OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

Much has been said and written since President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida's book, titled 'A Journey In Service: An Autobiography' was launched.

As to be expected, the reviews are interesting and the commentary has been in some cases good, in some bad and in some ugly.

This is a healthy development because the worst that one can do to a book or an essay is to ignore it.

Whether you agree with it's contents or not or whether you like the author or not is not the point: what makes it worth writing is the commentary that follows and the oftentimes divided opinions.

This more than anything else makes the literary contribution a success and as the saying goes: it is better for it to be spoken about, even in negative terms, than for it to be ignored.

There is no doubt in my mind that few can ignore either Babangida or his controversial yet factual book and ever since it's launching on February 20th 2025 it has been the talk of not just the town but the entire nation.

I welcome and encourage such discourse wholeheartedly because it engenders intellectual debate and it enriches and deepens our knowledge of history.

I do however take objection to those that have gone a little too far and that have characterised Babangida as "a coward" and "a weakling" simply because he spoke the truth about the role General Sani Abacha, his Chief of Defence Staff, played in the annulment of the June 12th election.

In the book Babangida displayed humility and remorse and assumed "full responsibility" for the annulment as Head of State. 

He also pointed out the fact that he chose to tread that precarious and regrettable path primarily as a consequence of the immense pressure that he was subjected to by General Sani Abacha. 

By bringing these facts to public glare and establishing this narrative he was not, as some have argued, "making excuses" for his actions but rather he was attempting to put them in context and, for historical purposes and the record, enlighten the Nigerian people about precisely which personalities and circumstances caused him to make the decision that he eventually made. 

This surely ought to be commended and not condemned as it can only enrich the historical discourse and shed more light on the darkest corners of our journey as a nation. 

I say this because I believe that the Nigerian people have a right to know about the real causes of the terrible trauma they were put through as a consequence of the annulment with its attendant loss of liberty and life and the 6 long years of suffering, strife, division and misery that it brought our people. 

Sadly as a consequence of his submission about their patriach's role in the whole sordid affair certain members of General Abacha's family, some very young and some a little older, took umbrage and offence and publicly described Babangida as "weak" and as "a coward".

This is not only a false characterisation of a man that has proved his courage on several occasions in our history and has put his life on the line for Nigeria many times but it is also very unkind given the strong friendship and trust that Babangida and Abacha themselves shared over the years and given the close relationship that their respective families have enjoyed ever since the Nigerian civil war. 

Outside of that anyone that says IBB is "weak" or "a coward" does not know IBB.

It is better that we do not open up this debate because if we do those that are saying these uncharitable things will be worsted.

It really is advisable for them to sheath their swords at this early stage in order to ensure that their father's tenure is not subjected to even more public scrutiny than it already is.

As they say sometimes silence is golden. 

Some of us lived the experience whilst some of those talking today had not even been conceived let alone born.

Between the father and grandfather of those who are throwing bricks today and calling IBB "weak" and a "coward" we know who the monster and cold-blooded killer was.

Granted that it was under his watch that the June 12th election was annuled but what cannot be denied is that the real reign of terror began after Babangida left office and after Abacha toppled the Ernest Shonekan-led Interim National Government in a coup, took power and turned state-sponsored terror and murder into an art.

For five years the entire nation and particularly the Yoruba people were subjected to the worst form of barbarity and tyranny that our nation had ever known.

Many were falsely accused, persecuted, humiliated, killed, incarcerated, tortured and driven into exile to suffer in some foreign land whilst others, like the former military Head of State and later President, President Olusegun Obasanjo, General Shehu Musa Yar'adua (the second in command to General Obasanjo when he was military Head of State and the older brother to President Umaru Musa Yar'adua) and General Paul Oladipo Diya (General Sani Abacha's second in command) were imprisoned for no just cause and one of them (Yar'adua) was pinned down and forcefully injected with strange and toxic substances, poisoned and murdered whilst there.

