen on deaf ears. Without a doubt, the government has failed to provide adequate policing or deploy military forces to curb the activities of these violent herdsmen. This neglect has fueled local efforts to establish self-defense groups, a move that some authorities have criticized, despite providing no alternatives.
When people are pushed to their limits, when their sources of livelihood are threatened, and when they live in constant fear for their lives, self-defense becomes inevitable. The people of Uromi, like many other Nigerians facing similar threats, have been left with no choice but to take matters into their own hands.
Given the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to ask, given the unfolding tragedy, “Was the killings in Uromi perpetrated due to self-defense or murder?
According to reports, the 16 men who were killed by the Uromi vigilante group were found with arms. The vigilantes, already on high alert due to past attacks, likely saw them as a potential threat. In a region where armed men have frequently carried out massacres, such an encounter was bound to escalate.
However, rather than painting the Uromi people as ruthless murderers, it is imperative to understand their fears and the history that shaped their response. It is easy to condemn an action without considering the buildup of events that led to it. It is important to ask whether these 16 men were truly hunters or if they had other motives, especially in a region that has suffered immense trauma from armed groups.
Given the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient in this context to urge the government to look beyond the Killings. While investigating the incident in Uromi is necessary, the Nigerian government must look beyond the killings and address the root cause of the conflict. The real issue at hand is the unchecked movement of armed herdsmen and hunters of Northern extraction, who invade farms and disrupt the livelihoods of people in the South. The government must recognize that this pattern of violence, displacement, and destruction is the primary factor fueling tensions between local communities and these groups.
It is unacceptable for individuals to roam freely with dangerous weapons under the guise of being hunters or herdsmen. This has led to consistent clashes, with innocent farming communities like Uromi bearing the brunt of the violence. If the government is truly interested in peace and justice, it must take immediate steps to regulate the movement of these armed groups and put an end to their activities.
For too long, the government has turned a blind eye to the complaints of farmers in the South, who continuously suffer losses due to cattle destruction of their crops and attacks from armed herdsmen. This neglect has left communities with no option but to resort to self-help, which can sometimes lead to tragic incidents like the recent one in Uromi. Instead of merely condemning the actions of the vigilantes, the government must take decisive action to prevent future clashes by addressing the issue from its root.
In fact, the Nigerian government must step in, not just to investigate this latest tragedy, but to address the root cause of the conflict. It is not enough to condemn the killings in Uromi while ignoring the years of attacks on the community. Justice must be served on both sides. If indeed the slain men were innocent hunters, then the perpetrators should face the law. However, if they were part of the larger insecurity problem in the region, the government must acknowledge this and act accordingly.
Moreover, security agencies must do more than issue statements. There must be a proactive approach to ensuring that all Nigerian communities, including Uromi, are protected from armed non-state actors. Policies should be put in place to prevent future conflicts and ensure that no community feels abandoned or forced into vigilantism.
To the view of this writer, by virtue of being an Edolite, having socialized with many Uromi people, particularly in his secondary school days, the people of Uromi are not evil, nor are they bloodthirsty. They are hospitable, peace-loving people who have endured years of suffering in silence. They have been pushed to the brink, left to defend themselves in the absence of government protection. The real question remains: Who pushed Uromi to the wall?
Until the Nigerian government takes decisive action to protect vulnerable communities, similar incidents are likely to occur across the country. It is time to address the underlying security crisis, restore faith in law enforcement, and ensure that no community is left to fight for its survival alone. The government must look at the bigger picture and acknowledge that allowing armed herdsmen and hunters to move freely is a threat to national security. Only then can lasting peace be achieved.
![[OPINION] Nostalgia: Between Benazir Bhutto & Natasha Akpoti - Richard Odusanya](/media/k2/items/cache/f088b6d17c41ddb2c63c8f9efd78848f_XS.jpg)
Natasha Akpoti was just a woman like Benazir Bhutto. Benazir, was a passionate, brilliant woman who loved her country, her people, her family and friends. She was the daughter of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Pakistani Prime Minister who was execution by the state of Pakistan. It’s difficult to describe Benazir Bhutto in words. She was a woman of so many faces; she was so many things to so many different people.
