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[OPINION] A Dangerous Mix of Tradition and Modernity: The Prospective Perils of Shielding Defamatory Allegations from Legal Scrutiny in Nigeria - Adekunle Oloyede and Richard Odusanya

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The recent withdrawal of Chief Afe Babalola's criminal defamation suit against barrister Dele Farotimi at the behest of Ekiti kings, led by the Ooni of Ife, Oba Ogunwusi Ojaja II, presents a troubling intersection between traditional Yoruba conflict resolution and the imperatives of a modern legal system. This occurrence should be of immense concern to all Yorubas and the Nigerian people at large, especially as false accusations, bearing false witness, and lying against others are unfortunately prevalent in our country. These acts can stem from personal vendettas, business rivalries, political schemes, or mere attempts to gain undue advantage. While the Yoruba culture highly values communal harmony and reconciliation, this intervention deprives our Nigerian society of a crucial opportunity to reinforce the sanctity of truth and accountability in public discourse, particularly in an age dominated by social media.

Undermining the Rule of Law

At the heart of any modern legal system is the principle that allegations of wrongdoing must be proven beyond reasonable doubt. Criminal defamation cases, in a judicious system where people of integrity adjudicate without fear or favour, offer the opportunity to clarify truth and hold either the defamer or the defamed accountable. Defamation, when unchecked or poorly handled, fosters a society where falsehood and manipulation thrive. In Nigeria, this issue becomes even more dangerous when compounded by a legal system that is vulnerable to misuse by the wealthy and influential. Criminal defamation suits often become tools wielded by the rich to silence critics, while genuine accusations of wrongdoing are swept under the rug by interventions from traditional rulers or political pressure.

When influential figures, such as traditional rulers, custodians of the law and political operatives, intervene to suppress such cases, they inadvertently weaken the legal framework meant to protect reputations and encourage responsible speech. In fact, the denial of this process sends a significant message to the whole world on our disregard for human dignity and respect for truth. A pertinent question at this juncture is that of whether our kings, legal luminaries and other potentates would intercede if this incident between barrister Farotimi and chief Babalola had been between a quiet high achieving Yoruba intellectual and the Chief!

Interventions like that of these kings create a dual-tier societal system where some of us are protected from accountability while the ordinary citizen is exposed to the full brunt of the law. By persuading Chief Afe Babalola to withdraw his case, the traditional rulers have reinforced the perception that certain individuals and groups can bypass the judicial system with ease if they are in favour with the influential quarters of Nigeria. This undermines the principles of equality before the law and weakens societal trust in both the traditional and legal systems.

The message sent here is clear: public figures can allege corruption without consequence, provided they are shielded by powerful communal appeals. Conversely, those wrongfully accused are denied a chance to clear their names through legal means – the alleging party providing evidence and submitting to cross-examination. This dangerous precedent erodes trust in the otherwise robust Yoruba culture and tradition and the judiciary, while weakening the deterrent effect that criminal defamation laws are meant to provide.

Consequences for Public Discourse and Social Accountability

The rise of social media has transformed every individual into a potential broadcaster. False and defamatory content can now spread at unprecedented speeds, damaging reputations irreparably. Furthermore, with the corruption in our security and justice system, some individuals falsely accuse others to settle personal scores, knowing that law enforcement officers may act without proper investigation. Without the rigour of judicial processes to test the veracity of allegations, society risks descending into a chaotic marketplace of baseless accusations and character assassinations.

For instance, imagine a scenario where professionals in fields like medicine, education, or finance are accused of corruption on social media without evidence. If such allegations are not subjected to legal scrutiny – provision of evidence and cross-examination, public trust in these institutions can be irreparably damaged. Similarly, societal potentates and political actors could weaponize defamation as a tool for character assassination, knowing that communal interventions, and/or corruption would protect them from accountability.

Dilution of Judicial Authority

The intervention of traditional rulers in legal matters also poses a threat to the independence and authority of the judiciary. When kings or communal leaders become arbiters in legal disputes, they inadvertently erode the separation between traditional and judicial systems. This undermines public confidence in the courts as the ultimate arbiters of justice in our adopted political, legal and governmental structure.

Balancing Tradition and Modernity

While it is essential to respect Yoruba traditions of conflict resolution, such interventions should not come at the expense of justice and accountability. Traditional leaders should be careful not to shield defamers from the consequences of their actions or prevent the accused from clearing their names. I argue that a more constructive approach would be to encourage peaceful reconciliation after the judicial process has run its course.

The Way Forward

To prevent future occurrences of this arguably dangerous precedent, the following steps should be considered:

Legal Education: There is a need for public education on the importance of the legal process in handling defamation cases and the responsibilities that come with free speech.
Judicial Integrity: The judiciary, police, states’ attorneys-general and other legal officers at all levels must resolutely and demonstratively reaffirm their independence and commitment to adjudicating defamation cases without fear or favour.
Cultural Sensitivity: Traditional rulers should be engaged in understanding their role in complementing rather than undermining the legal system.
Legislative Clarity: Clearer laws on defamation in the digital age are needed to hold individuals accountable for baseless accusations while protecting legitimate whistleblowing.
False Narratives Prevailing: By preventing the rigorous testing of evidence in court, society becomes vulnerable to falsehoods gaining traction.
Breakdown of Accountability: When accusations of corruption are not tested in court, corruption thrives unchecked, weakening governance and public trust.

Conclusion

The withdrawal of Chief Afe Babalola's defamation suit at the behest of traditional rulers represents a missed opportunity to reinforce the rule of law and social responsibility in Nigeria. While Yoruba tradition values harmony, justice must not be sacrificed on its altar. A society where allegations are made without consequence is one where truth becomes elusive, reputations are easily destroyed, and the rule of law is weakened. For Nigeria to thrive, tradition and modernity must coexist without compromising justice and accountability.

The withdrawal of the criminal defamation suit cited here is an unfortunate example of the prospective tension between traditional conflict resolution mechanisms as we move further into the social media era, and our society must address this fact to preserve the sanctity of our adopted modern legal system. The rule of law must be given a chance! The seeming prioritisation of cultural reconciliation over judicial accountability, is tantamount to denying society the right of demanding that accusations, especially those involving corruption, are proven beyond reasonable doubt. This is even more important in a socio-political environment where the misuse of the legal system, and its associated functionaries, namely, police, state and federal law officers, is a hypothetical reality of the people.

[OPINION] Akwa Ibom APC: Two secretariats, many troubles - Etim Etim

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Akwa Ibom State Chapter of APC has two secretariats in Uyo, the state capital. They stand four kilometers apart, separated by acrimony and bad blood, but bonded by decay and abandonment. They are a clear restatement to the parlous conditions of the party in the state, long strewn in crisis, bitterness and infighting. At one end of the party are the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio; Minister of Petroleum (Gas), Obong Ekperikpe Ekpo; former presidential adviser, Senator Ita EnangChief Victor Antai, Executive Director, NDDC; Mrs Eunice Thomas, Board member, NNPC; Chief Imo Akpan, Commissioner, RMAFC; Chairman, Federal University of Technology, Ikot Abasi, Dr. Emaeyak Ukpong, among others. At the opposite end are former minister of Petroleum, Atuekong Don Etiebet; former minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Obong Umana Umana; former managing Director of NDDC, Obong Nsima Ekere; former military governor of Ogun State and Rivers State, Group Captain Sam Enwang (rtd); Senator Nelson Effiong, among several others. The two camps do not see eye to eye and, as the saying goes, when two elephants fight, the grass suffers. In this case, the grass has not only overgrown the secretariats, but the party members have become despondent; dejected and disappointed.

In 2018, APC was a large, formidable party in Akwa Ibom, poised to wrestle power from the PDP. Nsima Ekere, then Managing Director of NDDC, was getting set to contest for the governorship ticket of the party and go on to slug it out with Gov. Udom Emmanuel, who was going for his second term reelection. APC’s Secretariat was then located at 149, Ikot Ekpene Road, an old three-storey building built in the 1970s. The building was initially occupied by the PDP, until it moved to another location in 2016. Today, PDP is occupying a purpose-built secretariat. The imposing building at 149 Ikot Ekpene Road remained vacant until 2018 when APC moved in there with the financial support from Ekere. In August 2018, just as APC was moving into the property, Senator Godswill Akpabio decamped from the PDP to the party, creating a buoyant and upbeat mood among the rank and file. But there were leaders like former governor Victor Attah who warned publicly that Akapbio’s entry into the party would weaken, rather than strengthen it. Many people did not take him seriously.

Trouble started in 2021 and since then, the party has not remained the same. In October of that year, APC conducted its congresses to elect party leaders and delegates for the various party primaries in preparation for the 2023 elections. Senator John James Akpan Udoedehe, the interim National Secretary of the Party, was leading the charge. Akpabio was Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, but there was no love lost between the two men. They have been political enemies since 2009 when Udedehe defected from PDP to ACN.

With the congresses concluded, Austine Ekanem, an Udoedehe acolyte who was the State Secretary, was elected State Chairman with 1,278 votes, to beat Stephen Ntokekpo, the youth leader, who scored only six votes. Dr. Ita Udosen, who was the Ag. Chairman (the chairman, Ini Okopido, had died the previous year), was elected South-South Zonal Secretary at the National Convention. All the ward executives and State Officers of the Party were carefully selected and put in place by Udoedehe who was also preparing to run for the 2023 governorship election. Austin Ekanem was duly sworn into office by the Party’s Acting National Chairman, Abubarkar Bello, (then the governor of Niger State) on March 7, 2022. Bello stood in for the then National Chairman, Gov. Mai Mala Buni of Yobe State, who was on medical vacation.

The party’s structures were all in Udoedehe’s hand. Akpabio, completely sidelined, was livid with rage, but he did not show it. The new State Chairman returned to Uyo and inaugurated his EXCO and Ward Executives. There were celebrations everywhere in the state; but the merriments were short-lived, for exactly 10 days after Austin Ekanem was sworn-in as chairman, the Akpabio camp obtained a judgment from a Federal High Court in Abuja, affirming that Ntokekpo, who had scored only six votes, was the authentic state chairman. Ntokekpo had filed the case in November 2021, soon after the congresses, but Ekanem was not joined as defendant. Rather it was the APC that was the defendant, a clever tactic that ensured that the case was undefended. The court judgment was based on a fake result sheet in which Ntokekpo’s score was changed from 006 to 1006; while Ekanem’s score changed from 1,278 to 278. It was a mathematical abracadabra in which ‘’1’’ from Ekanem’s 1,278 votes was moved to Ntokekpo’s 006 votes to make it 1006. All other results were unchanged in the court filing. It was a pyrrhic for the party has not recovered from it since then.

With this, Ntokekpo, an Akpabio ally, was sworn in as the State Chairman, replacing Ekanem, who had been was sworn in two week earlier. A protracted legal battle ensued between Ekanem and Ntokekpo with Akpabio and Udoedehe as the big behind-the-scene-masquerades. But there were other problems. The chairman of the APC Akwa Ibom State State Congress Committee, Alhaji Banki Yusuf wrote a petition to the police headquarters in Abuja, stating that Steven Ntokekpo had allegedly forged the result of the state congress. The police arrested Ntokekpo and investigated the allegation. Forgery was confirmed. The police then forwarded the result of their investigation to the DPP Office in Abuja and after the review of the police report and investigation; the DPP recommended that Steven Ntokekpo and others be charged to court. Till today, no case has been filed against Ntokekpo. There was a big masquerade behind him.

Akpabio had now assumed full control of the party structures in the state, but Ekanem was still fighting hard to reclaim his mandate. The forgery allegation was still swirling around; the congress matter was dragging in court in Abuja and the 2023 elections were approaching fast. APC was waltzing from one crisis to another, and events began to unfold at dizzying speed in quick succession. Senator Udoedehe decamped from the party to NNPP and picked up its governorship ticket; Akpabio resigned from Buhari’s cabinet to run for President and rented another storey building at No. 6 Ekpo Obot Street, Uyo, as the party’s State Secretariat, abandoning the imposing building at 149, Ikot Ekpene Road, painted in APC colours. The acquisition of a new secretariat was the first formal indication of a gulf and disharmony in the party; and the discord has been growing.

Within that period, Chief Akan Udofia, a swashbuckling oil industry contractor, emerged as the party’s governorship candidate through another dubious circumstance. Udofia had contested in the PDP governorship primary held a day before APC’s primary, and scored only one vote. But how he emerged victorious in APC’s primary conducted around midnight the following day is the stuff that ‘’Akpabiosm School of Politics’’ is made of.

Enter Senator Ita Enang, another APC governorship aspirant. A lawyer of over 40 years at the bar, Enang headed to the courts and obtained judgment at Federal High Court, Abuja, against Udofia and APC. The court decided that since the midnight primary was not certified by INEC, the party was null and void, and the party had no governorship candidate for the 2023 election! By now, Akpabio had withdrawn from the presidential primary at Eagles Square in Abuja on March 6, 2022; bought a nomination form for Senate and by another abracadabra, another Senatorial primary was conducted for him in which he won the nomination. In the first senatorial primary, a retired deputy inspector general of police, Mr. Ekpo Ekpoudom, was nominated as candidate. How Akpabio wrestled the ticket from Ekpoudom at the Supreme Court is yet another mystery of Nigerian democracy.

It’s been two years since the 2023 elections and with all the political dramas; dubious court judgments and mago-mago party primaries; APC emerged exhausted and withered. There has not been any party a major activity since the election. Austin Ekanem, the ousted Chairman, says the Secretariat at 149 Ikot Ekpene Road has been abandoned since 2022 and activity has ceased in the party since the end of 2023 elections. He recalls that around October 2024, Senator Ita Enang had approached him, and apparently acting at the behest of the Senate President, invited him for some reconciliation meetings, but he rebuffed Enang, telling him that he would not be part of any reconciliation process that does not include other disaffected leaders like Umana Umana; Don Etiebet; Nsima Ekere; Sam Enwang; Bassey Dan-Abia; Senator Nelson Effiong and other leaders’’. The process has stalled.

But Dr. Ita Udosen, the South-South Zonal Secretary of the Party, says although he’s a senior officer of the party, he has never been invited for any party event. His words: ‘’As you know, I was the Acting Chairman of the Party for about two years, and I operated from 149, Ikot Ekpene Road. Stephen Ntokekpo was the youth leader then. In 2022, I was elected as the Zonal Secretary of the party; and my office is in Port Harcourt. I can tell you that I have never been invited to any party event at the Ekpo Obot Secretariat and I do not know what the conditions there are like’’.