Meanwhile Abiola's wife, Alhaja Kudirat Abiola, along with many others including a young man by the name of Toyin Onagoruwa who was the son of Dr. Olu Onagoruwa SAN (Abacha's Attorney General and Minister of Justice who had earlier resigned in protest against all the atrocities that the Government he served were committing), were either gunned down in the streets or, like Bagudu Kaltho, blown up with bombs.

What can one say about a man who, according to Onagoruwa himself, could order the murder of his own Minister of Justices' son simply because the man gave a press conference, criticised his brutal policies and heinous practices and resigned. 

Then there was the judicial murder of the activist and environmentalist Ken Saro-Wiwa. 

Even after the international community pleaded with him not to hang this man and implored him to at least allow him to challenge his "conviction" for murder before what was to all intents and purposes a kangaroo court and go to the Court of Appeal, Abacha refused to listen and had the poet and human rights activist hanged in the middle of the night. 

Worse of all is the fact that Saro-Wiwa was his close friend. This was singularly one of the most wicked and callous acts that took place under Abacha's watch.

Saro-Wiwa deserved to at least go on Appeal and exhaust the opportunities that the law and the legal system availed to him. 

It was a national tragedy and the Commonwealth nations particularly were so shocked that Nigeria's membership was suspended.

Yet it didn't end there and there is so much more to say. 

For example brutal psychopaths like Colonel Frank Omenka and his gang of heartless cut throats tortured people, including women and children, with sadistic pleasure in the dungeons of the Directorate of Military Intelligence in Apapa, Lagos. 

Few left there alive. 

Most of the young people talking and writing on social media today know nothing about these ugly events or this time because they were not born and they know NOTHING about the history of the country.

We lived it, we were part of the struggle, we paid the price, it was hell and all of it happened under Abacha's watch. 

Yet how did we get there, what transpired, who were the major actors and who actually annuled the June 12th election and took us down that hideous path? 

This is the million dollar question and Babangida finally answered it in his book. 

The truth is that had it not been that IBB sheathed his sword, held his peace and conceded to the dark, sinister and evil forces that coordinated, orchestrated, initiated, effected and announced the annulment without his knowledge and behind his back there would have been a very bloody military coup which would have in turn been violently resisted by the IBB faction and thereby result in a long and protracted civil war.

Those that led these dark and evil pro-annulment forces were General Sani Abacha, Brigadier General David Mark, Lt. General Joshua Dogonyaro, Air Vice Marshal Nurudeen Imam, Colonel Lawan Gwadabe, Major General Alwali Kazir, Lt. General Ishaya Bamaiyi, Major General Jeremiah Useni and many others. 

Had Babangida resolved to resist them, renounce the unauthorised announcement and de-annul the election (which he could easily have done) I have no doubt that Abiola, his wives, his children, his key supporters, many of those heroes that were to later become the leaders of NADECO, IBB himself and all his key loyalists including Major General Salihu Ibrahim (the Chief of Army Staff), Brigadier General Haliru Akilu, Major General Aliyu Gusau, Colonel Sambo Dasuki, Colonel Abubakar Umar, General Gado Nasko, Air Vice Marshall Hamza Abdullahi, Colonel Habibu Shuaibu, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, General Garba Duba, General Sani Bello, Colonel Nuhu Bamalli (as he then was), Major General Isola Williams, Admiral Augustus Aikhomu and many others would have been targetted for assassination and our country would have been plunged into a cataclysmic bloodbath given the fact that Babangida's men would have struck back with equal ferocity and in equal measure. 

More likely than not few of the main players on both sides, including Abacha, Abiola and Babangida themselves, would have survived the conflagration and the country would have been at war with itself, brother killing brother, for an indefinate period of time.  

Anyone that doubts this or the horrific nature of such conflicts  should remember what happened during the Nigeria/Biafra civil war and consider what is happening in Sudan today. 

When senior and powerful military officers each with a massive following in the Armed Forces refuse to tread the path of compromise, peace and sanity and take up arms against one another EVERYONE loses and the entire country implodes into ashes and crumbles into dust. 

I do not seek to justify the annulment and at the time, along with millions of others, I opposed it with all my heart and every fiber of my being but the reality was that IBB was faced with a very difficult choice. 

