
OTHERS' VIEWS
“Lord, protect me from my friends; I can take care of my enemies” – Robert Greene, author of 48 LAWS OF POWER.
I pray that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, aka, BAT, will live much longer. Irrespective of whether he secures a second term or not in 2027, there was one meeting and a decision arising from that encounter that he will regret for the rest of his life. Few people know who initiated the first meeting between then-presidential candidate of the APC (Tinubu) and then-governor of Rivers State, a member of the PDP, Nyesom Wike.
Without being there, it requires no space science intelligence to figure out what the subject of the appointment was all about – treachery for sale. Wike was there to betray his party and help Tinubu win the presidential election; in exchange for a plum appointment if the plot succeeded. BAT, aware that the election might be close, was desperate for assistance from anyone. What could be better than a powerful insider who could deliver the prize; just for a mere political appointment? A deal was struck.
Wike was very circumspect about his intentions. He persuaded four other serving PDP governors and Fayose – intelligent but not wise – to follow him on his trip to London; where the details of the betrayal of their party were worked out. None of the gullible governors campaigned for their own candidate. None was rewarded for helping to destroy their own party; and none can now confess that they have been duped. Wike is the only beneficiary of a conspiracy hatched by him and executed by him. Makinde, Ikpeazu, Ortom and Fayose were used as collaterals to seal the agreement. They perhaps now wish they never met Wike.
Wike a serial traitor
“The saddest thing about betrayal is that it never comes from your enemies. It comes from friends and loved ones.”
Poser: Can anybody point to someone who has helped Wike, as he climbed up the political ladder, who has not directly or indirectly been betrayed? Invariably, the association starts with Wike, apparently totally loyal to the other party; until he secures a better and more powerful client. Thereafter, the turnaround is so swift and brazen that the wounds left never heal. Last week, one of his former benefactors, former President Jonathan, was forced to comment on the dangerous situation which declaration of emergency has created in Rivers State.
When Jonathan and Amaechi had a quarrel, Wike immediately became a staunch loyalist of the President. He was rewarded with the governorship of Rivers State. Today, if Tinubu asks Wike to blast GEJ, he would do it gladly and with all the venom at his disposal. What Jonathan left unsaid must have been his regret that he helped to build the force that is threatening the PDP now. Below is what Jonathan said about the problem Wike has created for Tinubu and Nigeria: “They are pretending to sleep; and waking such a person is extremely difficult because the person knows the right thing — a clear abuse of power and power cutting across all three arms of government.”
Brief, but impactful. Rotimi Amaechi, ex-this, ex-that, was governor of the state (Rivers) on PDP platform; when he nominated “loyal” Wike for ministerial post. Once a rift developed between Amaechi and Jonathan, Wike wasted no time. Amaechi was not only dumped, his former friend became the most vicious tag team partner of Jonathan. Every former Rivers State governor must now be regretting helping Wike. They thought he was a friend. Wike’s only friend is Wike.
Tinubu’s turn
“Show me your friends; and I will tell you who you are.”
Granted not every person appointed to high office by a President can be regarded as his friend. Some are imposed by the political party or close acquaintances. But, one or two are his personal choices; based on his personal assessment of their utility value. Tinubu and Wike operated like two parallel lines most of their political lives that there was very little chance of their being political friends – until the opportunity for perfidy, by Wike, occurred. Everything being fair in war and politics, Tinubu cannot be blamed if a top official of another party was willing to act in bad faith.
It was mutually beneficial to both of them – Tinubu became President and Wike was once more a Minister. That should ordinarily have been the end of the matter. A President has every right to expect every Minister to focus on his duties totally; and the other ex-governors on the cabinet – Umahi for instance – have done just that. Only Wike, among the Ministers, apparently has a personal agenda; he wants to run the Ministry as well as Rivers State. And he is not hiding the fact. Every adult Nigerian, who follows political events, knows this and believes that power-greed by Wike is at the heart of the political crisis in Rivers State.
Tinubu obviously approved of Wike’s divided interest and the attempt to privatise Rivers State. So, he has not called the Minister to order. Meanwhile, Wike’s plans have met a stiff resistance. Governor Fubara has refused to be a figurehead Chief Executive Officer. The political stalemate which threatened to erupt into political and ethnic violence has forced Tinubu to take a controversial measure which constitutionality is in doubt. I will shortly offer my own opinion regarding the declaration of emergency in Rivers. However, two things are clear to me. First, it has not solved the problem; and, second, the Presidency, the National Assembly and the federal judiciary have been thrown into the midst of another political crisis by selfish and unpatriotic politicians who don’t wish the people of Rivers State and Nigeria well.
Was the declaration advisable?
“A journalist should be pursuing a fair rendition of truth without regard to popular moods; the journalist should not be swayed by public opinion; only by the pursuit of truth, as close as he can get to it” – Malvin Kalb, American journalist, 1997. I am not a professional journalist; only a media contributor. But, I have accepted the basic rules of journalism as my guide each time an article is published. As much as possible, sentiments are discarded; bias against or in favour of individuals or groups is suppressed.
Thus, even though a staunch Christian, I have no opposition to the introduction of the Sharia Law, anywhere in Nigeria – as long as it is applied only to Muslims. My approach to this matter is the same. This is one of those devilish cases which most thoughtful people pray they are never called upon to offer an opinion. That notwithstanding, when they occur, each of us must stand up and be counted. It is not easy; believe me. My approach to this sort of thing is to ask two simple questions: What would have happened if Tinubu did not declare the state of emergency?
And what would have been the general opinion of his competence as a leader for allowing it? In my view, the contending parties – pro-Wike and pro-Fubara – in and out of government have reached such a stage that dialogue and peaceful solution was impossible. Both sides were moving gradually and surely towards mutual violent destruction. Once it starts, such conflicts don’t end in days or weeks; and sometimes, not even months. Rivers State would have been locked down for a long time; and healing would have taken years to achieve. The Nigerian economy would have been damaged beyond redemption. Every Nigerian alive and millions unborn would suffer immeasurably.
Truth is Rivers State, right now, is the most important state in Nigeria from the standpoint of dollar revenue – given its dominant position on oil and gas. It is our egg basket; which a bunch of blockhead politicians were about to scatter. Fubara, Wike and the legislators were totally obstinate and uncommonly uncompromising as to have left the state without access to its own funds; and the stalemate would have continued indefinitely – if left unchecked. The only power left to bring a halt to the lunacy is the President of Nigeria. Granted, he might have, deliberately or inadvertently, contributed to the mess. But, the fact remains that, having observed the drift of events, he had no choice other than to call a halt. The only instrument at his disposal was the declaration of emergency – which he has done. Unfortunately, Tinubu missed the last step which would have brought nationwide approval; instead of condemnation.
What should have been done?
“The buck stops here” – US President Harry Truman, 1884-1892. That was the statement of a former American President whose Secretary of State was fomenting trouble in his own state on account of ambition to dictate to his successor as state governor. The fellow was doing exactly the same thing Wike has been attempting to do in Rivers. Although, the incident occurred long before Harry Truman pronounced the obiter dictum for all Presidents everywhere, it still has relevance today. No President should encourage possible breakdown of law and order in any part of his country; neither should he retain a Minister who does. Tinubu should also have sacked Wike; who is the cause of the problem.
Dead or alive, Professor Humphrey Nwosu always evoked extreme emotions. I am not by any chance surprised by the outbreak of controversy over whether or not to immortalise him. The former chairman of the National Election Commission (NEC, now INEC), who died at 83 and was buried on Friday, is best known for conducting the June 12, 1993 presidential election. The watershed election was annulled by Gen Sani Abacha, the minister of defence, while Gen Ibrahim Babangida, the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, watched helplessly and innocently from his balcony. (If you believe that fantastic story, you can as well believe I am the Queen of Yugoslavia.)
I recall that on Monday, June 14, Nwosu announced results from 15 states, 11 of which were won by Bashorun MKO Abiola, candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The highlight was Abiola’s victory over Alhaji Bashir Tofa, candidate of the National Republican Convention (NRC), in his own backyard. Abiola did not only win Tofa’s ward, but he also won Kano state. It was total humiliation for Tofa and sweet victory for Abiola, whose backbone in Kano was Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, the former governor. On June 16, NEC suspended announcement of results citing a court injunction, although the electoral laws ousted the jurisdiction of the courts in the conduct of the transition elections.
On Wednesday June 24, Babangida told the nation that the annulment of election, based partly on the need to “protect the judiciary” (don’t laugh). By the way, fake news did not start in the age of social media. The best sites for fake news in those days were newsstands where, depending on the algorithm, you could be served the best rumours and conjectures tailored to your taste. We were told then that as Nwosu insisted on announcing the remaining results, he was arrested by soldiers and given the beating of his life. As a result of the torture, the “bloggers” at the newsstands explained, Nwosu was taken ill and could not continue with the announcement. We believed it.
I pitied Nwosu, whom I saw as the last man standing in a dishonourable and duplicitous military government bent on truncating democracy and holding on to power. He thereafter disappeared from the public eye, perhaps out of trauma, perhaps out of remorse. He refused to grant any media interview. In 2001, when I was editor of TheWeek magazine (a weekly publication founded by Alhaji Atiku Abubakar), I thought Nigerians should hear from Nwosu. A story is best enjoyed from the horse’s mouth. I sent the political editor, Raphael Duru, to Nwosu’s village in Anambra state to search him out. The professor of political science chased him away, shouting: “Leave me alone!”
For long, there was some frustration about Nwosu. Nigerians had many questions lined up that only he could answer, but he refused to come out. Who was really behind the annulment? What role did Babangida, in particular, play? What were the roles of Abacha and other top military officers? Why did Nwosu suddenly stop announcing the results? Why did he not go ahead to announce Abiola as the winner in spite of the court injunctions since the electoral laws expressly ousted judicial jurisdiction? Was it true that he was arrested and manhandled by Brigadier Halilu Akilu, the director of the dreaded Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), for insisting on announcing the results?
In 2008, he announced that he had written a book on the election. He picked an interesting date for the presentation: June 12 — exactly on the 15th anniversary of the election. The book, titled ‘Laying the Foundation for Nigeria’s Democracy: My Account of June 12, 1993 Presidential Election and its Annulment’, was published by Macmillan Nigeria. It was presented at the Abuja Sheraton Hotel and had in attendance Akilu, the man reputed to have arrested and slapped him. I looked forward to devouring it, although I felt he was telling the story too late. By the way, both Akilu and Nwosu used the occasion to deny that the professor of political science was arrested and manhandled in 1993.
But I was generally disappointed with the book. We did not wait for 15 years for Nwosu to come and tell us that the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces was not to blame for the annulment. Babangida himself had taken responsibility in interviews. More so, he stepped aside in August 1993 and conveniently left Abacha behind as minister of defence and, technically, commander-in-chief. This allowed the Goggled One to sweep away the interim national government, led by Chief Ernest Shonekan, in a matter of 83 days. Abacha had saved Babangida by foiling the Orkar Coup in 1990. This 1993 arrangement looked like a case of one good turn deserving another.
My conclusion after leafing through Nwosu’s book was that Babangida had his nudes, so he felt obliged to defend the former president till his dying days. I also believed Babangida was preparing to launch a comeback into politics and had sent Nwosu ahead to help in rehabilitating him in the minds of Nigerians. In one word, I wished Nwosu had not written that book at all. Silence is golden. I began to view him differently and the respect I had stored up for him in 15 years started evaporating. But years down the line when I watched his interview with Sahara TV, my hard line on him began to dissolve. I could see that he put in a decent shift under the difficult circumstances he found himself.
The irony of it all is that it was Babangida’s memoir, ‘A Journey in Service’, published last month, that finally made me cut Nwosu some slack. To me, Nwosu appeared to have been quite brave in going ahead to conduct the June 12 election despite the body language of the powers that be following the late-night injunction issued by Justice Bassey Ikpeme. From similar narrations by both Babangida and Nwosu, it was clear that senior members of the National Defence and Security Council (NDSC) — the highest ruling body in the country then — did not want the election to go ahead despite the illegality of the injunction stopping the election. The NDSC appeared divided but the consensus was clear.
The easiest thing for Nwosu to do — were he to be, indeed, complicit in the annulment plot — was to put things on hold until the injunction was vacated, even though the electoral laws had clearly stated that no court had the power to entertain matters concerning the conduct of the election. But in the end, was it not court injunctions that were relied upon by Babangida to annul the election? We should resist the temptation to discount the fact that Nwosu insisted on conducting the election despite the implicit and explicit opposition from the military authorities. Nwosu specifically recounted that Babangida told him he was on his own if he went ahead to announce the winner.
Abacha was obviously more straightforward than Babangida in his opposition to Nwosu’s position. At a meeting with the NDSC after declaring the first batch of results, Nwosu recounted: “I told them to allow us to complete the exercise. Abacha screamed at me when he heard this. He told me who do I think I was. He said I was not a member of the national security council and that I went ahead and held an election even after the court had declared it illegal.” This was Abacha’s way of telling Nwosu: Are you a baby? Can’t you read our lips? Do you expect us to talk with the whole of our mouths? Unlike Abacha, Babangida was typically playing the Pontius Pilate and going through the corners.
Perhaps half the story has not been told, but with what is in the public domain, Nwosu did his best to serve Nigeria within the context of a brutal military regime that was notorious for curtailing civil liberty, arresting activists at the slightest provocation, closing down media houses at will, and sacking political appointees without any compunction. It may also be of interest at this stage to point out the fact that the NEC actually filed an appeal in Kaduna on June 20 to quash the various injunctions against the June 12 election and submitted the full results to the court. Guess what happened next? Babangida (or is it Abacha?) dissolved the commission and sacked Nwosu as chairman on June 23.
June 12 election aside, Nwosu did many things. He was a political scientist who performed many experiments to improve the electoral system. He first brought back the open ballot system, mandating voters to queue behind the posters of their candidates and be counted. The idea was to avoid inflation of figures but it ended up killing the secrecy of ballot, eroding the principle of free choice (imagine the possible consequences of husband and wife openly voting for different candidates). He also introduced staggered presidential primaries, by which a party did not have to hold its primary on a single day. It was held in states in different rounds, based on the timetable.
There was serious criticism of the open ballot system as voters complained about intimidation while commentators said it was archaic and regressive. Nwosu tinkered with it and came up with the modified open ballot system (MOBS) which is still in use today. Ballot boxes used to be inside polling booths. This created room for multiple voting and stuffing. With MOBS, voting would be in secret but ballot boxes would be in the open. Everyone could see that no stuffing is taking place. Asked at a press conference why he changed his mind after having defended the open ballot system and declared it as the best, Nwosu replied: “My friend, can’t a good thing give way to a better thing?”
Nwosu also came up with the Option A4 system (which many mistakenly refer to as open ballot till this day). Through Option A4, presidential candidates had to go through four stages before they could pick their party’s tickets. First stage was to contest and win at the ward level, after which they would contest and win at the local government level (stage two) and then proceed to contest and become the state’s flag bearer (stage three). The final (fourth) stage was the national convention, where all the flag bearers from the states would contest for the party’s ticket. No matter the controversies postmarking his life and death, Nwosu was a thinker. He served Nigeria creditably.
AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…
IBAS’ RIVERS
Bob Marley sang it: “Give them an inch they take a yard/Give them a yard they take a mile.” Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas, the emergency administrator of Rivers, is recreating the state in his own image. Standing on President Tinubu’s mandate, he has sacked all Siminalayi Fubara’s political appointees — as if the governor would not return. He fired the SSG, the chief of Staff, commissioners, board members, special advisers, special assistants and senior special assistants. He appointed a military officer, Commodore Aminu Shehu, as chief of staff, and is now more or less probing the councils. This is somebody that was brought in to stabilise the state. What next? Remove the chief judge? Agenda.
OBI AND OBA
I almost passed out when I watched a video in which Mr Peter Obi was speaking glowingly about how democracy flourished under President Olusegun Obasanjo. And to make matters worse, the audience erupted in applause. Only those who don’t bother to check their facts would take Obi’s eulogy seriously. Where do we even start from? Is it the illegal impeachment of dissenting governors, sometimes by six lawmakers? Is it the abduction of a governor and the withdrawal of his security? Is it the declaration of a meaningless public holiday in April 2007 to stop the Supreme Court from delivering a ruling that was going to favour Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, his estranged deputy? Amnesia.
JUSTICE FOR TEEJAY
Mr Adetunji Opayele aka TeeJay, the 32-year-old co-founder and CTO of Bumpa, was reportedly knocked down on his bike on March 4, 2025 along Ozumba Mbadiwe, Victoria Island, Lagos. There is much to be said about the motorist but a sad part for me is that in the year 2025, there are no functional emergency services in the so-called “Centre of Excellence”. Many motorists refused to help the bleeding and unconscious victim to the hospital, apparently to avoid police trouble. Above all, several hospitals turned him back maybe because of who would pay the bills. He eventually died. What a sad, sad, sad story. When are we going to start valuing human life in this country? Sickening.
NO COMMENT
After using voice vote to determine two-thirds of 360 members in endorsing the state of emergency in Rivers state, the house of reps has been pretty much busy trying to justify the billions of naira we pour into their pockets yearly. On Wednesday, they passed two bills for second reading, a vital legislative stage. One strips the vice-president, governors and deputy governors of immunity. The other bill abolishes the death penalty. If you thought they knew what they were doing, you were giving them too much credit. Less than 24 hours later, our honourable lawmakers gathered again and rescinded the bills. That is the level of diligence that goes into lawmaking in Nigeria. Hahahaha.
Lech Walesa, remember him? He was the Labour union leader who succeeded in forming and leading a broad anti-Communism and anti-Soviet Union mass uprising under the banner of the Solidarity Movement which, in 1989, ended Communist rule in Poland and ushered in a chain of events that led to the disintegration of the behemoth called the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR) and brought an end to the Cold War as it was then known - even if temporarily and for a season as recent events appear to demonstrate.
For his efforts, Walesa, an electrician by profession and Polish dockworkers’ union leader, was awarded the Nobel Peace prize, going on to win the 1990 Polish presidential election and becoming the first democratically-elected president of his country (1990 - 1995) since 1926 and the first-ever Polish president elected by popular vote. Recently, I read him complaining about the United States’ President Donald Trump’s alleged (mis)treatment of the Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and the superpower United States’ apparent abandonment of its leadership of the so-called “Free World”. And I began to wonder and ponder.
Who constitutes the Free world? “Freed” and or “free” from what, who? According to Google, the term Free World “refers more broadly to all liberal democracies collectively, as opposed to authoritarian regimes and communist states. It has traditionally primarily been used to refer to the countries allied and aligned with the United States, the European Union, and NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation).”
In practice, the Western world, as the US and its economic and military allies are called, are the Free World. These, majorly, are the countries of Western Europe, the United States, and Canada. They are also known as the “West”. They are the "metropoles" or metropolitan powers while other countries allied or aligned to them from the other parts of the world are their satellites. The United States of America, beginning from the end of the Second World War in 1945, leads the hordes. Hence, it is referred to as the leader of the Free World. Derisively and derogatively, it is also jeered at as “the policeman of the world”!
Policing and protecting what, who? Policing and protecting, ostensibly, the sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom, and liberties of its members and their satellite states against any encroachment from external forces and or factors. It stands to reason that the arch enemies of the Free World are the other side or section of the world that is not “free” and which is assumed to be opposed to the freedom of others. These are the countries whose political, economic, and social systems are opposed to those of the countries of the Free World.
While the countries of the Free World practice capitalism or what they call the free market or deregulated economy and flaunt as democracy the regular election of its leaders by popular vote, their opponents practice a regulated communist or socialist system where the freedom and liberty to run haywire on all fronts and fly on spoils granted by the Free World is reined in to ensure a more equitable distribution of resources towards the establishment of an egalitarian and more just society.
Led by the defunct USSR, Moscow was the metropole while the satellite states were also spread across the world. Until recently, China, then a sleeping giant (to quote the French general, Napoleon Bonaparte), stood aloof from the Cold War that raged between the US and the NATO countries/forces it led on the one hand, and the USSR and the Warsaw Pact countries/forces led by it on the other. Most of the east European countries belonged in the Warsaw Pact/Communist Bloc. They were known as the Communist Bloc or the Eastern Powers. Derisively and derogatively, they have been referred to by the West as the “Evil Empire”.
The disintegration of the USSR in 1991, which resulted in 15 of its constituent republics gaining independence and moving away, one-by-one, from the eastern axis to the western axis, whittled the power and influence of what remained as the rump of the old USSR, which is the Russian Federation, but which, as a superpower, is still strong enough to command immense influence and exert commensurate power in regional and world politics. The meteoric rise of China from the backwoods of superpower politics to the centre stage of power and recognition and its alignment with Russia, so far, has all but ended the sole superpower status enjoyed by the US and its NATO allies in the post-USSR disintegration era.
This is the realisation that must have dawned on Trump but which the likes of Walesa, still marooned in the past and remaining nostalgic of its heroics, want the US to still forge ahead with. The US disastrous policy of policeman of the world is unwelcomed in many parts of the world. Whatever has a beginning must have an end - with the exception of He who is the Alpha and the Omega.
1776 was when America made its declaration of independence. Before then it had been a colony of Great Britain. It also had to fight a civil war, buy and grab territories before it became the behemoth that it is today. Even at that, it was not originally interested in world dominance but in the preservation of the Americas as its own “sphere of influence”, which is the import of the Monroe Doctrine (1823) by the 5th US President James Monroe (1817 - 1825).
If the first World World (1914 -1918) opened the eyes of the US to the fact that it had a role to play in world affairs, the second (1939 - 1945) confirmed to it that it must not only assume the leadership of the (Free) World but also put in place mechanisms to create it in its own image, assiduously preserve it, and beat everyone into line. We have since been in that era - the era of the United Nations Organisation - with the enforcement tools of NATO, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, among others.
“Man is born free and everywhere he is in chains” bemoans the French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Little wonder, then, that the battle cry of the French Revolution of 1789 was “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity” in its “Declaration of the Rights of Man and of Citizen”. The Americans, in their 1776 Declaration of Independence, stated unequivocally that “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.”
Please, don’t rejoice yet! Whenever the West speak such eloquent words and espouse noble principles that make the hair stand on the body, they mean it only for themselves, the so-called Free World, and not for anyone else! Otherwise, there would have been no centuries of Slave Trade when the human resources of Africa especially were pillaged and carted in the most inhuman, horrid, horrible, and despicable conditions to develop the so-called New World. Walter Rodney’s seminal work, “How Europe underdeveloped Africa” graphically depicts the effects of this inhuman trade on the underdevelopment of Africa and Africans.
Otherwise, too, there would have been no decades of colonization of the African continent following immediately after and the Berlin conference of 1884/1885 where Africa’s head was shaved behind its back (to quote MKO Abiola). There would have been no gruesome murder of African leaders demanding the same “unalinable rights” that the same leaders of the so-called Free World had so eloquently propounded and so forcefully demanded, fighting even to the death to earn them. Patrice Lumumba! Kwame Nkrumah! Walter Rodney! Conscientious African and other satellite-country leaders that raised their heads to demand equal rights for their own people were murdered, were hounded out of office, and were prevented from taking office. Salvador Allende! Sylvanus Olympio! Obafemi Awolowo! The list is endless!
Neo-colonialism or imperialism, which Vladmir Lenin, leader of the Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917, described as the highest stage of capitalism, has replaced direct colonial rule. What we have in many satellite countries today is Frantz Fanon’s black mask or faces hiding the face of the white colonial masters still calling the shots. Africa’s mineral and material resources are pillaged for the benefit of the metropoles. Peanuts are what the Free World pays for these resources.
Just one example here: While France paid $0.8 per kilogram of uranium to its former colony, Niger Republic, it paid $200 for the same quantity of the same commodity to Canada, a member of the same “Free World” like itself! We may mouth the same cliches, but they mean different things to different folks. We may be rallied to fight for the same principles (as was the case during the Second World War), but when the chips are down the same principles and ideals will be interpreted and implemented differently for different peoples.
Their freedom is our slavery. Their rights, our chains. They are the Free World. We are the Enslaved World. They have reasoned - and reckoned - that we cannot both be free together. One has to be enslaved for the other to be free. One has to be looted and deprived of its resources, human and material, for the other to enjoy the good life. One hand must be down for the other to be on top. Their prosperity and our poverty are inversely proportional one to the other. For those who may not understand that mathematical expression, what it means is that they are rich because we are poor and we are poor because they are rich. To get rich, they first make us poor. Another way of putting it is that they must make us poor before they can become rich.
There is no moralization involved here. Or, better put, the morals of the situation is that, to break their yoke from off our neck, we must stand up and fight, like the French did, and like the Americans did. This has got nothing to do with religion; in fact, religion was, has been, and remains one of the tools they employed for our subjugation. It is the reason Karl Marx described it as the opium (sedative) of the people. If we cannot turn the tables and employ the same religion against them - now that we cry more than the bereaved and act holier than the Pope on the matter of religion - we should at least see beyond the veil.
Morals play no role in the Free World’s code of conduct. Their ethics revolve around the good life for themselves and themselves alone. To achieve this, their doublespeak and deceit even make the few conscientious folks among them blush. Otherwise, how can second- or third-generation immigrants and sons of immigrants like Trump sit in judgement over - and begin to deport - the descendants of those who have been there centuries earlier?
Bob Marley then was right: Them crazy/Them crazy/We gonna chase those crazy baldheads out of town/I an I build a cabin/I and I plant the corn/Didn’t my people before me/Slave for this country?/Now you look me with that scorn/Then you eat up all my corn/…Hate is your reward for us/Telling us of your God above/We gonna chase those crazy…”
Only by first freeing ourselves shall we help to free the so-called Free World from their pride and prejudice, hatred, bigotry, jaundiced worldview and oppressive manipulation of the other parts and peoples of the world.
Eid Mubarak to my teeming readers and all our moslem brothers and sisters all over the world! But should I put it on record that none has yet considered sending me ram, rice, and condiments for me to also hillariously join them in the celebration?
My dear president, Ramadan Kareem.
On your mandate, I stand, sit and sleep. The country now knows you can bark and bite. You are not all braggadocio and Tinubu dance. Even though you are a progressive, you can be as ruthless as Abacha.
In one fell swoop you sent an elected governor and house assembly packing. Then the NASS acted like a living rubber stamp in approving the proclamation. In a move reminiscent of a stepover in football, they out-maneuvered the Constitution. Some say it was roguery. I think it was routine political opportunism by a man of political timbre and calibre. Not worse than Trump. You are now the strongest president in Africa. You can be Paul Biya or Mobutu if you choose.
When you were a governor, you championed true federalism. You sought out Osinbajo so you could use his constitutional law acumen to check the excesses and incursions of the federal government. Those were the days of sovereign national conference. That was the format to fight Fulani hegemony. Old things have passed away. Now you are ‘the federal’, you are using Lateef Fagbemi to undermine true federalism. People say they can’t fathom you. They say you are not principled. Do they expect you to weaken your authority? This authority you dreamt of for over thirty years? They need to be patient.
They now call you a chameleonic dictator. These people should have looked beneath the surface to know that your brand of democracy is benevolent autocracy. Did you ever hide it? You were the only governor to force out two consecutive deputy governors. Total Babasopecracy. So they should stop calling you a chameleon. Did they see you practice internal party democracy in Lagos? You are a democrat with a benign autocratic philosophy; is that not so? You are a leopard. You have never changed your spots. Your spots are not made of chalk.
Talking about the constitution, do they think you don’t know there is no express provision of the constitution authorizing you to suspend a governor? Aren’t they aware you fought for the autonomy of local governments at the Supreme Court? Why can’t they use their tongue to count their teeth? Power is not donated. It is grabbed. Let them go to court. You can now remove any stubborn governor anytime you like and use voice votes to seal it. If any governor dares to remove a local government chairman, you can seize his funds. And if he tries anything, you remove him. The opposition parties thought they could hide under the constitution to build a coalition. Rivers is a strong message to all governors. If they do anyhow, they see anyhow.
Let them go to court. They don’t know that you can even disobey the Supreme Court. Is it because you promote the rule of law? After all, what can the Supreme Court do? You have the army, police and legislature. You have the traditional rulers and bishops and imams. You have the student union. You have contained the Labour union. If you can remove the governor and state legislature then why can’t you dissolve the supreme court in a time of emergency? Didn’t they hear the Attorney General define it as extraordinary measures? It’s called emergency powers. Didn’t Buhari say that state security had priority above the rule of law? They don’t know you are bigger than the courts.
Some of them are digging up old newspapers and tweets. They want to tell the whole world that their president is a blooming hypocrite who preached one thing in 2015 and 2013 and is doing the exact opposite in 2025. The worst the international community can do is to say that you don’t have integrity. But who has integrity helped? Is Trump better than you? The country comes before everything including integrity. Do they want you to remain an activist forever? President Jonathan and Obasanjo can cry all they like. They are doing aluta about. When you leave office, you will join them to preach constitutionality too. For now, it’s about 2027
2027 is around the corner. And the opposition thinks you can allow them to have Rivers to fund their operations. Haba, you are not as naive as Jonathan and Buhari. Baba, have you told Fubara he needs to use the six months well? To return himself to being a puppet, sorry, a good boy under the control of the honourable minister. How can an apprentice who has done ‘freedom’ declare himself oga overnight?
You had to stop Fubara; otherwise, he would have overwhelmed Wike and sent a message to other apprentices, like Sanwo Olu. It’s good you used the Obasa matter to make yourself very clear to that one in Lagos. You can’t play with your home structure. And that’s why these elders who come to you to make peace for Wike and Sim have to have their heads examined. Don’t they know you and Wike are comrades in godfatherism? Wike may be a small garrulous godfather with little emotional intelligence, but he is still a godfather. That political industry has to be protected from rampant breach of trust, no matter how illegal.
That brings me to the elephant in the room. You spent energy and resources to prevent the country from becoming a one-party state. Many critics are saying you are manipulating the country into a one-party nation. Many of them don’t think. In the spirit of benevolent autocratic democracy underpinned by the Babasope philosophy, if the country goes into a one-party state under your masterful watch, then isn’t that the best kind of democracy it can have? I expect your spokesmen to learn the spinning art.