Stephen Ntokekpo himself was quite effusive when I spoke to him. He said that there are plans to reconcile everybody and bring all sidelined persons back into one fold, noting that the Ekpo Obot secretariat is not only functioning, but is well maintained. I did not see that. He paid tributes to the Senate President and the minister for their contributions to the party. ‘’You know, the property we are occupying is owned by an APC stalwart (Chief Sunny Ibanga). I am aware that both the Senate President and the minister have been taking care of our landlord who has not been well. If I have any issue with the landlord, I will sort it ought with him. But I can tell you that the rent for the property is not due till March and the property is well kept’’.

Ntokekpo then veered off and praised Gov. Umo Eno for ‘’for bringing peace and harmony to the State’’. He said: ‘’Gov. Umo Eno has reached out to APC members in ways that show that he is the governor for all Akwa Ibom people, irrespective of party affiliations. The governor has identified with the Senate President, who is our grand leader, in a very respectful manner. To that extent, we in APC have decided that we should give the governor his due respect and allow the government a chance to govern. Elections have come and gone. It’s time for governance’’.

Akwa Ibom APC has been thoroughly weakened by its many troubles. It’s difficult to see how it would go through the 2027 elections.

[OPINION] Uzodinma: What Is The Worth Of Ihekweme’s Apology? - Comfort Obi

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I have read, about five times, Dr Fabian Ihekweme’s letter, dated January 27, written to the Commissioner of Police, Imo State, thanks to the number of WhatsApp groups I belong to.

Even though his letter was addressed to the CP, it was meant to appease the Governor of Imo State, Senator Hope Uzodinma. It was also meant to save the writer from a looming public embarrassment; and meant to save him from becoming an object of public ridicule in a Court of law. That would make him lose whatever credibility he has left. For, let’s face it, it is not easy for an otherwise well-read respectable man, an otherwise responsible family man, husband, father, a man who had packaged himself as a hero, the poster boy of Imo State, the person who the masses had come to look up to, to believe in, to hang on his every word, to suddenly come out and publicly say: “Hey, I am fake. I am a liar. I am mischief- personified. I can’t be trusted. I have been deceiving you to score a political point.” Chai, and as we say in local parlance, “e get as e be”. It can be very embarrassing, especially, if he is “handled” in Court by a “wicked lawyer”. The strong man would find himself stuttering in Court. It would be such a shame. So, the letter was not only meant to appease Governor Uzodinma, it was also meant to save Dr. Ihekweme from suffering all the fate Iisted above.

I take it for granted that the Governor has read the letter. He must have, also, discussed it with the CP, his close friends, his Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, and especially, his lovely wife who is a lawyer. She is her husband’s ultimate legal adviser. When everybody goes home, she takes over in their quiet moments, away from the maddening crowd.

I don’t know what they thought of Dr Ihekweme’s letter. Or what advice they gave the Governor for which Ihekweme was released from Police custody after about a 61-day stay with the Police. Perhaps they told the Governor to “cool temper”; to let “bygone be bygone”. I don’t, also, know if Ihekweme’s release from Police custody spells the end of the celebrated case, or if it would still go to Court.

But here’s my opinion. It should continue. It should in Court. Ihekweme’s release should not mark the end of the case. It should be resolved in Court.

Before I say why it should be resolved by the Court, let me digress briefly and give a little background to this celebrated drama that, almost, turned Imo State inside out and upside down.

Dr Ihekweme served as a Commissioner under the Government of Governor Uzodinma. He was the Commissioner for Foreign and International Affairs in the Governor’s first term in office. He assumed office on 23 March 2020. In the months following Ihekweme’s appointment, he and the Governor came under attack especially in the Social Media. They were abused silly. The opposition questioned the relevance of Ihekweme’s Ministry. They called it job for the boys. They said his office was meant to be used as conduit pipe by the Governor to siphon Imo funds to, and for phantom projects. The two of them, Uzodinma and Ihekweme, ignored all that “yabbing”, and stuck by each other. But along the line, the strong bond waned.

It began, according to reports, when the Governor dropped Ihekweme from his Cabinet. That, obviously, and expectedly, did not go down well with Ihekweme. Nobody like to be sacked from a political office. But it happens. It is the Governor’s privilege to hire and fire. It happens all over the world.

When the late American President, George W. Bush, Snr, was seeking a second term in office, his wife, Barbra was asked who she thought would remain in her husband’s cabinet if he won. She famously answered that she was only sure of herself. “I know I will stay”, she said. So, inspite of the role Ihekweme claims he played in Uzodinma’s ascension to office, the Governor wouldn’t keep him in office if he thought, and felt his presence and contribution were no longer positive. But Ihekweme took it badly. And, in the past recent months, it manifested terribly.

Suddenly, Uzodinma became Ihekweme’s worst enemy; the Governor became Ihekweme’s rag which he uses to wipe his shoes; he became Ihekweme’s dustbin into which he threw every dirt, every rubbish.

There was no respect for his former boss, his friend, and the one who he often referred to as his political leader. The high office of the Governor which his friend occupied meant nothing to Ihekweme. When you insult the office of a Governor, you are not insulting the occupant, but the State, the people.

I usually tell people, including a couple of thise around me, that when you insult and assault a Policeman in uniform, it doesn’t matter his/her rank, you are insulting and assaulting the Federal Government. That uniform represents the Federal Government. But Ihekweme dragged the office of the Governor to the gutter.

Suddenly, he became the face of opposition in Imo State. He took over the job of the State Chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party which absconded from its duties to checkmate Government policies, and embarked on a self-destruction exercise. But for House of Representatives Member, Ikenga Imo, whose unbelievable energy cannot be ignored, nobody would, sadly remember there is PDP in the State. With the exit of the Party’s heart, former Governor Emeka Ihedioha and his very large supporters, the exit of G7, and finally, the exit of Hon. Chris Okewulonu, former Chief of Staff to Ihedioha, the PDP in Imo has been, literally in coma, in the Intensive Care Unit. There is little or no fighting spirit left. That is what the once vibrant Party in the State brought upon itself.

But it then found an umbrella in Ihekweme. He took over the job of the opposition. And he did it in a way that left not a few Imolites breathless. Ihekweme was brutal in his attacks and criticisms of Uzodinma and his Government. It was so bad it traumatized many people.

He attacked not only the Government and its policies, but he brutally attacked the person of the Governor. He stripped him. He called him all sorts of names. He alleged every crime against him, including crimes against the State and humanity. He attributed all kinds of atrocities to the Governor, atrocities which, out of decency, cannot be repeated here. Hatred was never that deep. Bitterness was never so callous. What remained was for Ihekweme to tell Imolites who Uzodinma’s great grandmother’s boyfriend was.

The questions those who knew them as friends (before) asked were: “Whatever happened to friendship? Whatever happened to trust? Does friendship stop when one stops receiving patronage from one’s friend?

For the records, he was not the only one close to the Governor who was dropped from the Governor’s Cabinet. People say there are, at least, three others, including a retired Police Commissioner who has a long standing close relationship with the Governor. One of them who was dropped, arrested, and detained for sometime, has just been re-engaged. It happens. None of those three and others made any “pim”, no matter how tempting it was. They valued friendship.

But perhaps, Ihekweme had other grudges unknown to people. While he raged against the Governor like an angry body of water, Ihekweme, expectedly, had a hoard of supporters who cheered him on. They hailed him. Some called him Imo’s messiah. He became the oracle, the centre of adoration by the opposition. His fame was instant. He was hailed to the sky and back. And everyday, for weeks on end, he churned out article after article. He wrote confidently. He wrote like he had facts. He wrote like he had unassailable proofs for everything he put down.

He ordered the Governor to apologize, publicly, to Imo people or…? At a point, he gave the Governor an ultimatum to account for one thing or the other failing which he would face fire. He then gave the Governor, a two-day (I forget how long now) to comply or he would resume his stripping of the Governor. When Uzodinma ignored that, Ihekweme, indeed, resumed. He intensified his attacks. He was clearly, directly and indirectly, inciting the people against the Governor and his Government.

While a couple of the Governor’s Aides worried and responded once in a while, the Governor remained calm and collected. At a point, it was gathered, he ordered his Aides not to react again to Ihekweme. “Leave him to his conscience”, he was quoted to have said. But a group, angered by the depth of Ihekweme’s hatred, his insults and more, disobeyed the Governor. They wrote a petition to the Inspector General of Police and reported Ihekweme. The group needed him to provide proof of his very serious allegations against the Governor.

It was based on the group’s petition that Dr. Ihekweme was picked from his Abuja residence by Police Operatives from Imo and transported to Owerri for interrogation.

When his wife first raised an alarm which alerted Nigerians of her husband’s fate, she said that her husband has been “abducted” in her presence from their Abuja residence. I confess I panicked. When she threw in the name of the Governor, I panicked some more. I am proudly Imo, and, the, atimes, contrived tension in my State gets at me. My immediate reaction when I listened to Ihekweme’s wife was a prayer to God that nothing happens to him; I prayed that let it be that he was arrested by genuine law enforcement agents and not the abductors of the innocent that we are now used to. You know, the devil can be more devilish than itself. What if, I asked nobody in particular, some criminals took advantage of the situation to kidnap him, ask for ransom and/or kill him. How will anybody agree that it was not the handiwork of the Governor and his Government? I was relieved when the Police confirmed that there was no abduction; that Dr Ihekweme was arrested and taken to Owerri, and safely in their custody.

Now, 61 days after his arrest and remand on Court warrant, I assume, because the Police has no right to keep anybody without such a warrant for more that 48 hours, forget that they routinely do that atimes, Dr. Ihekweme is singing a different song.

I don’t know exactly what happened, but unexpectedly, he wrote, in his own handwriting, not typed, an apology to the Governor, addressed to the CP. He wrote an undertaken to be of good behavior. He wrote that he regrets all his actions; that he has no proof of anything; that he lied against the Governor; that he would never embark on such despicable and dangerous journey again; that the Governor is his friend and leader, and bla-bla-bla. Hmmmm!

Here’s my reaction. The Governor, according to those who really know him, is a compassionate man. He is very hard, of course, when it comes to his political future. He famously said he would not standby and allow the Governorship given to him by God, to be snatched by anybody. He said he would hold tight unto it. He can be taciturn, but he means business. He keeps his actions and political moves very close to his chest. So, perhaps, except his wife, nobody can confirm if he is sold on Ihekweme’s apology and confessions and promise to be of good behavior or not. Can he still trust Ihekweme? Can he still confide in him? Can they still work together? That’s left for him, really. But there is this little problem.

Senator Hope Uzodimma — Governor Hope Uzodimma

It was not the Governor who took on Ihekweme. It was a group of people that did. It was on the group’s behest that Ihekweme was arrested. So, will the group drop its case? Of course, the Governor can talk to the members to let go. But here’s my take.

Whoever advised Ihekweme to write that letter did him no good. He should have been allowed to have his day in Court so as to prove he was not just blabbing. By his writing that letter, he has lost credibility. Nobody will believe him again. The tag of a hero is gone. It is okay for him to say, later, that he wrote the letter under duress. Perish that reasoning. Heroes don’t give-in easily. Check out Nelson Mandela. Or, even, our own MKO Abiola. Or even recently, Dele Farotimi? These men, and a whole lot of others, defended their beliefs to the end. If one does not have the stuff, the strong will, why embark on a useless trip? If one does not have any proof of one’s allegations, why embark on a destructive journey of others, especially of one you still call your friend?

Nobody says one should not criticize the Government or the Governor, but it should be done with proof and decorum. You can call one a thief without using the word ‘thief’.

In the same manner, anyone who encourages Uzodinma to let go, has not done him a favor either. Nobody is saying he should be instrumental to the punishing of Ihekweme, but Ihekweme should be allowed his day in Court. He made a number of very serious allegations against the Governor and his Government. Let him tender his proofs, or say openly, in Court, that he lied. The Governor should leave him with the group that petitioned against him. Leave him with the Police. Let him tell the Court what he knows. Otherwise, Mr Governor, here’s what will follow later.

The story will be that you and the Police forced him to write that letter of confession and apology; the story will be that he gave you a soft landing; the story will be that you blackmailed him into writing that letter. In deed, it has started by Ihekweme’s viral video in hospital, after release. He is playing the victim already.

Dear Mr Governor, from the day you took office, you have been the “butt” of all kinds of allegations; of all kinds of provocative jokes. You have been called all kinds of names including the worst of the worst. All kinds of atrocities, including against Imo and Imolites, have been attributed to you. Those allegations rub off on our State. You have since forgiven those who made some of those allegations against you. The serious allegations were all over the social media and presented our State as the worst State with the worst Governor. The front page of ThisDay Newspaper was even cloned to run you down. You were accused, without proof, of creating Emirates in the State,and of installing Emirs. You were accused of renaming Imo State University after late Abba Kyari, President Muhammadu Buhari’s Chief of Staff. President Goodluck Jonathan once described himself as the most abused President of Nigeria. That trophy also goes to you as the most abused Governor in Nigeria. Now is the time to prove yourself, to say enough is enough. He who alleges must prove. The ball, as they say is in Dr. Fabian Ihekweme’s Court.

Ihekweme’s case should be a test case. Let him present his proofs in Court. If he fails, let the Court give its ruling. If it is against him, that will be the time for Mr Governor, like a long-suffering father, should step- in and intervene. Pull his ear, forgive him, and let him go with a warning: “Never again.” That will be more decent and more fulfilling than this apology.

[OPINION] Expediency Of Empowering The People To Avoid Future Burdens - Isaac Asabor

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Nigeria’s former Minister of Communication, Adebayo Shittu, recently shared a troubling experience that underscores the deep economic hardship in the country. According to him, he received persistent calls from desperate individuals seeking amounts as small as N1,000 and N3,000 just to survive. One woman, in particular, called him 30 times in one day, pleading for help.

Without a doubt, his revelation is a stark reminder that poverty has reached alarming levels, turning many Nigerians into beggars. However, beyond lamenting the dire economic situation, Shittu’s experience offers a crucial lesson: those in positions of power or financial stability must take proactive steps to empower those around them. This is the only way to prevent being overwhelmed with distress calls in the future.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is germane to opine that the importance of empowerment over handouts cannot be pooh-poohed and flagrantly wished away to be inconsequential. It is often said that giving someone a fish feeds them for a day, but teaching them to fish ensures they never go hungry again. Unfortunately, many people in positions of influence or wealth fail to apply this principle when dealing with their family members, church members, or even close friends. They provide occasional financial assistance but do not invest in sustainable empowerment. This approach only creates dependency, ensuring that the cycle of begging continues indefinitely.

Imagine if, instead of giving out N3, 000 occasionally, a person in a position of power helped a relative start a small business. A capital of N50, 000 or less could be enough to set up a petty trade, such as selling food items, recharge cards, or running a small kiosk. With such a setup, that individual would no longer need to make repeated distress calls for survival.

