THROUGH its ancient mythology, Yoruba had a counterpoise of the western Frankenstein monster. It’s a negatively phenomenal child called Àjàntálá. In folklore and as a cultural signifier, the Àjàntálá was a misbegotten child, a product of his father’s disobedience to the un-science of, though life-shaping, ancient epistemology and practices. Àjàntálá’s hunter father had disobeyed widely held myth that when hunters’ wives were pregnant, they should cease hunting. The belief was that, if they shot a cantankerous game, it may, in anger, displace the foetus inside their wives and become a perilous child. This was the process that birthed Àjàntálá.

In the Amos Tutuola version of Àjàntálá’s story (Àjàntálá, the noxious child: 1986), the baby spent 23 years inside his mother’s womb. A few days before he was born, as his mother walked the bush path, the child began a conversation with her, even cavalierly suggesting its name at birth.

At his naming ceremony, the 8-day-old child disrupted the proceedings, gluttonously consuming every food in sight and causing huge pains to his parents and all his naming ceremony attendees. As he grew, Àjàntálá manifested malevolent streaks, whipping his parents at intervals and beating to stupor a Babalawo, who was engaged to provide spiritual succour to his raving-mad Satanic theatrics. When his mother, tired of his wiles and the social stigma he caused the family, decided to trickily dump him in the forest, Àjàntálá encountered and became a family of the Goat, Ram and Lion and the discord he caused among them was phenomenal.

Two misbegotten children in the bible, Hophni and Phinehas, also manifested streaks that resembled Àjàntálá’s. They were the two sons of the high priest at the sanctuary of Shiloh in Jerusalem called Eli. The Bible described these children as “good-for-nothing” priests because they were not only corrupt and immoral, they brought their revered father huge shame. They did this through their abuse of priestly positions. The two went round wherever there were sacrifices to Yahweh and demanded excessive portions of the sacrifices. They were also renowned for sexual perversion and misconduct which brought dishonour to their father’s priestly office. At the apogee of their irresponsibility, these two Àjàntálás not only, by so doing, ended their lives in a tragic fall but were the ones who brought Elli’s priestly line to its doom.

Perhaps drawing its muse from these three disreputable children, a 1980s Ifá Olókun  Television drama series created a character called Omolokun. Omolokun’s notoriety rivaled Àjàntálá, as well as Hophni and Phineas’. A product of undue haste for childbirth by a barren couple, Omolokun’s parents were eventually handed a child by a deity. This child then acted in every way like Àjàntálá, demanding every impossible thing under the earth, including “Odidi eni”—a human being. His thirst for the imponderables eventually led to his and his parents’ deaths.

My musical idol, Ayinla Omowura, late Yoruba Apala musician, while pillorying his truant first son, Akeem, also dwelled on the theme of Àjàntálá. He warned that an Ajantala child who lives a life of borderless splendour, misbehaviour and societal nuisance would soon lose all when “his mother goes fetching water and his father, to the farm,” a metaphor for an unscheduled forever-trip. Ayinla was soon to be killed after this Nostradamus prophecy.

Son of the Nigerian president, Seyi Tinubu, must be a pain to his father and to responsible parenting. In Nigeria’s history, I am not aware of any president’s child who has threatened public peace, public decency and the public space as Seyi. His name has come out in every socially distasteful national issue. You will recollect that this same young man was one who, but for his father’s peremptory scold, would probably have been attending Executive Council meetings with ministers. Seyi has no fog about precis in behaviour, so much that he outperforms himself in irresponsible behaviour. He is reputed to have nominated ministers and behaves in socially anomalous manner that baffles. Perhaps, the children of Muhammadu Buhari, who went watching the Durbar in presidential aircraft and shooting photographs with our national craft; the son of Sani Abacha, who commuted in Nigeria’s presidential aircraft like one taking peremptory trips in a Molue, can outperform Seyi in national irresponsibility. He causes so much stir with his long convoys of glittering automobiles and is chaperoned to occasions by Nigerian security apparatuses.

