Diplomatic Decorum and Leadership: Examining Nyesom Wike’s Conduct and the Case for Rest, Testing, Therapy, or a Needed Break

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s historic visit to Nigeria was meant to symbolize the strengthening of diplomatic ties between two global partners. Yet, the visit has been overshadowed by the controversial conduct of Nigeria’s Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike, during a high-profile diplomatic moment. The viral video of Wike’s unsteady demeanor and awkward behavior has raised profound questions about leadership decorum, accountability, and governance in Nigeria. Was this an isolated incident, or does it reflect a deeper issue within the nation’s political class? Can such behavior from a senior official be excused or ignored, especially during an event of such diplomatic importance?

Wike’s Silence and the Presidency’s Unusual Quiet

The Tinubu presidency’s refusal to address the controversy surrounding Wike’s behavior is glaring. In a country where the administration has been quick to rebut criticism or controversies, this silence seems strategic. Why has the presidency avoided commenting on the issue? Is this an attempt to shield a key ally, or is there a broader discomfort in holding senior officials accountable? Could this inaction signal a lack of internal mechanisms for evaluating the behavior of top government officials?

If Wike’s conduct were an isolated incident, perhaps it could be dismissed as a lapse in judgment. But given his history of erratic decisions and confrontational behavior, does this silence instead highlight a culture of impunity? Why hasn’t the presidency at least ordered an internal investigation or suggested a formal evaluation of Wike’s ability to perform his duties effectively? Is the government prioritizing political expediency over national integrity?

An Established Pattern of Erratic and Confrontational Leadership

Wike’s career is not without controversy. From his tenure as Rivers State governor to his current role as FCT Minister, Wike has consistently been embroiled in disputes. Does his leadership style prioritize conflict over collaboration? His impulsive decision-making, such as the demolition of homes belonging to poor residents in Abuja, has drawn sharp criticism. What was the rationale behind such actions? Were they carefully planned or executed in a fit of impulsivity?

Wike’s threat to “put fire” in a governor’s state over political disagreements raised alarms about the destructive potential of his rhetoric. How can a leader entrusted with public welfare make statements that appear to promote discord rather than unity? His altercation with a female senator from Abuja over the city’s administration further underscores his inability to engage in constructive dialogue. Are these incidents evidence of a temperament ill-suited to public office, or do they reflect a broader issue of unchecked authority?

Even within his own political party, Wike’s history of public feuds raises questions about his commitment to collaboration. Why has Wike, time and again, chosen to lash out rather than build bridges? Could his confrontational approach be alienating allies and undermining his ability to lead effectively?

Alcohol Allegations: Public Concern and Leadership Responsibilities

While I do not accuse Wike of being an alcoholic or abusing substances, nor have I seen any medical evidence or tests to confirm such claims, the public discourse surrounding his behavior cannot be ignored. Reports of his erratic actions, coupled with media observations of his physical appearance—described by some as gaunt and unwell—raise legitimate concerns. Is Wike experiencing the physical toll of his demanding job, or could these changes be indicative of deeper health or personal issues?

Wike’s own admissions also add fuel to these concerns. In a public address earlier this year, he confessed to drinking a 40-year-old whiskey while watching members of his own party protest the February 25 presidential election results. How does such behavior reflect on his priorities and his capacity to handle the pressures of governance? Should a public official tasked with such significant responsibilities openly admit to indulgent behavior during a politically charged moment?

Rotimi Amaechi’s allegations that Wike spends N50 million weekly on alcohol further complicate the narrative. While these claims may stem from political rivalry, they align with the broader perception of Wike’s lifestyle. How can such allegations persist without a formal rebuttal or clarification from Wike himself? If untrue, why hasn’t Wike taken steps to clear his name?

Stress, Therapy, and Global Precedents

Leadership is undeniably stressful, but how should nations handle public officials who appear to be struggling under the weight of their responsibilities? Globally, troubled leaders are often encouraged—or even required—to take breaks, seek therapy, or undergo evaluations to ensure they are fit for office. Could the Tinubu presidency adopt a similar approach with Wike? Would suggesting rest, therapy, or even a vacation be seen as a sign of support rather than punishment?

Furthermore, alcohol and drug testing for public officials is not uncommon in many parts of the world, particularly when public concern arises. Should Nigeria consider implementing such measures as a means of protecting its officials and ensuring accountability? Could such proactive steps benefit Wike personally while also reassuring the public about the integrity of the nation’s leadership?

The Diplomatic Fallout: Tarnishing Nigeria’s International Image

Prime Minister Modi’s visit should have been a triumph for Nigeria’s diplomacy, highlighting the nation’s ability to host a world leader with respect and professionalism. Instead, the focus has shifted to Wike’s behavior. How might this incident affect Nigeria’s international standing? Could it damage relationships with India or other nations observing Nigeria’s governance practices?

The conferral of the Grand Commander of the Order of Niger on Modi was meant to symbolize Nigeria’s respect for India’s contributions to global progress. But has Wike’s conduct overshadowed this gesture? How can Nigeria rebuild its diplomatic reputation in the wake of such an incident?