The public needs to know that that is the best way to stabilize the polity. Thankfully, with the Rivers precedent, you need not tell other governors in the opposition to move into the ruling party. No, you don’t. They have got the message. If they don’t move, you move them without looking backwards. The lawmakers are like sheep. And they can’t be afraid of losing their seats after defecting. The Supreme Court has said only the speaker or senate president can declare a seat vacant. So once they are given some carrot and the promise of a ticket, they will all move and nothing will happen.
Some say the dangerous precedent you have set with Rivers will come to haunt you. Wasn’t that how they said the precedent you set in Lagos by handpicking your successors would haunt you in 2023? They don’t know you are Idan. You can eat your cake and have it. They are saying that a northern president coming after you may suspend the governor of Lagos for political reasons and appoint a sole administrator from Sokoto. I know you will resist it if it happens. Nobody can take Lagos from you. But who even told them you are leaving? Leaving to where? If these people can’t read your body language from Rivers’s proclamation, then they are lost.
The good thing about the Rivers action is that everybody has sat up. The police, INEC, and judges. They must have received the message. If you can remove a sitting governor, then shouldn’t they all be scared? So the opposition can forget about 2027. That ship has sailed. But I want you to think Lee Kuan Yew. Beni sir. He was there for thirty years. They won’t like the thought of it. But sick people don’t like injections. So, you have to arrange constitutional amendments in early 2028.
Apart from deleting term limits, you can just increase tenure to ten years. While amending, you can strip governors of immunity. So you can use the EFCC to control them. Seyi has told everybody you are the best president ever. So why change a winning team? You should be president like Paul Biya. Don’t worry about the intentional community, the EU isn’t troubling Paul Biya. Don’t worry baba, the plan will work. The governors will cooperate. After all, if they refuse, you can just declare a state of emergency in the
36 states. You can leave Abuja for Wike. Once you declare it, the NASS will approve with voice votes and you can appoint sole administrators in the entire country. With a mandate to maintain law and order, they can be there for many years. The governors know that Rivers has made you almost a sovereign. They won’t dare you. So they will cooperate and allow you to amend the constitution and stay in office for as long as you want in the interest of the country.
On your mandate, we must stand sir.
I woke up on Friday morning to a deluge of forwarded, unwatchably terrifying videos showing 16 Hausa hunters, who were traveling from Port Harcourt to Kano for the forthcoming Eid-el-fitr festivities, being lynched and burned alive by a mob of blood-thirsty savages in the town of Uromi in Edo State. I've been sick to my stomach.
My inquiry has led me to understand that the Uromi community has been gripped by abductions for ransom, which sometimes result in deaths. Seething with rage and vengeance over the incessancy of deadly kidnapping by “Fulani herdsmen,” the community was primed for jungle justice.
When local vigilantes accosted a bus traveling northward through the town, they found Hausa hunters armed with hunting guns and machetes aboard. In the bigoted, know-nothing estimation of the Uromi vigilantes, Hausa hunters were one and the same as Fulani kidnappers.
So, they burned the innocent Hausa hunters for the crimes of anonymous Fulani bandits. I honestly couldn’t bring myself to watch the dreadfully nightmarish videos to the end. I broke down at the point when one of the hunters was thrown into a flaming fire from a wheelbarrow and he exclaimed “Wayyo Allah!” in anguish. It was too much for my fragile heart to handle.
These sorts of savage slaughters of innocents persist in Nigeria not just because of a progressive loss of faith in formal institutions for the redress of communal grievance, heightened anxieties about safety, and increasing faith in the efficacy of jungle justice but also because of the absence of consequences for them.
As I pointed out when Deborah Yakubu was extrajudicially murdered by a mob of unhinged fanatics in Sokoto in May 2022, there is no greater enabler of jungle justice than a lack of consequence for it.
Sadly, when tragedies like this occur, there is a habitual, safe, standard, prepackaged rhetorical template that people in government effortlessly regurgitate. They promise to bring the perpetrators to justice, make performative arrests to quench public thirst for justice, and nothing else happens. That can’t continue.
When I called for the prosecution and public execution of the murderers of Deborah in 2022, I warned that it was necessary “to serve as an example to other would-be murderers.”
Of course, Deborah’s murder wasn’t the first example of jungle justice. Harira and her four children were ferociously murdered by maniacal thugs in Anambra State, and nothing was done about it. The list is too long to fit in a newspaper column. But I argued that it’s never too late to do the right thing.
I will repeat my plea. The murderers of these innocent travelers are easily identifiable from the videos that are circulating online. They should all be apprehended, tried, and executed in public to deter a repeat.
But, in the interest of proportionality of justice, this should not be limited to this Uromi incident. All cases of jungle justice should equally be punished the same way. The punishment for murder in both the Criminal Code and the Penal Code is death. The law should be followed.
Another thing that this incident instantiates is the danger of toxic ignorance. Before Muhammadu Buhari became president, all northerners in southern Nigeria used to be “Hausa,” irrespective of their ethnic and religious identities.
After Buhari became president, every northerner, especially if the northerner is also Muslim, became “Fulani,” which led me to write a June 5, 2021, column titled, “‘Fulanization’ of the North by the South.” The South, I wrote, was relentlessly rhetorically Fulanizing the North, particularly the Muslim North, just to fertilize and sustain a simplistic narrative.
This simplistic, misbegotten narrative probably led the Uromi mass murderers to assume that Hausa people with hunting instruments must be Fulani bandits since they have internalized the wrongheaded notion that all northern Muslims are “Fulani.”
Never mind that Hausa and Fulani communities in many northwestern states are at daggers drawn over kidnappings for ransom by Fulani outlaws, or that more northerners are kidnapped for ransom than people anywhere else in the country.
Trust TV, the broadcast arm of Daily Trust, did an informative documentary on March 5, 2022, titled “Nigeria’s Banditry: The Inside Story” that brought the tension between Fulani herders and Hausa people into focus.
A subsequent July 25, 2022, BBC Africa Eye documentary titled “The Bandit Warlords of Zamfara,” which got the hackles of the Muhammadu Buhari administration up, amplified the tensile relational dynamics between Hausa and Fulani communities in the northwest since kidnapping for ransom took roots in the region, transmuted into full-on terrorism, and finally morphed into the full-scale Hausa-versus-Fulani ethnic war, particularly in such states as Zamfara, Kebbi, and Katsina.
In response to the rural and urban banditry by mostly Fulani brigands against Hausa people in the northwest (Fulani people have also accused Hausa people of cattle theft, indiscriminate murders, and systematic exclusion), the BBC documentary tells us, Hausa people formed or strengthened preexisting vigilante groups called yan sakai or yan banga for self-defense against bandits.
Yan banga groups originally come from traditional Hausa hunters' associations and draw upon the skills and rituals commonly associated with traditional hunters (such as using charms, dane guns, and other traditional weaponry) for vigilante duties.
In other words, most of the Hausa hunters that the Uromi homicidal beasts murdered in cold blood to avenge the banditry of Fulani herders would be targets of elimination by Fulani bandits in the northwest. That’s double jeopardy.
The northwest is the theater of a ceaseless spiral of recrimination and reciprocal violence between the Hausa and Fulani communities, thereby imperiling the longstanding, Islamically-inspired ethnocultural synthesis that historically unites them.
Remarkably, this volatile dynamic persisted largely unnoticed by both national and global media until it was thrust into international consciousness through BBC Africa Eye’s seminal July 2022 "The Bandit Warlords of Zamfara" documentary.
The documentary revealed the paradoxical reality wherein, despite substantial overlaps in culture, religion, heritage, and linguistic traditions, the Hausa and Fulani populations remain predominantly segregated, particularly in rural areas. Intercommunity relations are characterized by persistent tensions that manifest in conflicts over scarce resources such as land, water, and sustenance.
But the rest of Nigeria has a hard time grasping the existence of tensile ethnic stress between Hausa and Fulani people in the north on account of banditry because the southern-dominated institutional news media in Nigeria, which help frame how we make sense of our social and cultural realities, lack ready-made, stereotypical mental representations with which to frame the conflict, so they either avoid reporting it altogether or minimize its horrors if they report it at all.
The news media thrive on Manichean binaries, conflictual differences, and sensation, which a conflict between Hausa and Fulani people doesn’t present. After all, a popular Yoruba epigram says, “Gambari pa Fulani ko lejo ninu,” which roughly translates as “If a Hausa person kills a Fulani person, there is no case,” implying that the Hausa and the Fulani are indistinguishable.
I have also read many northerners on social media encouraging a retaliation over the Uromi massacre of Hausa hunters. That would be most unfortunate for at least three reasons. First, the people who committed the murders are easily identifiable. Indiscriminate murder of innocent southerners in the north for a crime committed by a recognizably small group of people violates not just the law of the land but also Islamic precepts.
Surah Al-Ma'idah (Chapter 5, Verse 32) of the Qur’an says, “whoever kills a soul…it is as if he had slain mankind entirely. And whoever saves one—it is as if he had saved mankind entirely."
Second, based on the experiences of the past, one can almost guarantee that innocent, law-abiding Igbos in the north would bear the brunt of any “retaliation” even though Uromi in Edo State isn’t an Igbo town.
The town is populated by the Esan people who, although they constitute a major ethnic group in the state, are not the majority in the state. They also don’t have a numerically significant presence in the North, so innocent southerners would be murdered in cold blood.
Finally, killing innocent southerners in the North for the crimes of a few people would be identical to the crimes of the Uromi vigilantes that the retaliators are supposedly avenging.
I hope the president and the governor of Edo State will act expeditiously to contain this upheaval and prevent it from snowballing into a bigger problem than it should.
[OPINION] PBAT@73: A Leader of Bold, Audacious, Tenacious Reforms, Renewed Hope - Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo
AdminThe world stood still on Monday, May 29, 2023, when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu made the now-famous “Subsidy is gone” declaration at Eagle Square, Abuja, in his first address to the nation upon his inauguration as the 16th President of Nigeria, the biggest black nation on earth.
This declaration not only caught everyone by surprise, but observers, analysts, and commentators were also stunned and wondered how much courage the President had mustered before uttering those three words. “Did the President know what he had just said?” many asked.
But today, we can all testify to the stability and growth within Nigeria’s oil and gas sector. In other words, the average Nigerian enjoyed a festive period without queues at fuel stations across the country in December 2023, and this trend continues. Nigeria has already bid farewell to “Egypt,” symbolising its emergence from a period of hardship.
Leadership is neither a title nor an office; it is an act of responsibility, a burden borne by those courageous enough to chart a new course for their people. In President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Nigeria has found a leader whose governance philosophy is built on the foundations of resilience, reform, and renewal. Since assuming office, he has made the difficult decisions others feared to confront, prioritizing long-term stability over short-term populism. The measure of a leader is not in comfort but in adversity. He took office at a time of economic turbulence, structural inefficiencies, and social discontent. Yet, rather than retreat, he advanced—ushering in policies that, while bold and sometimes uncomfortable, are shaping a Nigeria that is stronger, more stable, and primed for sustainable growth.
This is not just the passing of another year in the life of a statesman; it is a moment to reflect on the breadth of his reforms, the depth of his vision, and the courage with which he has navigated one of the most challenging periods in our nation’s history. Upon assuming office, President Tinubu faced economic challenges, including policy inconsistencies, unsustainable debt, and a distorted forex market. His administration swiftly addressed these issues. Today, one of his boldest moves was removing fuel subsidy to save trillions of naira for infrastructure, health, social safety nets and education just to mention a few. He also rallied the Central Bank of Nigeria to unify the exchange rate, restoring investor confidence by clearing $5 billion in forex obligations. Government revenue has doubled to over N9 trillion, while debt servicing costs dropped from 97 percent to 68 percent.
In the oil and gas sector, production rose to 1.61 million barrels per day, and the Port Harcourt Refinery resumed operations. His Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) Initiative has cut transport costs by 60 percent. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) deals worth over $500 million are boosting job creation.
His administration prioritizes education and youth empowerment, launching the Student Loan Scheme with N45.6 billion already processed and N50 billion allocated. Programs like Skill Up Artisans (SUPA), Nigerian Youth Academy (NiYA), and National Talent Export Programme (NATEP) are equipping youths with employable skills.
His governance reforms also include financial autonomy for local governments, a 300 percent salary increase for judges, and a minimum wage hike from N30,000 to N70,000. His leadership fosters efficiency, innovation, and impactful governance that are shaping and strengthening Nigeria’s progress.
For setting up a team comprising young people, technocrats and experts who have shown competence across their fields, the president’s vision was clear: governance must work for the people, and every institution must function with efficiency, integrity, and accountability. This guiding principle has empowered all appointees to drive historic reforms in various Ministries, Department and Agencies.
For instance, the Ministry of Interior has transformed border security with a state-of-the-art Bola Ahmed Tinubu Technology Innovation Complex (BATTIC) commissioned to serve as the technological nerve centre with sophisticated facilities such as the 8.3 petabyte Tier-4 Data Centre, the ECOWAS Biometric Card Production Centre, Visa Approval Centre, the Command and Control Centre and the deployment of the Advanced Passenger Information System (APIS) and Passenger Name Record (PNR) which has revolutionised border management. Today, through the support of Mr President, the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) can now pre-profile travellers before they arrive into the country.
While this facility is a game-changer in the use of data-driven approach and technology to beef-up our border management, the solution also integrates global security databases into our immigration systems.
The introduction of e-gates at our international airports has streamlined immigration processes, while centralised passport application process and a contactless renewal system have made travel documentation seamless. Even more is that it saves the government billions of naira annually as well as gives Nigerians comfort without compromising national security.
For the first time, Nigeria has been enrolled in ICAO’s global security system including the PKD/PKI (Public Key Directory and Public Key Infrastructure), a system that is instrumental to enhancing passport acceptability in compliance with global standards. This was done after the service had cleared its backlog of passport applications over of 200, 000 within three weeks.
With a new visa policy set to be activated, Nigeria is opening up its space for tourists, investors and foreigners. This is the Renewed Hope agenda of Mr. President in action, creating a conducive business environment for all without jeopardising national security.
Nigeria has also expanded electronic border surveillance, now covering 60 percent of Nigeria’s 4,047km border space following the deployment of technological solutions. Over 30 operational vehicles have been added to the fleet of vehicles dedicated to the surveillance and patrol of our borders, ensuring better territorial integrity.
Reforms in the Nigerian Correctional Service have seen biometric registration of all inmates, aiding security efforts. Within few months of the Tinubu government, over 4000 inmates held in custody for their inability to pay petty fines were released via a collaboration with the private sector to raise about N600 million to this end. This singular act decongested the already overcrowded correctional facilities by five percent. This also saved the government over a billion naira that could have been appropriated to feeding these inmates.
As of today, the government has approved and commenced the implementation of a 50% upward review of the feeding allowance of inmates across correctional centres in the country. Beyond feeding allowance, the government has also swiftly swing into action in ensuring inmates are given the best of care with the renovation currently ongoing in the correctional facilities across the country. Kuje Correctional Centre and at least 10 other have worn a new look.