The latest about him is the allegation by the NANS President that Seyi ordered him tortured, beaten and his nude pictures taken for his voyeuristic pleasure. Though Seyi has denounced this, why would the president’s son always be associated with such shameful actions?  In the APC, the youth wing is literally comatose with Seyi being alleged to have taken over the works of its executive. If President Tinubu is not embarrassed by the activities of his son, parents all over the world are. Seyi acts like a product of irresponsible parenting and upbringing. The Yoruba say if one’s yam farm posts bountiful harvest, a wise man would cover the heaps from prying eyes. Apart from the raw power to browbeat and be kowtowed to, illicit funds and majesty associated with being the president’s son, what does Seyi have up his medulla oblonganta? From the little I hear from him, it is absolutely empty. As Seyi paints Nigeria in crimson as this, its reverberating effects bounce back on his father. Don’t Yoruba say it is the overripe orange that invites throwing of stones at its mother tree?

By the way, on Tuesday, May 6, Ayinla Omowura would be marking the 45th anniversary of his murder in a barroom feud. Famous podcaster and broadcaster, Edmund Obilo, held me to an almost 3-hour interview as I discussed the life and times of this bohemian musician. Please, watch out for the podcast. 

IN a week when the remains of Pa Samuel Ayodele Adebanjo, the indefatigable Afenifere leader, who stood firmly with his commitments to nationhood till he breathed his last was being laid to rest, it is not just befitting, but heartwarming that his compatriots in the push for a new Nigeria, decided to launch yet another effort at recovering the tottering nation. For years, Chief Ayo Adebanjo had remained one of the most standard voices for restructuring, federalism and good governance in Nigeria. He got anointed as the leader of Afenifere at a time when it was quite tricky to lead such a socio-political organisation. In time of politics, opinions are usually divided along interests. It is a different ball game compared to what you had during military rule, when the citizens largely see the military as irritants that the polity must get rid of.

But Pa Adebanjo retained the focus of the Afenifere and its allies including the Southern Middle Belt Forum (SMBF) and the Pan-Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF) all through his time. He maintained a ubiquitous presence in the media with a message that remained as constant as the Northern Star-Nigeria must be restructured, and it must go the way of true federalism! He was in search of the good life for his people till God called him home and the soundbites that have echoed from the different programmes held in his memory have all attested to the fact that his well-lived life had bequeathed a legacy worth celebrating by his biological children, as well as the myriads of his political offsprings scattered across the land.

Thus, seeing the leader of The Patriots,  former Secretary General of Commonwealth,  Chief Emeka Anyaoku, launch yet another effort aimed at taking Nigeria to a democratic promised land last week was not just commendable, but a firm attestation of one of the evergreen sayings of American theologian, writer, and editor, James Freeman Clarke, who stated: “A politician thinks of the next election; a stateman of the next generation. A politician looks for the success of his party; a statesman for that of his country. The statesman wishes to steer, while the politician is satisfied to drift.”

Chief Anyaoku, as reported by the Nigerian Tribune a week ago is leading The Patriots to convene a national political summit, refusing to allow the nation to drift in their presence. The aim of the summit according to them is to fashion a workable constitution for the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The summit, which is coming under the umbrella of The Patriots in conjunction with the Wale Okunniy-led National Political Summit Group (NPSG) made good its promise when the convening committee was inaugurated by Chief Anyaoku last Thursday. The broad-based committee showcases the unrelenting determination of the revered diplomat, Chief Anyaoku, 92, and his compatriots, many of whom are older than Nigeria as a nation, to help the country away from the path of damnation called feeding-bottle federalism it has toed all these years.