For those who have held public office or achieved financial success, the expectation to assist others is constant. Politicians, in particular, are often inundated with calls and messages from constituents, family members, and acquaintances requesting financial assistance. The pressure can be overwhelming, especially for those who genuinely did not enrich themselves unlawfully while in office. Shittu’s case is a perfect example of how even former ministers can find themselves struggling to meet the endless financial demands from people they know.

But what if these same individuals had been empowered earlier? If those in power today take the initiative to help their relatives and community members set up small businesses or learn valuable skills, they can prevent a future where their phone rings endlessly with requests for N1, 000 or N3, 000. The key is to invest in sustainable solutions that reduce long-term dependency.

Without a doubt, empowering others may seem herculean, but no amount in respect to empowering people is too small as there are numerous businesses that can be engaged in with small capital particularly Nano and MSMEs sectors.

For the sake of clarity, in Nigeria, the “Nano and SME sectors” refer to the collective group of very small businesses categorized as “Nano enterprises” (typically with 1-2 employees) alongside “small and medium enterprises” (SMEs), which encompass businesses with a larger workforce and turnover than Nano enterprises, forming the backbone of the Nigerian economy and contributing significantly to employment generation; with the majority of businesses in Nigeria falling under the “Nano” category due to their high number of informal, micro-scale operations.

One common excuse people give for not helping others is that they do not have enough to make a difference. However, empowerment does not always require huge sums of money. Some small businesses require as little as from N50, 000 to N150, 000 to start. Even beyond financial support, people can be empowered through mentorship, skill acquisition programs, or connections that provide them with job opportunities.

For example, a struggling relative could be helped to acquire skills in tailoring, hairdressing, phone repairs, or any other vocational trade. Instead of giving them money occasionally, they can be sponsored for training that ensures they become self-reliant. This kind of intervention is far more impactful than temporary handouts.

In fact, the lesson from Adebayo Shittu’s experience should serve as a wake-up call to those in leadership positions and financially comfortable individuals. Empowerment should be a priority, not an afterthought. If you fail to empower those around you today, you may find yourself drowning in their distress calls tomorrow.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is germane to opine that there are some practical ways to start empowering people today, and they cut across supporting small businesses, investing in people who are willing to acquire skills, creation of job opportunities, mentorship and encouraging savings and financial planning.

For instance, those in position to help others can do that by providing start-up capital for petty trading or Nano businesses, helping people acquire vocational skills instead of giving them money intermittently and using their networks to connect people to employment opportunities. Some other ways include guiding young people on career paths that will make them self-sufficient, and encouraging savings and financial planning by teaching financial literacy so people can manage their resources better.

Without a doubt, Nigeria is in a difficult economic state, and the level of poverty is heartbreaking. However, those in positions of power or financial stability have a responsibility to empower others. The more people you help become self-reliant today, the fewer distress calls you will receive in the future.

It is time to break the cycle of dependence and build a future where people can stand on their own. Let Adebayo Shittu’s experience be a lesson to all: empower your family, friends, and community members now, so you won’t be overwhelmed by their desperate calls later.

[OPINION] 2027: Why Nigerians must take Rotimi Amaechi serious - Ikechukwu Amaechi

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Former Rivers State governor, Rotimi Amaechi, has once again stirred up the proverbial hornet’s nest by choosing to be politically incorrect in a clime where doublespeak not only walks on all fours but is also seen as an exemplar of political astuteness. But not for the man who was Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly and former Minister of Transportation.

Speaking in Abuja on January 30, at a national conference on strengthening democracy in Nigeria, organized by the African Centre for Leadership, Strategy, and Development, Amaechi, as he is wont to do, bucked the hypocritical trend when he reminded his audience that included former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir el-Rufai, and Senator Aminu Tambuwal, former governor of Sokoto State, that the average Nigerian politician will not relinquish power unless compelled by the superior will of the people.

“Nobody has power and will give it to you — not even me… The politician in Nigeria is there to steal, maim and kill to remain in power. If you think Tinubu will give it to you, you are wasting your time,” Amaechi said, stressing the need for vigilance and sacrifice.

To be sure, this is not the first time he would task Nigerians to take their political destiny in their own hands.

Speaking at the 2023 TheNiche Annual Lecture in Lagos on October 28, 2023, Amaechi blamed the docility of Nigerians and their inability to react to the egregious dishonesty of their leaders for the rascality of politicians.

“Nigerians don’t react to anything. Has any politician told you he is not a thief? Which politician told you he went to university, which politician told you she served in NYSC, and which politician told you he has his certificate? Nigerians know and still vote for them… Even if you come to a Nigerian’s house and kill his mother, the father will continue with his life. So, why should I waste my time,” he asked.

But even long before TheNiche lecture, he had always taken umbrage at the atrocious conducts of Nigerian politicians and seeming acquiesce of the people. Speaking on December 15, 2013 at an event organised in Lagos to pay tribute to former South African President Nelson Mandela, he challenged Nigerians to hold their leaders to account, insisting that political office holders steal state funds because Nigerians do not stone them.

So, Amaechi, in a sense didn’t say anything new last Thursday. If anything, he has been consistent on his advocacy that the pathway to good governance and political integrity in Nigeria is for the younger generation to wake up from their slumber and fight for the soul of the country. The fact that he is a major player in the Fourth Republic politics also makes it imperative that Nigerians should listen to him. He knows where the bodies are buried.

That also explains why officials of the Tinubu administration reacted so angrily and called him out forcefully. After all, he was not the only person who spoke at the Abuja event. But they know that he was telling the truth, knowing exactly how elections are won and lost in Nigeria. So, their pretentious indignation is an attempt to scare him away from his self-imposed task of conscientizing the youths.

Berating Amaechi for making ‘reckless, dangerous and inflammatory remarks’ unbecoming of a former ‘public office holder,’ Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, told him that power is earned through democracy, not intimidation, violence or lawlessness, as if Amaechi was in doubt. His claim that the Tinubu administration was committed to upholding peace, democratic values and security for all Nigerians flies in the face of reality.

Of course, Nigerians know who is lying between the two. Suffice it to say that Amaechi simply amplified Tinubu’s very Machiavellian idea of power and how it is acquired. Shortly before the 2023 elections, Tinubu, the then presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), was seen in a video admonishing top campaign operatives to ‘fight, grab and run (away) with’ political power.

“Political power is not going to be served in a restaurant. They don’t serve it a la carte. At all cost, fight for it, grab it and run with it,” he said. And that was exactly what he did, which is also what will happen in 2027 unless Nigerians say enough is enough, the very direction that Amaechi is pointing them to. The very idea of fighting, grabbing and running away with political power is antithetical to democracy. In a democracy, power is given by the people in a free, fair and credible election.

Of course, in a system that has normalized the idea of power not being given by the electorate but taken forcefully by the strong, in a system where might has always been seen as being right and democracy is a ‘do or die affair’ (apologies to former President Olusegun Obasanjo), Amaechi’s advocacy can only be deemed as treasonable, which explains Matawalle’s angst and threat on behalf of his principal.

“Let me make it clear: the security agencies are on high alert. Any individual or group found inciting violence or attempting to destabilize this nation will face the full force of the law. We will not tolerate any form of subversive rhetoric that seeks to undermine national unity or incite lawlessness. This government will not fold its arms and allow any individual to disrupt the peace and stability of Nigeria,” he warned.

But pray, how does Amaechi’s charge to Nigerians to vote and ensure that their votes are not only counted but count in the outcome of elections be deemed an attempt to undermine national unity? Those who disrupt national unity are those who ensure that votes do not count in elections, people whose democracy worldwide undermine the very principle of democracy.

In a democracy, power is given by the people, not taken willy-nilly by the powerful. Yes, every contest for power is a serious business. But the seriousness lies in the intense battle to win the support of the people who hold the supreme power. As I have always argued, democracy does not guarantee that the best candidate will win. No! But the irreducible precondition for any democratic adventure is that power must be freely given by the people.

It may be tempting to dismiss Matawalle’s threat as sheer bluster, an attempt to cow the people to submit to the Tinubu government’s anti-democratic whims and caprices. But Nigerians must take it serious. As at today, nothing suggests that the government is planning for a free and fair poll in 2027 where the choices of the majority of the electorate will prevail.

But knowing the character of successive Nigerian governments since 1999, the messenger may well be endangered. It will, therefore, not be a surprise if the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) starts hounding the arrowheads of the emerging opposition to the prevailing political status-quo, with Amaechi as the principal target.

The former minister is aware of the risk he faces. At the TheNiche lecture, he told the audience that: “The worst thing about Nigerians is that even when you have not committed any crime and they pick you up tomorrow, they will chorus ‘we said it, he is a thief,’ and you will go to prison for nothing. The greatest fear I have is being found in prison for nothing and you can be found in prison for doing nothing.”

The fact that Amaechi knows the risks involved and yet is determined to bite the bullet makes his cause altruistic. And he is right. Nigerian politicians are unconscionable. They steal, maim and kill for power and will continue to do so for as long as there are no consequences for their atrocious behaviours. For democracy to thrive, Nigerians must fight for it with all they have, a reason well-meaning people must rally round Rotimi Amaechi rather than join the band of government apologists in vilifying him.

[OPINION] How “America” became God and Satan in Nigeria - Abimbola Adelakun

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In a recent interview, ex-Osun Governor, Chief Bisi Akande, alleged that the #EndSARS movement that roiled Nigeria in 2020 was a conspiracy against his friend, Bola Tinubu. By narrating how a set of circumstances that did not begin with Tinubu became wrapped around him and his ambitions, Akande tried to increase the moral value of his electoral victory. The interesting part for me was that he claimed that those who ambushed Tinubu through EndSARS were “the Obi-dients”, a well-organised army who “came from America (the USA) with a lot of money”. I am willing to bet that Akande has no evidence whatsoever to substantiate his allegations and would demur if asked to name those Obi-dients. But stories like that do not need to be true; they only need to be believed.

But why “America”? Why did the conspiring Obi-dients that Akande conjectured come from the USA and not anywhere else? There is a significant Nigerian diaspora in the UK and Canada, could they also not have funded such a campaign? Given the outsized role regularly ascribed to the USA in our political and economic predicaments, no other country would have sufficed. The imagination that produced that allegation must be substantive to some degree to sound somewhat credible.

Ask a Nigerian or an African why our countries are so poor, and it will not be long before they gravitate towards detecting Western-based institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank as why we fail at self-management. Those USA-based organisations are the physical manifestations of the transcendent forces we blame for our woes. Since there are several documented instances of their unpalatable institutional interference in economically challenged countries like Nigeria, there is a mix of truth that justifies how they have come to embody the trope of the evil that keeps Africa from attaining its destiny. That is why one of our Daddys in the Lord could pray that “Either the IMF likes it or not, I decree the naira will rise again.”

The USA is also routinely fingered in the restlessness that bedevils our society. Some people are convinced that terrorism in Nigeria is funded by the USA. I have met a few of those folks before; their attributed reasons for the USA’s supposed malevolence can be internally contradictory, but the conspiracy imagination needs not to be coherent before it rings true to those who believe them. Then there are Nigerians who also believe that the only reason that Muhammadu Buhari won the election in 2015 was because the USA sponsored him. Some of those folks, if they are reading this article, are ready to defend that assertion by pointing to one or two examples they hold as indelible proof. They need not worry. I have read all those arguments; I know where those folks are coming from.

The trouble with such speculation is that we become so invested in tracing the outlines of an alternative reality where “the spiritual determines the physical” that we lose sight of ourselves as human agents who determine our destiny. To the folks who believe that the USA masterminded the 2015 election loss by the PDP, it matters less that it was Nigerians who used their hand to vote for Muhammadu Buhari. They override the agency of fellow Nigerians, some of whom sought genuine reforms and many of whom were also motivated by religious/tribal identities, to blame a supernational force. One would think it was America that created “Febuhari” or “March for Buhari” and helped Yemi Osinbajo distribute the N10,000 pittance they used to bid for votes.

The 2015 election loss was so humiliating for the religious and tribal blocs that Goodluck Jonathan represents, that the only way they can justify the turn of events is to attribute it to a higher power. Even Jonathan himself believes that he lost to the USA, not his countrypeople who got tired of his crass ineptitude. Our society is so invested in the supernatural that if we are not leaving our human responsibility to God, we are blaming the devil for our failings. The same attitude extends to our political and economic behaviours where we always look for otherworldly forces to blame for our self-induced problems.

What gets lost in the narrative is the temporal context. Occupy Nigeria, the anti-subsidies removal protests of 2012 that activated disaffection against Jonathan, and which his supporters (like Akande too) insist was a funded campaign by clandestine agents, also happened in different parts of the world at that time. That of Nigeria occurred in the light of the legislative probe that revealed the huge scam that the subsidy had become. In the era of Arab Spring and the #OccupyUSA movement, was it unthinkable that the young Nigerians embedded within a global media ecosystem would react to oppressive corruption like their counterparts elsewhere? Yes, certain characters like Muhammadu Buhari profited from the anti-Jonathan sentiment that the protest generated, but the emotions that drove it were not baseless.

The funny thing is that I know people who supported Buhari and campaigned for him from door to door. Imagine how amused I was when I saw some of them—against the backdrop of Donald Trump and Elon Musk’s campaign against USAID, the cultural arm of the US government—on Twitter (now called X) also crowing about how the USA imposed Buhari on Nigeria in 2015! Buhari was such a huge failure that his once devoted supporters are erasing their own participation in making him president! To distance themselves from the monumental disgrace he became, they delete their complicity.

In the same way that the anti-Buhari people have outsourced their agency in that protest to the USA, Akande too weaponises the EndSARS to blame some shadowy agents for confronting Tinubu. In doing so, he similarly erases the agency of the Nigerians who were genuinely driven to the streets because they were frustrated with the failings of a judicial institution under Buhari’s watch. The EndSARS was about Nigerian youths who had been driven to the wall by the excesses of the police, and just like OccupyNigeria in 2012, they took energies from similar protests abroad. Akande’s historical revisionism had nothing to say about the genuine issues that precipitated those protests.

Notice also that even though Tinubu contested against two opponents, only Peter Obi haunts Akande’s imagination. Yes, Obi profited from the anti-establishment sentiment of EndSARS the same way OccupyNigeria helped Buhari. So immense was his popularity among Nigeria’s Gen Z that he sent the conservative political class into a tailspin. If today, Tinubu struggles with a crisis of legitimacy even as the sitting President, it is also because he lost something irrecoverable to Obi in that election. The Obi who was said to lack “structure” and his supporters who were ridiculed as “people without PVCs” stunned everyone with what they achieved. That is why Akande thinks American money and strategy had to have been involved. If Obi had been declared the winner of that election, Akande’s narrative would have held up to justify how a combination of Yoruba and Northerners, the majority of whom also happen to be Muslims, could lose to a Christian southerner whose supporters were not even taken seriously.