As he said in his book he was indeed "caught between the devil and the deep blue sea".

He could have done what some may deem right right by resisting the deceit, betrayal, perfidy, pressure and subterfuge from the Abacha faction of the military, refuse to accept the illegal and unconciable annulment, declare it as "null and void" and consequently spark off a bloody chain of events and a civil war or he could have chosen to do what some may deem wrong by keeping his cool, letting Abacha have his dastardly way, conceeding to the dark forces, accepting the annulment and thereby save lives and maintain a tenuous even though short-lived peace.

He chose the latter, saved MKO Abiola's life and that of many others and maintained the fragile unity of the military and by extention the country by doing so.

Yet whichever option he opted to take, Babangida was not the  villainous usurper, traitor and Kingslayer here: Abacha and his vile power-hungry cohorts were. 

This is what IBB has now firmly established in his book and we await sensible literary responses from those that are still alive and that were in the Abacha camp. 

They are more than welcome to dispute the facts and tell their side of the story and we are eager to hear them. 

However until they do so and provide the necessary evidence to establish the veracity of their claims yours truly along with many others are constrained to accept Babangida's narrative because, in my view, he remains a respected elderstatesman and a man of integrity and secondly his account appears to credible and plausible. 

For the benefit of those that may not have the book I would urge them to get a copy and read from pages 274 to 276 in order to get a clear picture of what actually transpired and the truth is that it is shocking!

Due to space constraints permit me to qoute just a portion of it from page 275 where he wrote,

"On the morning of June 23, I left Abuja for Katsina to commiserate with the Yar'Adua family over the death of their patriarch, Alhaji Musa Yar'Adua. 

The funeral had taken place, and as I got ready to leave, a report filtered to me that the June 12 elections had been annulled. 

Even more bizarre was the extent of the annulment because it terminated all court proceedings regarding the June 12 elections, repealed all the decrees governing the Transition and even suspended NEC! Equally weird was the shabby way the statement was couched and made. 

Admiral Aikhomu's press secretary, Nduka Irabor, had read out a terse, poorly worded statement from a scrap of paper, which bore neither the presidential seal nor the official letterhead of the government, annulling the June 12 presidential elections. I was alarmed and horrified.

Yes, during the stalemate that followed the termination of the results announcement, the possibility of annulment that could lead to fresh elections was loosely broached in passing but annulment was only a component of a series of other options. 

To suddenly have an announcement made without my authority was, to put it mildly, alarming. 

I remember saying: 'These nefarious inside forces opposed to the elections have outflanked me!' 

I would later find out that the 'forces' led by General Sani Abacha annulled the elections.

There and then, I knew I was caught between the devil and the deep blue sea! 

From then on the June 12 elections took on a painful twist for which, as I will show later, I regrettably take responsibility.of its worst political crises ever. 

Like many of us in government, the political class was stunned.”

All this yet Babangida still opted to take full responsibility for these troubling events and great injustice and kept his lips sealed about the abominable role that General Sani Abacha and his group played in the annulment of the June 12th election and the rape and usurpation of the mandate that was freely given to Chief MKO Abiola and his running mate Ambassador Babagana Kingibe by the Nigerian people.  

To drive home the point about how dangerous the situation was for all and sundry permit me to remind those that were alive at the time about the meeting that Babangida had with Abiola after the annulment in which he told him that "these people" meaning the Abacha group would "kill me, you and all the rest of us" if the election result was "de-annulled" and allowed to stand.

His words were leaked to the media and widely reported at the time yet they were never denied by either Babangida or Abiola. 

Again there was the infamous contribution from Colonel David Mark (as he then was) who had hitherto been a Babangida loyalist where he was reported to have said "we will not allow Abiola to be sworn in as President and if NEC swears him in we will shoot him".

Those that doubt this should read Professor Omo Omoruyi's book titled 'The Tale Of June 12th: The Betrayal Of The Democratic Rights Of Nigerians'. 