On Thursday, when Chief Anyaoku inaugurated former governors, Chief Gbenga Daniel (Ogun State), Aminu Tambuwal (Sokoto State), former Minister of Information, Labaran Maku; publisher, African Newspapers of Nigeria (ANN) Plc, publishers of the Tribune titles, Ambassador (Dr) Tokunbo Awolowo Dosumu, among other eminent Nigerians as convening committee members for the national summit, the stage was set for another experiment at fashioning a new Nigeria, one which, not a few patriotic citizens would pray to see the light of the day. Chief Anyaoku left no one in doubt that the summit planned to hold between May 28 and 29 would get Nigeria a solid proposal that can address the plurality of the Nigerian system better. “The 1999 Constitution, however, amended, cannot serve Nigeria well,” he said, as he called for the country’s return to a truly federal constitution, which he said would be reminiscent of Nigeria’s early independence years (1960-1966), when federalism flourished. According to him, that period gave the country effective governance, regional progress and national cohesion.

“The widespread insecurity, economic underperformance, mass youth unemployment and declining international standing can only be remedied by a constitution that reflects the country’s diversity. Such a document must imbue citizens with a strong sense of belonging and patriotism,” he added.

It is also noteworthy, realizing that all members of the convening committee of the summit are speaking with the same measure of enthusiasm exhibited by Chief Anyaoku. Former governor of Sokoto State, who also served as Speaker of the 7th House of Representatives, Senator Tambuwal, pledged his commitment to the committee’s mission while emphasising the urgency of the assignment at hand, which he said would enhance the country’s future stability. The former governor of Ogun State, Senator Daniel, also spoke in the same vein, when he added that the summit needed to thoroughly re-examine the 1999 Constitution. He said that the nation needed to commit to reforms that would deepen democracy, ensure judicial independence and promote accountability. Publisher of the African

Newspapers of Nigeria (ANN) Plc, Dr Awolowo Dosunmu, equally told the gathering that constitutional structures are key to national growth because they enable the success of visionary regional leaders in the past. She believed that a new framework that could similarly empower future generations of Nigerians has become imperative. She gave insights into what inspired her admiration for federalism, thus: “I probably inherited my passion for a federal constitution from a man who advocated for it all his life, my father [Chief Obafemi Awolowo]. I will do everything within my power to see this through. I come to this assignment from the angle that, fundamental to the issues and challenges of Nigeria, is the constitution. I also come to this assignment from the angle of advocacy for federal constitution. It is also instructive that this meeting is taking place around the famous place where Chief Rotimi Williams held sway all his life. He was a member of that crack team that did wonders in the West.”

While words coming from the statesmen seem heartwarming, it is, however, disheartening that neither the political system nor the 18 registered political parties could think of taking such fundamental steps before now.  Out of the 48 months assigned by the constitution as a term of office of the democratically elected office holders, President Bola Tinubu is about completing the first half at the end of this month. It should come as a surprise that none of the political parties, not even the main opposition party, has paid attention to the need for critical changes in the constitutional procedures.

When I had an interview with the national chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), Alhaji Shehu Gabam, on this issue weeks ago, simply said that his party had submitted its proposals to the National Assembly. We don’t need to repeat that the lawmakers have kept the said proposal in the cooler. Not many of the other existing parties have taken any noticeable steps in such direction. What this goes to show is that many of the current political players are just politicians. Statesmen are rare to come by. In the words of James Clarke as quoted above, politicians think only about the next election. When a child stumbles, he looks ahead, but when an elder stumbles, he looks back, is a popular saying among the Yoruba.  Why are our politicians not looking back to see where rain started beating the vulture?

There was so much noise about alleged rigging and electoral malpractices during the 2023 general elections. Some critics even said that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had to announce the presidential elections in the dead of the night. There were talks about system glitz which affected electronic collation of the presidential election results. There was also the hype around the votes of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), whether a candidate must win the FCT to be validly elected and there were issues of the massive BVAS failure in many locations but once the Supreme Court dropped its ruling on the election, everywhere became quiet. Instead of the National Assembly leading serious efforts aimed at perfecting the Electoral Act in such a way that would guarantee less human input, not much is being heard about that. Incidentally, INEC will, in a matter of weeks, announce its electoral calendar for 2027, setting the nation on the march. 