The government has also approved the relocation of 29 correctional centres already encroached by urbanisation across the country. For instance, the Agodi Correctional centre in Ibadan, Oyo State is situated right inside a market while the Ikoyi Correctional centre shares a fence with the Polo club. Not only is this against international practices and protocols, it is also a violation of the Nigerian Correctional Service Act (2019) which provides for a 100m buffer between a correctional facility and the next building.
In making the correctional centre a place of correctional, reformation, transformation and reintegration rather than a place of incarceration, deformation, and condemnation, the government has trained thousands of inmates in vocational skills to reduce the rate of recidivism.
Today, inmates can now dream again and can fulfil their dreams of acquiring degrees even up to PHD level with a lot of them now enrolled in different courses in the National Open University.
Furthermore, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) has been empowered to fulfil its core mandate of protecting critical national assets and infrastructure.
The corps has swiftly moved to address critical issues such as oil bunkering, pipeline vandalization, protection of power and telecommunications facilities across the country. In the last few months, it has destroyed over one thousand illegal refineries and over 200 illegal oil dumps.
The NSCDC has secured over 345 convictions, with 187 cases in court, while new operational vehicles, gunboats, and 10,000 trained agro-rangers now safeguard farms and the Mine Marshals now keep mining sites safe.
The Fire Service has undergone a comprehensive rebranding, featuring world-class infrastructure designed to significantly reduce fire-related incidents nationwide. With the support of the President, 15 Rapid Response Vehicles and six heavy-duty fire trucks have been procured to enhance operational efficiency. Additionally, extensive renovations are underway at the National Fire Academy, with the goal of remodelling the institution to meet international standards and hub of capacity building for the west Africa sub region
The National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) only within few weeks last year cleared a backlog of over two million National Identification Number modification requests. This aligns with ongoing efforts to enhance identity management services in the country.
The commission currently boasts of over 120 million enrolment in the national digital database. Also, in line with its commitment to streamlining the National Identity Management Commission’s database, the ministry has uncovered about 6,000 individuals from foreign countries who prior to this administration have illegally obtained National Identity Numbers (NIN). Furthermore, through collaboration with 257 institutions, a total of 332,715 students have been successfully registered for loans, with over 18,000 students already receiving payments under the student loan initiative.
With the new Expatriate Administration System by the Ministry of Interior, the government is better poised to securing the country as well as supporting economic recovery plan by ensuring that all Expatriates working within the shores of Nigeria are documented in the database of the Nigeria Immigration Service.
We cannot thank the President enough. He has used his good office to turn challenges to opportunities for growth and development. All inherited promotion backlogs for paramilitary officers have been cleared with over 50,000 paramilitary officers across agencies under the Ministry of Interior promoted within eighteen months. Since its establishment in 1986, the Civil Defence Correctional Fire and Immigration Services Board had never commenced and completed promotion exercise in a calendar year. As we speak, the 2025 promotion exercise has started and is scheduled to be completed in the next few months.
In strengthening the Board, the government has approved the expansion of its establishment structure to create vacancies and career path and growth.
These acts of Mr President brought an end to career stagnation. Needless to talk about the approval and payment of peculiar and rent allowances for paramilitary officers to keep their morale high.
Recently, the government approved the establishment of the National Paramilitary Academy which is a degree-awarding institution, like the Nigerian Defence Academy, that will train young persons. Young Nigerians will be admitted through the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) and undergo a rigorous four- to five-year training program. Upon graduation, they will receive certification and be deployed to manage paramilitary operations nationwide efficiently.
Today, through the foresight of Mr President, we have moved from talks to action, a stage where policies don’t end on papers but are translated to actions —going on to become the foundation of a more secure, efficient, and accountable Nigeria.
Beyond the achievements of our ministry, the impact of the Renewed Hope Agenda is evident across various sectors, driven by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s strategic interventions and leadership.
One of the most significant infrastructure projects in Africa is the ongoing Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, a 700-kilometer expressway designed to improve connectivity and economic activity across nine states. Construction of the first phase, spanning 47.47 kilometres from Lagos, commenced in March 2024 and is set for completion by May 2025.
The ongoing reconstruction of the Lagos-Ibadan Motorway, the completion of the Second Niger Bridge, and the expansion of the rail network further reflect the government’s commitment to infrastructure, facilitating trade, reducing travel time, and creating employment opportunities.
The ambitious 1,068 kilometres Sokoto – Badagry super highway project which first phase will be completed in 2027, and traversing nine states along that corridor, speaks to the commitment of the government to the connectivity of one end of Nigeria to another end for economic prosperity. In the process, about 63 dams would be built to guarantee the enhancement of Nigeria’s agricultural potentials, as well as help to generation of power. These are legacy projects that would outlive the president himself.
Today, Nigeria has also secured billions in investment commitments from international partners, including India and the Netherlands, and successfully issued a Eurobond, demonstrating strong investor confidence.
The launch of the Nigerian Minerals Resource Decision Support software, a digital platform designed to facilitate investment in the sector, and the establishment of the Nigeria Solid Minerals Corporation with the approval of a 50% equity stake for the private sector, 25% for Nigerians, and 25% for the Federal Government, will significantly transform the mining sector and lay the foundation for its sustainable development.
Strategic diplomatic efforts have further strengthened Nigeria’s economic prospects. Renewed cooperation with Brazil has led to large-scale investments in agriculture and industry. This has facilitated the launch of the Green Imperative Agricultural Technology Initiative that is designed to advance food security and mechanized farming.
In the fight against corruption and national asset recovery, the government has facilitated the transfer of millions of dollars in forfeited assets from the United States, reinforcing its commitment to transparency and accountability.
The administration has also made notable progress in healthcare by improving access, infrastructure, and service delivery. The first-ever Sector-Wide Joint Annual Health Review enabled strategic planning. Free caesarean sections were introduced to reduce maternal and infant mortality. The launch of the Nigeria Climate Change and Health Vulnerability Assessment Report addressed climate-related health risks.
The approval of the Nigeria Health Sector Renewal Investment Initiative (NHSRII), demonstrate this administration’s resolve to enhance Nigeria’s health infrastructure.
So also the approval of employment of 774 National Health Fellows, this is a pivotal initiative led by the Federal Ministry of Health to foster sustained improvements within Nigeria’s healthcare system.
The federal government’s approval of 80 percent subsidy on kidney dialysis services, thereby cutting the price from N50,000 to N12,000 at eleven federal hospitals nationwide, is a testament that this administration is committed in its bid to alleviate the financial burden of kidney disease treatment on Nigerians.
Health data systems were strengthened, 53,000 health workers were retrained, and the Basic Health Care Provision Fund was expanded to cover 10 million Nigerians, with 2.4 million enrolling in the national health insurance scheme.
In the Federal Capital Territory, major infrastructure projects have improved connectivity, benefiting urban and rural communities. Schools have been rehabilitated to create a better learning environment.
The establishment of the Mandate Secretariat for Youth Development and other governance reforms has enhanced service delivery. Rural infrastructure improvements have also spurred economic growth.
Agriculture has attracted over $20 billion in investments, including $14 billion from India and $250 million from the Netherlands. Additional commitments have been made for lithium development in Nasarawa State and partnerships with Germany.
The aviation sector has undergone significant transformation, enhancing Nigeria’s compliance with the Cape Town Convention and strengthening its creditworthiness and safety standards. These reforms have positioned Nigeria as a key hub for aircraft maintenance in Africa through a partnership with Boeing. Upgrades to airport infrastructure have enhanced efficiency. The finalization of Bilateral Air Service Agreements has boosted connectivity, increasing opportunities for tourism and trade.
The four tax reform bills currently before the national assembly, including the Nigeria Tax Bill 2024, the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, the Nigeria Revenue Service Establishment Bill, and the Joint Revenue Board Establishment Bill underscore the government’s desire for a responsible fiscal federalism.
These bills, no doubt will overhaul tax administration and revenue generation in Nigeria, as many of the provisions contained in them are landmark in nature.
Similar to this are the regional bodies being established especially with the President assenting to the South-west Development Commission Bill and the South-south Development Commission Bill, South East Development Commission Bill, North West Development Commission Bill, the North Central Development Commission Bil, leaving no geopolitical zone without its region body. This will become a mechanism to trickle down development and dividends of democracy to the grassroots.
The government has recorded success in the area of security with a drastic decline in some of the security threats and challenged that faced us a couple of years ago.
The government has secured the release of more than 4,600 hostages, neutralised over 9,000 terrorists, bandits, and kidnappers, and arrested more than 7,000 others.
Large quantities of assorted weapons and ammunition have also been recovered and some of the rescued individuals had spent as much as three years in captivity and had long given up hope of freedom till the government came on board, through the rapid responses to rescue operations, of school children to the release of students abducted from the Federal University of Gusau, and the recent rescue of Kogi students will go down in history as defining moments of this government.
These achievements reflect a clear vision for national development, economic growth, and stronger international partnerships, laying a foundation for long-term progress.
Across the various sectors, these are accomplishments that speak to bold decision-making and reform, encouraging a forward-thinking approach to governance. Through this, public servants have been inspired to embrace innovation and pursue impactful change.
Mr. President has diverted focus on results over rhetorics and has created an environment where governance is centered on delivering tangible improvements in the lives of Nigerians.
This is defined by principle rather than political expediency. The President does not shy away from difficult decisions but instead leads necessary conversations that drive transformation.
This administration is restoring faith in governance, institutions, and the nation’s future. Bold reforms have not only stabilized the economy but have also rekindled hope among Nigerians, fostering a belief in a future where hard work is rewarded, governance is accountable, and opportunities are available to all.
From government offices to markets, from classrooms to factories, there is a renewed sense that the country is on the right path. Economic recovery is underway, social safety nets are expanding, and young Nigerians can now envision a future where their government actively works for their success. This is the essence of the Renewed Hope Agenda—building a Nigeria where governance is effective, democracy is strengthened, and every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.
It is a consensus that a presidential, Bold, Audacious and Tenacious (PBAT leadership) is not just one that takes the people to where they want to be but where they ought to be. To say we are on our way to the promised land may not be out of place at this critical juncture of our nation’s history because we can all agree that we are not where we used to be.
The days of uncertainty are fading, replaced by the steady march toward progress. The economy is rebounding as we continue to build investors confidence, social safety nets are expanding, and young Nigerians can now dream bigger, knowing their government is working for them.
Hon. (Dr.) Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo is the Minister of Interior
“I applied for this job, my brother, and I am here to do it”; he said. That was Soludo a few months after he was sworn in as the governor of Anambra State. I ran into him at the Anambra airport. He had the air of: “I will dig it out here with everyone and everything that tries to stand in my way to saving Anambra State from everything that is holding it down today”.
While talking about his determination to do all the right things, he explained that he was in Anambra state to stay for good. Hear him: “I am not planning to go and live anywhere else after this job, so Obodo anyi ga-adi nma, ka anyi nolu ebe ndi fulu uzo no kitaa (our homeland shall be made good, so that we shall be where the rest of the enlightened world is today). We have to bring home and domesticate the 21st Century World many of us are already familiar and comfortable with out there. Will nilly, anyi ga afu isi ya. Anambra State must become the right type of living space and economic destination for any 21st Century person”. I wished him well, assured him that i was always a phone call away and we parted.
All things considered, Soludo is in Anambra Government House today as part of the project of actualizing an over two decades old vision and developmental perspective he has always had for his home state. Back in 2006, at an event organized by the League of Anambra Professionals (LAP), Soludo declared in his keynote speech that Anambra State was geographically, providentially and strategically positioned to be for Africa, and the world, all the good things for which Dubai and Taiwan are known and celebrated.
His speech at the aforementioned occasioned was titled “Envisioning Anambra as the African Dubai Taiwan Silicon Valley” (ADTS). He laid out this vision and dream on that occasion. Then he sought the office of governor through the electoral process, for vision actualization. That was a few years after the speech. The outcome of the election did not favour him. But he held unto the roots of his much-talked-about, and not always well understood, African Dubai Taiwan payoff line until he go the chance to try his hands on governing the state.
Several things are clear so far. Soludo does not back down. Right or wrong, depending on your perspective on any issue. He is not known to be afraid of his own voice, or of any other voice for that matter. Whether as a student union activist in the university of Nigeria Nsukka back then, or in all the positions he has held at various levels within and outside the country, he leaves a mark in broad outlines – and often with colourful strokes. He will always say “No complaints and no excuses, I will use my grey matter”.
Concerning Anambra State he said from the beginning: “I knew the problems, the economic challenges and the financial handicaps here before I became governor”. He believes in himself, his vision and his methods. He is poised to keep going, glitches or not, and is resolute about fully implementing a vision that has left him no peace for so long.
The governor is armed with a document that can best be described as a 50-year development plan, as the anchoring peg for the Soludo solution towards a greater Anambra; as the Peoples Manifesto. The Manifesto and vision are to lay the foundations for that new Anambra he envisioned in 2006, and which he has further fleshed out since then. It is a schematic framework for making the state a liveable and prosperous mega city, as well as a preferred destination to live, work, learn, and expand in.
Soludo wants the Anambra State to be “a destination”, rather than a bus stop, or departure lounge.
But a destination must be welcoming and not inclement. Yes, Anambra has the right combination of possibilities for greatness. To make the state the Dubai, Taiwan Silicon Valley of Africa, is to explore and exploit what it shares with Dubai, like location and the type of borders and neighbours it has; and it’s having the largest market in west Africa.
The Taiwan element is about the peculiarities Taiwan shares with Anambra State, as a tiny physical space with abundant human capital. This is the primary resource that Taiwan has made the bedrock of its current industrialized status. It simply mined and deployed its human capital, without apologies. And Soludo is saying, as he has been saying for over a decade, that this is part of the cocktail of what needs to happen, for Anambra State to fully actualize its possibilities in Nigeria and Africa.
Coming to the much-misunderstood talk about Silicon Valley, it begins with a simple acknowledgement of the fact that technology is the future. It then moves on to the thesis that whoever refuses to follow current and emerging technologies, in addition to innovations, in today’s world is heading straight into oblivion with a first-class ticket. And Soludo was saying, back then in 2006, not only that Anambra has the human capital, knowledge and creative spirit to create a Silicon Valley but that it can and should be created.
The state is currently building its own Silicon Valley, but that’s not the point. The essential issue for me here is a Hub in African that can become outstanding by exhibiting capacity, keying into the Global knowledge industry at the highest level of technology, and strategically deploys the very things that make Dubai and Taiwan what they are
That’s aspiration Soludo anchors on five main pillars, designed to dovetail into each other in such a way that a mutually reinforcing ecosystem of variegated developmental possibilities is created. These pillars include, but are not limited to, security,, economic transformation, infrastructural development and rehabilitation, human capital reengineering and a holistic social Agenda. All of these are capped with an overarching focus on completely reforming the way government works, as well as the underlying value system for sustainable service delivery; with sustainable institutional efficiency.
Surely an “African Dubai Taiwan Silicon Valley” will not be possible without the right the right kind of human beings. Values, not resources, define a people. It is because he was convinced that a new leadership culture for Anambra State must be simultaneously undergirded by a determination to create and entrench a new leadership and organizational culturebthat Soludo has been trying to drive and entrench the right kind of values with a view to holistic and lasting impact.