Sometimes, I still look back and find myself humbled by the thought that I had created a ‘look’ for such an empowering woman, a great amazon and iconic global figure. As time progressed, Benazir became more than just a politician – she was an inspiration to many of us who desire a decent society and detest violence. Sadly, the assassination of Benazir Bhutto which took place on 27 December 2007 in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. It was a tragic end of the great Amazon.
Benazir Bhutto profoundly posited: “You can imprison a man, but not an idea. You can exile a man, but not an idea.” “Ultimately, leadership is about the strength of one’s convictions, the ability to endure the punches, and the energy to promote an idea.” These are some of her profound statements (quotes).
Eight years after fleeing into exile, Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan in October 2007 to contest elections in which she had a strong chance of becoming prime minister again. Both her supporters and her family’s old enemies were prepared. There comes the first female prime minister of Pakistan, a rival of General Pervez Musharraf, and an important role model for Malala. Benazir Bhutto is a talented and charismatic politician who uses her influence to fight for women’s rights, and claims that she will fight the forces of religious extremism in her country.
In her own world, Natasha Hadiza Akpoti, a Nigerian politician and lawyer who serves as a member of the 10th Nigeria National Assembly representing Kogi Central Senatorial District since 2023. She is the first elected female senator in Kogi State. Ironically, events in the past few weeks characterized by nostalgia evoke the sad memories of the dark era of which the global world rise to condemned.
Natasha on Tuesday alleged that Senate President Godswill Akpabio contracted the former governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, to commence her recall and assassination. Speaking during her homecoming rally on Tuesday, April 1, Akpoti-Uduaghan told her supporters that although the alleged plot was not publicly revealed, she had officially reported the matter to the Inspector General of Police.
Detailing the events, she alleged that Akpabio had initially contacted Kogi Governor Usman Ododo, urging him to begin her recall process. When Ododo reportedly declined, citing her strong grassroots support, Akpabio allegedly reached out to Bello, promising to fund the recall effort. Against all odds, she stormed her constituency in a chopper, defying warnings by the police, state governor, and a curfew declared in her local government to stop her from coming home.
Historically significant, it has been established that, we have a proactive governments and security forces when it comes to moving against opposition elements and innocent citizens who are demanding for their fundamental rights and responsive leadership, but a sleeping one when its banditry, insurgency, criminal herdsmen killings and other criminal issues.
In conclusion, the world is tired of the dark era of politically motivated assassinations. Aside from the fact that this is an extremely stupid thing to do. Nevertheless, the memories of the past ugly examples are there to put us in check. Apart from the example of Benazir Bhutto, the sad memories of many others including that of Chief James Ajibola Ige (Bola Ige) who was shot to death right in his home at Bodija in Ibadan at 8:30pm evening of Sunday 23, December 2001 are clear examples of politically motivated assassinations.
Finally, it seems that, there are far too many leaders who are useless for peace and in creating a world working together and cooperating for the good of everyone, rather than deliberately creating tension and threats of aggression and war; invariably for self aggrandizement while exacerbating the self-centred, corruptive attitude of the few power drunk elements which signposts political intolerance and abuse of power.
![[OPINION] How relevant are monarchies in contemporary governance system? - Jide Ojo](/media/k2/items/cache/9e360a0883f00dbeb4edecb51ea557e4_XS.jpg)
The earliest form of governance system is the monarchy. Even the Holy Books confirm this. That is why in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and many countries in the Middle East, they are still ruled by kings. England, Spain, and Morocco are still ruled by kings. In the traditional and pre-colonial Nigeria, all the communities, towns and villages were governed by traditional rulers-kings and queens. There was Queen Amina of Zauzau, King Jaja of Opobo, Oba of Benin, Alaafin of Oyo and Ooni of Ife, to mention but a few. These kings perform the executive, legislative and judicial functions with the support of their kingmakers and palace chiefs.