Wike’s Legacy and the Need for Honest Leadership

As Wike continues to court controversy, one must ask: what will his legacy be? Can a leader so embroiled in personal battles and erratic decisions be remembered as a statesman? Or will his tenure be marked by a series of avoidable crises? Wike’s tendency to prioritize confrontation over collaboration has created an atmosphere of tension and mistrust. Is it time for him to take a step back, reflect, and consider a different approach to leadership?

Equally, the Tinubu presidency must address the broader implications of Wike’s behavior. Does allowing such conduct to go unchecked set a dangerous precedent for other public officials? How can the administration demonstrate its commitment to accountability while supporting officials who may be struggling?

The Physical, Emotional, and Behavioral Effects of Alcohol

Alcohol consumption, especially when excessive or long-term, can significantly affect an individual’s physical, emotional, and behavioral state. Physically, alcohol abuse can lead to irregular heart rhythms, weakened immune responses, liver damage, cirrhosis, and an increased risk of cancer. It can also result in severe withdrawal symptoms, including tremors, seizures, and muscle spasms, sometimes contributing to odd movements or unsteady gait. Emotionally, prolonged use often leads to heightened anxiety, depression, mood swings, and an inability to manage stress effectively. Behaviorally, alcohol can exacerbate impulsivity, aggression, erratic decision-making, and strained interpersonal relationships, often leading to visible conflicts in personal and professional interactions.

While I make no claim that Nyesom Wike exhibits or experiences any of these effects, as I have not tested him or seen evidence of substance use, it is important to consider the immense stress of his role. His odd movements during recent events, coupled with the high-pressure nature of his responsibilities, suggest the potential toll of managing constant political confrontations at local, state, and federal levels—most recently during Prime Minister Modi’s visit. Empathy is necessary here; supporting Wike through rest, therapy, or even time off could help him address the burdens of his demanding position and allow for reflection and recovery.

Conclusion: Leadership, Accountability, and the Questions Left Unanswered

Wike’s recent actions and the public discourse surrounding them raise critical questions—not just about his personal conduct, but about the standards of leadership in Nigeria. Is it enough to dismiss these incidents as political noise, or should they prompt a deeper examination of governance and accountability? Can Wike rise to the occasion, address public concerns, and adopt a more collaborative and transparent leadership style? Or will he continue down a path that risks further tarnishing his reputation and undermining public trust?

For the Tinubu administration, the challenge is equally pressing. How can it navigate this controversy while maintaining public confidence? Will it take the bold step of suggesting therapy, rest, or testing for Wike in the interest of the nation, or will it allow the matter to fade without resolution? These questions demand answers—not just from Wike, but from a leadership structure that must balance compassion with accountability to uphold the integrity of public office.

Writing about the things that would destroy any nation, Mahatma Gandhi, 1869- 1948, listed them as follows: Politics without principles Pleasure without conscience Wealth without work Knowledge without character Business without morality Science without humanity Worship without sacrifice Bad politics, selfish, un imaginative and unpatriotic politicians will eventually ruin a nation – even if it was fortuitously prosperous at one time in its history.

This article is being written as voters in Ondo State are going to vote in the governor’s election. I am totally indifferent about the outcome. The three leading political parties – All Progressives Congress, APC, Labour Party, LP, and Peoples Democratic Party, PDP – are factions of the same political monstrosity which is now nameless and ruling Nigeria. As far as I am concerned, it does not matter who emerges as the winner. Governance will not improve much. They are not political parties in any honest sense of the word. Why?

DEFINITION OF POLITICAL PARTY

A political party deserves the approbation of [Nigeria] only as it represents the ideals, the aspirations and the hopes of [Nigerians]. If it is anything else, it is merely a conspiracy to seize power” – US President Dwight Eisenhower, 1890-1969. Take a honest look at the political parties contending “to seize power” in Ondo State or any other place; and point to one which represents the ideals, aspirations and the hopes of Nigerians today.

Fortunately all of them have governors. We might as well add APGA and NNDP which also govern states. I am not asking you to point to the political leader you prefer. But, Tinubu, Obi, Atiku, etc don’t constitute the political parties. They represent factions within the conspiracies vying for power. The APC, LP, PDP, SDP, ZLP etc have one thing in common: None of them has a political ideology distinguishable from rest. For all of them “politics without principles” is the norm.

That is why it is easy for a man to spend years attacking a political party; and then gets appointed as spokesman for it – without having to apologise for all the garbage uttered. By contrast, no member of the Labour Party decamped to the British Conservative Party until the party regained power. It is certain that no Tory party member will cross over to Labour – irrespective of how long Labour is in power.

Which of the present Nigerian leaders, in and out of government, can we point to who is so principled? I was apprehensive when the APC was going about campaigning of the CHANGE slogan; and wrote a two-part article titled: Is APC the Answer? As we approach the end of nine and a half years of APC, permit me to remind all of us of the warnings that were ignored – while admitting that the PDP it wanted to replace was already a disaster.

IS APC THE ANSWER? — 1

“Alliances are held together by fear not by love” – Harold Macmillan, British Prime Minister (VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS p 9). Until the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, registered the alliance of political associations which had come together under the banner of All Progressives Congress, APC, to me, there was nothing to discuss about the matter.