Though the politicians are really idling away. They are busy oiling the machines ahead of 2027. The ruling APC is busy gathering its arsenal, while many leaders of the main opposition PDP appear to be helping the APC perfect its expected victory. Only a few in the opposition parties are trying to pick the pieces. Whatever they are doing, nothing is focused on addressing the key issue of leadership recruitment process and how we can minimize the sort of situation that led to a professor being jailed for vote manipulation. No stakeholder is talking about how to adopt an electronic system that would ensure the votes count and reduce the ugly trend of vote buying and the like.

As much as the younger elements in the political field are not giving a thought to the nation’s democratic goodness, we must give huge credits to the initiative by Chief Anyaoku and the statesmen, who have chosen to concern themselves with the task of addressing what has been described as democratic paradox, a situation where democracy promises so much but delivers so little. By restarting that effort in the week Pa Ayo Adebanjo is being laid to rest is just a befitting farewell for the man who fought for life more abundant for all till he joined his ancestors on February 14, 2025.

“There is the saying, to wit, an elder running in the afternoon: if he is not pursuing something, something is pursuing him”

AS was wont our practice, we rubbed minds as those of us who were friends and aides sat at table with Governor Ayodele Fayose at Osuntokun House, as the Ekiti State Government House, Ado-Ekiti, was called. Contributing to a discussion, I said: “Politics is the art or science of serving the public interest”. Fayose, sitting at the head of the table, cut in sharply and said, “No Sir! Politics is a game of self-interest.” We argued but His Excellency maintained his stand. “Excuse me, Sir; no public sent me into politics. I came into politics on my own volition”, he added. Whenever Fayose begins by saying “Excuse me, Sir”, know that he is already agitated or deeply animated by the topic of discussion. No public drafted him into politics. No public raised the funds for him. No public suffered the ups and downs with him. He maneuvered his way through by himself. Oh! The trials, the tribulations and the challenges! What of his kangaroo impeachment whereby the then President Olusegun Obasanjo haunted him out of office? He escaped by the whiskers – in the boot of a “jalopy” car! His travails in exile; his trial and how he eventually was exonerated. The betrayals and how he plotted his way back into office. “Excuse me, Sir, the politics you just defined is the one you learnt in the university. The real politics that I am talking about is “igboro” politics – the politics we practice in the street”. We could not agree before we moved on to other matters.

 Recall that towards the end of his tenure in 2018, the EFCC began a campaign of calumny against Fayose who, as the last man standing, had been a thorn in the flesh of the then President Muhammadu Buhari. EFCC alleged that the governor had perfected plans to flee the country and escape trial on alleged corruption charges. Although international flight tickets allegedly purchased by him for the purpose were published, Fayose boldly asserted that he had no plans to flee but that he would turn himself over to the EFCC by himself once his tenure ends. In his dramatic fashion of doing things, Fayose printed T-Shirts and face caps with the inscription; “EFCC, here I come!” and true to his words, he presented himself to the EFCC at their Abuja office. I followed him there, together with bus loads of other friends and aides. At the gate to the EFCC office, only the then Rivers state Gov. Nyesome Wike and Mike Ozekhome, SAN (Fayose’s lawyer) were allowed inside the EFCC fortress with the governor. The rest of us were asked to go back. It was a hell of a time restraining one of Fayose’s brothers who heckled the EFCC without restraint. Fayose had to shout at him to calm down. It baffles me, then, that the same brother appears as the one recently accusing Fayose on social media of not helping him while he (Fayose) was in office. Anyway, that is not my purpose here today!