For instance, the Alaafin of Oyo heads the old Oyo Empire that covers most of South-West Nigeria down to Dahomey in the present Benin Republic. The empire’s military is under the Aare-Ona-Kakanfo (Generalissimo), who is answerable to the Alaafin. The Oyomesi and Ogboni assisted the Alaafin in the performance of the legislative and judicial functions. The empire had prisons called Tubu where those convicted of crimes served their prison terms. There was also an effective tax system. Vassal communities pay Isakole to the Alaafin, and failure to pay may lead to war being declared on such communities. Any Alaafin who commits an abominable act could be asked by the Oyomesi to compulsorily commit suicide by opening a sacred calabash. This well-structured governance system was the reason the colonial masters decided to adopt indirect rule in Northern Nigeria and Yorubaland. It was only in the South-East, especially Igboland, that the colonialists decided to adopt direct rule.
One of the major side effects of the pre-colonial rulership system was the recurring inter-tribal and inter-ethnic wars as empires embarked on an expansionist agenda, wanting to conquer more territories to increase their economic prosperity. This act of aggression is often resisted, and rebellion became the order of the day within the empires, whether it was the Kanem-Borno or Oyo Empires. Slave raiding and trading were also a prominent feature of the pre-colonial traditional governance systems. But for the coming of the British colonialists, many towns and villages currently in existence would have been wiped out by bigger ones. It was the colonialists who brought all traditional governance systems under their control, which moderates the influence of big towns over the small ones. Where would Aawe, Fiditi, Iroko, Akinmorin and smaller towns around Oyo have been if not for the moderating influence of modern governance systems?
Recall that Ile-Ife attempted to subdue Modakeke for many years. Online sources said, “Historians have described the crisis between Ile-Ife and Modakeke as one of the oldest intra-ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. Seven major violent clashes have been recorded between them in 1835-1849, 1882-1909, 1946-1949, 1981, 1983, 1997-1998, and 2000.” Likewise, the Kiriji War, also known as the Ekiti-Parapo War, was a 16-year-long civil war (1877-1893) between Yoruba sub-ethnic kingdoms, primarily pitting Ibadan against the Ekiti-Parapo confederation. All these wars were fought on the orders of their respective traditional rulers. Before the declaration of any war, there is usually an aroko, which are totems sent by the oba of the town that wants to declare war on the oba of other towns to be attacked.
Interesting thing about kingship is that those who belong to royal families enjoy special privileges. They are referred to as having blue blood and are served by the people of the town. The king, his household and his clan live large at the expense of their respective communities. They do not have to work but are rather fed, served and honoured by their people. This is why ascension to the royal throne is often acrimonious, as princes from the royal families sometimes apply the Machiavellian principle of “end justifying the means” in the bid for the throne. Though in many communities Ifa oracle is consulted by the kingmakers in the selection of a new king in Yorubaland, despite that, as is recently with the case of the newly installed Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade, litigation, strife and spiritual attacks are still used as weapons by losers against the winner.
Quite unfortunately, the enthronement of royal fathers has been greatly politicised as divination has been waved aside. Even if the oracle chooses any king now, the governor of the state has the final say, as he is the one to give a certificate and royal staff of office before such a king can be coronated and recognised. Aside from politics, the financial inducement of the kingmakers is now frequently cited as the major influence in the choice of modern kings. The throne now goes to the highest bidder. Perhaps except Ibadan town, whose ascendancy to the throne is based on a long queue of aspirants from the ruling houses.
While it is true that subjugating kingship under state and local government control has diminished the esteem and influence of modern kings, I dare say it is highly desirable because if not so, inter-tribal conflict would not have ceased. Imagine that as recently as last month (March 2025), there was still a communal rift among Ilobu, Ifon and Erin Osun, where the Osun State governor had to impose a curfew and threatened to depose the monarchs of the towns if they failed to maintain peace.