His “Solution”, as the process of designing, developing, installing, nurturing, reinforcing and drilling down accountability and responsible citizenship rests on a long-term perspective. It is the desire to bring about a habitat with the right type of value chains and viable dependencies, wherein progressive backward integration creates and drives an ecosystem that would make Anambra the hub Soludo has in mind.
It is within this context, and against this background, that government should epitomize transparency and digitised services project an expanded understanding of his notion of “environment”. This means seen “environment”; beyond the purely physical to include value-laden Rules of Engagement, the Regulatory Climate, Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) and much more.
Now, lets step back some five years ago, as the idea began to float in the air that Soludo would replace Willy Obiano as governor of Anambra State. His call came in, concerning a Development Agenda for Anambra for the next 50 years. “This is a serious discussion for only the best, and it needs to be thought through in detail and objectively. You just have to be available, because, as our people say “Achuzia aja ma afuro udene, i malu na ife melu an be ndi nmuo” (Literally, and in context: “There should be cause for concern if certain things are done without the involvement of certain people).
A Draft Document was available for detained discussion and we were to deal with that over dinner, with a team from a very reputable international organization that would fly in to join us. The rest, as they say, is history.
Today Anambra state has the national price of 700,000 dollars for primary health. It is also the South East champion, with a Cash Price of 500,000 dollars. All government programmes in the state are intentional. The refurbishment of 326 primary health centres in the 326 electoral wards, complete with solar power, water and equipment, in addition to the recruitment of over 1000 medial personnel are extant realities.
Secondary level healthcare in the state, with telemedicine to secondary call centres for access to a doctor are real. So are five new general hospitals and three refurbished ones. That is in addition to free antenatal services, including free medication, and free caesarean sections. The state now has the biggest trauma centre, at amaku, with a new smart nursing college that will most probably come on stream before the end of the year. We say nothing about a comprehensive international cancer centre, which is part of a complete ecosystem that has the primary healthcare framework at the base of this pyramid.
The Ochanja roundabout that was once a dreaded refuse dump now hosts a water fountain. The government is talking about 120 sterling achievements over the last 3 years. There are gains in security, through a synergised targeting of illicit drugs supply channels, distribution networks and consumption patterns. The nexus established between the foregoing and kidnapping, land grabbing, and warped value system has now been developed into a template for tackling the growing menace of youths trying to get something without working for it. It is a new social enterprise with, with churches community, traditional rulers and markets all in tow.
Some 650 kilometres of fibre optics are emplaced, for a digital state with internet access all round. Anambra State is Rated number one on fiscal transparency, under Soludo. It is number three in terms of fiscal sustainability in the country. It has digitized land administration to over 90 per cent. Its Clean and Green initiative has planted over a million trees, to save the environment. Some 2.2 million coconut, palm and other commodity trees have been given to 200,000 households, at the rate of 10 per households.
The state now boasts of free education, with over 8000 new teachers employed.
The other, more visible,visible achievements, mainly in road infrastructure, include the Amansea–Ndiukwuenu–Ufuma, the dualisation of the Amawbia–Ekwulobia road, extending towards the Imo State border. Then there is the impressive flyover at Ekwulobia and another at Awka. He has completed the new Governor’s Lodge.
There is a rail master plan for the state which, if implemented, would be revolutionary. All said, so far so good. More can still be donespecially in tax administration and related matters.
[OPINION] Senator Jonah Jang: A Legacy Of Leadership, Service And Fidelity - Mike Ozekhome, SAN
AdminPROLOGUE
THE BIRTH OF A WARRIOR
In the quiet hills of Du, in the quiet surburbs of Plateau State, a child was born on the 13th of March, 1944. On this day in 2025,that young boy turned 81.The winds of destiny had blown softly that morning, carrying with them the whispers of unannounced greatness. Little did the world know that this little baby, a retired German, US and Nigerian-trained Air Commodore and former Military Governor of old Benue and Gongola states ( the latter now Adamawa and Tarsba state),Sen Jonah David Jang, CON, would one day carve his name in the annals of Nigerian history. He did so not just as a soldier; not just as a governor; not just as a pilot and Airforce officer; not just as a Senator; but also as a towering figure whose life truly exemplifies the true testament of character, honour, resilience, courage and divine purpose.
From an early age, Jonah Jang was not like other children. There was a spark in his little eyes, a quiet but unmistakable determination that spoke of something greater than the ordinary. He was not one to simply watch life unfold before him.He had a smouldering fire, a hunger, an insatiable desire to make an impact on the society.
Raised in a rural land where tradition met with the harsh realities of modernity and survival, Jang quickly learnt that life was nothing but a battlefield and that only those with an unyielding spirit and unflagging determination could emerge victorious. Jang's faith was his compass; his discipline his armour; and his patriotic zeal his drive. His destiny though not yet revealed by then, was already being woven into the very fabric of his being.
So when the military came calling, Senator Jang like an eagle drawn to the winds, hugged it and fiercely soared. Trained in West Germany, the Nigerian Defence Academy and the United States, Governor Jang was not just another recruit; he was a moving force to be reckoned with. His time in the Nigerian Air Force shaped him into the warrior he was meant to be. Rising through the ranks to Wing Commander, he mastered the skies, not just as a pilot, but as a leader of men and material, a strategist and a man who understood that power was a responsibility and nit just an ornamental privilege.
Senator Jonah Jang
FROM THE MILITARY TO THE POLITICAL FIELD
Fate is hardly ever predictable. Destiny always remains wrapped in the belly of mother nature. Jang did not know he had been born to do more than merely serve in uniform. His mission was not yet complete. The battlefield had shifted from the skies of war and bombs to the slippery battlefield of governance. So, like a general stepping into unfamiliar terrain, he gingerly took his first tender steps into politics, a new world where wars were fought not with weapons and brute force, but with conversation, consultation, wisdom, willpower and an unwavering resolve to manage challenges of betrayal, perfidy, duplicity and treachery.
THE GOVERNOR WHO DARED TO DREAM
"Where there is no vision, the people perish." - Proverbs 29:18.
Leadership is not for the faint-hearted, and politics, especially in Nigeria, is not for the weak and cowardly. Jonah Jang soon learnt this when he became a two-term Governor of Plateau State between 2007 and 2015. He did not take the seat as an imperious ruler; he took it as a servant of the people. For him, leadership was a calling, a sacred duty to restore dignity, to uplift the downtrodden and to leave behind a legacy that would stand the test of time.
Plateau State, beautiful as it was, had its peculiar challenging struggles. Roads were broken; infrastructure was failing,; ethnic tensions were high; insecurity strut about proudly like a peacock; and corruption lurked in the shadows. Many would have buckled under the weight of such monumental challenges. But not Jang. He had been trained to face turbulence, both in the skies and on the ground. Thus, he began his mission of uncommon transformation.
Under his leadership, trust returned to governance. Roads were built; security was enhanced and strengthened; the youths were engaged; ghost workers were flushed out; and the social, economic, education and agricultural sectors witnessed an unforgettable revival. But beyond the tangible projects, Jang gave Plateau something greater; he gave them hope. He made the people realize they could not only dream, but could realize such dreams. He was ans still is, a father to the state. Jang was a leader who did not rule from a distance but stood with the people; fought for them and defended them.
His leadership was tested time and again. Political adversaries fought him; critics doubted and demonized him. At times, the very foundations of governance in the state seemed violently shaken. But Jang stood firm and soldered on like a lion among men, unbowed, unshaken. Afterall he had not sought power for personal gain or self-aggrandizement. He wielded power, not as a sword to represss, but as shield for the defence of his beloved people. He deployed power as a tool for achieving justice, development and the greater good of his Plateau people.
Through storms of criticism, back-stabbing and seasons of triumph, he never lost sight of his mission-develop the people. And when his tenure ended in 2015, he did not look back with regret, but with the quiet satisfaction of a man who had given his all. He left Plateau State better than he met it. It was never the same rustic and undeveloped state he had met when he first took office. It had risen from its ashes like phoenix; it had transformed beyond arguments. Plateau had become a beacon and haven of peace, hope, tranquility, progress, development and humanity.
A NAME ETCHED IN TIME
"I have fought the good fight, I have finished the race, I have kept the faith." - 2 Timothy 4:7
After leaving office as Governor of Plateau State, Jonah Jang could have chosen to retreat into the shadows, to live the rest of his days in peace and quietude as many would. But warriors never truly retire. They merely retreat and remain ever watchful, ever ready to serve. So, in 2015, he was called upon once more by his Plateau North people to represent them at the Nigerian Senate. Afterall the reward for hardwork is more work. Baba Jonah proved it.
His tenure in the Senate was not merely about adding another title to his name; it was about continuing his set mission, fighting for the people; standing for justice and their dignity. He ensured that the legacy he had built would never be undone.
THE PERSECUTION,TRIALS, TRIBULATIONS
No great leader ever walks mother earth without facing trials, persecution and tribulations. False allegations waltzed in, flying like ominous bats. Challenges suddenly arose, with the full weight of political warfare threatening to stain the banner of his legacy. He was falsely accused of pilfering his state funds. This was when we met. He briefed me to represent him in the 17 count charge before the Plateau State High Court. Studying the charge and the ingredients, his innocence exuded; his integrity and character nakedly stared me in the face. For a spartan man of modest means who ruled transparently and who as a sitting Governor took a well-documented loan of only 100m which he was paying back by installments from his meagre salary and allowances as a sitting Governor; and which loan he finally repaid fully as a Senator, it simply did not add up that he could steal from the state treasury of his people that he so loved and who reciprocated in equal measure. So, I defended him ferociously with my team of lawyers for over four years ( May 4,2018-September 2,2022). He had told me that he was innocent; that some powers that be had obviously felt that he had achieved too much to be allowed to walk away as a distinguished elder statesman and as clean as a whistle. But he had always been these. And more He narrated to me how these powerful people were determined to completely erase his legacy and make him irrelevant in the political equation and scheme of affairs in Plateau State. In the dock, Jang stood tall, notwithstanding his diminutive stature. He watched witness after witness lie against him in a most brazen manner. He severally shook his head in utter disbelief and incredulity. But he did not cry. It was my bounden duty as his lawyer to chisel through and perforate the tissue and cocktail of poisoned lies. And I did just that. A smiling Baba Jang was completely exonerated, discharged and acquitted of all 17 counts. He emerged victorious once more, proving that truth, though slow, and integrity though temporarily besmeared, always triumphed in the end over swift lies.
Now, as he stands tall in the threshold of history and in the pantheon of great men, Jonah Jang is not just a retired soldier, Senator, Administrator or former governor, he is indeed a symbol of love, character, integrity, honour, dignity and resilience. Jang remains a loud testament to undiluted faith and a clear reminder that true leadership is about service, sacrifice and unwavering commitment to the people.
Thus on his 81st birthday, we do not merely celebrate another year of his life; we celebrate a legacy, a person that has touched lives, changed the course of a state and inspired a generation.
Jonah David Jang is not just a man; he is a movement. His story is not just one of politics, but of destiny, determination, and divine orchestration. Like his namesake David in the Bible, he has been for his people, an uncommon caregiver and a protector, in the same way a mother hen protects her chicks. His life like that of the Biblical David demonstrates that God can take a person from a humble position and elevate him to greatness. O yes, I almost forgot Jang is also Jonah. Like the biblical Jonah, he weathered the storms, survived in the belly of the whale and lives to spread the message of hope, prosperity, love and humanity, not to the Ninevites this time, but to his good people of Plateau State
DEAWING THE CURTAINS
To His Excellency, Governor, Senator, Air Commodore (rtd) Jonah David Jang, CON, may history forever remember your name and judge you fairly. May your legacy continue to inspire and water generations yet unborn. May your story be told not just as a tale of leadership, but as a beacon of hope for those who dared to dream dreams, fight wars, serve the people and conquer. l adversities.
Happy birthday sir.
[OPINION] Na Your Mama Be This”: The Chant That Spoke Nigeria’s Hidden Truth - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminIn Nigeria’s tightly controlled world of political performance, ceremonies involving the spouses of national leaders are typically seamless productions. Scripts are written in reverence. Praise is choreographed. Gratitude is rehearsed. Applause is expected, not earned. And public emotion is not spontaneous—it is curated. So when Oluremi Tinubu, wife of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and former senator, visited the Delta State School of Nursing under her Renewed Hope Initiative, everything was supposed to follow the playbook.
She was to be welcomed with a warm song, hailed with ceremonial respect, and praised as “mother of the nation” by students trained to perform gratefulness. The plan was simple: elevate the First Lady as a symbol of national nurture. But something unexpected cracked the performance. As the Master of Ceremony (MC) attempted to ignite a call-and-response chant, echoing “Na my mama be this o, we no get another one,” what followed was not praise—but protest. The students responded with piercing sarcasm: “Na your mama be this ooooo.”
Laughter followed. The clip went viral. But beneath the laughter was something powerful and painful. A rupture. A revolt. A rebellion not just against a phrase—but against an entire emotional order. What seemed like a moment of disrespect was actually a national psychological explosion. A collective breakdown of symbolic authority. This wasn’t just a chant—it was Nigeria’s youth, in one voice, rejecting emotional manipulation by power. And as strange as it may sound, this moment was not just political. It was Freudian.
The Freudian Slip: When the Pain People Hide Finally Comes Out
There’s a psychological idea from Sigmund Freud called a slip—it’s when someone says something by “mistake,” but deep down, it reveals what they really feel. But sometimes, it’s not just one person making a mistake. Sometimes, the whole event—or the script people are told to follow—falls apart, and all the hidden anger people have been holding inside just spills out.
That’s exactly what happened during the First Lady’s visit. The MC kept repeating “our mother” over and over again with so much force, like he was trying too hard. His tone was too loud, his words too dramatic. It didn’t sound natural. Was he being serious? Or was he trying to push something he knew people wouldn’t accept?
Whether he meant it or not, the students responded from the heart: “Na your mama be this ooooo.” That reply wasn’t planned. It was real. It came from a deep place of frustration that many Nigerians feel every day.
Psychologists call this kind of reaction “the return of the repressed.” It means all the pain, anger, and disappointment people have been hiding suddenly comes out—just like that. The students didn’t need to carry placards. They didn’t need to protest on the streets. All it took was that one chant—and the truth was out. Laughter followed, but behind that laughter was pain. It wasn’t just a joke. It was therapy. It was healing. It was Nigeria, speaking its truth through its children.
Songs as Subversion: The Rhythm of Defiance
In Nigeria, music is not entertainment alone—it is a political weapon. From Fela Kuti’s Afrobeat rebellion to the #EndSARS generation’s chants of “Soro Soke!”, Nigerians have mastered the art of protest through rhythm. So when the MC turned the phrase into a chant, possibly hoping to generate praise, he unintentionally created a structure perfect for protest.
The call-and-response chant, common in both church and street protest, became the battlefield. The students flipped the chant. They rewrote the script in real time. And in doing so, they turned a praise performance into protest poetry.
There were no placards. No megaphones. No chants of “We no go gree o!” But the impact was just as thunderous. The students used wit, sarcasm, and cultural cadence to destroy a stage-managed illusion. What was meant to be a song of national maternal love became a public refusal to pretend.