 As Fayose was stepping into the EFCC fortress, he cast a glance in my direction and giggled! I clearly understood the coded message! Which public was there to face the fire with him? When he was charged to court in Lagos and was remanded at the Ikoyi prisons, I also went there several times to visit him in company with his Chief Press Secretary, Idowu Adelusi, and his assistant, Wahab Adeshina. On my first trip there, we sat in the office of the Assistant Comptroller-General and threw banters until it was some minutes to 6 pm when the Oga came and said, “Your Excellency, it is time for you to go inside” I didn’t know when I blurted out, ‘Go inside where? You mean you will go inside that place?” There were hordes of half-naked men in their hundreds in a small space not up to a quarter of a football field. Fayose smiled as he packed his bag and stood up. Tears welled in my eyes as he made for the iron gate. “BB, don’t cry. It is because you are a godly man that you even followed me here. What did I give you when we were in Ekiti? Where are my family members here now? Where are those who took all the big, big jobs?” And he began to name names. Where is this person? And where is that person? He then reminded me of our argument about what politics is! In a sense, Fayose was right!

Self-interests, not national or public interests

 Our Constitution is also partly to blame. Section 40 of the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended) states thus: “Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests…” The operative words are “for the protection of his interests.” Not national interests. Not public interests. Here, the Constitution allows politicians to aggregate or belong to political parties to pursue, advance, promote, and protect their own personal interests. Therefore, the overriding principle of political association is the promotion of the individual interests of the individual politician. So, if, this morning, a party is in a position to advance your interest, you belong to it. If, by the evening, the permutations change and it is another party that is in the position to better serve your interest, you move into that party. Rather than blame politicians for playing harlotry, we should amend the Constitution and block the loopholes that allow for such.          

Cross-carpeting is age-old!

 The defection of the entire PDP political structure in Delta State into the APC has raised new concerns about carpet-crossing, which is as old as the democratic experience in the country. The first misconceived case of carpet-crossing took place in the Western Region House of Assembly in 1951 when the NCNC, led by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, thought it had won more seats in that year’s regional election than the Action Group led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, but on election day on the floor of the House, the AG torpedoed the NCNC, thereby leading to the AG leader, Awolowo, becoming the first premier of the region. Ever since, defection has been a recurring decimal in the country’s political landscape. Here, again, the Constitution is to blame in that it is not firm enough in discouraging defection but leaves enough loopholes for defectors to exploit. For instance, Section 187 (1) (b) and 187 (3) which provide that a governor who defects from his party within three years of his election will have his seat declared vacant however allowed a leeway: provided the defecting governor can prove that his defection was not for the purpose of personal gain! Tell me, what does that mean, if not allowing a loophole for politicians, lawyers and judges to fly on? Hence the controversy that this section continues to generate: While some say it is too broad and liable to divergent interpretations, others say it is too narrow and not straight to the point.

 The same thing can also be said of Section 68 (1) (g) which addresses defection of any member of the National Assembly and Section 109 (1) (g) for any state House of Assembly member who “becomes a member of another political party before the expiration of the period for which that House was elected.” Had it stopped there, it would have been clear and unambiguous but ambiguity was deliberately, I believe, introduced when the same provision adds: “Provided that his membership of the latter party is not as a result of a division in the political party of which he was previously a member or of a merger of two or more political parties or factions by one of which he was previously sponsored…” So, what it takes is for a defector to prove that there is crisis or factionalisation in his party, which is so easy to contrive.

Learning from other climes

 Is the PDP factionalised? Five of its governors broke ranks in the 2023 elections and voted against their own presidential candidate. The party is also said to be discussing a merger with some other parties. While some of its leaders are said to be in favour, others have said, “Count us out!” Maybe we should borrow a leaf from countries which minced no words while proscribing defection. In countries like India, Malawi, New Zealand, Pakistan, Sierra Leone, Seychelles, Singapore, Ukraine, and Zimbabwe, not only is defection outlawed, standing or voting against your party in parliament results in automatic expulsion from your office. 