Here is the thing: the fact that Akande’s story is laughable today does not mean it will always be. The APC will not rule forever. Many of their top brass are older men who will eventually lose their vice-like grip over the existing political structure. Nature will do its thing, and they will eventually be defeated in a hostile takeover. Those who will replace them are the current anti-establishment figures who are tweeting while waiting in the wings. From the fringes where they are sensationalising the USA as the God/Satan whose invisible hands move our history to mobilise their army of the disaffected, they will become the dominant ones. The ones in power today will look back at moments like 2020 EndSARS, pick up the narrative of “money, strategy, and America” including the one Akande put out and they too will start running with it.

[OPINION] Creating a ‘Ganu-Si’ Economy - Olusegun Adeniyi

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In a viral video said to have been recorded on the eighth-day Fidau prayers for the repose of his mother who died recently, Fuji musician, King Wasiu Ayinde Marshall (KWAM 1) could be heard lamenting to an unidentified man in the street slang common in Lagos,
“Ilé bàbá mí ni Fìdípọ̀tẹ̀, àwọn àlfà, wọn lọ bẹ; ibí ni gbogbo wọn wa se kínni? Ni wọn wa ga’nu sí.” A rough translation: ‘Rather than go to my father’s house in Fidipote, the clerics have shamelessly congregated in my house with their mouths wide open to scavenge.’ Stripped of all pretensions, the musician believed the clerics were more interested in the freebies they would get from him than performing their real function (in this case, offering prayers.)

It may have been unintended but there is a way in which the video—trending heavily among Yoruba people who consider ‘atenuje’ a serious malady—is a social commentary on the situation in Nigeria. Because, in so many ways, what officialdom now encourages in our country is ‘ganu si’ with the impediments they erect against entrepreneurship in favour of bubble jobs, at all levels of government.

Just a few days after announcing the appointment of 130 special assistants on his X (formerly Twitter) handle, the Chairman of Obio-Akpor local government area of Rivers State, Chijioke Ihunwo, added another list of 100 special assistants, bringing the total to 230. They are to “help me achieve my plans for my people. Their appointment takes immediate effect,” he said in a post that attracted critical comments on how our economy has been reduced to wasting scarce resources. But Ihunwo is not alone in what has become a fad. Before him, a councillor, Yahaya Yusuf, representing Bajoga East local government of Gombe State, had appointed a principal private secretary (PPS), 12 special assistants and five personal assistants. The situation is worse in the states.

When in April 2020, then Governor Benjamin Ayade of Cross River State approved the appointment of 427 additional aides to join more than a thousand special assistants who were already on his payroll. He provided justification for the decision. “The governor has said repeatedly that he only needs about five per cent of his appointees” explained his spokesman, Christian Ita at the time. “So, he deliberately creates these jobs to put food on the table to reduce social tension.” Ayade, we must remember also explained how he was generating revenue through “the use of intellect to make up for naira and kobo” because, according to him, “Intellectual currency is stronger than paper currency and so where there is a deficiency of funds, the intellect takes over.”

Ordinarily, the primary role of government is to create an enabling environment and provide incentives for the private sector so that small, medium and large businesses can thrive. And in the process, generate employment opportunities for the people. But what we have in Nigeria today are agencies of government manned by officials who believe their brief is to kill entrepreneurship, perhaps because job creation has been reduced to the appointment of idle special assistants for whom life begins and ends with merely “putting food on the table.” That is what happens when ‘Ganu si’ ethos defines government as is the case in Nigeria today.

For posting about her restaurant on Instagram “without the vetting and approval certificate of the Advertising Standards Panel”, a friend received a letter from the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (ARCON) asking her to “pay within 7 (seven) days of the receipt of this notice, the violation fee of N1,000,000 (one million Naira only) per violation/infraction in accordance with Article 148 (b)” of their law. She was then warned that any such ‘promotion’ must be submitted to some oga-at-the-top in ARCON before publishing. Why should ‘call this place to order food’ on social media require the vetting and approval of a government agency? And then wait for this: Same week, a third party she doesn’t have any relationship with posted about the eatery on Tik Tok and she received another one million Naira fine from ARCON! That can only happen in a ‘Ganu si’ economy where officials behave like scavengers.

I understand that ARCON has a 2022 Act which allows it to classify any published item as promotional, requiring prior approval. The law even grants ARCON the power to establish a kangaroo tribunal for the purpose of sending culprits to jail in a manner that is no different from what the fictional Chief Eleyinmi of Oja in the popular ‘Village Headmaster’ sitcom of old used to do with his famous refrain, “Just bring him to my court.” This law makes ARCON the complainant, prosecutor and judge in this so-called tribunal. Besides, since “deemed promotion” is for ARCON to decide, anything can be classified as promotional. So, if I write a column in THISDAY on ‘Amala Place’ in Abuja where I enjoy the delicacies, I must first take it to some fat cats at ARCON for editing before publication otherwise the food sellers would be deemed to have committed an offence! This is a ridiculous and dangerous law that limits enterprise. Some of the sweeping provisions are even in conflict with the 1999 constitution. To compound the problem, the law also says you cannot even sue ARCON unless you send them a letter first on pre-action suit!

With such omnibus powers, it is no surprise that ARCON has shifted its attention to influencers, bloggers, comedians, skit makers, agencies and brand owners who publish or broadcast anything promotional not submitted for the agency’s approval. “What we are saying is that there is a line and space called advertising. If you cross that line and move your skit or comedy into the advertising space as defined by law, then you are moving into a regulated space, and your activities in that space will be regulated,” ARCON Director General, Olalekan Fadolapo warned recently. But there is also a pushback. “If you look at this new law that we are trying to fight, it covers everything, including logos, trademarks and all. What the court said in the NBC (National Broadcasting Commission) case is that you cannot be jury and executioner, that you cannot be regulator and executioner at once,” the Advertisers Association of Nigeria (ADVAN) president, Osamede Uwubanmwen, said in response to ARCON activities. “But you won’t expect ARCON to learn from the NBC. They will not do that. The NBC now will be very cautious about fining anybody, because they have lost the first case and have lost the appeal. I don’t know if they will go to the Supreme Court.”

I am aware that we have numerous useless laws passed by the National Assembly but my main concern about ARCON is the danger their officials pose to our economy. Though the agency is not alone in that respect. At a period when we need to address the unemployment crisis, the main obsession of government is revenue generation. Nobody cares that by putting in place measures that discourage job creation we are invariably promoting ‘ganu si’ citizenry and no nation develops with such disposition. Meanwhile, it is not only small-scale businesses that suffer from this myopic thinking—even big businesses that employ thousands of workers no longer enjoy any protection as we can see from the example of Dangote Refinery.

Between October 2024 and end of January 2025, according to reports at the weekend, the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) and a number of oil marketers spent over N5.5 trillion to import petrol and diesel. Whatever may be the excuses (and so many are being invented) it is only in a ‘ganu si’ economy that the government would be expending humongous amounts of money to import commodities that are available locally. Continued reliance on imports of petroleum products at a period in-country refining capacity can meet domestic need, especially in the age of Donald Trump, is what the Yoruba people would call ‘Akotileta’. It depicts someone who, lacking the wisdom to sustain inherited family treasures, decides to sell them off for a pittance that would then be frittered away. Meanwhile, the bottom-line in the hoopla of recent weeks, following President Trump’s tariff measures, is that every country is trying to protect their workers. Unfortunately, our economic managers fail to appreciate what is going on.

After attending the THISDAY/ARISE anniversary ceremony in Lagos last week Monday, I decided to visit Dangote Refinery for the first time the next day. Having called Alhaji Aliko Dangote about my plan, he detailed Jeremiah Danladi Jiya, Group Head, Credit Risk who also heads his refinery site office, to give me a tour of their facilities. It’s like a city within a city as we spent several hours moving from one section to another. Statistical details about the refinery are mind-boggling. Altogether, the refinery has 177 tanks with a total capacity of 4.742 billion litres. For instance, it has storage capacity for nine million barrels of crude, over 600 million liters of Gasoline, 340 million litres of Diesel and Kerosine and 400 million litres of JET A1. The refinery pipeline infrastructure is also the largest anywhere in the world, with 1,100 kilometers to handle three billion standard cubic foot of gas per day. The refinery’s 435-megawatt power plant exceeds the total power requirement of Ibadan Distribution Company (Disco). There are already research papers as to how the petrochemical processing steps have been able to exploit the adjacent Lekki Lagoon with “a sequential batch reactor and diverse filtration technologies” for treatment of a volume of water that can conveniently supply the whole of Victoria Island.

Before the tour I had the opportunity to interact with Dangote regarding the refinery and the attitude of critical stakeholders in the sector. He shared several insights with me, including on the issue of pricing. “I have read some of the propaganda they are doing. Crude is internationally priced so it’s easy to understand the pricing template for petroleum products. But they also have a choice. It’s either they want Nigeria to be a productive economy that puts people to work, or they want to us to be a dumping ground” said Dangote who added that the forces against the refinery have the same mindset with those who killed the textile industry in Nigeria. “Our tanks are filled because the cartel of marketers and those who manage the sector have refused to patronize us. I am aware of their plan to cripple the refinery. But they should be prepared for a big fight.”

In my column last July, (https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2024/07/11/dangotes-big-bet-on-gasoline/), I highlighted most of the contentious issues. But there should really be no need for a fight if the primary responsibility of critical stakeholders in the sector is to advance the public good. Even if there are differences, no responsible government should work towards the failure of a $20 billion project that adds considerable value to the economy. As they do in other countries, we must always encourage those who invest in production, and in the process create direct and indirect jobs for hundreds of thousands of our people. That is even more imperative in a nation like ours with a young population that is not productively engaged.

The sheer magnitude of the Dangote Refinery and the expected trickle-down effect in terms of employment opportunities, the forex that would be saved and general contributions to the economy cannot be downplayed. The same can be said of the small business owners who are daily being harassed by ARCON at a period we need to support them. While these businesses represent 96 per cent of entrepreneurship in the country and contribute 75 per cent of national employment, according to the Small and Medium Enterprises Development of Nigeria (SMEDAN), they face several challenges. In fact, doing any kind of business in Nigeria today is not for the fainthearted. You must provide your own utilities (electricity and water), pay all manner of charges to different agencies and at the end, what you get is harassment from government officials.

Societies cannot grow meaningfully without translating individual energy, talent, and skills into assets that shape the future. That explains why countries that harness knowledge and skills to produce goods and services that attract top valuation continuously do better than those with scant regard for economic value creation. Nigerian government officials must therefore understand that putting people to productive use is the hallmark of creative and purposeful leadership and the fulcrum of social balance.

On 22nd October 1925, Mohandas Gandhipublished in his weekly newspaper, ‘Young India’ what he described as ‘Seven Social Sins’. It is quite instructive that the first on the list of those ‘social sins’ he admonishes us to avoid is wealth without work, which in KWAM1Speak means a predisposition to ‘ganu si’. Sadly, that precisely is what government (at all levels) is encouraging in Nigeria by creating jobs that would “put food on the table” rather than help advance entrepreneurship that will take many citizens off the streets and add value to the economy. Yet even a fuji musician is smart enough to understand that a society cannot advance when you encourage ‘Ganu-Si’ ethos!

To Kayode Fayemi, Amandla!

One of the tragedies of public service in Nigeria is that many of the operatives do not have a second address or another daytime job beyond politics. That perhaps explains why elections are for most of them a do-or-die affair. But there are also professionals for whom being in government is a tour of duty, essentially to serve the public good. And once their assignment is done, they go back to their primary vocation. One such person is the former Governor of Ekiti State, Kayode Fayemi who will, today in Abuja, launch his ‘Amandla Policy and Leadership Initiative’ and latest book, ‘If This Giant Must Rise’—a collection of recent interventions on leadership and governance in Africa.

Spanning 216 pages and divided into nine chapters, the book is a collection of papers and lectures written and delivered since Fayemi left the governor’s office in October 2022. While the issues discussed are national and international, the book is arranged in thematic order rather than by the period of their first presentations. “Together, they tell a story that tries to see through and beyond what is immediately in front of us,” Fayemi wrote in the preface to the book he says, “offers both a reflection on my time in office as well as a glimpse of what to expect from me in the years ahead.”

The long foreword by Wale Adebanwi, Presidential Penn Compact Professor of African Studies, University of Pennsylvania, United States, sets the tone for the book. “For the publicly engaged scholar or public intellectual, engagement with power is not only a necessity; it is an ethical obligation,” Adebanwi wrote while arguing on why people like Fayemi are needed in government. “Even direct entry into partisan politics against the backdrop of this ethical obligation makes politics a vocation and not a vacation for the scholar.”

Borrowing from his varied experiences and exposure as a public intellectual who had opportunities to serve in both his state as governor and at the federal level as a minister, Fayemi’s fascinating collection reminds us of the challenges of building a society that works for the people and how each of us has a role to play in that regard. “As the continent grapples with the vicissitudes of the changing dynamics, it is imperative that we build the capacity and develop the policy tools that will turn Africa’s potential to prosperity,” Fayemi wrote while explaining the rationale for establishing the Amandla Policy Institute being launched today. “That is the task before us, and it is one that I’m determined to contribute to.”

[OPINION] From America First to America Alone: The Lab Meets the Street - Azu Ishiekwene

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It’s nearly 20 years since Mark Steyn wrote a non-fiction book, America Alone: The End of the World as We Know It.

Steyn, a Canadian newspaper columnist, could not have known that the kicker of this book title, which extolled America as the last bastion of civilisation as we know it, would become the metaphor for a wrecking ball.

Steyn thought demographic shifts, cultural decline, and Islam would ruin Western civilisation. The only redeeming grace was American exceptionalism. Nineteen years after his book, America Alone is remembered not for the threats Steyn feared or the grace of American exceptionalism but for an erratic president almost alone in his insanity.

The joke is on Steyn

In less than one month of his second presidency, Donald Trump has declared an imperial intention to seize property outside the US and rename international boundaries. He has hinted at annexing a sovereign country, criminalised migration, and dragged his largest trading partners, including his neighbours, to the negotiation table at gunpoint.

When America Alone is mentioned today, it’s not a defence against threats to Western values or civilisation; it’s simply that Trump’s America First has turned the country into a clear and present danger to the values that built and prospered America and the rest of the world. America is losing its way, alone and aloof, in a brazen insularity that evokes pity and surprise in equal measure, even amongst its harshest critics.

Yet, as Trump danced on the grave of Adam Smith by instigating a trade war that has left the world on edge and global markets in turmoil, the president appears determined to take America beyond pity, surprise, and loneliness. America will soon be ignored.