Parental Authority and the Collapse of Emotional Contracts
To call someone “mother of the nation” is not just symbolic—it is emotional. It evokes expectations of nurture, sacrifice, presence, and protection. In Freudian psychology, parental figures represent not only authority but also emotional security. They are the guardians of childhood, the providers of order, the moral compass in times of confusion.
But what happens when these “mothers” and “fathers” of the nation disappear in moments of national pain? What happens when they are present only in ceremonies but absent in suffering?
In Nigeria today, the parental metaphor is collapsing. The emotional contract is broken. The people are not feeling protected—they are feeling punished. The economy is battered. The fuel subsidy is gone. The naira has lost value. Inflation is rising. Youth unemployment is choking. Citizens are not surviving—they are suffocating.
So when a political figure walks into that landscape and demands to be called “mother,” it does not inspire affection. It triggers rejection. Emotional revulsion. The title becomes unbearable. It moves from symbolic to insulting.
The Delta students weren’t rejecting Oluremi Tinubu as a person—they were rejecting the emotional manipulation that her title represented.
The MC: Loyal Mouthpiece or Unwitting Instigator?
This raises a subtle but fascinating question: was the MC just following orders—or was he deliberately pushing the limits? Was this a moment of unconscious sabotage? A performance of subversive obedience?
In authoritarian or tightly controlled spaces, where truth is dangerous and direct dissent is punishable, people often resist through sarcasm, exaggeration, or absurdity. The MC’s exaggerated tone—his theatrical delivery of the chant—may have been a passive-aggressive plea: “I’m saying what you told me to say, but I know they won’t buy it.”
In doing so, he offered the students an emotional microphone. He opened the door. And once that door was opened, the chant escaped. And it could not be pulled back in.
A Freudian Protest in a Fractured Political Imagination
This moment wasn’t about tradition. It wasn’t about protocol. It was about imagination. National imagination. Nigeria’s political elite imagine a people that still believe in symbolic closeness. That still care for titles. That still respond to motherly declarations. But that imagination is broken.
The youth are no longer interested in political parents. They are tired of emotional scripts. They are done performing gratitude. Their reality is hunger, not hope. Their dream is escape, not allegiance. They are not rude—they are wounded. They are not disrespectful—they are disillusioned.
The chant was not born from malice. It was born from mourning. Mourning the death of trust, the betrayal of leadership, and the erosion of public empathy.
The Real Mothers Were Watching—So Was the World
Now imagine a Nigerian mother—one of the millions who have sold vegetables before sunrise, who skipped her meals so her child could eat, who borrowed money to pay for school fees and medical bills. She sits in her living room, watching the broadcast. The MC chants: “We no get another one.”
She hears it. Her child hears it. And for a moment, the child starts to repeat it.
Her heart breaks.
Because she knows the truth. She is the one who raised that child through sweat and sacrifice. She is the one who stayed when the system failed. And now, on national television, she is erased. Replaced by a political figure in Aso Rock. She knows this isn’t tradition—it is performance. And in that moment, she feels insulted.
But it wasn’t just her.
The world was watching too.
In the age of TikTok, Twitter, Instagram, and global media, there are no private stages. Everything is public. And what the world saw was not respect—it was resistance. Not cultural reverence—but institutional embarrassment. In that chant, the international community saw a nation’s youth tell the truth to power with biting humor.
They saw that Nigeria’s elite still expect loyalty from the hungry. Still demand praise from the jobless. Still stage ceremonies in a collapsing economy.
And they now know what the students know. What the mothers know.
That the empire of political affection has fallen.
Rejecting the Performance of Unity in the Face of Suffering
The Delta nursing students didn’t just insult the First Lady—they exposed the widening emotional gap between the governed and those who claim to govern with compassion. Their chant was not simply a youthful retort. It was a public rejection of the persistent illusion that Nigerians, especially the young, must pretend to be part of one big happy national family with leaders who are clearly out of touch with their lived pain.
This was not about culture. It was not about etiquette. It was about survival. It was about truth. And in that truth, the students exposed a contradiction that every struggling Nigerian recognizes: the same government that asks for emotional loyalty has failed to show material responsibility.
Their protest was echoed by the digital revolution already underway—the #30DaysRantChallenge, where ordinary Nigerians document, day by day, the unlivable nature of current economic policies. These online confessions have revealed soaring prices, unpaid salaries, joblessness, hunger, and frustration. Every tweet, every post, every video under that hashtag is a cry for help. And what the students did in Delta was bring that cry offline—into the real world, face-to-face with power.
What they revealed is this: President Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope” slogan is clashing violently with Nigeria’s harsh realities. For citizens who wake up daily to increasing hardship, hope is not a campaign slogan—it is a demand for change. And change is not achieved through titles or optics. It is earned through policy, action, and human empathy.
By refusing to perform loyalty in the midst of suffering, the students shattered the illusion of unity. They declared that national healing does not begin with forced praise. It begins with truth. And the truth is: people are tired, hungry, and unheard.
To Suppress This Moment Would Be Political Suicide
Let no one twist it—those students committed no crime. They broke no law. Their act was constitutional, peaceful, expressive, and valid. To punish them would not only be morally absurd—it would be politically suicidal.
In today’s world, you do not silence dissent—you amplify it by punishing it.
If the Tinubu administration chooses suppression over self-reflection, it will not kill the message—it will globalize it. The students will become symbols. The chant will become anthem. The moment will become movement.
Repression is no longer power—it is proof of panic.
Conclusion: The Mind Will Rebel When the Mouth Is Gagged
Words matter. Titles matter. But when language is used to force intimacy between a suffering people and the political elite, the reaction will not be reverence—it will be rejection. The forced framing of “our mother” during the First Lady’s visit to Delta State was not just poorly chosen—it was deeply out of touch. It implied emotional closeness between a people who are hungry, overburdened, and unheard, and a figurehead largely removed from their pain. Even a slight adjustment—“Mother of Nigeria, Oluremi Tinubu”—while still politically awkward, would have at least respected emotional distance. Because in times of economic trauma, grand titles without meaningful sacrifice feel more like insults than honors.
Nigeria is not just suffering economically—it is suffering emotionally. The poverty is real, yes. But so is the fatigue. So is the disconnection. And in both politics and psychology, when voices are suppressed long enough, the body—the collective national body—finds its own way to speak. What happened at the Delta School of Nursing was not a childish outburst. It was not a rebellion for rebellion’s sake. It was a moment of national catharsis. A breaking point. A chant that cut through performance and exposed the raw truth beneath: Nigerians are tired of pretending.
Whether or not the Master of Ceremony meant to provoke it, his exaggerated chant became the trigger. What followed was not chaos—it was clarity. In those six syllables—“Na your mama be this ooooo”—an entire nation found its voice. That chant was not just for Oluremi Tinubu. It was a mirror held up to every leader who demands loyalty but withholds dignity, who expects praise without performance, and who cloaks failed governance in emotional titles.
To Madam Remi Tinubu: yes, you are human. And yes, it probably hurt. It happened in Delta, your birthplace—a place where you may have expected warmth. But pain often comes from the places where expectations were highest. The truth is, you did not birth those students. You have not suffered with them. You do not feel the sting of rising school fees, decaying infrastructure, or daily hunger. So why should they call you “mother”?
This moment is not about disrespect. It is not about tradition. It is about reality. When people are forced to pretend they are part of a national family that has long abandoned them, resistance is inevitable. The title of “Mother of the Nation” cannot be inherited. It must be earned. Not by appearances, but by presence. Not by symbolism, but by sacrifice. And if you have not stood in their struggle, you cannot demand their affection.
Blame the MC if you need a scapegoat. Blame your husband’s failing economic policies. Blame poor messaging. But do not blame the students. Their honesty is not an attack—it is an invitation. If you are truly committed to national healing, let this moment teach you. Let it stretch you. Let it humble you. And if the hurt lingers, do what any emotionally intelligent leader would do—seek clarity, even therapy if necessary. Reflect. Heal. Then lead.
Because leadership today is not about control—it’s about connection. Real, grounded, mutual connection. The youth do not owe you titles. They do not owe you songs. They do not owe you silence in exchange for suffering. In times like these, what binds a nation is not ceremonial obedience—it is shared truth, courageous empathy, and visible justice.
So don’t try to erase this moment. Don’t suppress it. Study it. Let it stand. Because in that chant lies the purest feedback your administration will ever receive. “Na your mama be this ooooo” was not just a deflection—it was a declaration. A line drawn between performance and pain. A generational cry against emotional manipulation. A public therapy session turned national turning point.
Let it go, Madam. Let the script go. Let the illusion go.
And if you truly want to be remembered as Mother of Nigeria—fight not for their obedience, but for their tomorrow.
Let something real begin.
[OPINION] NNPC And The Push for Oil Host Community Devt Fund Implementation - Sotonye Princewill
AdminThe plight of oil host communities and the need to ensure that funds allocated to them under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) are effectively utilized to deliver meaningful development in host communities came into sharp focus at a recent stakeholder engagement session held with the KEFFESO Host Communities Development Trust (HCDT). The KEFFESO HCDT serves as the representative body for various oil producing communities including Koluama 1 and 2, Ezetu 1 and 2, Okumbiri, Foropa, Fish Town, Ekeni, Sangana, Opu, Okumbiribeleu and Oginibiri in Bayelsa State, under the NNPCL/First Exploration & Petroleum Development Company (FIRST E&P) JV.
The Petroleum Industry Act, 2021, which consigned Petroleum Act and Petroleum Tax Act of 1967 to history allocated 3 percent Host Community Development Fund for the development of oil host communities. This significant legislation which brings the oil host communities into sharp focus is imbued with revolutionary fervor; for the first time, it created a special fund which ensures that allocated funds are properly channeled to foster tangible development in the oil producing communities of the Niger Delta and elsewhere. Given the pivotal role he played in the birthing of the Petroleum Industry Act, his tireless advocacy, strategic engagements with critical stakeholders within the legislative branch and the oil and gas sector, it incontestable that the PIA Act has the imprimatur of Mele Kyari. This assertion is without prejudice to the unwavering commitment and strong political will exhibited by the Buhari administration which broke the over two decades stalemate of the bill. The Act created a Host Community Development Trust Fund with the aim to cushion the negative impact oil exploration may have on oil producing communities. The fund would be managed by a Board of Trustees. Funding for the Trust Fund will be secured from holders of Licenses or leases who will contribute three per cent of the operating expenditures of the previous year in respect of all petroleum operations affecting the host communities.
Kyari’s unbridled enthusiasm and full support of the allocation to oil producing communities is driven by his strong passion to drive development in oil producing states, who suffered decades of neglect. In giving ringing endorsement to the Act, he believes that emplacement of the Act will galvanize massive development for oil producing communities. As corporate leader with human face, Mele Kyari, even before the PIA was deeply committed to interventions that would impact the lives of oil host communities as part of the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) of NNPC. It mattered so much to him that the Act would cure observed anomalies of the past by ensuring that the host communities take full responsibility and ownership of development projects that would be sited in their communities. This is in furtherance of the commitment of NNPC to improve physical and material wellbeing of the people. Under this arrangement, only projects with direct developmental impact on the people would be implemented through the fund. The active participation of members of the host communities in the power structure of the organization emplaced to manage the fund will ensure that the resources will be used in a manner that conforms to the aspirations of the host communities. According to the spirit of the Act, the fund will be deployed in such a manner to engender sustainable development for the benefit of the host communities. Also, the fund will be used to advance and propagate educational development of the people, support healthcare and local initiatives that will enhance protection of the environment.
According to Kyari, “The whole concept of the Host Communities was the creation of the executive and the government decided that the PIB must have a provision in the law where the welfare of host communities is taking back to them.
“The Host Communities Fund is in control of the host communities; it is not one that will be managed by the oil companies. It is our responsibility as government to ensure that those funds are set up.
“The data along how much oil companies are spending in a year is no longer secret, the PIB has made it clear that you must disclose your spending for the purpose of taxation to the FIRS and therefore your cost of operation is no longer secret.
“Let us not forget that every attempt in the past to ensure that development comes to the host communities failed. Without any contradiction, I can tell you that the 13 per cent derivation was designed to make sure development comes to the Niger Delta region and by implication the host communities.
“Secondly, we have the NNDC to ensure that development comes to the Niger Delta Region and more so by implication the host communities.
“So, this is an addition to complement what is on ground and we will make sure the existing structure delivers what it is meant to achieve. While the NDDC is doing what it should do according to its Act, the Host Communities Fund will drive massive development that will be driven by the communities.
“We know what the host communities go through, there are villages that are just 200 metres away from a flow station that don’t have drinking water, no hospitals, the schools are not operating and yet there are massive provisions that we have made as an industry to make this work but this won’t happen. Going forward, these communities will decide what they want and it will be done because the funds are available.”
The insight provided by Mele Kyari captures succinctly the neglect of oil producing communities particularly in the Niger Delta and underpins his determination to turn the page with the inauguration of the PIA. For decades, this neglect has led to environmental degradation, lack of basic amenities and social unrest. Government cannot be totally blamed for doing nothing to ameliorate the problems of the oil producing communities. Critical interventions to cure this systemic problem has recorded minimal progress at odds with billions of dollars that has poured into their operations by the federal government and players within the oil and gas ecosystem.
Even interventionist agencies such as Niger Delta Development Commission (NNDC) continues to be mired in lack of transparency and accountability. Instead of fulfilling its core mandate, over the years, the commission has turned out to be a cesspool of corruption, to enrich a few persons. At inception, NNDC was saddled with the mandate which included the formulation of policies and guidelines for the development of the Niger Delta region, conception, planning and implementation, in accordance with set rules and regulations, of projects and programmes for sustainable development in the areas of transportation (roads, jetties and waterways), health, employment, industrialization, agriculture and fisheries, housing and urban development, water supply, electricity and telecommunications. The commission was also saddled with the responsibility to survey the Niger Delta and come up with measures that will promote its physical and socio-economic development, prepare masterplans and schemes designed to promote the physical development of the region.
The achievement of these lofty objectives has remained a pipedream. As at 2022, a study and the forensic report, commissioned by the Social Action in conjunction with MacArthur Foundation on the activities of the commission spanning 20 years revealed that 12,000 contracts were abandoned. Among other underhand dealings, the study found that personnel of the commission diverted the larger chunk of payments made to contractors who as a result abandoned the projects. The report also discovered that the region lost over N15 trillion or $40 billion to 13,377 contracts awarded and 12,000 abandoned.
After NNDC gulped trillions with modest impact, the consensus of opinion is that everything should be done to ensure that KEFFESO Host Communities Development Trust (HCDT) does not go the way of the commission. The deepening of NNPCL’s activities in this sphere underscores its belief in the importance of stakeholder collaboration in driving socio-economic growth within oil producing communities. In furtherance of this objective, NNPC is leaving no stone unturned; Mele Kyari is resolute in directing PIA funds towards key development projects in education, healthcare and infrastructure. Attempts in the past to ensure that oil companies provided for the host communities were impaired because it was not carried out in the right manner in the name of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) projects.