Defection has many fathers

 Other reasons why we are witnessing a gale of defection include the fact that there is nowadays no ideological content in our political parties, unlike in the first and second Republics. All the parties that we have now promote the same capitalist ideology. They are different fingers of the same leprous hand. So anyone in any of the parties easily fits into another. The last time a serious attempt was made at giving some ideological underpinning to party formation here was during Gen. Ibrahim Babangida’s SDP (a little to the Left) and NRC (a little to the Right) era. In the Fourth Republic, the Alliance for Democracy was the last half-hearted attempt at ideological sloganeering which crumbled the moment it was pushed into obscurity by the emergent political machinery of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

The fear of EFCC…

 Apart from Delta state, other states said to be warming up to decamp into the APC include Akwa Ibom, Rivers, Kano, Enugu and still counting! Why? Our people have a saying: When you see an elder running in the afternoon, if he is not pursuing something, something is pursuing him! Some governors are defecting because they are pursuing a second term in 2027 or whenever. Others are defecting because their past – and the past of their godfathers – is pursuing them. For many of our politicians, the fear of EFCC is the beginning of wisdom. Don’t mind their denials!

Errant brides, beware: Promiscuous APC is on the prowl!

 The JAPA syndrome afflicting opposition parties is also fuelled by the humongous amount of money that President Tinubu’s twin-policy of fuel subsidy removal and deregulation of forex now places on the laps of governors every month. Governors have never had it this good. Whatever anyone may say, President Tinubu is an irresistible suitor to many of our politicians. So, like my sister, Funke Egbemode, has warned: Errant brides, beware! Promiscuous APC is on the prowl! Tell me, which governor or legislator will not want the ongoing partying to continue? Politicians are having a swell time even though the populace is having a hell of a time.

Is a one-party state in the offing?

Are we, then, moving towards a one-party state? My take is that we have always operated one, albeit one that masquerades as multi-party democracy but which is now coming out more forcefully into the open as it divests itself of its disguises. Vibrant opposition is not just about noise-making – which social media can amptly help us with – but involves placing before the country sound alternative programmes and policies and galvanizing the populace to put the government on its toes – and to change it if change becomes inevitable. That has been lacking with an effete opposition unable to do the minimum of keeping its own house in order. And a house divided against itself…

As the world anticipates the Conclave scheduled for Wednesday, May 7, 2025, many observers agree that this may very well be the most interesting and potentially transformative Conclave in the history of the Catholic Church. What sets this event apart is not merely the number, but the remarkable diversity of the College of Cardinals tasked with this sacred duty.

Under the visionary leadership of Pope Francis, the College has undergone a profound transformation. More than any of his predecessors, Francis significantly expanded the College’s global representation. Over the course of ten consistories, he created 163 Cardinals—133 of whom are under the age of 80 and thus eligible to vote. These appointments span 73 nations, including 23 countries that, until now, had never been represented in the College of Cardinals. This unprecedented inclusion of nations from every inhabited continent is not just symbolic; it signals a shift in how the Church perceives its universal mission.

Historically, papal elections have tended to be brief. The past two Conclaves held in 2005 and 2013 respectively were concluded within two days. However, this upcoming Conclave may take considerably longer. Out of the 135 electors expected to participate, 108 were appointed by Pope Francis and have never before met in such a capacity. The lack of pre-established relationships and political alliances could prolong the process of arriving at the required two-thirds majority.

Adding to the unpredictability is an old Roman saying that has become folklore within the Church: “Chi entra papa nel Conclave, ne esce cardinale”—"He who enters the Conclave as Pope, exits as a Cardinal." This adage captures the mystery and the often surprising nature of papal elections. In this case, the diversity of the electors is likely to challenge traditional assumptions and alliances, while opening the door to new and perhaps unexpected outcomes.

Indeed, this diversity may be the very reason why the next Pope is likely to be the most global pontiff in the Church’s history. He will not merely be a representative of a particular continent or theological leaning, but a product of an unusual global consensus. With electors representing all seven continents and over 156 of the world’s 193 countries, this Conclave presents an opportunity for the election of a Pope who embodies a more universal vision of the Church.