Omoruyi, who was the Director General of the Center For Democratic Studies, was not only an Advisor and insider in the Babangida Government but he was also very close to the Head of State and a strong ally and voice of the pro-democracy and anti-annulment movement within the regime. 

He was a formidable intellectual who was credible, humane, decent, cerebral and highly respected and I have no reason to doubt his word. 

Ironically after the annulment took place and Babangida "stepped aside" from office Mark fell out with Abacha and fled the country for his life. 

Then there was the case of Colonel Lawan Gwadabe who actually told one of Babangida's children that they would pick up his/her father and "deal with him" if he allowed Abiola to take over. 

Ironically the same Gwadabe who  at that time was in the Abacha camp was later arrested by Abacha and tortured brutally for planning a coup. He was beaten so badly that he almost lost his life.

Both Mark (who 14 years later was elected Senate President) and Gwadabe were originally IBB boys but they turned their back on their mentor, joined the pro-annulment camp and vehemently opposed the election and mandate of MKO Abiola.

Thankfully not all of IBB's boys  shifted camps at that crucial time and most remained loyal to him.

Brigadier General Haliru Akilu, the clinically efficient Director of National Intelligence and the man who detected and prevented numerous coup attempts, exposed many conspiracies and single-handedly kept Babangida in power for 8 years never faltered or failed and remains loyal to IBB till today.

Colonel Sambo Dasuki, IBB's erstwhile ADC (who became National Security Advisor to President Goodluck Jonathan 20 years later) was as constant as the Northern star and was loyal till the end. 

Thankfully there were many others but worthy of mention for his remarkable courage and gallantry at the time was Colonel Abubakar 'Dangiwa' Umar (my erstwhile Polo Captain from Lagos Polo Club and the former Governor of Kaduna state) who was the shining star of the Babangida inner circle. 

A former ADC to General Hassan Katsina (the Chief of Army Staff when General Gowon was Head of State), Umar was young, tough, outspoken, courageous, suave, sophisticated, dashing and very good-looking.

He was also very pro-June 12th and was one of IBB's greatest loyalists in the military hierarchy.

Permit me to share a few words that I extracted from my essay titled 'President Ibrahim Babangida: An Irrepressible Enigma And Enduring Institution' which I wrote the day after the launch of President Babangida's book. 

I wrote, inter alia, 

"Babangida has explained to us his own side of the story and told us exactly what transpired. 

He refused to remain silent, he did not shy away from speaking the truth or refuse to accept responsibility and he did not pass the buck. 

Instead he came clean, displayed immense courage and did the right and proper thing.

That is what leaders are meant to do and he did it without fear or favour regardless of whose ox was gored. Kudos to him. 

We need to appreciate this gesture, eschew all bitterness, let go of all our pent up anger, forgive him for what many perceive to be his sins and move on.

Equally we need to accord him his rightful place in history as one of the the greats despite his fallibility. 

He is after all a mere man, albeit a great one, and not God. Only God is free of fault and is infallible and there is not one man that has ever lived, led or ruled that can claim to be perfect. 

All those insulting and abusing him  for putting the facts and his experiences on record in his book are malevolent, bitter, twisted souls and unenlightened, ignorant, cowards who have no appreciation of history or what this man actually achieved in his 8 years in office. 

Again they cannot fully comprehend or appreciate the complex events that led up to the annulment of June 12th. 

They only see things in part and have allowed their emotions rather than their heads to rule them. 

I was in the NADECO trenches during that difficult time and like many others paid my dues too but I can boldly say that outside of the June 12th matter IBB did more for Nigeria than virtually any other President or Head of State. 

He left power 32 years ago and yet every single living former Nigerian President and Head of State bar President Muhammadu Buhari who he had removed from power in a coup in 1985 attended his book launch in person and despite all Buhari actually sent a representative and a warm message. 

It was an extraordinary event and I witnessed it with my own eyes because I had the privilege of being invited. 