APC is now a reality, so there are loads of issues to consider. The first, and most important, has already been addressed by Harold Macmillan. The former British Prime Minister, on February 3, 1960, in a speech to the South African Parliament, had pronounced as follows: “The most striking of all impressions I have formed since I left London a month ago is of the strength of African national consciousness…The wind of change is blowing through the continent [underlining mine]. Whether we like it or not, the growth of national consciousness is a political fact”.

His views of political coalitions, or alliances, were just as unique and sensible as his views about politicians in general. He was also once reported to have said: “If people want a sense of purpose, they should get it from their archbishop [or Chief Imam]. They should certainly not get it from their politicians”. I cannot agree more. The last person to trust absolutely is a politician; a bunch of them…make up the devil’s workshop – irrespective of political party or alliance; mainly because groups are generally more immoral than individuals.

Even the devil knows that after 14 years in government, at the federal level, and in most states, the People’s Democratic Party, PDP, has failed. There is hardly any problem we had as a nation, in 1999, that has not got worse or remained unsolved. The singular exception has been communications and the GSM revolution. Education, infrastructure, power supply, corruption and official greed remain with us; same with high unemployment and the decline of industries.

Today, unlike any time in the past, we live under a Mr. President who intrudes into operations of government, at home and abroad, at will, bringing with each intrusion discord and sometimes ridicule. We know the problems; even if some ethnic jingoists would want the rest of us to join them in pretending that all is well. But, from now until 2015 and, perhaps beyond, the most urgent question is: Is APC, as presently constituted, the answer?

My answer for now is: perhaps not. We may need another political party. That answer will probably shock a lot of people who had assumed that as a long-term critic of the PDP, I would naturally embrace any political association, especially one that has arrogated to itself the word ‘PROGRESSIVE’. The reason my enthusiasm for APC is less than expected lies in the fact that my readings in semantics had taught me to disregard the words people use to describe themselves and to focus on what they have done, or causes they have been known to support and their utterances on important matters.

Lastly, I am more interested in character, or its synonym, integrity. Looking closely at the leaders of the APC, it is doubtful if all of them will pass the test of integrity. Few, if deeply probed, will fail to change their designer suits for prison attire. But, my biggest worry lies in the fact that APC, even so early in the day, is like a structure resting on two major pillars; each deeply flawed… Character flaws in some of the leaders are so deep as to frighten me at the prospect that power might shift to them.

Few of them believe in and practice democracy within their own organizations or in the areas they control and…there has been little really ‘progressive’ about the governance in their domains. The question that bothers my mind can be summarized this way: will I be happy if Nigeria is delivered to a political party led by con-men? The answer is: I doubt it…” That was before the presidential candidate emerged in 2014. Shortly after that, the following was published.

IS APC STILL THE ANSWER? – 2s

“To know that which before us lies in daily life/Is the prime wisdom/What is more is fume” – John Milton, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ. When the various groups forming the alliance which became the All Progressives Congress, APC, finally agreed to work together to get rid of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, I talked to some of the leading promoters of the scheme (or scam?).

My fears centred around the likely presidential candidate and his antecedents regarding respect for human rights, nepotism, religious tolerance and economic illiteracy. The answers I received gave me the impression that there was a solid working agreement which would take care of all those concerns. Today, as we start the year 2020, I am afraid that the APC government has, so far, exceeded my worst fears and dashed my best hopes.

Southerners, including those who got us into this “One Chance” contraption called APC government, can easily see that what has emerged as democracy in Nigeria is “government of the Northern Muslims, by Northern Muslims and for Northern Muslims.” For the first time in Nigeria, the President, the Senate President, the Chief Justice, the Chief of Staff, the Minister of Defence, the Army Chief, the Minister of Justice, the Minister of Petroleum, the Group Managing Director of NNPC, the Minister of Finance, the Director General of the DSS, the Chairman of EFCC, the Inspector General of Police, the Director General of NIA, etc, etc, are all Northern Muslims.

For good measure, an unbelievable percentage of them are Abubakars or Mohammeds in a country where over 100,000 names exist.” All the articles written from 2015 to 2023 pointing to the mismanagement, deliberate and inadvertent, of the Buhari government, were ignored by leaders everywhere – especially the North. Today, there is unanimity in the region that the North has destroyed itself. That, as one of my sages would say, “amounts to wisdom on the eighth day of the week”.

Now professors, emirs, former governors and Ministers are perplexed regarding how to rebuild a badly damaged North. It will be tough. Most of them were in PDP; they have drifted to APC. But, the North is infinitely worse than it was in 1966. Hope is gone. As far as the people are concerned, there is no difference between the two (PDP and APC).

To be continued…

About a month ago, when the Ondo State governorship election was some two weeks away, this column examined the possibility of the state enjoying a seamless election and came to the conclusion that even if the election surprisingly comes out well, one irreversible negative aspect would be vote buying which happens in every Nigerian election.

Well, the said Ondo election has come and gone and reports from election observers have confirmed our prediction. According to the Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room made up of civil society organisations (CSOs) working in support of credible elections and governance in Nigeria, there was “widespread vote trading across the state, with voters and party agents openly engaged in the exchange of votes for cash, ranging from N10,000 to N20,000 in all 18 local government areas.”