Trump’s case

What is Trump’s case against Mexico, Canada, China, America’s neighbours and its most significant trading partners? The US president accused the first two of not doing enough to control the flow of fentanyl, a potent synthetic opioid analgesic more than 50 times more powerful than morphine, into the US.

Apart from his perennial accusations against China of stealing US technology and other unfair trade practices, Trump also accused Beijing of sending ingredients for making fentanyl to Mexico. Mexico has been Trump’s punching bag since his first term when he wanted to build a wall funded by that country to keep out the so-called human caravans, drug cartels and other criminal gangs from entering the US.

Polariser-in-Chief

Perhaps Trump has a just cause to take America back from drugs and crime, not to mention his redemptive mission for aliens in some parts of the US now reduced to “eating the dogs and the pets.”

However, for a president who said in his second inaugural address that his “proudest legacy will be that of a peacemaker and unifier,” instigating a chaotic trade war, once described by Adam Smith as “beggar-thy-neighbour”, is anything but a peace offering.

Tariffs might be the most beautiful word in Trumptionary. However, nothing sets the world on fire in the lexicon of international trade, such as tariffs, quotas, and sometimes subsidies.

A different world

Even when the world was far less interlinked than it is today, the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 (enacted to protect US farmers and businesses from foreign competitors), which imposed a 20 percent tariff on imports, was resisted with retaliatory tariffs by 25 other countries, creating significant distress around the world and worsening the Great Depression.

The reality in today’s profoundly connected world is worse. Within hours of the president announcing the 25 percent tariffs, the Canadian dollar and the Mexican peso fell. The Canadian dollar reached its lowest value in 20 years, while the peso hit a four-year low. Stock markets lost billions, and commodity prices surged.

Counting the cost

Before the one-month tariff pause between the US and its neighbours, analysts forecast the tariffs would hinder US GDP growth by approximately 0.25% to 0.3%. The tariffs on Canada and Mexico alone could decrease overall economic output by around $45 billion, with potential losses escalating to $75 billion following retaliatory measures.

Of course, these are all aside from the potential impact of unilateral tariffs on US jobs and consumer prices and a global supply chain crisis in fragile recovery after the COVID-19 pandemic.

The pause does not affect China, and a tariff war between the world’s leading economies is afoot. In what must rank as one of the cruellest ironies of these times, China, not the US, is honouring the rules-based system by first taking its case to the World Trade Organisation (WTO), while Trump threw tariff bombs on Truth Social.

The jury is out on the immediate and long-term damage caused by this trade war. It did not leave any winners the first time Britain used it in the 19^th century, when it enacted the protectionist Corn Laws, or when OPEC used it in 1973 during the Yom Kippur War. America First is a long winter in America Alone. The damage to the US and the rest of the world will linger long after the Trump years.

Dagger in Africa’s back

Africa is not spared in the all-out war. The continent is perplexed that USAID, one of the longest-standing tools of US soft power, is folding in the chaos of America First. The independent US government agency created by Congress 64 years ago to deepen the strategic partnership between America and Africa on issues ranging from security to health and the environment is closed for now, not by an Act of Congress, but by a Trump fiat.

No one is precisely sure what his official auctioneer, Elon Musk, plans to do with USAID or what will replace it. What is certain is that this bridge is broken.

Countries like Nigeria received $1.02 billion in 2023, Ethiopia $1.7 billion the same year, and Kenya $512 million in 2024. Others, including Tanzania, Uganda, Mozambique, and South Africa, also received various sums to fund their food security, humanitarian, and health programmes. USAID was neither perfect nor America’s Hail Mary for Africa. It was, by and large, a mutually beneficial programme. But Africa must now look elsewhere, or better inwards.

In addition, it’s unlikely that a tariff-obsessed Trump would renew the expiring African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which opens the US to duty-free access to over 6,000 products from the continent.

Elsewhere, the war may be about human caravans, fentanyl, or pirated chips. In Africa, whose immigrants in the US face deportation in large numbers, it’s about all of these and more. It is about losing friendship with a country that was once an inspiration and, more often than not, a moral force for good.

Pyrrhic victory

The White House may be enjoying a victory lap, but chaos was not the only way for Trump to settle his grouse or to save America from the world. For example, under President Joe Biden, Mexico deployed 10,000 troops to the US border before, without a threat. For Canada, the price of appointing a fentanyl czar is far less than the long-term damage to US-Canada relations.

We already know how the war against China will end: Beijing will make new friends and spread its influence elsewhere, while Washington will make new enemies.

Africa must accept that America First is more than a slogan under Trump. It is where the unfinished experiments of his first term and the promise of chaos during his last campaign meet the street: America Alone.

[OPINION] Abiola D. Akinsola: Redefining Consulting Excellence Through Visionary Leadership - Isaac Asabor

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In the dynamic and often demanding world of business consulting, where innovation, precision, and reliability are the cornerstones of success, Abiola D. Akinsola has emerged as a trailblazer. As the founder and visionary behind ABD Integrated Consulting Ltd., Akinsola is not just a consultant but a force of transformation who has redefined what it means to deliver sustainable solutions in today’s fast-paced business environment.

Tracing the genesis of ABD Integrated Consulting Ltd, it suffices to opine that it was founded with the purpose of bridging critical gaps in business operations and management, thus ABD Integrated Consulting Ltd. has become synonymous with excellence.

Akinsola’s journey into consulting was not a coincidence; it was the culmination of years of experience, dedication, and a passion for helping businesses thrive. Her foresight and ability to anticipate market trends positioned ABD Integrated Consulting as a firm that does not just solve problems but anticipates them.

According to her, “Consultancy provides expert advice and strategic planning to help SMEs navigate challenges and seize opportunities. By leveraging tailored insights and solutions, businesses can optimize performance, drive growth, and achieve sustainable success”.

At the heart of ABD Integrated Consulting is a unique ethos shaped by Akinsola’s leadership. Integrity, innovation, and impact form the triad that drives the firm’s operations. These values are not just corporate slogans but principles deeply embedded in the way Akinsola leads her team and engages with clients.

On how her consulting firm can add values to businesses, she said, “Our commitment to integrity, client-centric focus, and sustainability sets us apart. We build and maintain strong relationships, offering additional resources and opportunities to help your business achieve its goals while making a positive social and environmental impact”.

Regarding the approach adopted by her consultancy firm, she said, “Our approach is comprehensive, innovative, and client-centric. We leverage our expertise in strategy, analytics, and process to provide customized solutions that address the unique challenges of emerging businesses. Our services are designed to deliver measurable results, helping you make informed decisions and achieve lasting success”.

One of Akinsola’s defining traits is her commitment to innovation. Recognizing that traditional consulting models often fall short in addressing the complexities of modern business challenges, she has pioneered methodologies that are as dynamic as the problems they aim to solve.

In one of the numerous commendations made about her, Deirdre Speed, the Chair at Vyshyvanka Hub, said, “If you are looking for an innovative and professional advocate to guide you, look no further. I highly recommend Abiola, a remarkable individual with a vast wealth of lived experience and acquired knowledge. She is approachable, a great listener, and my go-to person for any challenge”.

In a similar vein, Pat Emmanuel, lead mentor at BlueskyCitadel, “Abiola is great at coming up with strategies, communicating effectively, and building strong relationships. She also has a deep understanding of different cultures, which makes her even more effective. I’m sure that she and her team will bring the same level of excellence and dedication to you”.

Akinsola’s expertise transcends sectors, reflecting her versatility and deep understanding of the business landscape. From manufacturing to technology, retail to finance, ABD Integrated Consulting has left an indelible mark on diverse industries. And in the foregoing vein, she usually bring her personal coaching experience to bear by helping business owners and professionals unlock potential and thrive in their business journey.

In a similar vein, she always exhibit her sagacity in corporate training when consulted to transform businesses by enhancing personal and team performance and business success with her consulting firm range of tailored training programs.

Also, through her experience in organizing creative workshops, companies which engaged her are enabled to discover better directions and optimize their business’ processes for better proficiency and growth within their sector.

Beyond her technical expertise, Akinsola’s leadership style is deeply people-centric. She believes that the true strength of any organization lies in its people. This conviction is reflected in her approach to team building and talent development at ABD Integrated Consulting.

“Our people are our greatest asset. By investing in their growth, we’re not just building a company; we’re creating a legacy,” she asserts.

.Beyond her role as a consultant, Akinsola is a respected thought leader in the business community. Her insights on topics such as strategic growth, operational efficiency, and leadership have been featured in industry conferences, seminars, and publications.

Her contributions have not gone unnoticed. Over the years, Akinsola has received numerous accolades, including recognition as one of the top consultants driving change in Africa. These honors are a testament to his impact and the high regard in which she is held by peers and clients alike.

Looking ahead, Akinsola is focused on scaling the impact of ABD Integrated Consulting. Plans are underway to expand the firm’s footprint beyond Africa, taking its innovative solutions to global markets.

“The world is changing rapidly, and businesses need partners who can help them navigate this change with confidence,” Akinsola notes. “Our goal is to be that trusted partner, delivering solutions that not only address today’s challenges but also prepare businesses for tomorrow.”

Akinsola’s story offers valuable lessons for aspiring entrepreneurs and leaders. His journey underscores the importance of vision, perseverance, and a commitment to excellence. By staying true to his values and continually striving for innovation, he has built a company that is not just successful but also impactful.

Abiola D. Akinsola’s contributions to the consulting industry go far beyond the services provided by ABD Integrated Consulting Ltd. Through her visionary leadership, she has set a new standard for what it means to be a consultant, inspiring businesses and individuals alike to aim higher and achieve more.

In a world that often prioritizes short-term gains, Akinsola’s long-term vision and commitment to creating lasting value stand out. As she continues to chart new paths and inspire others, there is no doubt that his legacy will endure, shaping the future of consulting for generations to come.

Unarguably asserting her satisfaction concerning her individuality, she recently posted on one of her Facebook page thus, “Dancing into 2025 with GRATITUDE

“2024 has been a year of growth, meaningful connections, and boundless opportunities. Personally, professionally, and within our amazing community, I’ve learned so much and met incredible people who inspire me every day.

“As we close this chapter, I’m stepping into 2025 with optimism and excitement to explore new horizons. There’s so much to look forward to, ideas to bring to life, communities to build, and visions to turn into reality. And yes, I’m literally dancing into the New Year with a heart full of gratitude!

“To all my friends (old and new) and supporters, you’ve been the fuel to my fire. Let’s make 2025 even more amazing together!”

[OPINION] A Call For Nigerian Politicians To Embrace Good Governance In 2025 - Isaac Asabor

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As we stand on the precipice of a new year, 2025 presents an opportunity for reflection, change, and forward momentum in our beloved nation, Nigeria. The year ahead holds the promise of growth, development, and transformative leadership. However, to unlock the full potential of this nation, Nigerian politicians, at all levels of government, must make a critical resolution: to become better leaders, grounded in the principles of good governance, accountability, and service to the people.

The time for political leaders to heed the clarion call for positive change is now. The people of Nigeria, who entrusted these politicians with their votes and hopes for a brighter future, deserve leaders who will act in their best interests, who will prioritize the needs of the people over personal gain, and who will pursue policies that promote prosperity, security, and equity for all citizens.

Nigeria, the most populous nation in Africa and one of the largest economies on the continent, is a nation filled with immense potential. Yet, we have seen time and time again that the leadership we have elected has often failed to fully harness that potential. Corruption, mismanagement, and a lack of political will have held back Nigeria from reaching its full promise.

Over the years, many Nigerian politicians have become notorious for their failure to deliver on campaign promises. They have focused more on their personal enrichment, often ignoring the needs of the masses who elected them. Basic infrastructure is neglected, unemployment rates are high, healthcare systems are in disarray, and educational institutions are underfunded. The unfortunate consequence of these failures is a growing sense of disillusionment among the populace, with many questioning whether their votes truly matter.

In this environment, Nigerian politicians must not only acknowledge these failures but also commit to change. The people of Nigeria deserve more. They deserve leaders who will rise above the prevailing political culture of greed and inefficiency. And the resolution to do better must begin now, with the dawn of 2025.

Good governance is the cornerstone of any successful society. It is the framework within which a nation can thrive, providing citizens with the essential services and opportunities they need to live fulfilling lives. For Nigerian politicians, this means not just serving as figureheads but actively working to ensure that the government is accountable, transparent, and responsive to the needs of the people.

Given the foregoing, politicians must ensure that the workings of the government are open and accessible to the people. Financial dealings, policy decisions, and allocations of resources must be transparent to avoid corruption and waste.

Secondly, leaders must be held accountable for their actions, both in public and private life. When politicians make decisions that impact the public, they must be prepared to answer for those decisions and face consequences if they fail to act in the best interests of the people.

Thirdly, time and resources are precious commodities. Politicians should prioritize policies and programs that maximize the use of public resources for the benefit of all Nigerians. Bureaucratic inefficiencies and delays must be tackled head-on, ensuring that services reach citizens in a timely manner.

In a similar vein, leadership must be inclusive, ensuring that all Nigerians, regardless of their region, religion, or social class, have equal access to opportunities. The country’s diversity should be celebrated and harnessed, not exploited for political gain.

For a nation to progress, it must adhere to the principles of justice and the rule of law. Nigerian politicians must ensure that the legal system is fair, impartial, and accessible to all.

Again, politicians must pursue policies that ensure the long-term welfare of the nation. This includes investments in education, healthcare, agriculture, technology, and infrastructure, sectors that will sustain the nation’s growth for generations to come.

In fact, Nigerian politicians must understand that leadership is not a privilege; it is a responsibility. In 2025, they must resolve to act with integrity, prioritizing the well-being of Nigerians above all else. This is not just about fulfilling campaign promises, but about changing the political culture to one that values service and development over self-interest.

It is easy for politicians to become complacent once they assume office, especially in an environment where corruption and inefficiency have become endemic. However, it is time for a paradigm shift. Leaders must stop blaming the system and instead focus on how they can improve it. This requires courage, dedication, and a willingness to be uncomfortable for the greater good.

One politician who has demonstrated a commitment to responsible leadership is Governor Francis Ogbonna Nwifiru of Ebonyi State. Unlike many of his colleagues in political office, Governor Nwifiru has made the conscious decision to send his children to school in Nigeria rather than overseas. This seemingly simple act speaks volumes about his character and his understanding of the importance of investing in Nigeria’s future.

In a country where many political elites send their children to expensive foreign schools, leaving the average Nigerian child to struggle in underfunded and dilapidated public schools, Governor Nwifiru’s decision sets him apart. It is a reflection of his belief in the potential of Nigeria’s education system and his desire to contribute to the development of the country.