Talking about dethronement, that is another weapon the political class has been using against any monarch who is perceived to be against their government. That is what is playing out in Kano currently between Emir Aminu Ado-Bayero and Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. Indeed, during the colonial rule, the British colonialists deposed Oba Ovonramwen Nogbaisi of the Benin Kingdom as well as King Jaja of Opobo. The Western Region government deposed the late Alaaafin of Oyo, Oba Raji Adeniran Adeyemi. He became Alaafin in 1945 and was deposed and exiled in 1954, 10 years later, for sympathising with the National Council of Nigerian Citizens. King Dosunmu of Lagos was also deposed and had to relocate to Epe before he later regained the throne. The Alake of Egbaland, Oba Ladapo Ademola, who ruled between 1920 and 1962, was exiled between 1948 and 1950, following the popular women’s uprising against taxation, led by Mrs Funmilayo Ransom-Kuti. However, Oba Ademola regained his throne.
The Zarki of Arigidi-Akoko, Oba Olanipekun, was a minister without portfolio under the Akintola government in the Western Region. The rift between the Action Group and the Nigerian National Democratic Party polarised his town. The monarch was alleged to have taken sides with a political tendency. His people revolted, and the king went into exile. But 25 years later, he returned to his throne. Similar to that was that of Olowo of Owo, Oba Olateru Olagbegi, who was dethroned by the Western Region government and came back to the throne 25 years later.
Is kingship still relevant in Nigeria? Yes. This is because they are the custodians of our culture and tradition. They are supposed to be the embodiment of societal mores and values. Though their function is largely ceremonial now, they are still needed as they play vital roles in settling family disputes, squabbles and maintenance of law and order at the grassroots. I sincerely believe that there should be a constitutional role for them with appropriate guidelines and a code of ethics. It is unfortunate that some traditional rulers are morally bankrupt and sometimes collude with criminal elements to terrorise their communities; nonetheless, with a proper code of conduct, such fifth columnists can be weeded out.
![[OPINION] Naira-for-petroleum deal fails - Lekan Sote](/media/k2/items/cache/6f06a29d8a9fc8fd5855e78687ea4a2a_XS.jpg)
Those within Nigeria’s petroleum sector who are working in the interest of Western international monopoly capital to foil the naira-for-petroleum deal President Bola Tinubu offered domestic petroleum refiners should be fished out of the system really quickly.
And they are not all too difficult to identify.
Someone, whose name does not readily come to mind now, is quoted to have said that Nigeria’s political elite, equivalents of fifth columnists, are no more than custodians of Nigeria’s wealth on behalf of foreign interests.
No sooner had President Tinubu given the naira-for-petroleum directive to Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited than some of those unpatriotic economic saboteurs quickly jumped out to remind Nigerians that petroleum is an “international citizen” that can only be traded in the US dollar.
They may need to be reminded that America had pledged to ensure that the House of Saud would forever rule Saudi Arabia if they could convince other members of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries cartel to adopt the dollar-for-petroleum payment scheme for the international petroleum trade.
Indeed, there is nothing sacrosanct about the dollar-for-petroleum option. Any other currency is eligible for petroleum trading. The naira-for-petroleum option that President Tinubu introduced into Nigeria is equally viable. And it should significantly contribute to strengthening the naira if it is extended to foreign buyers of Nigeria’s high-grade Brent crude.
This is how it will work: To buy Nigeria’s crude or refined petroleum, buyers must first buy the naira (from the Central Bank of Nigeria) and use it to pay for commodities from NNPCL. That way, Nigeria will still have the dollars that can be used to pay for its imports.
Additionally, the increased demand should strengthen the naira. After all, the law of supply and demand, the foundation of Western economic theory, postulates that increased demand should increase the price of a commodity, all things being equal.
It is regrettable that members of the Technical Sub-Committee, whom the President charged with the administration of the deal, could not work out a long-term template within the initial six-month trial period that was given to them.
It is true that President Tinubu, who met the petrol pump price at N195 per litre, unnecessarily announced that “fuel subsidy is gone”, and thus raised the pump price to N557 the day after his inauguration. It went further up, to as much as N1,184 and beyond in the black market. And the cost of everything else rose to dizzying heights.