Vote buying will no doubt be difficult to stop because not many believe it is wrong to buy and sell votes. The public perception is that those against vote buying are people who do not have enough resources to seriously compete with their opponents. In truth, candidates and their political parties are fully aware that votes would have to be bought hence a budget for it is usually one of the first items they work on while preparing for elections. Yet, the same politicians are the loudest among those condemning vote buying. Under the circumstance, the point can be made again today that the fight against vote buying is a charade because it is a game everyone plays. Put differently, the fight will not only always be lost at every election; it would remain a battle that was lost even before it began.  

There are several reasons why the situation is not likely to change in the nearest future. To start with, not many understand the nature and true meaning of vote buying. Whereas some people see the concept only from the point of view of the open trading that takes place on a typical voting day, vote buying is much wider than that. The term, ‘vote buying’ is indeed not just a voting day activity, there is always vote buying before, during and after the casting of ballots. Besides, the trade is not restricted to the use of money; other material benefits are also patently in use in the popular trade. In addition, vote buying is not only used to induce voters to cast their ballot in favour of the buyer, it is also deployed to stop some voters from voting at all. The goal here is to reduce the voting figures in an opponent’s location of strength

It is therefore not enough to stop the buying and selling of votes on voting day which many often focus upon. In fact, the fight against vote buying can hardly gain traction if it does not commence aggressively well before the casting of ballot. This becomes clearer when it is realized that a candidate who raises huge resources to buy votes is encouraged to do so only because he or she had become the flag bearer of a political party. What this means is that the candidate had engaged in perhaps more serious vote buying within the party to persuade party delegates to support him or her as an aspirant. In the recent past, many Nigerian politicians struggled to become delegates of their parties simply because it had become exceedingly lucrative.

Just before the general election of 2023, there were reports of how several hotels garnered huge profits from the lodging of delegates in their rooms many days before party primaries. There were even undisputed reports that during the presidential primaries of the nation’s two major political parties, the average delegate went home with no less than fifteen thousand US dollars ($15, 000) for voting for an aspirant who became the party’s candidate. On this score, it is easy to conclude that vote buying is not as simplistic as the general perception which sees the phenomenon as essentially the buying and selling of votes on the open market day of the casting of ballot. Vote buying is therefore not only costlier before voting day, but attacks on it are less intense as that of the clamour for an end to voting day trading.

Interestingly, reports which highlight voting day trading focus more on how voters produced evidence that they voted for a particular candidate or party before they were paid. There is usually no corresponding searchlight on law enforcement agents who look the other way during the process or who are themselves seen picking up their own loots. Yet since the Electoral Act of 2010, vote buying has been formally categorized as an offence punishable by huge fines and years of imprisonment in Nigeria.Again, vote buying does not end with the casting of ballot, there is collation of votes currently recognized as the elephant in the room whose price may naturally fit its size.The seller is not necessarily a voter who is dispensing with a personal vote; instead, the seller here simply nullifies all the votes bought and sold during the casting of ballots by swapping votes, cancelling some and altering others in favour of the highest bidder.

The immense power of the collation trader is far wider than is imagined as it includes the power to allocate votes to polling units where elections did not even hold. The implication of this is that a candidate who has resources and access to the collation trader may not waste energy in buying votes during the casting of ballots. This is because the determination of the invisible group of collation merchants is final in the declaration of winners. No one knows the exact value of payments made to merchants who work on segments such as the mass thumb printing of unused ballots, as well as the alteration and mutilation of result sheets. Whereas the invitation to different intellectuals to declare winners is capable of giving some semblance of credibility to the process, how can one quantify what is payable to those who read whatever is recorded?

Another factor encouraging vote buying is the nation’s economic meltdown. It is very difficult to persuade a voter who had not eaten some days before voting and is not sure of his next meal to reject a sale of his ballot that can yield a few cash for the moment. The argument that a voter’s ballot is his strength which should not be sold for a mess of porridge is quite convincing to some people but not persuasive to the poorest of the poor. To the latter, it is worse that no one is saying anything about the huge gains of delegates or the millions that party officials commandeer to play one aspirant against the other. If any type of vote buying is wrong, perhaps it is unfair to focus on the little gains of the poor

Considering that vote buying is basically the exchange of both monetary or other material benefits for political support rather than the purchase of ballots on a typical voting day, those who have been clamouring for an end to vote buying in Nigeria will become more circumspect. They will become more appropriately sensitized to the fact that we are dealing with an ordeal that stretches as far as to the conflicting rulings and all forms of injustices coming out of our judiciary. They will realize that while vote buying which takes place during the casting of ballot is illegal and a crime, a fight against that segment alone is rather cosmetic and incapable of changing the systemic problems of Nigeria’s electoral process. It is therefore time to hold the horn of the Bull.