Such a Pope would likely transcend the longstanding binary of “Conservative” and “Liberal” within Catholic discourse. Instead, he may embody the emerging “moderate” current—those who combine the doctrinal fidelity of conservatives with the pastoral sensitivity often associated with more progressive voices. This could usher in a balanced and inclusive approach to Church leadership, well-suited to the demands of a complex and pluralistic global society.

History offers a similar compelling precedent in the election of Pope John XXIII, born Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli. Elected on October 28, 1958, after a prolonged, and nearly inconclusive Conclave, he was initially seen as a “transitional Pope.” Yet he defied expectations, convoking the Second Vatican Council—a watershed moment in modern Church history. John XXIII also expanded the College of Cardinals to better reflect the global face of Catholicism, setting the stage for the Church’s evolving international identity.

Since then, successive Popes have increasingly embraced a global vision. Pope Paul VI, elected in 1963, concluded the Second Vatican Council and implemented its reforms. He also became the first Pope to visit Australia in 1970, symbolizing the growing outreach of the Holy See. His successor, Albino Luciani elected in 1978, chose a dual papal name—John Paul, to signal continuity from his immediate past two predecessors — John XXIII and Paul VI. Though his reign lasted only 33 days, it set the tone for the energetic and internationally-minded papacy of Pope John Paul II.

Elected on October 16, 1978, John Paul II—born Karol Józef Wojtyła of Poland, was the first non-Italian Pope in 455 years. His 27-year reign was marked by unprecedented global engagement, as he traveled extensively and connected deeply with Catholics around the world. His successor, Pope Benedict XVI (Joseph Ratzinger), served from 2005 to 2013 and brought theological depth and clarity, though many viewed him as struggling to fill the expansive shoes of John Paul II.

Pope Francis, elected in 2013, represented a radical pastoral shift. A Jesuit and the first Pope from the Southern Hemisphere, he chose to reside in the Vatican guesthouse rather than the opulent apostolic apartments—symbolizing his commitment to simplicity and humility. His papacy was marked by outreach to the peripheries: the poor, the marginalized, and even those traditionally viewed as outside the fold, such as the LGBTQ community. He preached mercy as a defining Christian virtue, emphasizing the Church’s role as a field hospital rather than a fortress.

His Jesuit formation, with its global apostolic mandate, shaped his ecclesial worldview. Throughout his pontificate, Francis appointed Cardinals from diverse and underrepresented regions of the world, ensuring the College reflected the universal Church. For the first time, Europe is a minority in the College of Cardinal electors. A combination of Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Oceania now play a more decisive role than ever before in determining the Church’s next leader.

This shift is not merely demographic—it is ecclesiological. It reflects a Church increasingly conscious of its identity as a truly global body. No longer Eurocentric, the Church now speaks many languages, celebrates diverse cultures, and addresses a wide range of social, political, and spiritual realities.

The upcoming Conclave, then, is more than a mere election—it is a manifestation of a maturing global Church. The next Pope, chosen by a College of Cardinals that better reflects the world, is likely to embody a more cosmopolitan spirituality, able to navigate the tensions of tradition and change, doctrine and dialogue, orthodoxy and outreach. The incoming Pope may likely (in practical terms) see himself as the Parish Priest of the whole world.

Just as Pope John XXIII’s unexpected election in 1958 led to a revitalized Church through Vatican II, we may be on the cusp of another such renewal. The next Bishop of Rome will inherit not just a throne, but a world-stage—called to lead with courage, compassion, and vision.

In the end, the Church’s future will not be shaped by geography or ideology alone, but by the spiritual wisdom and unity of its shepherds. As Catholics and global citizens alike look toward the Sistine Chapel with hope and curiosity, we await not only a new Pope—but perhaps a new chapter in the story of the Church.

May daylight spare us!