Governor Nwifiru’s decision to keep his children in Nigerian schools, even within Ebonyi State, also sends a powerful message to other politicians: if we are to build a strong, self-sufficient nation, we must invest in our own people and institutions. There is no reason why Nigerian politicians should continue to send their children abroad for education while the majority of Nigerian children suffer in inadequate schools. If we want Nigeria to thrive, we must invest in our own education system, healthcare, and infrastructure. And this investment must come from the very politicians who have been entrusted with public office.

As we are now in the year 2025, Nigerian politicians must take a long, hard look at themselves and ask: what kind of leaders do we want to be? The resolution should be clear: leaders who will serve the people, who will deliver good governance, and who will prioritize Nigeria’s future over personal gain.

The year 2025 provides an opportunity for Nigerian politicians to make a lasting impact on the nation’s future. If they can resolve to embrace good governance, through transparency, accountability, and a commitment to sustainable development, Nigeria can begin to emerge from the shadows of corruption and inefficiency. Politicians must become the agents of change, demonstrating the kind of leadership that Nigeria deserves.

The year 2025 should mark the beginning of a new era for Nigeria, an era of responsible leadership, a commitment to public service, and a nation that begins to fulfill its true potential. The people are watching, and they will hold their leaders accountable. Politicians must rise to the occasion and make the resolution to be the kind of leaders that Nigeria needs.

In conclusion, let 2025 be a year of transformation for Nigeria, a year where politicians commit to good governance, where they put the people’s needs first, and where they work tirelessly to build a prosperous, peaceful, and just nation. The task is daunting, but the rewards will be immeasurable. The people of Nigeria are counting on their leaders to make it happen. The time for change is now.

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[OPINION] The Habitual Rush to Join the Party in Power - Eric Teniola

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On Friday December 19, 2008, Prince Vincent Eze Ogbulafor (24 May 1949- 6 October 2022) from Olokoro, Umuahia South local government of Abia State declared that his party the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) would rule Nigeria for the next sixty years. At the time he made the declaration, he was the fifth National Chairman of the party. Before him, the past Chairmen of the party were Chief Solomon Lar (1998-1999), Chief Barnabas Gemade (1999-2001), Chief Audu Ogbeh (2001-2005) and Colonel Ahmadu Ali (2005-2008).

Before his appointment as the Chairman of PDP, Chief Ogbulafor was the Minister of State on Economic Matters in the PRESIDENCY. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was then under him. His responsibilities as Minister of State were to formulate and issue economic intelligence guidelines for government projects, ensure monitoring of projects and progress relating to plan implementation and supervise the National Economic Intelligence Committee (NEIC).

In 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR appointed other Ministers of State and placed them under THE PRESIDENCY. They include Mr. Abayomi Edu (79) and Dr. Abimbola Ogunkelu, a consultant Physician and Cardiologist, from Ibowon, Epe in Lagos state, who is also a member of the Amala group, a group of eminent journalists who meets monthly at Bunmi Sofola’s place in Surulere, Lagos.

The schedules of these Ministers of State at that time were prepared by the then Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief Ufot Ekaette (1939- 25 September 2019), assisted by the then Director of Special Duties in the office of the Secretary of the Government of the Federation, Dr. Goke Adegoroye and approved by the President, Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR.

There were Ministers of State Economic Matters, Minister of State Special Project, Minister of State for Inter-Governmental Affairs, Minister of State, Cooperation and Integration in Africa, Minister of State, Civil Service matters and also Minister of State, Special Duties. Mr. Abayomi Edu was Minister of State, Special Duties. He is the son of the Billionaire Politician from Epe, Alhaji Shafi Lawal Edu (7 January 1911 – 8 January 2002) who was elected into the Western State House of Assembly in 1951. Mr. Abayomi Edu who now lives in America is expected home to celebrate his 80th birthday.

Mr. Abayomi Edu’s schedule and responsibilities at that time were to coordinate for the President: award of Titles; National Honours and Decorations (ii) Liaise on behalf of the President, with committee on the Prerogative of Mercy (iii) carry out any special duties assigned by the President.

Alhaji Ibrahim Umar Kida was the Minister of State, Inter-Governmental Affairs in THE PRESIDENCY. His schedule and responsibilities were to (i) formulate and implement policies and programmes geared towards enhancement of inter-governmental relations (ii) Liaison between the Federal, State and Local Governments (iii) Conduct desirable studies and collect intelligence information on Federal/State/Local Government relations and process to the Vice President (iv) initiate follow-up actions to ensure that State and Local Government fulfil their respective statutory obligations (v) Advise the Vice President on Boundary Commission Matters.

Chief Abimbola Ogunkelu was Minister of State in THE PRESIDENCY for Cooperation and Integration in Africa. His schedule and responsibilities were to (i) formulate policies and programmes on regional cooperation and integration in Africa (ii) Strengthening of Intra-African economic cooperation (iii) Foster relations with and coordinate ECOWAS matters (iv) Coordination of matters relating to the Economic and Social Commission of the OAU (v) Coordination and strengthening of matters relating to Joint Economic Commissions in Africa e.g. the African Common Market, the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA).

The emergence of Prince Vincent Ogbulafor as the National Chairman of PDP was dramatic. He was brought to the PDP headquarters in 2001 after serving as Minister of State.

President Umaru Musa Yar’adua GCFR (16 August 1951- 5 May 2010) was eventually declared the winner of the 2007 general elections, held on April 21, and was sworn in on May 29, 2007, amid widespread allegations of electoral fraud. In the Nigerian National Assembly election, the party won 260 out of 360 seats in the House of Representatives and 85 out of 109 seats in the Senate.

At the PDP’s 2008 National Convention, the party chose Prince Vincent Ogbulafor as its National Chairman on March 8, 2008 held in Abuja. Chief Ogbulafor, who was the PDP’s National Secretary from 2001 to 2005, was the party’s consensus choice for the position of National Chairman, selected as an alternative to the rival candidate’s former Governor Sam Egwu and Senator Anyim Pius Anyim. All 26 candidates, including Dr Sam Egwu (70) from Ezzamgbo and Senator Pius Anyim GCON (63) from Ishiagu, both in Ebonyi state, withdrew in favour of Ogbulafor. Meanwhile, Alhaji Abubakar Kawu Baraje was elected as National Secretary.

When Prince Ogbulafor made that declaration in 2008 people believed that his boast could come true. He was on a solid ground at that time.

Let’s look at the situation now. In the Senate, All Progressive Congress (APC) has 58 seats, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has 37 seats, Labour Party has 7 seats, New Nigeria People’s Party has 2 seats, Social Democratic Party—2 seats, All Progressive Grand Alliance—1 seat and Action Democratic Party—1 seat. In the House of Representative, All Progressive Congress has 175 seats, People’s Democratic Party has 118 seats, Labour Party has 35 seats, New Nigeria People’s Party—-19 seats, All Progressive Grand Alliance—-5 seats, African Democratic Congress—2 seats, Social Democartic Party— 2 seats and Young Progressive Party—1 seat.

The PDP governors in 2008 when Prince Ogbulafor made that prediction were Thoedore Orji (Abia State), Murtala Nyako (Adamawa), Godswill Akpabio (Akwa Ibom), Timipre Sylvia (Bayelsa), Gabriel Suswam (Benue), Ali Modu Sheriff (Borno), Liyel Moke (Cross River), Emmanuel Uduaghan (Delta), Martin Elechi (Ebonyi), Olusegun Oni (Ekiti), Sullivan Chime (Enugu), Mohammed Danjuma Goje (Gombe), Ikedi Ohakim (Imo), Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Namadi Sambo (Kaduna),

Others were Ibrahim Shema (Katsina), Usman Saidu Nasamu Dakingari (Kebbi), Ibrahim Idris (Kogi), Bukola Saraki (Kwara), Aliyu Doma (Nasarawa), Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu (Niger), Gbenga Daniel (Ogun), Olusegun Agagu (Ondo), Olagunsoye Oyinlola (Osun), Christopher Alao-Akala (Oyo), Jonah David Jang (Plateau), Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers), Aliyu Magatakarda Wamako (Sokoto), Danbaba Suntai (Taraba) and Mahmud Shinkafi (Zamfara).

At that time the AD governors were Babatunde Raji Fashola (Lagos), Kayode Fayemi (Ekiti), Rauf Aregbesola (Osun) and Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole (Edo). Peter Obi was governor of Anambra (APGA), Isa Yuguda(ANPP)—Bauchi, Ali Modu Sheriff (ANPP)—Bornu, Ibrahim Shekarau (ANPP)—Kano, Ibrahim Gaidam (ANPP)—Yobe, Olusegun Mimiko(Labour Party)—Ondo state.

As of today, there are twenty-two states with APC governors, twelve states with PDP governors, one each with APGA, Labour and NNPP. The APC is yet to equal the feat achieved by the PDP in 2008.

At present the governors are Alex Otti(Abia State)—Labour Party, Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri(Adamawa)—PDP, Umo Eno(Akwa Ibom)—PDP, Charles Soludo (Anambra)—APGA, Bala Muhammed (Bauchi)—PDP, Douye Diri (Bayelsa)—PDP, Hyacinth Alia (Benue)—APC, Babagana Zulum (Borno)—APC, Bassey Otu(Cross River)—APC, Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta)—PDP, Francis Nwifuru (Ebonyi) APC, Monday Okpebholo(Edo), Biodun Oyebanji(Ekiti)—APC, Peter Mbah(Enugu)—PDP, Muhammad Inuwa Yahaya(Gombe)—APC, Hope Uzodinma(Imo)—APC, Umar Namadi (Jigawa)—APC and Uba Sani(Kaduna)—APC.

Others are Abba Kabir Yusuf (Kano)— New Nigeria Peoples Party, Dikko Umaru Radda(Katsina)—APC, Nasir Idris(Kebbi)—APC, Ahmed Usman Ododo (Kogi)—APC,AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq(Kwara)—APC, Babajide Sanwo-Olu(Lagos)—APC, Abdullahi Sule(Nasarawa)—APC, Mohammed Umar Bago(Niger)—APC, Dapo Abiodun(Ogun)—APC, Lucky Aiyedatiwa(Ondo)—APC, Ademola Adeleke(Osun)—PDP, Seyi Makinde(Oyo)—PDP, Caleb Mutfwang(Plateau)—PDP, Siminalayi Fubara(Rivers)—PDP, Ahmad Aliyu(Sokoto)—APC, Agbu Kefas(Taraba)—PDP, Mai Mala Buni(Yobe)—APC, Dauda Lawal(Zamfara)—PDP

The above may change when the gubernatorial election takes place in Anambra on November 6, 2025 this year, while that of Ekiti and Osun state will hold on July 14 and September 22 next year respectively.

As of now most of the parties are in crisis, serious crisis including APC. The worst hit is the PDP. I hope the PDP will not go the way of AD, ACN, ANPP and APP. The death of All People’s Party is tragic. It was the second most powerful party in 1999.

In the 20 February, 1999 legislature elections, the APP won 20 out of the 109 Senate seats and 68 of the 360 seats in the House of Representatives. The presidential election, held on 29 February, 1999, was won by PDP candidate Olusegun Obasanjo. He received 62.78% of the vote compared to 37.22% for the Olu Falae/Umaru Shinkafi ticket. The last functioning leader of the party was my close friend, Senator Mahmoud Waziri. Till he died we disagreed on how he ran the APP. Although he was compensated with position of special adviser by President Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR. He felt uncomfortable. I cherished his friendship. Great soul from Yola.

The party elected nine governors at that time. They were Mala Kachalla(Borno), Abubakar Abu Hasheed (Gombe), Ibrahin Samiru Turaki (Jigawa), Adamu Aliero (Kebbi), Abubakar Audu (Kogi), Muhammed Lawal (Kwara), Attahiru Bafarwa (Sokoto), Buka Abba Ibrahim (Yobe) and Ahmed Sani (Zamfara).

Tragically, the APP suffered factional split and contested the next round of elections in 2003 as the as the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP).

The crisis of the PDP now is similar to that of APP. The possibility of PDP recapturing the PRESIDENCY which they lost almost ten years ago is remote. What can emerge is that a faction of the PDP and disgruntled elements in the APC and other parties may form a coalition to challenge the Presidential candidate of the APC in 2027. Definitely there will be a new alliance. That is the Nigerian way. The APC is not invincible, just as PDP was not ten years ago with its failing policies.

Now there is a rush to enlist in the ruling party, the APC. At the second or third year of any Presidential tenure, this is a common occurrence. It is nothing new, we are used to it. It happened in 1981 during the tenure of President Usman Aliyu Shehu Shagari GCFR. I remember Alhaji Umaru Abdulrahman Dikko (31 December 1936 – 1 July 2014) from Wamba village near Zaria, the then Minister of Transport, boasting then that the NPN would rule forever. He told Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola GCFR (24 August 1937 – 7 July 1998) that there was no vacancy in the Presidency and that the Presidency was not for sale.

The possibility of a single party structure or a dominant single party structure has threatened the democratic structure of this great country from time to time. And somehow it never becomes possible. The country survived that threat in 1965, it did in 1983 and also in 2008.

In 1965, the dominant party was Northern People’s Congress (NPC). It was formerly a cultural organization known as Jamiyaar Mutanen Arewa. It was a party that never pretended. It was formed on the basis of Northern interest as the name explains.

Before he was assassinated on January 14, 1966, the leader of the party, Sir Ahmadu Bello (12 June 1910- 15 January 1966), the Sardauna of Sokoto, Premier of Northern Nigeria, was the most powerful politician in the land.

In his book titled “MY LIFE”, the Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, wrote on page 85 “The Northern People’s Congress grew out of purely cultural society of that name. This had been started in Zaria by Dr. Dikko, who is now an important figure in the Ministry of Health. After the 1951 elections—-the electoral college ones—Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, who had been a member of the original House of Assembly from the start and who always had a keen political sense, asked me to join this cultural party, later to become our own political party with the same name. Curiously enough, this is how the Action Group also started, for it is in origin the ‘Action Group’ of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, a Yoruba cultural society. And they started at much the same time.

I agreed to do this and so later became President of the political Northern People’s Congress, with Abubakar as Vice President, and Ibrahim Imam, who since then has had a number of different political allegiances, as Secretary General. We called it Northern because we wanted to unite the Northern people and at that time we were not looking much beyond our own borders. It had an immediate success and most of the members of the Northern House joined it. Since then, it has remained unshaken, though other parties have blossomed and faded.

Our aims were very simple. To develop the country to the fullest extent in the shortest term; to preserve the peace, good order, and friendly relations between all our different peoples; to conduct an efficient and impartial administration; to ensure for all, freedom of thought and religion, to do good to all men. You will see that we were never militant ‘nationalists’ as some were. We were sure that in God’s good time we would get the power. The British had promised this frequently and we were content to rest on these promises; there was plenty of work ready at our hands for us to do”.