The goal is not just to stop vote trading but to achieve a credible electoral system. Who says some efficacy will not be attained in the fight if we can reduce our lucrative democratic system? Now that we know that our federal law makers earn N14million per month, the equivalent of the take-home pay of a dozen top executives in the federal service, we ought to know that election to such an office would be capital intensive. The posture of political office holders in Nigeria if viewed through a microscope will virtually reveal their determination to bribe even the Divine, just to get into office. This is part of why the battle to sanitize our electoral system by ending vote trading got lost before it started from the return of democracy to the country in 1999. 

In ??? ?????? ?????? ??? ?????? ?? ??? ???? – ??? ?????? ?? ????, ??? ?? ??? ??? ??? ?????: Essays by Ulli Beier, edited by Wole Ogundele, (2001) Horst Ulrich Beier, famously known as Ulli Beier, had an engaging narrative about the power and powerlessness of dogs. He entitled the narrative, Dog Magic of Yoruba Hunters. In it, Beier related how his dog, which he provocatively named Tańtólóhun, (who can compare with God?)’s weird tantrums, which occurred in Osogbo in the early 1960s, could mirror the insufferable power and limitations of dogs. The motive of telling the story, he said, was to “demonstrate the extraordinary power of hunters over dogs”.

Otherwise very gentle dog, whenever Tańtólóhun saw a particular elderly priest of Oya goddess guest of the Beiers, she suddenly went abrasive. The priest, said the German-Jew literary octopus, had just lost his following and as such, little or no worship activity went on in his shrine. Whenever the priest branched at the Beiers’ home on a visit, Tańtólóhun suddenly went haywire, grew inexplicably aggressive towards the priest, growling and barking. The old priest, too couldn’t explain the oddity. He threatened not to visit the Beiers again unless the weird and wild Tańtólóhun was curtailed. The Beiers’ friends’ explanation for Tańtólóhun’s tantrums was that, “the priest liked to eat dog meat, and because of this, often performed the annual sacrifice for a group of Ogun worshippers in Osogbo… the dog sensed his perverse attitude to dogs and her uncontrollable anger stemmed from that”.

Tańtólóhun’s hatred for the Oya priest intensified. “One day, she even started to tug at his long flowing agbádá with her teeth. Infuriated, the priest shouted that if the dog did it again, he would have to ‘put medicine’ on her. The very next day, the dog rushed out again and this time, the priest turned round, speaking incantations at her.” The second day, as the Oya priest was passing by, Tańtólóhun repeated the same weird bellicosity. “She rushed out again barking and tried to grab the priest’s agbádá. Angrily, the priest turned and spoke his incantations. The dog fled back into the house. But this time, she did not recover. Instead she behaved in the most frightening manner. She rolled her eyes, snarled at everybody and foam appeared in her mouth. We could not be sure that she had not developed rabies. Even if it weren’t so, it was obvious that in her present mood, she would sooner or later attack people. She did not appear to recognise any of us. We quickly evacuated all the people from the house. There were usually a dozen children playing on the ground floor. Then we locked her into the house,” lamented Beier.

Another friend of the Beiers’, the head of hunters in Osogbo, the Olúóde, upon being told of Tańtólóhun’s fate, offered to help. He was promptly ushered into the solitary prison where Tańtólóhun was locked, lest no human be the victim of her madness. Ten minutes after, the Olúóde came out laughing. “The dog followed him, wagging her tail as if nothing had happened. Tańtólóhun had no recurrence of her strange behaviour (again)… The Olúóde said he did not give the dog anything to eat, that all he used was incantations.”

Beier, the man who told that story, was born July 30, 1922, and exited this plane on April 3, 2011. Beier gave Nigerian literature teeth to bite in the twilight of and immediate post-colony (1950 to 1967). His interest in traditional Yoruba culture and arts was almost an obsession. While teaching at the University of Ibadan, the German-Jew veered off to live in Western Region cities of Osogbo and Ede in his quest to conduct anthropological researches on the Yoruba. Inspired by philosopher and French intellectual, Jean Paul Sartre’s essay Orphee Noir, in 1957, Beier founded the magazine, Black Orpheus which became the first African literary journal in English and a leading market for the publication of contemporary Nigerian authors. He also, in 1961, co-founded the Mbari Artists and Writers Club in Ibadan as an ensemble for new writers, dramatists and artists, where they could gather and weave the tapestry of their arts. It is on record that Beier fired the writing zeal of writers like Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, among many others. In 1962, he co-founded the Mbari Mbayo, Osogbo Club with Duro Ladipo and translated his drama, published as Modern Poetry (1963). In 1966, Beier published his own play, The Imprisonment of Obatala, using the pseudonym, Obotunde Ijimere. He was husband to Susanne Wenger, the famous Austrian-turned-Nigerian Osun sacred grove priestess, who, upon dissolution of her marriage to Beier, married the local drummer, Lasisi Ayansola Onilu.

Sorry, I digressed. Last week, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, at the Chinua Achebe Leadership Forum, which held at the Yale University in the United States, threw a mound of earthly pigment Yoruba called ògúlùtu. When you throw ògúlùtu, it scatters in conceived and incidental directions. He threw the ògúlùtu in the direction of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, president of Nigeria. But again, as the Yoruba say, it is a ripe baby orange which invites slingshots of rods and pebbles on its mother (omo osàn níí kó póńpó bá ìyá è). In Yale, Obasanjo took a swipe at not only Tinubu but unnamed Nigerian leaders he called “Baba-go-slow” and “Èmilókàn,” under whom he said Nigeria had become a failed state.