As the team leader in NNPCL, he has left no one in doubt about the sustenance of robust strategic engagements by the company. According to him, “Our mission is clear. We are committed to fostering lasting peace, creating economic opportunities and transforming the Niger Delta into a model of unity and progress. NNPCL stands with the Niger Delta as it builds a prosperous future that is driven by mutual respect and collaboration.”
After initial delays in getting the Trust to take-off, NNPC and other critical stakeholders have put in place, processes to ensure that oil host communities enjoy projects covering infrastructure, social, economic and human capital investments that will lead to sustainable development of the people and the communities. Recently, in Rivers state, HCDT in conjunction with joint venture operators, Green Energy International Ltd. (GEIL) and Lekoil Oil Joint Venture kicked off several projects in the first phase of the implementation of the five year development plan in three of their host communities namely Ugama Ekede, Ayama Ekede, Asukama and Asukoyet in Ikuru Town of Andoni Local Government Area of the state. The projects include 1Km access road into Ugama Ekede, scholarship for students in primary, secondary and tertiary schools, bursary for university students in Ugama Ekede, a town hall, a box culvert in Asuk-ama and a road project in Asukoyet.
NNPCL under Kyari strongly believes that the institutionalization of the community development trust initiative and constant stakeholder engagements will engender the much needed governance, transparency and accountability in community development efforts. NNPCL has already stamped its leadership footprint on these initiatives and for the foreseeable future, will continue to provide remarkable guidance which it hopes will usher in a new era of lasting peace and economic prosperity to the oil producing communities in the Niger Delta.
•Sotonye Princewill contributed this comment from Port Harcourt, Rivers State.
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I came across this seriously sad poem online. It was written by Chinedu Nnadi Nwangwu; and I love it and have decided to share it.
“Weep, Nigeria—
For the soil is heavy with blood,
And the sky hangs low with despair.
A land where godfathers pull strings in dark rooms,
Turning the law into a puppet on fraying threads.
In Rivers, a pipeline is breached,
And in the blink of an eye—State of Emergency!
Yet where is this urgency
For the lives buried in Benue’s fields?
For the soldiers fallen in Borno’s sands?
For Sokoto and Zamfara’s crimson dust,
Where bandits write their will in blood?
Weep for Rivers State,
Where politics wears the face of tyranny,
And the Constitution trembles at the sound of ambition.
A state of emergency declared in haste,
Not for lives lost,
But for pipelines broken.
Is oil thicker than blood?
Is property dearer than life?
Weep for Benue’s farmers,
Cut down where they stood—
Machetes singing death into the soil,
While the earth drinks deeply of their pain.
Weep for the soldiers of Borno,
Whose boots march into battle,
But never return home.
And for Sokoto and Zamfara,
Where the fields bloom with graves,
And the wail of widows is the only anthem.
Weep for Lagos,
Where the Assembly turns into a theater of shame—
Two speakers, two gavels,
And one house split by greed.
They mutiny and install each other,
Turning the halls of governance
Into a marketplace of ambition.
If leaders cannot lead,
Then who shall steer the ship?
Weep for the Senate,
Where the halls of power stink of shame.
Where hands meant to pass laws
Instead reach where they should not.
Sexual harassment plays out on the nation’s stage,
And the people watch in disgust—
A spectacle of impunity.
Weep for the East,
Where Mondays bring silence,
Not by choice but by fear.
Where the streets are empty,
And freedom is held hostage.
The sit-at-home echoes louder
Than the government’s voice,
Yet where is the state of emergency here?
Is the pain of the people so easily ignored?
Oh Nigeria,
How many wounds will you bear before you break?
How many tears must wet the ground
Before justice rises from the soil?
They kill our sons,
They bury our daughters,
And in the corridors of power,
They laugh.
Yet we weep not in defeat,
But in fury.
For the tears of the oppressed
Water the tree of resistance.
And though they declare emergencies
Only where it suits their greed,
The true emergency is the awakening of the people.
Weep, Nigeria—
But not for long.
For dawn is coming,
And the day of reckoning is near.”
CAN WE RECOVER FROM CONQUEST?
My Uncle, Jonas Odocha,
regularly shares his numerous concerns about the state of the nation with various people, including me.
Sometimes recipients of his articles respond. Please find below a grim reaction we all recently received from Uncle J’s friend, Samuel Ohuabunwa.
When you have read it, contact me to tell me whether you think there is any hope for suffering Nigerians who are not members of the predatory elite. And ask yourself the following questions:
Can we ever recover from the conquest that has been inflicted on us across the board and especially in my home state, Rivers?
Terrifying Boko Haam terrorists and feral bandits have overrun villages and army bases in Zamfara and Borno. They have murdered thousands of citizens. But it is only in the relatively peaceful, oil-rich Niger Delta that a state of emergency has been declared!
Is Mr Ohuabunwa right to throw up his hands in despair? Are we finished and vanquished and helpless? Or do we have what it takes to robustly resist tyranny and insist on a brighter future?
“Nigeria is a conquered nation. The politicians have conquered the people, weaponized poverty and immobilized all form of opposition or resistance. Many have raised their voices and cried till they become hoarse. Read the daily newspapers and the columnists, listen to Arise and Channels!! The people have lost power completely.
Nobody cares and nothing happens except being arrested and charged with cyber crime or cyber stalking or terrorism. What happened to the young people killed in #Endsars or those imprisoned in #EndBadGovernance?
I wrote weekly columns in three newspapers from 2012 to 2019 and gave up the day Buhari sacked the Chief Justice of Nigeria! AND NOTHING HAPPENED!!That was part of my motivation to try getting into politics.
Not much will change if the politicians and their brand of politics do not change. In theory, demand determines supply, but not in Nigeria’s political supply chain. The suppliers determine demand.
If you disagree, then you will meet them in court.
Continue to write Sir! Who knows!! God bless.”
I walked into the Casa de Africa or Africa House in Havana. I wanted to find out what made it uniquely African. But I was in for a surprise. I had not realised that it also housed a unique class for children learning basic subjects like history, geography and African languages, including Yoruba.
I tried to tip toe so as not to disturb the class. The tour guide, Miguel Abreu and I spoke in low tones. But the children had been told a friend of Cuba was visiting. They rose and welcomed me with a song.
How was I to explain to these fifth graders that the primary cause of their country’s problems is that it has a neighbour 95 miles away which for 63 years has imposed severe sanctions on it?
So, I assured them that their country has friends across the universe, particularly in Africa. The interpretation in Spanish, was by one of the children. We took photographs and they continued their lessons.
At the House, I also ran into an African delegation which included the Zimbabwean and Namibian Ambassadors. We took photographs under a huge map of Africa.
Cuba had made a decisive military intervention in Africa, sending thousands of its youths to fight Apartheid forces and liberate the continent from colonialism. The Castro government in the 1980s had to explain to the Cuban people why their youths were shedding precious blood to extricate African countries like Angola, Zambia, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zimbabwe from the stranglehold of the Apartheid forces and, to decolonise Namibia and South Africa. The establishment of Casa de Africa was partly to explain to the people why Cubans were fighting and sacrificing their lives in Africa, some 11,000 kilometres away.
The Director of the House is Alberto Granado Duque. He is the son of Alberto Granado, the biochemist who with the legendary revolutionary, Ernesto Che Guevera in 1951, set out on a motorcycle tour of Latin America. Amongst those who had visited the House was the Ooni of Ife Olubuse who was there in 1986.
Part of the theme the House depicted was that Africa is the mother of humanity and that slavery was the greatest crime against humanity.
Many of the slaves brought to Cuba were from the ‘Congo and Calabari’ area of present day Nigeria. They were in constant revolt against the system and many lost their lives in the process. For them, it was either freedom or death. This might explain where Cubans got their resolve to resist oppression under any sky.
The slaves who worked an average 15 hours daily, in their spare time played rumba, deepened their ancestral culture most of which they eventually merged. Even when they conspired against the slave owners and the system, in many cases, they used gestures and symbols. The 78-year-old Abreu told me: “We speak with our eyes, our hands and our legs.”
Some of the almost 5,000 pieces on display included chains and shackles used during the slavery era. Cuba was one of the earliest sugar producers in the world and it was for it millions were enslaved. One of the main reasons for the US blockage since 1962, was the nationalisation of the sugar industry by the Castro government.
Also on display was the traditional religion of the Cuban people which is a blend of African traditions, mainly of the Yoruba people, and Catholicism. It is called Santeria.
On display at the House were gods of this religion, especially Obatala, Yemaya (Yemoja) O Hun (Osun), Oya and Sango, the god of thunder and lightning.
There were also gifts from various parts of Africa on display. These include two stuffed lions given to Fidel by Emperor Haile Sellasie and, a lion skin by then Somalian President Siad Barre. There were also two big carvings by Nigeria’s Bisi Fakeye.
I was also at Africa Heroes Park in Havana. There busts of outstanding African leaders like those of Samora Machel and Eduardo Modlande from Mozambique, Nelson Mandela and Oliver Tambo of South Africa, Sekou Toure of Guinea, and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana were on display. Also in the park were busts of Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta, Amilcar Cabral of Guinea Bissau, Laurent-Desire Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Mwalimu Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. Three former Nigerian leaders, Tafawa Balewa, Obafemi Awolowo and Nnamdi Azikiwe were painted on a pedestal, obviously waiting for their busts to be made or donated.
My primary purpose for being in Cuba from March 13-22, 2025 was to attend the Fourth International Colloquium, otherwise called the Patria. The conference held against the background of two anniversaries: the 133rd year since the establishment of the ‘Patria Newspapers’ founded by Cuban international revolutionary, Jose Marti, and the twentieth anniversary of the international television network, teleSUR inspired by Fidel Castro, then President of Cuba and, Hugo Chavez, then President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.
The colloquium explored the dynamics of power in an interconnected world, challenges of hate speech, disinformation and the general manipulation of information. It also examined the global hegemonic powers in techno-politics and how collective efforts can be made by other groups to foster “networks of hope and popular mobilization.”
The Cuban President, Miguel Diaz-Canel, attended sessions of the conference. At the opening ceremony, he spent generous time taking photographs on the steps of the University of Havana. It was when he was leaving I realised that a car I was a few metres away from was actually his official car and that three men I stood around with were his bodyguards. I was used to bodyguards in dark suits, wearing dark glasses and dangling earphones. In contrast, the Cuban Presidential guards seemed to have blended with the populace and environment.
At the over one hour closing session, Diaz-Canel simply listened.
There were lots of documentaries. In one of them, a Palestinian woman tells an Israeli: “You are stealing my house” The Israeli replied: “If I don’t, someone else will steal it.”
Delegates generally agreed that the criteria for belonging to the emergent group is to be anti-imperialist, anti-fascist and anti-Zionist. A participant raised the problem of Zionism hiding under Judaism; how to separate the parasite from Judaism.
There were lots of discussions on media linkages and suggestions made about organising groups per country.
I also had the privilege of meeting a management team of the University of Havana led by the Vice Rector, Dionisio Zaldivar. At the university which was established on January 5, 1728, we discussed possible linkages with some Nigeria universities. I proposed these could be in the fields of history and international relations.
I found Cuba while existing in a world of shifting alliances, ever standing on principles.
“America is back.” This was the opening statement of Donald Trump at his joint address to Congress a few days ago, which was greeted with loud applause by the Republicans. Many experts have cautioned that the Trump 2.0 would be the exact same pattern that defined his first. Following his historic return to the White House, I also shared this sentiment and speculated it in my piece titled, ‘Trump’s second coming: Is ‘Africa first’ agenda ever possible?’ which was published in TheCable on November 24, 2025. I had argued that to make any meaningful impression in the international system, the ‘Africa first’ agenda must be a top priority for our leaders. In the same vein, I emphasised that under Trump’s ‘America First’ policy, the world would witness, like with his first, promotion of ‘Americanism’ over ‘Globalism’. This is precisely what is playing out.
However, nothing prepared me and perhaps a flood of political and economic doyens for the harsh reality of the audacious and bullish fashion in which Trump carries on with his policy implementation not minding the effects on the world stage – he is far more aggressive in the pursuit of his agenda now than in his first term.
Trump’s reforms and executive orders which have painted him an outlier, particularly those targeting the USAID and his use of tariffs as an economic weapon, have engulfed the whole world like a violent storm. The Left, the mainstream media and a number of US allies have accused Trump of implementing these reforms in a horrific manner – protests seem to be gaining momentum and at the core is his slash of the USAID projects by a whopping 83 percent. While several ‘Trumpers’ and some independents believe they are a welcome development after years of bureaucratic bottleneck accompanied by waste and abuses which have spiked the US public debt profile to a massive 36 trillion dollars, many have kicked against him.
To the opposers, it’s a hideous and savage attack on the constitutionality of the republic and liberty of the people – a feeling of being thrown under the bus. Interestingly, in all of these, a handful believe Trump should be allowed to stew in his own juice while also accusing him of igniting a constitutional crisis with this economic agenda. Although, the manner in which he is going about it may be uncomplimentary to many – and I must say it is, the unknotting, streamlining and purging he has embarked upon should come as no surprise because he ran and campaigned vigorously on them.
The entire globe has been inundated with what appears to be the basic thrust of Trump’s economic policy – the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE)! A deluge of transactions has been described by Trump’s DOGE to amount to frauds at a level never seen before. The Democrats and many in the media are still doubting the veracity of these claims which DOGE wants the world to know runs into several hundreds of billions of dollars. Understandably, many would be sceptical of these gigantic findings until those culprits claimed to have benefitted from them are brought to book and successfully persecuted.
To the opposition, Trump must be stopped, and very fast too, otherwise, all Americans would be DOGEd before anyone knows it and that can’t be allowed to happen. One thing is very clear however, if all these DOGE discoveries are proven to be true, it can be inferred that the US isn’t immune to deep-seated corruption as they may want others to believe and therefore would have no moral justification to condemn countries especially those the developed nations refer to as third-world about the frightening state corruption in these countries has assumed.
Talking about the startling dimension of the insanely corruptive activities in many developing countries, especially the continent of Africa, the media was agog with so many news and buzzing headlines raging all over the place where a number of African leaders were reported to be whining – needlessly though, the halt imposed on most of the largesse received from the US government by the Trump administration, notably via the platform of USAID. This obviously have been far too long enshrined into the ‘blood and skin’ of these African nations. It is an act of cruelty and a blatant egregious violation of the oaths sworn to the people, how African leaders have impoverished their people even though many are sitting on such vast natural resources.
Research has it that Africa holds a hefty proportion (estimated to be about 60 percent) of the world’s natural resources: Arable land, 65 percent; Mineral reserves, 30 percent; Oil reserves, 12 percent; Gold reserves, 40 percent; Chromium and Platinum, 90 percent; huge reserves of Cobalt, Diamonds, Uranium, etc. The African continent isn’t poor. It is extremely wealthy. Infact, richer than one or two other continents. It is awash with a preponderance of resources – natural, capital and human resources. Regrettably, it is the people – ordinary and struggling Africans living in the continent that are stupendously poor. The case of the vulnerable Africans can be aptly summed up in the Yoruba saying, “Omo eleran ton jegun eran” – meaning the child of a meat seller who eats bones instead of meat. A very sad tale which has continuously been the lot of so many people in this part of the world.