The Principal officers of the Northern People’s Congress of the first Republic were: President-General—Alhaji Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, first Vice-President-General—Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, second Vice-President General—Alhaji Muhammadu Ribadu, acting Secretary General Secretary—Alhaji Ahmadu Galadima Pategi, acting assistant Secretary General —Alhaji Ibrahim Biu, National Treasurer—Alhaji Aliyu Makama Bida ad Financial Secretary Alhaji Isa Kaita Waziri Katsina.

The Staff of the National Headquarters were Party Manager—Alhaji Habib Raji Abdullahi, Chief Operating Officer—Mallam Muhammadu King, Chief Publicity Officer—Mallam Yusuf Dantsoho, Research Officer—Mallam Abubakar Tugga, Local Government Officer—Mallam Abba El Anasari, Officer in charge Youth Wing—Mallam Ahmadu Kwanbo, North Regional President—Alhaji Ibrahim Musa Gashash and North Regional Secretary—Mr. Michael Audu Buba.

Executive committee members (unofficial) were Mallam Mu’azu Lamido, Alhaji Shehu Usman, Galadima Maska, Zanna Bukar Dipcharima, Alhaji Ahmadu Sarkin Fadan Zazzau, Alhaji Ndagi Farouq, Tafidan Bida, Mallam Sule Gaya, Mallam Mu’azu Gambo, Mallam Tanko Yusuf, Alhaji Ibrahim Biu, Alhaji Muhammadu Bashar, Wamban Daura, Alhaji Dalhatu Bida, Mr. S.A. Ajayi, Mallam Idrisu, Tafidan Adamawa, Alhaji Ari, Alhaji Sanda Na Alhaji, Alhaji Zakari Isa, Mr. J.C. Obande, Mr. M.A.O. Olanrewaju and Alhaji Sani Okin.

Others were Mallam Usman Sarkin Musawa, Alhaji Ladan Barki, Mallam Maitama Sule, Alhaji Shehu Ahmed, Madawakin, Kano, Mallam Baba Nahannun Dama, Alhaji Audu Anace, Mallam Ibrahim Mukun, Bida, Mallam Hassan Makaman Abuja, Mallam Usman Son Gari Wukari, Alhaji Usman Sarki, Alhaji Shehu Shagari, Alhaji Tijani Hashim, Mallam Bello Malabu, Madakin Adamawa, Alhaji Aliyu Magajin Garin Sokoto, Mallam Mamman Tela, Alhaji Chief Sule Enugu, Alhaji Isa Haruna, Alhaji Abubakar Madawakin Sokoto, Mallam Sani Dingyadi Makadamn Sokoto, Alhaji Baban Gire, Chiroma Suberu, Bukar Batulbe Maiduguri, and Alhaji Audu Bida.

Members of the working committee were Zanna Umara Bensheikh, Alhaji Mustafa Monguno, Mallam Mu’azu Lamido, Alhaji Muhammadu Bashir, Wamban Daura, Alhaji Isa Kiata, Waziri Katsina, Alhaji Umaru Babura, S. Fulani, Alhaji Ahman, Galadima Pategi, Alhai Ibrahim Biu, Alhaji Muhammadu Kabir Ciroma Katagum, Mallam Muhammadu Nasir, Alhaji Ibrahim Musa Gashash and Alhaji Sule Gaya.

Others were Mr. Michael Audu Buba, Alhaji Shehu Usman, Galadima Maska, Habib Raji Abdullahi, Alhaji Mu’azu Gambo, Alhaji Sani Okin, Mallam Hassan Ahmed, Alhaji Audu Anance, Alhaji Dalhatu Bida, Mallam Gwani Jatau, Mallam J. Tanko Yusuf, Alhaji Muhammadu Kokori Abdul, Alhaji Tijani Hashim, Mallam Muhammadu Sokoto, Mallam Abba Masta, Alhaji Usman Sulayman, Mallam Haliru Zarma Hong, Mr. Edmond B. Mamiso, Alhaji Ndagi Farouq and Mallam Muhammadu King.

From the above, one could see the direction of the party. Fortunately, Section 173 of the 1978 electoral decree has made it entirely impossible for a political party to represent regional interest.

There have been several attempts to force this country to have a one-party structure or a two-party structure, but the boldest attempt was made by General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR (83).

On January 10, 1986, he established a 17-member political bureau to oversee and co-ordinate the debate on the political future of the country. Three days later, that is on January 13, 1986, he inaugurated the bureau. The bureau was headed by Professor Sylvanus John Sodienye Cookey, an historian from Opobo in Rivers state. Professor Cookey was born on April 9, 1934. In 1982, he became the second Vice Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile Ife. He is the first President of the Council of Knights of the Niger Delta Dioceses and first President-General of the Joint Council of Knights of Church of Nigeria (Anglican Communion).

As a Philanthropist, he has endowed a professional Chair in Malaria Studies at the University of Port Harcourt while the Sylvanus Cookey Foundation, established by him, is helping to transform the lives of youths in his home town, Opobo.

During the Civil War, he served as Commissioner for Special Duties in Ojukwu’s Cabinet and was awarded the Biafra Silver Medal (BSM). He has since received many honours including Officer of the Federal Republic (OFR), Honourary Doctor of Science (D.Sc) and Doctor of Letters (D.Litt) from the University of Port Harcourt and Anambra State University respectively as well as Chieftaincy titles from Upata Kingdom in Rivers State and Ogbor in Mbaise. He is a member of the Institute of Doctors of Nigeria. He holds the unique title of Arusibidabo (Inspirational Leader) in Opobo Kingdom.

Other members of the bureau were E. O. Awa, A.D. Yahaya, Haroun Adamu, Ibrahim Halilu, Pascal Bafyau, Oye Oyediran, Tunde Adeniran, Sam E. Oyovbaire, Bala Takaya, O.E. Uya, Sani Zaharadden, Mrs Hilda Aderarasin, Mrs R. Abdullahi, Ola Balogun, Edwin Madunagu and Abdullahi Augie (Executive Secretary).

On June 27, 1986, different categories of politicians were banned from participating in politics until after the transition programme.

On March 26, 1987, the Political Bureau submitted its report. It recommended that any Nigerian who hadn’t been previously convicted of a criminal offence be allowed to participate in politics in the 1990s as well as the gradual replacement of the military administration by civilians.

On July 11, 1987, the White Paper on the Political Bureau report was released. A new date of 1992 was given for the army’s handover. Other items in the White Paper included the retention of Presidentialism and the rejection of any religion as state religion.

On September 1, 1987, a 46-member review panel was named to review the 1979 constitution. It was headed by Justice Mohammed Buba Ardo.

On September 4, 1987, local government election time-table was released. It was scheduled for 12 December. Registration was to hold between 12 October and 1 November.

On April 22, 1988, elections were held into the Constituent Assembly while on April 25, 1988, government’s nominees to the Assembly (117 of them) were announced. To head the Assembly was Justice Anthony Aniagolu. The Assembly was saddled with the job of fashioning a new Constitution for the country.

On April 1, 1989, the Constituent Assembly concluded sitting in Abuja while General Ibrahim Babangida received the draft on April 5, 1989. On May 3, 1989, General Babangida lifted ban on political activities while the National Electoral Commission headed by Professor Eme Awa (15 December, 1921- 11 March 2000) recommended six political associations to the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) for registration on September 26, 1989. The political associations were the People’s Solidarity Party, Nigerian National Congress, Peoples’ Front of Nigeria, Liberal Convention, Nigerian Labour Party and the Republican Party.

On October 7, 1989, General Babangida in a broadcast to the nation dissolved the political parties claiming that they had been hijacked by some individuals as their personal property. He then created two political parties by decree—the Social Democratic Party and the National Republican Convention. He also created the Centre for Democratic Studies.

In creating the two parties, General Babangida declared “by this decision, the AFRC has declared its acceptance of the principles of a grassroots democratic two-party system. It is our belief that the system shall: provide a grassroots basis for the emergence of political parties, establish a grassroots or mass platforms for the emergence of new leadership, give equal rights and opportunities to all Nigerians to participate in the political process irrespective of their wealth, religion, geo-political backgrounds and professional endeavours, de-emphasise the role of money in politics and reduce to a minimum level, the element of violence in our electoral process.

“Preclude the emergence of political alliances along the same lines as in the First Republics and therefore, give Nigerians a new political structure within which to operate, ensure the emergence of a new, more dedicated and more genuine leadership cadre, which will not be a mere proxy for old political warlords, chart a new patter of political recruitment and participation which will enhance Nigeria’s stability, establish strong instructional structures which not sustain future governments, but also be strong enough to stand the test of time and establish a political system that will be operated according to the spirit and letter of the Constitution of the Federal Republic”.

Between July 21 and 25, 1990, the National Republican Convention held its convention in Port Harcourt, Chief Tom Ikimi was elected as the Chairman. At its own convention in Abuja, the SDP elected Ambassador Baba-Gana Kingibe as the chairman. On December 2, 1991, General Babangida arrested and detained eleven banned politicians. They were Abubakar Rimi, Maitama Yusuff, Lateef Jakande and Lamidi Adedibu. Others were C.C. Onoh, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Arthur Nzeribe, Dr. Olusola Saraki, Mr. Solomon Lar, and Major General (rtd.) Musa Shehu Yar’adua.

On September 23, 1992, ten Presidential aspirants of the SDP, withdrew from the contest scheduled for Saturday, September 26, 1992, claiming that the party was bent on imposing Major General (rtd.) Musa Shehu Yar’adua on the party. The aspirants were Chief Olu Falae, Olabiyi Durojaiye, Arthur Nzeribe, Alhaji Datti Ahmed, Mahmud Waziri, Lateef Jakande, Drs Olusola Saraki, Patrick Dele Cole, Layi Balogun, and Professor Jerry Gana.

A few weeks later, the same General Babangida banned 21 Presidential aspirants, leaving only Chief M.K.O. Abiola of the SDP and Alhaji Bashir Tofa of the NRC to contest the June 12, 1993 Presidential election. The election was annulled later by General Babandiga while General Sani Abacha GCFR (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998) sacked the elected governors, the Interim Government of Chief Ernest Adegunle Oladeinde Shonekan GCFR (9 May 1936 – 11 January 2022) and also the two political parties.

Joining the ruling party is only a partial solution to the country’s problems. Apart from personal consideration, there must be enough justification for joining the ruling party in terms of performance. To me, the destination must be good governance which we are still expecting from the APC because, we in bad shape at the moment.

[OPINION] Of journalists’ unethical awards and odious comparisons - Jide Oluwajuyitan

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Journalists by training and orientation suffer two major disabilities. Insufficient grounding in sociological theories, the foundation of society, and avoiding core economic and business/accounting courses at school which lay them open to manipulation by vicious business men at in later years as practicing professionals. Unfortunately, humility is not often a virtue in display among highly qualified professional journalists. As students of society that routinely dine and wine with owners of society, they sometimes forget their place on the social ladder. They often put their hope and aspirations in the hands of vicious businessmen who see restless journalists as the only obstacle to turning society into an empire of slaves.

Stanley Macebuh, The Guardian pioneer managing director and editor-in-chief who promised to publish one of the best three newspapers in English-speaking Africa south of Sahara, and achieved the goal through unflawed exploitation of talents of first class young brains from our universities and those of the best young educated professionals from the then existing media houses to ensure the flagship was read ‘sooner than later’ was unarguably the man behind the success of The Guardian.

But Stanley knew very little about business and business’ dirty wars. He was a civilized man with a touch of human kindness. His goal was making the world a decent place for all. He did not think anyone would be opposed to this noble pursuit. But he was wrong because he never really understood that the economic status of a man determines a man’s position in society.

I walked up to his office around 6pm sometime in 1983 to report a crime. One of the new pool car drivers took his colleague’s car out without permission. When he returned 40 minutes later, he had replaced the car’s new engine with an old engine. When Stanley finally raised his head up from the script he was reading, he asked with sadness boldly written over his face: “How much do we really pay those poor boys?” as if all of us were not victims of capitalism, a euphemism for slavery. I also started to feel sorry for the criminal. But for Mr. Alimi, the experienced transport manager who had by 8am the following morning prepared the young man’s sack letter ready for collection, left to my humane MD/Editor-in-chief, the boy would have retained his job. Stanley Macebuh could afford not being ruthless precisely because it is not he but the much derided vicious businessman that went to the bank to borrow money, cut deals and must be prepared to fight dirty publicly as most businessmen do.

Maiden Ibru, the current chief executive of The Guardian is not much different. Also a trained media practitioner with bias towards public relations, by orientation, she also cannot be vicious.

Just like Stanley who treated me like his graduate student from the Daily Times days all through his stay at The Guardian, I think I also know Mrs. Ibru fairly well.

As the Executive Consultant (Editorial and Advertising), the de facto chief operating officer of The Guardian from 2003 to 2008, Mrs. Ibru, the chief executive of The Guardian snubbed the tastefully furnished expansive chief executive office on the first floor preferring to spend the period in my scantily furnished and noisy office downstairs. After our daily round of meetings ranging from directors’ meeting, editorial content review meeting or editorial board meeting, she would return to my office where she ate the lunch procured for her from our cafeteria by Biola my secretary. That was at a time lunch could have been ferried down from the Federal Palace or Sheraton, owned by her husband. Maiden is humble, kind and stands for the building of a more humane, just and compassionate society.

Mrs. Ibru is the chief executive who on her way to the office would stop by an accident scene, ferry victims to hospital where she would pay for their care before returning to the office, of course with her day totally ruined. Like Stanley she just wants to serve humanity in her own little way. Accepting Nduka Obaigbena’s award despite her well-articulated position on the contradiction between an arm of state institution giving award to other state institutions it is constitutionally empowered to keep on their toes is no doubt part of Maiden Ibru’s efforts to please others.

Maiden like many other decent and accomplished journalists is very vulnerable. That Obaigbena, a ruthless businessman and a veteran of many boardroom dirty wars including the ongoing one with his friend, Femi Otedola and First Bank, easily outwitted Maiden Ibru was not a surprise.

The way fiercely competitive and ruthless businessman Obaigbena outwitted Mrs Ibru is the same way businessman, Alex Ibru who held no hostages when alive, outwitted Stanley Macebuh and effortlessly eased him out of The Guardian. It is not different from the strategy adopted by the late Chief Aboderin to ease out of The Punch Sam Amuka (Sad Sam) who had to start the Vanguard at his garage in Anthony Village Lagos. Who would have thought Ray Ekpu and Malam Haruna Mohammed, after building the Newswatch brand for over 20 years would allow Jimoh Ibrahim, a controversial ruthless businessman to effortlessly take their well-nurtured baby away from them? Unfortunately, journalists with all the influence they wield, they are no match for calculating ruthless businessmen, unrestrained by any form of moral appeal when they choose to fight dirty.