Immediately I read it, I knew Tinubu’s Tańtólóhun dogs like Ulli Beiers’, would relapse into their weirdest bellicosity. Tinubu keeps a kennel of Rottweilers he unleashes on perceived haters. Atiku Abubakar is one of them. While delivering his keynote address entitled “Leadership Failure and State Capture in Nigeria”, Obasanjo outlined Nigeria’s worsening challenges, which included pervasive corruption, mediocrity, immorality, misconduct, mismanagement, perversion, injustice, leading to a state capture. He also alleged that the Nigerian judiciary had been reduced to wriggling maggots which feast on rotten flesh of politicians. He also took a swipe at Tinubu’s wobbly leadership, the concerning state of the economy and the sagging credibility of Nigeria under a government that advertises so much motion but no movement. “More than N700 billion in cash bribes were paid by citizens to public officials in 2023,” he further alleged.

Immediately after this, the Oya priest received one of the vilest attacks from Tańtólóhun. In the narrative of the Beiers’ dog above, it will be recalled that the German-Jew literary octopus’ friends’ explanation for the dog’s weirdness was that the Oya priest might have been suffering for his perverse attitude to dogs, especially his penchant for turning the dog’s kindred into buffet during annual Ogun worshippers’ sacrifices. Ogun worshippers are notorious for not only wickedly beheading dogs during such sacrifices but turning the hapless animal’s meat into delicious barbecue.

So, in the bid to stave off accusation of bad governance that is almost a refrain on the streets of Nigeria, simply re-echoed by Obasanjo, like Beiers’, Tinubu’s Tańtólóhun dogs went berserk, growling and barking for the whole of last week. In a statement titled, ‘Former President Obasanjo was not an ideal leader to emulate,’ Tinubu’s Chief Tańtólóhun leading the pack, accused Obasanjo of hypocrisy. “He presided over the worst election in Nigeria (and now) demands the sack of the leadership of the Independent National Electoral Commission.” He barked ad-nauseam on the Obasanjo third term agenda, how Chinua Achebe, “a universally acclaimed moral, cultural and literary icon” had “scant regard for Obasanjo,” and rejected “the third highest national honour bestowed on him… in 2004,” the unconstitutional impeachment of four PDP governors, the Halliburton bribe scandal, dud investment of $16bn in electricity, “which left the country in utter darkness,” the aluminium smelter company, ALSCON sale, among others. Onanuga growled however that his boss was “diligently (working) to overcome the country’s economic challenges” and advised Obasanjo “to temper his self-righteousness in his public discussions regarding our nation’s temporary difficulties” and spend “his remaining years…reflecting on the missed opportunities during his own time in leadership, both as military head of state and civilian president”.

The Beiers’ Tańtólóhun had every reason to growl at the dog-eating Oya priest. It however didn’t reckon with an eternal Yoruba aphorism which preached caution. In traditional African Yoruba society, cloth dry-cleaning was a craft natives embarked upon. Early in the morning, these alágbàfò stormed homes of their clients to collect stacks of used clothes which they took to streams to wash. After washing them, for the clothes to last longer and give them fascinating smells, alágbàfò garnished them with a blue dye called aró. The aró’s cost is then added to their fees. So, when a bedwetting client haggled the price of the aró, the Yoruba say while the whole world was entitled to so haggle, it ill behoves a bedwetter to do same.This, Yoruba express as, “ó ye gbogbo eni k’ó yo’wó aró, sùgbón kò ye atòólé.” Did the bedwetter take into consideration the unpleasant task of divorcing their clothes from oozing smell of urine and the indignity behind their affliction?

So, even if the whole world could cast off the beam in Obasanjo’s eyes, it is not the governance bedwetters of Aso Rock of today. While Tańtólóhun was entitled to be miffed at the Oya priest for peremptorily turning its kin into gourmet meal, does she think the world, too was blind to how she pounced on reptiles and rodents, devouring them? Moreover, Tańtólóhun should have known, again as Yoruba say, that it is not all leaves that the Babaláwo plucks nor is it every palm tree that the palm wine-tapper climbs. While some leaves are sacred, with all of them taboo to be plucked after the morning dew had ceased its water blessing, if a palm-wine tapper does not carefully select the tree to climb, he could be stung by a deadly puffadder which has made the palm-tree top its place of hibernation. Ayinla Omowura, Yoruba Apala music colossus, expressed this as “gbogbo ewé kó l’òjáwé ńjá, gbogbo òpe kó l’onígbà ńgùn” and warned the climber and leave-plucker to beware.