If the number of leaders that attended, which included President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former Head of State General General Yakubu Gowon, former Head of State General Abdulsalami Abubakar, former President and former Head of State President Olusegun Obasanjo, former President Goodluck Jonathan, former President of Ghana Nana Akufo Addo, former President of Sierra Leone President Koroma, former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, former Vice President Namadi Sambo and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar does not prove to Nigerians the high esteem that the ruling elites have for him then nothing will. 

My prayer is that God continues to be with this great and inspiring man who has displayed immense discipline, resilience, dignity, self-respect, courage and humility throughout his distinguished and illustrious life. 

I pray he continues to share his vast reserves of experience, knowledge and wisdom and make his contributions to national development for many years to come. 

Whether his numerous detractors like it or not IBB remains an enigma, an institution and the most consequential Head of State and President in our history. 

No-one can take that away from him and we are very proud of him. I wish both him and his family well". 

I stand by every word. 

Permit me to conclude this contribution with a quote from Babangida's book which many have chosen to ignore or misinterpret. 

For posterity's sake we must put what he has said on record lest the uninformed, ignorant, unlettered and intellectually dishonest amongst us have a field day and misinform future generations about those that were behind the first coup d'etat in our country which took place on January 15th 1966 and which was led by Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Major Chukwuemeka Kaduna Nzeogwu respectively.

On page 39 of the book Babangida wrote the following: 

"It was heinously callous for Nzeogwu to have murdered Sir Ahmadu Bello and his wife, Hafsatu, because not only were they eminently adored by many but also because they were said not to have put up a fight. From that moment the putsch was infiltrated by "outsiders" to its supposed original intention and it took on an unmistakable ethnic coloration compounded by the fact that there were no related coup activities in the Eastern Region".

I hate to burst the bubble of those that are beating their chests like puerile apes and think otherwise but there is NOWHERE in Babangida's  book that he said that the coup of January 15th 1966 was NOT an Igbo one.

In fact he alluded to the contrary when he said the coup had taken on an "unmistakable ethnic coloration".

That is what he wrote and that is the reality. 

The coup was indeed an ethnic one and the ethnic group he was referring to were none other than the Igbo!

Those that have purposely twisted and misinterpreted his words and have said that he wrote that the coup was "not an Igbo coup" are either misguided and misinformed or are being mischievous and patently dishonest.

Most of them have a poor understanding of the English language and have not even read the book and instead are relying on erroneous and nonsensical social media headlines, fake news, fake qoutes and well-crafted propaganda and disinformation.

I suggest that they procure a copy of the book, read it from cover to cover and stop attempting to revise history by misinterpreting the words of the esteemed author.

Babangida, in his characteristic manner, was charitable to the Igbos in his book but that does not give anyone licence to misinterpret his words and conclusions or use them in a self-serving manner in an attempt to revise history.

Whether anyone likes it or not the facts are clear and they are as follows.

99% of the officers that planned and executed the January 15th 1966 coup and that were involved in the execution of the mutiny were Igbo and 99% of those that were murdered by them were non-Igbo military officers and political leaders in some cases including their wives.

We owe it to the memory of those that were so callously slaughtered not to hide, distort or sugar coat the bitter truth, not to revise history and not to tell pernicious lies.

The coup was UNMISTAKEABLY and UNEQUIVOCALLY an Igbo one and Babangida made this very clear when he wrote about its "ethnic coloration".

I urge all those that have a poor understanding of the English language and that cannot read more than three lines of any book or essay to stop using his words to establish their revisionist and patently dishonest narrative and their futile attempt to perpetuate an age-old mendacity and delusion. 

Falsehood, deceit, specious lies and intellectual fraud have no place in a civilised society or the world of the  educated and literate. 

The truth is that the January 15th 1966 coup WAS an Igbo one and I am glad to say that Babangida has confirmed it.

This is a FACT and as our journalist friends will tell you 'facts are sacred and opinion is cheap".

God bless Nigeria! 