This was underscored by Michael John Parenti, the American Political Science scholar who cannot be truer when he remarked, “Third-world is not poor. You don’t go to poor countries to make money. There are very few poor countries in this world. Most countries are rich, the Philippines is rich, Brazil is rich, Mexico is rich, and Chile is rich. Only the people are poor. But there are billions to be made there, to be carved out and to be taken.
There have been billions for 400 years! The capitalist, European and North American powers have carved out and taken the timber, the flax, the hemp, the cocoa, the rum, the tin, the copper, the iron, the rubber, the bauxite, the slaves, and the cheap labour. They have taken out of these countries. These countries are not underdeveloped, they’re overexploited!” This is the ugly state of things in Africa due to leadership deficit and corruption which have bedevilled the continent for many years.
Governance is typically shrouded in some sort of secrecy. Transparency and accountability are extremely scarce. And as Africans, we ain’t asking our governments to be perfect – none can ever be, anyway, just be transparent with us. Don’t be afraid to make genuine mistakes. Admit when you do and learn therefrom. Nevertheless, as Africans from all walks of life, far from it that we will look down on ourselves and continue to view our situation through the prism of poverty, created and sustained by the same set of people who pledged their allegiance to the constitutions of the individual nation-states to protect the people and utilise the common patrimony and resources to better their lot.
Instead, they have allowed unfettered access to our commonwealth in what media reports have shown to be orchestrated by a high-level conspiratorial and syndicated alliance, coordinated by the locals in cahoots with foreign entities. It is easy to whine and disparage the actions of another country, whose leader as far as he’s concerned is simply just making his country great again, because you have refused to put your own house in order. Our leaders know full well that the ‘carting away’ of our natural wealth only means that our jobs are offshored to other continents instead of onshoring them to improve the living conditions of the people.
Speaking during the East Africa Region Global Health Security Summit 2025, the former Kenyan President, Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta, warned African leaders against what he described as the “excessive dependence on foreign aid” after Trump paused federal aid globally. He was quoted to have said, “Excessive reliance often hinders a country’s long-term economic progress”. Furthermore, he said, “I saw some people the other day crying that Trump has removed funding. It is not your government, nor your country, why are you crying? He has no reason to give you anything, you don’t pay taxes in America.
This is a wake-up call for you to know what you’ll do to support yourselves. Let’s work together to bring an end to that. We need to remember the resources wasted when we kill each other. When we remember the lives lost in Sudan, all the way to the Sahel region, we’ve spent more money buying bullets than protecting our health”. Kenyatta concluded, “As Africans, we should not wait for others to come to our rescue”. This is the kind of attitude many expect our leaders to have. The type of attitude that gingers sublime economic policies, democratisation and humanitarism. If this had been their disposition decades ago and had been pursued vigorously, we certainly won’t find ourselves in this dead economic woods and quagmire that we are in.
Unfortunately, there are two things constant with virtually all the African states – leadership deficit and corruption, a recurring decimal threatening the sovereignty of many. So many of our leaders have been breaking several socioeconomic and development rules indubitably. The bane in this continent is that our leaders have refused to uphold the dignity of the rules designed to guarantee economic sovereignty needed to terminate the widespread poverty and hunger that are ravaging many – quite unsettling! They are quick to adopt these non-stop, never-ending loop of political platitudes and sloganeering, which change nothing but instead push the continent into deeper dark economic holes. The reliance on aid, grants and loans from abroad by most African countries even for the simplest of things that can be fixed domestically, seems like a bond that’s unbroken.
This however hasn’t gone without dissent from many well-meaning Africans who have issued veiled criticisms of our leaders and struggle to process the reason for their pandering. It doesn’t just sound right that we have to depend on external forces to solve issues we could have effortlessly handled had a conducive socio-economic environment been created by these leaders. Many of our leaders pivot when asked why they pander after the West and East but are quick to mention how they plan to bolster their countries’ economic positions via means unclear to many. Clearly, such rhetoric is simply political gibberish – mere talk which is cheap as there’s nothing on the ground to suggest the narrative would change. Our leaders must therefore take the hard choices and lead with an economic message in order to chart a path forward to prosperity and economic boom. Way too many rules – governance, economic, development, social infrastructure, leadership, security, etc, are being broken time and again and this has loomed so large on the continent’s development.
The scourge of insecurity, which has huge implications for investments and economic growth, is ravaging many parts of the continent, domestic production is next to nothing with the bulk of our natural resources shipped abroad in their natural state, and numerous governments ramping up debts due to needless spending, waste, frauds and abuses which seem to be the order of the day because revenue drive is literally non-existent. All these have distasteful consequences and one of the reasons the citizens are impoverished. It is as if our leaders are toying with our lives – like a cat would normally do with a mouse.
Many of our leaders have flubbed real bad and the economic nightmare in Africa is real. It is so because our leaders have allowed it and they must face the truth that the conditions are damning and cease gaslighting the citizens. The type of leadership evident in the countries they pander to for grants and aid, which has enabled those countries to build robust and strong economies, the likes of which is enabling them to give us ‘free monies’, is obviously lacking here. You can just imagine, with the abundance of resources prevalent here, the kind of transformation that would happen in the entire continent should they replicate the kind of leadership seen in these developed countries.
There are numerous accounts to suggest that there’s palpable fear. Scores of concerned Africans are growing increasingly worried regarding the approach of Trump over the next four years and its implications on the continent. The messaging of Trump has been unambiguous and crystal clear – he is pro-business and as such, whether fairly or unfairly, treats every relationship – diplomatic, personal, etc, as a transaction. Many could hardly wait – a weary and anxious wait, for what to expect in his second term. The last few weeks have marked remarkable skirmishes in trade wars between the US and several other countries – many of which are facing the brunt of Trump’s economic ire.
For some experts, if Trump could slam tariffs on some of America’s long-term trade allies, and foes alike, was undeterred and didn’t bat an eyelid even when the global community and the media vehemently kicked against it, it raises intriguing questions as to the possibility of unleashing this same type of treatment should he have the slightest reason to do so and take on Africa, whose economy is currently seriously wobbling. The consequences would be unfathomable and a massive grinder to the national treasuries of countless countries, which could set the continent behind by a long stretch.
Like in the game of football, yellow cards are issued by a referee for unruly behaviours or fouls committed by players. You get one once you break a rule – serves as a warning and such a player must be on the edge for the remainder of his/her time on the pitch. What the yellow card does to such a player is, as we describe in local parlance, ‘Borrow am sense’ – meaning to inject some common sense into the player, otherwise a second yellow card attracts a red card which is game over for the player. I will therefore liken the economic agenda of the Trump second presidency to issuing a ‘yellow card’ to the continent of Africa and its erring leaders to stop relying on others to do their jobs for them. They’ve got to stop breaking the golden rules designed to stimulate and build very strong economies. It is a clarion call and a dire warning to all our political leaders, who have obligations to the people, to brace up via bipartisan alliances, take urgent steps to industrialise and juice up the SMEs and manufacturing sector, and fix the systemic rots which have practically reduced us into mere beggars when we have all it takes to be self-sufficient. Else a ‘red card’ is in the offing in no distant future which may lead to the eruption of an economic reckoning.
How long shall African nations continue to be runts amongst the pack when we have what it takes – a humongous amount of natural resources, to project economic power as a continent? Our continent, painfully, seemed to be the worst of the worst in terms of socioeconomic development and the profligacy of governments. We are at a crossroads and desperate straits in the history of this continent and this should not be the time for the key economic players to be competing and comparing ‘economic megaphones’. It is certainly not how big the economic megaphone is, rather, it is the results you derive from what’s said into it.
In conclusion, the classic case of Trump threatening some days ago, to slap 25 percent tariffs on any country that patronises Venezuelan Oil – the country’s mainstay, because of his accusation that Venezuela is unleashing terror on American soil by sponsoring the deadly gang, Tren de Aragua (TDA) – their atrocious acts, which by the way, I completely frown at and totally condemn, and which Trump recently designated a terrorist organisation, is sending shock waves across Africa. The worry by a section of people that the continent may fall deeper and deeper into economic catastrophe should Trump face it is fast settling into full-blown fear.
As a matter of fact, the biggest economy in Africa, South Africa, has started to have a taste with the expulsion of her envoy from the US amid Trump’s remarks about the treatment of white farmers by the South African government. Whilst we must not compromise on our deeply rich history and celebrate our unbreakable fraternity, our leaders must not just be fascinated with the spotlight and power. They must know that their policies, actions and inactions, which appear to be chips off the block, have made life very hard for so many people – many folks are working their fingers to the bone and feeling dejected just as a ‘storm slaps reeds about’, hoping they could get a break from these grim ways.
While Trump’s ardent supporters see him as a strongman with a strong character, much of the world sees him as unpredictable. With the seeming unpredictability of the leader of the free world – choosing America and Americans over other countries and nationalities respectively seems to be one area anybody can successfully predict Trump, everyday inching closer to the possibility of an economic meltdown. I sincerely hope our leaders will take the valuable lessons from the Trump 2.0 economic agenda, tighten up and be laser-focused, and provide extraordinary leadership needed to leverage what we have to build a vibrant and innovative economy, which is one of the ways to exert global influence and develop into a superpower continent. It all comes down to leadership!
Ande, a financial and political economy analyst, writes from Lagos and can be reached via eyitayoande@gmail.com
Not that the National Assembly has done anything in recent times to shock the generality of the people. Nigerians have watched with resignation and dwindling interest the quality of their representative governance deteriorate inexorably in the course of this Fourth Republic. They wish to have pleasant surprises emerge. But that desire wasn’t fulfilled last Thursday when President Bola Tinubu approached the federal legislature to ratify the state of emergency he slammed on Rivers State two days earlier.
The occasion, readily one of the most constitutionally consequential moments of the present administration, could have been used to demonstrate not just the independence of a most critical component of government but also give the people of the affected state a voice. For, in the absence of an active popular voice, democracy – often touted as the best thing that has happened in the world’s political space – would be as hollow and potentially harmful as any loathed type of government. If people aren’t heard and responsively so, the very idea of the government of the people, by the people, and for the people would have no meaning beyond its poetic rendition.
As already pointed out on many platforms since that show of shame at the Senate and House of Representatives, the preference for voice vote in such a momentous exercise and the deliberate disregard for the proof of quorum by the leaderships of the red and green chambers signalled new lows at a time the need for systemic hope is at its peak. How will the presiding officers in both wings of the law-making institution explain to their own grandchildren the skills they brought to bear on that day in order to endorse the controversial presidential order? Again, not that this question ranks high among the cocktail of misdemeanours beclouding the credibility of the “distinguished” and “honourable” members.
Last Monday, I attended the colloquium organised to mark the 60th birthday of a former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives and an ex-Governor of Imo State, Rt. Hon. Emeka Ihedioha. “Is Democracy Failing in Africa?” was the subject that required honest answers from the eminent personalities there. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s response was in the affirmative. The Presidential Candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the last general election, Mr Peter Obi, declared that democracy had collapsed in Nigeria. Guest speaker, Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah, went philosophical and attempted to convince the audience that perfection shouldn’t be expected in its operations. Senator Aminu Tambuwal took his cue from the priest and said that the nation’s democracy was a work in progress.
Wonderful responses all, representing the disillusionment of numerous citizens and also those whose optimism and patience might have started to wear thin. In the midst of those high-quality exchanges, my mind couldn’t move away from the second arm of government. For good measure, that venue had a large number of old and serving lawmakers.
Edmund Burke, notable 18th Century English author, thinker and statesman has several words on marble to his name, two of which are: “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing” and “Those who don’t know history are destined to repeat it.” These dictums now beg for attention as we attempt to navigate the waters of democracy which are becoming increasingly murky. Also, in a direct reference to the branch of government that’s designed to ensure equitable representation of the populace, Burke declares: “In effect, to follow, not to force the public inclination; to give a direction, a form, a technical dress, and a specific sanction, to the general sense of the community, is the true end of legislature.”
A core, definitive summary of the functions of the parliament, apparently. Having been deeply influenced by such iconic philosophers like John Locke, prominent Enlightenment protagonist and “father of liberalism”; Montesquieu, French judge, political scholar and key promoter of the doctrine of separation of powers; and Aristotle, timeless Greek polymath and philosopher, the validity of that statement can hardly be faulted.
The gigantic structure in the place called “three arms zone” in the nation’s capital that hosts an imposing dome is supposed to be the prime symbol for the sum-total of the hopes, frustrations, aspirations and solutions of Nigerians everywhere. The individuals who have the opportunity to represent their constituents across the federation must be conscious of their onerous task of contributing to what Burke called a “general sense of the community”.
For the citizens of Nigeria, that essentially means having men and women of integrity in the famed hallowed chambers who would prioritise their never-ending lists of concerns – both circumstantial and existential. Nearly 26 years after returning to democracy, its dividends are yet to make much meaning to many of them. But rather than seizing election cycles to celebrate a new era of freedom and brighter prospects, they’ve become reminders of broken promises and difficult dark clouds.
One legitimate poser here is why it makes sense to single out the national lawmakers at this point when, in fact, they constitute only a segment of the architecture called government. The legislature indeed encapsulates the fundamental concept of “we, the people” more than the executive and judiciary. It can’t get more profound than that. Military adventurists in politics know this. The first body which comes under the hammer anytime coup occurs is the entity that aggregates the diversities within the country. It is the thermometer that reveals the vibrancy or otherwise of democratic practice. The centrality of the legislative pillar in any civilian administration is, therefore, not in contention.
Like every other aspect of the polity, the Assembly has its own shortcomings. For instance, the current occupants have the misfortune of inheriting an overwhelming perception of being too self-serving to be of any substantial use to their constituents, let alone the entire nation. They’re saddled with the image of transactional fellows who’re there to recoup whatever they invested in securing their juicy seats. No generalisations intended. If this comment is unfair, probing around the streets of Nigeria might just be it. An average legislator today is not genuinely loved by the masses he/she claims to work for. The focus is on the ones in Abuja as law-making and oversight in the state and local government capitals are in much more dire situations. In virtually all cases, the legislators are effectively in the pockets of heads of the executive, sadly.
Therein lies the urgency of this moment. Successive sets of federal lawmakers in the present democratic dispensation have recorded varying degrees of success. But the immediate past President of the Senate and Chairman of the Assembly, Senator Ahmed Lawan, introduced a rather worrying element to the equation. He announced at his inauguration in June 2019 that under his watch, his colleagues and himself would have no problems approving whatever came from the presidency since they were sure of the intentions of former President Muhammadu Buhari. By that, he unwittingly handed over the soul of the legislature to the executive wholesale!
And now, this. Lawan’s successor, Senator Godswill Akpabio, with some allegations chasing him, is in an even more precarious position at this point to lead the Assembly out of its valley of subservience and underachievement. President Tinubu already sits upon a behemoth of powers as all the federal ministries, departments, agencies and parastatals are under his control. Surrendering the Senate and House to him in whatever form would move him closer to becoming a full-blown imperial president, an outcome that Nigeria can’t afford. Every stakeholder must rise against such unwholesome tendencies. And only the senators and representatives can adequately lead that charge through constructive, not necessarily combative, and pragmatic engagement.
Ekpe, PhD, is a member of THISDAY editorial board.