To start with, I am not aware of any of the allegations made by the Tańtólóhun dogs against the Oya priest that is a lie. In human relations, Obasanjo has been described as the proverbial African witch who seeks the destruction of her benefactors. He makes mincemeat of his benefactors. An example touted in this regard is Chief S. B. Bakare, the Ijesa multi-millionaire of the 1970s/80s who rescued him from the bullets of Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka. Obasanjo is also one of the most hated Nigerian leaders alive, mostly due to his kénimánìí (lest others have) and kénimátóni (lest others attain my status) traits. Both are epistemic analytical standpoints of human relationship used in understanding and interpreting people’s actions and inactions. Obasanjo has always fought his kin to the hilt, beginning with Obafemi Awolowo and MKO Abiola, his secondary school senior. The ostensible reason is for him to be the only Yoruba to attain his national height. He once riled the world when he said that the presidency Awolowo sought unsuccessfully was delivered to him on a platter. Rather than his kin, Obasanjo preferred lifting people of other ethnicities. The few kin of his who were struggling to be at the top, like Mike Adenuga Jr., Obasanjo attempted to destroy them.

Not minding the above, a saying that will readily dissolve Tinubu’s Tańtólóhun dogs’ tantrums against Obasanjo is that even if a hyena develops boil – a painful, pus-filled bump – on its face, it is beyond the remit of the chicken to point it out. A chicken is too miniature in people’s estimation compared to a hyena, just as no one dare peer light into the dilating eyes of the lion. Obasanjo is too elephantine in stature for anybody to demean.

In Nigeria’s 25 years continuous governance, one tree that makes its democratic forest is Obasanjo. It may sound intangible, but we know that Obasanjo has an ancestry that he can point to. I doubt if there is any other leader who is emblematic of this country and who the rest of the world connects than him. I once traveled with Obasanjo to Congo Kinshasa and saw how Felix Tshisekedi and the whole DRC laid red carpet for him. From Nigeria’s first loan of US$13.1 million from the Paris Club of Creditor Nations, taken from the Italian government in 1964 for the building of the Niger Dam, her debt rose to US$36 billion in December 2004. Obasanjo, on June 29, 2005, used his international leverage to have the Paris Club give a US$18 billion debt relief package to the country. No other leader, before and after him, has succeeded in doing this. Many institutions of government which Nigeria enjoys today, the EFCC, ICPC etc – though they are almost comatose now – were all built by him. He brought dignity to Nigeria and his years in government lifted this country’s pride tremendously. More importantly, he didn’t disgrace the Yoruba race.

Yes, Obasanjo’s lust for power, that me-and-only-me (àf’èmi, àf’èmi) spirit, sowed the seed of his third term ambition which he now shamelessly denies. However, none of his several limitations could be as destructive as to have some insolent and abrasive Tańtólóhun dogs compare him with Tinubu. Yes, they are both lucky to have risen this high; Obasanjo, in spite of his perceived wickedness, selfishness and Tinubu, for the mucks that glue to his past and present. The lofty pride that oozed off Obasanjo while in office cannot be said of the government that the Tańtólóhun dogs were last week unleashed to bay blood for and defend. Barking and growling, their teeth tugged at the agbádá of the Oya priest, they were a pitiable sight as they attempted to stave off Obasanjo’s deadly punches. What did Obasanjo say that is untrue about the pestilence that the Tinubu government has brought on Nigerians in the last 18 months? Nigeria today mirrors every definition of a failed state. Is it the excruciating hunger, go-slow, corruption, a felonious judiciary, an INEC that has gone to the dogs and whose chairman needed to be sacked to allow sanity into Nigeria’s electoral system? What?

Let me close this homily by asking the Olúóde, who has the powers to put a leash on his Tańtólóhun dogs, to do so immediately. In doing so, I will borrow two advisory sayings of the Yoruba. In one, they caution that, even if a Tańtólóhun dog is suddenly seized by insanity, it should mind the billowing red-eye of the fire – “t’ájá bá ńsínwín, k’ó má wo’nú iná òyèlà.” In another, Yoruba warn that anyone who assumes that the way an edible vegetable called tètè is grated and made into soup is same way another variant of the vegetable, the wild dáguńró, is eaten will be eating poison!

The Fuji music house of commotion

Like every lover of Yoruba traditional music, language and culture, I have of recent been inundated with requests to lend a voice to the newest raging fire in the Fuji music genre. Since the passage of Alhaji Sikiru Ayinde Balogun, popularly known as Ayinde Barrister or Agbajelola Barusati, there have been longstanding tiffs on whom of the trio of Ayinde Omogbolahan Anifowose, KWAM 1; self-named King Saheed Osupa (K.S.O.) and Wasiu Alabi Pasuma, was the “King.”

These musicians’ recent quest for supremacy is not new. From time immemorial, supremacy battles have been part and parcel of Yoruba music. Apparently now tempered by modernity, in the olden days, the battles were fought with traditional spells, incantations and talisman aimed at deconstructing and liquidating their rivals. Mostly fought on genre basis, I submit that pre and post-independence entertainment scene would have been livelier, far more robust than it was but for the acrimonious liquidating fights of those eras.

In the Sakara music, Abibu Oluwa, a revered early precursor of this Yoruba musical genre, who reigned in the late 1920s and 1930s, had Salami Alabi Balogun, popularly known as Lefty Salami, Baba Mukaila and Yusuff Olatunji as members of his band. Oluwa praise-sang many Lagos elites of his time, especially Herbert Macaulay to whom he sang his praise in the famous track named “Macaulay Macaulay.” In it, he sang the foremost Nigerian nationalist’s alias of Ejonigboro – Snake on the Street and prayed that he would not come to shame.