 

(Chief Femi Fani-Kayode is the Sadaukin Shinkafi, the Wakilin Doka of Potiskum, a former Minister of Culture and Tourism and a former Minister of Aviation)

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

June 12, 1993 marked a significant setback for Nigeria, harking back to the January 15, 1966, coup-d’etat. This unfortunate event pushed the country back by at least a century, primarily due to the suspension of the 1963 Republican Constitution. Although the masterminds behind the coup never explicitly stated that they had abolished the constitution, the consequences of its suspension continue to manifest in Nigeria’s persistent underdevelopment.

Ayo Ademiluyi, a civil rights lawyer and political activist, recently pointed out that the General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida government, similar to previous and succeeding military administrations, was characterized by diarchy. This system of governance, which combines the military top brass and parts of the political establishment, was more pronounced under IBB, as Babangida is known, than any other military administration. This diarchy was on full display during the publication and public presentation of a book, titled ‘A Journey in Service: An Autobiography of Ibrahim Babangida’, and fundraising for the Presidential Library, where startling revelations about Babangida’s military rule came to light.

MKO Abiola Hope 93

A gentleman on the podium stated that he and others present owed their success not to entrepreneurial spirit, but rather to state capture and favours. In contrast, entrepreneurs like Adeola Odutola, Louis Odumegwu Ojukwu, and Aminu Dantata from the previous era achieved success through genuine entrepreneurial zeal and innovation. Unfortunately, under Babangida’s regime, state favours became the primary means of economic advancement, leading to a society that is uncompetitive

 

The concept of state capture, which originated in South Africa, was exemplified in Nigeria during the IBB era. However, for Nigeria to make progress, it should focus on promoting entrepreneurship among its citizens. Notable examples include Bayo Ogunlesi of Global Infrastructure, Olugbenga Agboola, Iyinoluwa Aboyeji and Adeleke Adekoya of Flutterwave, as well as Shola Akinlade and Ezra Olubi of Paystack. The new generation banks, led by individuals like Atedo Peterside and Fola Adeola, are also worth mentioning. Instead of promoting entrepreneurship, the IBB book presentation unfortunately celebrated an era marked by ‘man-know-man’ and ‘padi padi’ arrangements, commonly referred to as state capture. This approach will not make Nigeria competitive, create much-needed jobs, catalyze growth, or achieve sustainability.

One of the most troubling aspects of the June 12, 1993, election saga is how Babangida inadvertently relinquished his authority as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. By refusing to uphold the mandate of the free and fair election, Babangida exhibited a cowardly cop-out, as noted by Reuben Abati in his column. Abati’s critique, however, stopped short of drawing a more profound conclusion. A more incisive analysis would have contrasted Babangida’s actions or inactions with those of Chile’s democratically elected President Salvador Allende Gossens, who made the ultimate sacrifice for his principles on a fateful night in 1973. 

In a tale of two leaders, Salvador Allende, a medical doctor-turned-president, stood in unambiguous contrast to General Ibrahim Babangida, who rose through the military ranks. When faced with a coup, Allende’s commitment to his people and his mandate was unwavering. Despite an American plane waiting to whisk him to safety, he opted to fight alongside his Chief of Staff and eleven ministers, refusing to give up their mandate. It’s one of the most remarkable arts in recent political history. So, who’s a ‘General’? Allende, a trained medical doctor, or Babangida, who entered the army straight from secondary school?

 

IBB-AND-MKO

Lieutenant Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi’s ultimate sacrifice for Major General JTU Aguiyi-Ironsi during the 1966 military coup in Nigeria also exemplified the enduring power of loyalty and duty in the face of overwhelming adversity. So, there’s no point in blaming General Sani Abacha, Augustus Aikhomu and others, who are no longer here to defend themselves; and dead men tell no tales! What’s more? IBB has simply shot himself in the foot, for, certainly, he has not presented himself as a Commander-in-Chief! 

The entire book presentation was clearly a jarring celebration, utterly disconnected from the somber reflections that events like the Holocaust or Soweto Massacre demand. As Peterside aptly noted, such tragedies cannot be commemorated amidst joviality. This is a very bad taste, which should not have happened. In sane climes, the occasion would have been an opportune moment to establish a Trust Fund for the countless individuals who suffered irreparable losses – lives, limbs, and livelihoods – due to the annulment. Many of these brave souls are still alive, struggling to rebuild their shattered lives.