But when his directive that NNPCL should sell petroleum to local refineries in naira took off on October 1, 2024, Dangote Refinery, the major beneficiary of the naira-for-petroleum deal, was able to initiate a steady drop in the price of petrol just before Christmas in 2024.
Within three months, the price tumbled from N970 to N870, to N825, to N815, which is N70 lower than the landing cost of imported petrol, whose price increased by N88. This got the dander of the “secret agents” of international monopoly capital up, and they began to look for ways to surreptitiously end the deal.
They probably thought that if Dangote Refinery continued that trend, the price of petrol could further drop to N500, or even lower, in 2025. Dangote Refinery, which is neither Father Christmas nor the Red Cross, would not have been shaving the price of petrol if it were running at a loss.
This suggests that it has always been possible to produce and sell petrol at a price lower than what NNPCL has always offered. It is just that those who have been running NNPCL have either been incompetent or insensitive to the plight of the poor masses of Nigeria.
Those running NNPCL, which has been doing its business by generally spewing half-truths and illusions, lately hugging media attention to announce that they are finally running NNPCL’s Port Harcourt and Warri refineries, must be more adroit in meeting their obligations.
They did not need the Petroleum Products Retail Outlet Owners Association of Nigeria to announce that (one of) the Port Harcourt refineries, which had been idle for 20 years, has been steadily producing petroleum products in the past 180 days.
Despite the antiseptics of the propaganda sandpapering, the people at NNPCL still felt the heat and the shame of their loss of the market to Dangote Refineries, so much that they had to find a way to hamper the operations of a refinery in which they have as much as 7.2 per cent stake.
Industry watchers say that, from the inception of the deal, NNPCL had consistently failed to provide Dangote Refinery with 350,000 barrels of petroleum per day as the President had directed. At best, they only supplied 120,000 barrels per day. By February 2025, they had halted the supply completely.
Obviously, someone is running rings around the President, who is the Minister of Petroleum Resources. Somehow, those with the responsibility to run the project could not work with a template for the whole six months of the trial.
They probably endured President Tinubu’s naira-for-petroleum deal with the hope that they would gleefully report how it could not work and must end. In their usual lying manner, they have started to manufacture a device to invent the next spin.
The Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission, which should have been supervising the scheme in the first place, is reported to be asking the Technical Sub-Committee, a special-purpose vehicle, to make suggestions on how to sustain the deal.
The depressing news is that the meeting between the Technical Sub-Committee on the naira-for-petroleum deal and Dangote Refinery was stalled because NUPRC (expectedly) failed to provide a way to perform an assignment that its “simulated” incompetence caused in the first place.
In the end, Dangote Refinery thought up a wise and diplomatic way to tell Nigerians that the deal of selling its petrol for naira is off because its deal to buy petroleum for naira from NNPCL is off. Nigeria’s economic saboteurs finally got around to botching the President’s idea of regularly providing petrol to Nigerians whilst also strengthening the naira.
Now, Nigerians can only expect to pay more for petrol. Indeed, almost immediately after Dangote Refinery announced that the prices of its products would rise because the naira-for-petroleum deal had collapsed, the pump price of petrol jumped to N930 in Lagos and N970 in parts of Northern Nigeria.
Understandably, PETROAN, which dreads the sale of petroleum products in dollars, has weighed in, calling on the government “to ensure that all transactions within the country are conducted in the local currency, the naira, to protect the economy and the welfare of Nigerians”.
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission should begin to enforce Sections 20(1) and 20(5) of the CBN Act, which respectively provide that only currency issued by the CBN shall be legal tender in Nigeria and that no one can refuse to accept the naira for economic transactions in Nigeria.
Though other currencies shall be acceptable for bona fide tourists and for CBN’s foreign exchange trading and approved foreign exchange transactions, even as the Senate is said to be considering a bill to outlaw the use of foreign currency in Nigeria.
President Tinubu and NNPCL Chairman, Pius Akinyelure, should not rely on the petroleum sector bureaucrats but use their private sector experiences to return the naira-for-petroleum deal in the interest of Nigerians.