Sakara also produced the likes of S. Aka Baba Wahidi, Kelani Yesufu (alias Kelly). It was sung with traditional Yoruba instruments like the solemn-sounding goje violin whose history is traced to the north, and the roundish Sakara drum, beaten with stick and whose appearance is like that of a tambourine. Sakara music is often called the Yoruba variant of western blues music because of its brooding rhythm though laced with a high dosage of philosophy.

When Oluwa died in 1964, he literally handed over to Lefty who, born on October 1913, died December 29, 1981. Lefty, a talking drummer under Oluwa, churned out over 35 records before his demise, one of which was a tribute to Lagos monarch, Oba Adele (Adele l’awa nfe – Oba Adele is the king we want) and another to the Elegushi family. I dwelt considerably on Sakara because it is believed to have had considerable influence on other genres of traditional African Yoruba music, especially Apala and Fuji, with the former sometimes indistinguishable from Sakara.

Apala music, whose exponent is said to be Haruna Ishola, originated in the late 1930s Nigeria. Delivered with musical instruments like a rattle (Sekere) thumb piano, (agidigbo) drums called Iya Ilu and Omele, a bell (agogo) and two or three talking drums, Apala and Sakara are the most complex of these genres of traditional Yoruba music, due to their infusion of philosophy, incantations and dense Yoruba language into their mix. Distinct, older and more difficult in mastery than Fuji music which is considered to be comparatively easy to sing, Ayinla Omowura, Ligali Mukaiba, Kasumu Adio, and many others were Apala leading lights of the time. The three genres have very dense Islamic background.

The latest entrant of all the three genres is Fuji. Pioneered by Ayinde Barrister no doubt, for an Apala musician biographer like me, I am confused that Omowura, as far back as early 1970s, asked listeners in need of good Fuji music to come learn from him – “Fuji t’o dara, e wa gbo l’owo egbe wa…” Sorry, I digressed.

While KWAM 1 emerged with his Talazo music from the ashes of his being a music instrument arranger for Barrister’s musical organization in the early 1980s, the feud in the house after Barrister’s death erupted when narratives allegedly oozed unto the musical scene that KWAM 1 referred to himself as the creator of Fuji music. He however promptly denied the claim. For decades, Osupa and Pasuma were locked in horns over supremacy of the Fuji music genre. In August 2023, the two however seemed to have decided to thaw their feud as they shared stage with Wasiu Ayinde, at Ahmad Alawiye Folawiyo, an Islamic singer’s 50th birthday celebration in Lagos. KWAM 1 glibly acted as their senior colleague at the event.

As an indication that they are no bastards of the teething and recurrent supremacy battles that emblemize traditional Yoruba music, the three Fuji music icons seem to have gone into the trenches again. It first started with Taiye Currency, an Ibadan-based alter-ego of Pasuma picking a fight with the musician who self-styled himself Son of Anobi Muhammed’s Wife. In a viral video, Currency had disclaimed reference to Pasuma as his “father” in the music industry. In another video not long after, KWAM 1, like some kind of father figure, was shown asking Currency to go and apologize to Pasuma.

A few days ago, a video of Osupa went viral. Therein, he was chastising a particular hypocrite he called “Onirikimo” and “alabosi”, who is “stingy and is ready to shamelessly collect money from those under him.” Osupa also claimed that this “shameless elder” had strung a ring of corn round his waist and should be ready to be made fun of by hens. Watchers of the endless tiffs among these Fuji icons swear that KWAM 1 was the unnamed Fuji musician Osupa was casting aspersion on.

The trio of Sakara, Apala and Fuji music also witnessed such petty squabbles. While many claim that the fights were promotional gambits aimed at having their fans salivate for their hate-laced musical attacks against one another, some others claim that the rivalries were genuine. In the Apala music scene, Haruna Ishola and Kasumu Adio fought each other to the nadir, with Adio, who sang almost in the same voice and cadence as Ishola, suddenly vamoosing from the musical scene. Rumours and speculations had it then that a mysterious goat bit Adio and rendered him useless. While Ayinla Omowura also fought Fatai Olowonyo, Fatai Ayilara, among others in the Apala genre, the duo of Yusuff Olatunji and S. Aka also feuded till their last days. This is not to mention the interminable fight between Kollington Ayinla and Barrister.

If the tiff between the trio of KWAM 1, Osupa and Pasuma is about age and Yoruba traditional respect for elders, KWAM 1 would easily go away with the trophy of the best of the three. However, if philosophical depth, musical elan, research of lyrics and deployment of Yoruba language are at issue, none of the other two musicians can unbuckle Osupa’s sandals. Osupa began his musical career in 1983 as a teenager and has gone through the mills, his late father being a musician, too and Awurebe music lord, Dauda Epo Akara’s musical contemporary.

Unlike their predecessors, the three Fuji musicians are literate and should thus address their musical issues in more mature manner. Osupa even recently bagged a degree from the department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. One thing they should know is that, whether one is supreme to the other or not, their fans will readily queue behind the brand that delights them.