As for the contest for superiority between The Guardian and Thisday, I think comparison can be odious especially when it is all about comparing apples and oranges.

A newspaper, we are told, operates at three different levels of society (Lade Bonuola). The one operating above the level of society tries to set agenda for society to follow. That is the task The Guardian has set for itself since 1982 when it first set out “to produce the best and most authoritative newspaper Nigeria had ever seen, that would be committed to the principle of individual freedom where citizens have duties as well as rights, which will, at all times uphold the need for justice, probity in public life and guarantees equal access to the nation’s resources and equal protection under the law of Nigerian for all citizens”. And the paper resolved to achieve the above through “factual reporting, and well-reasoned and mature opinion and editorials arrived at after an exhaustive and painstaking examination of issues” – (Dr Patrick Dele Cole in his preface to ‘Selected Editorials of The Guardian 1983-2003’ edited by Reuben Abati). The Guardian has remained committed to this creed.

The second type of newspaper operates at the level of society and merely reflects society and its idiosyncrasies for all intent and purposes. ThisDay is a newspaper that operates at the level of society and mirrors society through celebration of human vanity; it pioneered this from the birth of the fourth republic. As it has turned out, all those whose vanity were promoted in government and the banking sector from 1999 have all turned to be men and women with feet of clay.

And if further empirical evidence is needed to prove how Thisday smiles to the bank by celebrating vanity of Nigerians, the outing of Nigeria political economic and military elite in their flowing agbada and Babaringa wanting to be recognized for doing their job as governors, bankers and other professionals is all we need. ThisDay has continued to do what it does best-mirroring society through celebration of human vanity.

It is therefore apparent that there can be no basis for comparing The Guardian with ThisDay. Each from the onset clearly defined the nature of its service and commitment to society. And their past speaks for them.

[OPINION] An eventful weekend in Lagos - Jide Ojo

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It was a homecoming of sorts last weekend. The official assignment brought me back to Lagos, a state where I have schooled and worked before occupational mobility took me to Abuja 22 years ago. I was in Lagos at the behest of Francis Abayomi, Executive Director of Peace and Development Projects, the NGO that organized a retreat for staff of the Department of Dispute and Conflict Resolution at the Niger Delta Development Commission. The event took place on January 31 and February 1, 2025, and I was the moderator.

For many years NDDC has been a byword for incompetence, cronyism and corruption but the story seems to be gradually changing under the leadership of the incumbent Managing Director, Chief Samuel Ogbuku. According to the Acting Director of the Department of Dispute and Conflict Resolution at the Commission, Goddy Ogedegbe Esq, the MD/CEO is implementing transformative agenda, which has seen improvement in peace and security in the Niger Delta communities as well as service delivery, especially of social amenities.

In her keynote address titled “Crises Management: Embracing Inclusivity for Effective Shift from Transactional to Transformational Approaches”, the Director of Impact for Change and Development, Dr Naomi Akapan-Ita, said that over time, methods for resolving disputes have evolved into more versatile approaches that are widely accepted. These methods include various forms of alternative dispute resolution, such as negotiation, mediation, and arbitration. In community-focused interventions, ADR can be particularly relevant, as it tends to be more flexible, cost-effective, and time-efficient than litigation. Additionally, ADR can help minimise divisiveness and facilitate productive outcomes.

Furthermore, contemporary dispute resolution methods have expanded to include online dispute resolution, which involves using technology to manage conflicts, as well as hybrid processes that combine two or more methods, such as arbitration-mediation, mediation-arbitration, arbitration-mediation-arbitration to effectively address disputes. Her presentation highlights the shift in processes of dispute management and emphasises the importance of inclusivity in management strategies. Additionally, it examines Inclusive crisis management as a strategy for transitioning from Transactional to Transformational management of crisis.

Akpan-Ita submitted, “A transformational approach is vital for successful peacebuilding, and the depth of inclusivity engaged in transforming a conflict impacts the level of acceptance of the outcomes. Communities require capacity building to ensure a comprehensive understanding of peacebuilding and inclusivity. This translates into shifting from transactional interventions, which focuses on immediate gratification, to transformational peacebuilding, which promotes win-win situations and fosters lasting peace among conflicting parties.”

After the presentation of her well researched paper, there were two panel sessions. The first was on upscaling and deploying practical approach for peace building at the community level. Discussants were the Executive Director of Journalists for Democratic Rights, Wale Adeoye; National Coordinator, West African Network for Peace, Dr Bridget Osakwe and Dr Akpan-Ita. The second panel session was on the relevance of ADR and the need for requisite knowledge and expertise for ADR personnel. Panelists included the keynote speaker alongside the Vice President of the Institute of Chartered Mediator and Conciliators, Omotayo Awomolo-Enujiugha, Esq. and senior lecturer at the Department of Mass Communication, Lagos State University, Associate Professor Tunde Akanni. Participants were thereafter given opportunity for experience sharing on their work. It is expected that knowledge and skill gained by the participants will help to improve their service delivery going forward.

After the hectic learning session of last Friday, Saturday was entire devoted to team bonding and relaxation. Organisers took us out for aerobic and keep fit exercises early last Saturday at the Ikeja Police College before we set out at noon for sightseeing. We were taken on the ride of the recently opened Blue Rail metro line. We commuted on the train from National Theatre Station to Mile 2. That afforded me the first hand opportunity to appraise the Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s game changer to solving the notorious Lagos traffic jam. We all got our Cowry Card, which we used to electronically access the train service. We were informed that eating and drinking are not permitted on the electronically powered train.

It was a smooth ride to and fro and the train stations were well resourced with civilian and security personnel. The stations are well lit and ventilated. I, however, will want better attention to be paid to the toilet facilities as some of them need repairs. I also noticed that the Cowry access cards sometimes fail to open the gate even when properly placed. I saw some of the Chinese who were contracted to maintain the infrastructure and I think that is well thought out as Nigeria’s maintenance culture is sub-optimal.

Our next port of call was the Wave Beach at Elegushi, Lekki. It was another beautiful relaxation spot. It has been some seven years since I last visited any of the beaches in Lagos State. So, I was very excited at another opportunity to visit the Atlantic Ocean and dip my feet in the ocean water as the tidal wave pushed water to the seashore. What an awesome experience! The lounge provided good food, drinks, music and games and I soaked in all these as well as the scenic view of the ocean. My ‘colleagues’ who were majorly from Rivers State were quite ecstatic as many of them were probably visiting Lagos Beach for the first time. We all turned to paparazzi taking selfies with our mobile phones while the event’s official photographer, Paul, was also kept very busy by the attendees with frequent calls to service. We left the beach around 7 pm after dinner. What a memorable day it turned out to be!

Little wonder Lagos reaped bountiful financial reward from “Detty December” of 2024 when most of the Nigerians in the Diaspora decided to holiday in the megacity. The truth is that the hospitality and tourism industry in Lagos is top-notch. Lagos is connected by land, sea, air and water. This diverse transportation system makes logistics easy. Very good hotel accommodation is available both on the mainland and island. Security is also very tight with no major issue with banditry and kidnapping. Tourism options are also very many. In my column on February 7, 2024, I wrote about my excursion to the John Randle Centre for Yoruba Culture and History (better known as John Randle Centre) located at Onikan, Lagos Island.

Badagry the ‘door of civilisation of Nigeria’ has lots of historical buildings of interest now converted into tourist attractions such as the Badagry Heritage Museum; the former District Officer’s Office built in 1863 converted into a museum in 2002 and contains slave trade history collections; first storey building in Nigeria; Anglican Missionary House built in1845. Topo Island Catholic Mission Ruins was established in the 1870s. Seriki Abass Slave Baracoon; Slave cell built by Brazilian slave merchants in 1840. St. Thomas’ Anglican Primary School, which is the first primary school in Nigeria founded in 1843 and the Velekete Slave Market was established in 1502.

It is noteworthy that there are now train services from Lagos to Ibadan via Abeokuta, which means three of the six South-West states have been linked by the railway, which now offers commuters alternative means of transportation. I do hope Nigeria’s water transportation can also be developed to provide commercial boat services connecting all the coastal states from Lagos to Bayelsa. This will help decongest the roads. Lagos State has set the pace in terms of integrated transport services, this is exemplary and commendable.

[OPINION] A house divided against itself… - Lekan Sote

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History seems to show that the Yoruba Nigeria just love to court unnecessary controversy. While there is nothing wrong with having differences in opinions or even disagreements and preferences, the group goal should still be sacrosanct.

In 1951, the Ibadan People’s Party, led by Adisa Meredith Akinloye, joined forces with Obafemi Awolowo’s Action Group to gain the majority in the Western Nigeria House of Assembly to form the government of Western Nigeria.

The result of that alliance is the spectacular performance of the Awolowo Administration in the concluding years of colonialism and that of his successor, Ladoke Akintola, who was Premier throughout the First Republic.

But when the amity between Awolowo and Akintola broke down, the Yoruba lost the paradise that they had gained through schisms, infighting and intrigues that took the sails out of the winds of their meteoric progress.

After Akintola joined forces with the political machine of the Fulani oligarchs of Northern Nigeria, he, Awolowo and the Yoruba descended into political turbulence. While Awolowo was jailed, after a spell at the Lekki Peninsula, Akintola’s became a pariah, until he eventually lost his life in the unfortunate bloody military coup of January 1966.

The Afenifere is now travelling that route of destruction, reminiscent of the house that Jesus Christ says would fall because it is divided. The first civil war in the Afenifere house resulted in the Afenifere Renewal Group, an intellectual half-child that is yet to mature.

The next was the special-purpose vehicle that made nonagenarian Deputy Leader Ayo Adebanjo, the acting leader of Afenifere, when it seemed the older nonagenarian, Reuben Fasoranti, was becoming frail because of old age.

No sooner than the acting leader assumed office that divisive forces reared their heads in the House of Oodua. They could not borrow a leaf from the Vatican model that found a way to accommodate Pope Benedict XVI, who resigned for his successor, Pope France, to emerge.

Until Pope Benedict died in 2022, there were no open altercations between the two popes. But it looks as if the two nonagenarian leaders of Afenifere are being manipulated by followers for desperate upmanship gains unbeknownst to them.

Clearly, some mischief makers are profiting from making the Yoruba king dance naked in the market square, as the tug-of-war led the Fasoranti group to abrogate Adebanjo’s acting leader position, while Afemifere’s National Publicity Secretary, Gboyega Adejumo, insists that Adebanjo remains acting leader.

For emphasis, Adejumo added: “The General Assembly made (Adebanjo) the (Acting) Leader. And the General Assembly made him (Acting) Leader. And the General Assembly is the most powerful organ of Afenifere. We have the General Assembly, the Caucus, and the EXCO, and none of them is with Pa Fasoranti.”

The Afenifere, in line with its Yoruba antecedent, wisely deployed a diplomatic move by creating the Elders’ Caucus to replace Ayo Adebanjo, while allowing Fasoranti to hold on to the honorific, but probably none-executive, position as leader.

You will recall that Pope Benedict XVI retained the title of Pope Emeritus that he chose to be called till his death. But there was no time that he, or his handlers, came to “drag” the power and authority of the pope with Pope Francis. Though one should think the leader is the alpha.

As the confusion in Afenifere rages on, the Fasoranti group meets in the Akure home of Fasoranti in Ondo State, while the Adebanjo faction meets in Isanya Ogbo near Ijebu Ode in Ogun State.

The Adebanjo faction recently took an unexpected step by appointing Dele Farotimi, an activist and political ally of Peter Obi, presidential candidate of the Labour Party, as its national organising secretary.

The Fasoranti group is yet to react to this new twist, which suggests that the Ayo Adebanjo faction does not enjoy the consensus as an authentic custodian of the bureaucracy and authority of the Afenifere.

Well-meaning Yoruba should please step in so that this unfortunate and unnecessary standoff will end soon. Afenifere still appears to be the rallying point that can harmonise the collective objectives of the Yoruba.

If the Afenifere is united, it may give a helping hand to the Development Agenda of Western Nigeria that appears to be struggling under the weight of negligence by South-West governors, who seem to regard it as a rival “supranational” authority.

The discordant tunes emanating from the leadership of the Afenifere are getting to a crescendo, like the “bata” drum that is on its way to burst open, with the incessant high tempo beatings from the drumsticks of a frenzied drummer.

While the Adebanjo faction claims that the Afenifere is a socio-political organisation, the Fasoranti group insists that the organisation is socio-cultural in nature. These diametrically opposing views send confusing signals throughout the Yoruba nation.

Again, while the Adebanjo group is asking for the release of Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra separatist movement, the Fasoranti group is silent, as if it had no opinion on the matter that affects the political wellbeing of the Igbo and the harmony of Nigeria.

Everyone will remember that during the 2023 general election, the Adebanjo faction endorsed Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party, and the Fasoranti faction (probably poured libation as it prayed for) and endorsed Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress.

Both camps still maintain opposite (and possibly antagonistic) positions without repentance or the possibility of a reproachment. They act as if they were political parties with ideological differences. But commendably to their credit, there are no visible signs that either of the factions gained any political or financial advantage from the government of President Tinubu.

It is probably time for leading Yoruba kings to step in to end this appearance of what the Yoruba themselves describe as a situation where two farthings, or quarters of a penny, will never agree. The Yoruba of Nigeria needs to get their acts together.

To reconcile these (not exactly feuding) elders, it will have to be the kings, the institutions of elders among the Yoruba, who can ably straighten the head of the child drooping from the neck as it sits on the back of its mother.

Oba Enitan Ogunwusi, Ooni of Ile Ife, may have to call on his collective of Yoruba kings for another flund of shuttle diplomacy to end the misunderstanding between the Afenifere factions. There is no doubt that his charm offensive works, considering the speed that Attorney Afe Babalola took in withdrawing the suit he caused the government to institute against Farotimi.

One just hopes that Farotimi’s quip for a prophet’s offering, whatever that may mean, will not lead to a renewal of Babalola’s fury and another excuse for a return to the courts to file another case for redress against Farotimi, who may end in goal once again.

Back to the subject at hand: The traditional institutions of Yorubaland should swiftly end this seemingly inconclusive pattern and save the Yoruba from the predictions of Jesus Christ, who said that a house divided against itself shall fall.

The Palmwine Drinkards Club seem to have a different notion about differences. They quip that a house divided shall stand and that it is possible to have unity in diversity. But that is if things have not become toxic.

Page 33 of 211

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