In this context, President Bola Tinubu, himself a victim of the annulment, has a unique opportunity to make amends. By setting up the Trust Fund, he can provide long-overdue rehabilitation and support to those who risked everything for democracy. This gesture would honour their sacrifices while allowing him to forge his own path, distinct from the shadows of the past, and create a more just and compassionate society. The last word is that, June 12, 1993, allowed the genie to escape from the bottle. All manners of long dormant and suppressed agitations came out of June 12 across the six geopolitical zones and the political will to resolve these issues has still not been found. 

 

In his 1852 book, ‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon’, Karl Marx famously remarked: “History repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce.” As Marx pointed out, and as Babangida demonstrated, June 12, 1993, was a tragic event and the scars are still showing with broken limbs, disrupted lives and people suddenly becoming orphans. On the other side of the coin, the book presentation and the launch of a proposed Babangida Presidential Library was a pure farce.   

Now that the book presentation has again highlighted the shame of a country, IBB can still hold his head high, not because of any personal merit, but because Nigeria’s flawed system often enables leaders to deflect accountability. This phenomenon is deeply ingrained in our national psyche, where the failures of leaders are frequently downplayed or even celebrated. Here, our justice system remains defective, yet society inexplicably applauds it. Nigeria’s complexities are well-known to those familiar with our unique brand of ‘Nigerianness’ – a reality marked by pervasive shock, anxiety, uncertainty and chaos. Our nation has become a contested territory, where the lives of countless individuals are being squandered amidst this turmoil.

IBB’s ‘invented’ excuses have been a means to an end, but the question remains: what is that end? Now that he has exhausted his justifications for past inadequacies, what’s next? This raises questions about accountability and the lack of genuine introspection. But, wait a minute, the attendance of notable figures like Yemi Osinbajo, Nigeria’s former Vice President, and Bola Tinubu, the current president, at IBB’s event is also perplexing. While Tinubu’s presence might be attributed to diplomatic obligations, Osinbajo’s attendance is harder to justify, given his reputation as a democrat. Moreover, Tinubu’s participation in the laugh-it-off competition with the evil genius, a man often regarded as one of Nigeria’s most notorious leaders, is particularly jarring.

 

Agreed, the dead are dead, and nothing can be done about that again! Twenty-six years after Nigeria’s return to democracy, it is essential to reflect on the sacrifices made by individuals like Abubakar Umar, who relinquished their military commissions, and others like Ambassador Musbau in Mushin-Lagos, who went totally blind during the agitations, all in support of the June 12 movement. How does the democratic system honour their memory and sacrifices? A certain former warlord reportedly advised Abacha to “hang” MKO Abiola, the winner of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, for treason. Ironically, his wife is now a Minister in Tinubu’s cabinet!

So, ‘eni tó kú ni tiè gbé! Indeed, he who is dead has lost it all!

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

Foreign fraud syndicates have strategically infiltrated Nigeria’s security, legal, and financial systems, exploiting weaknesses in immigration enforcement, law enforcement capabilities, cybercrime investigations, judicial expertise, and prison management. These criminal organizations operate sophisticated networks, using Nigeria as a base for large-scale financial fraud, cryptocurrency scams, money laundering, and even illegal arms smuggling. The absence of specialized training for key security and justice personnel has allowed these syndicates to thrive, evade prosecution, and continue their illicit activities even from behind bars. A comprehensive national strategy is required to dismantle these syndicates, beginning with the training and empowerment of Nigeria’s law enforcement agencies, financial crime regulators, immigration officers, corrections officers, and the judiciary. Without adequate training, technology, and international collaboration, these agencies will remain ineffective in preventing, detecting, investigating, and prosecuting foreign fraud syndicates that threaten Nigeria’s economic stability and national security.

Law enforcement officers and security agencies must be trained in advanced digital forensics, cybercrime intelligence gathering, financial crime tracking, and cryptocurrency fraud detection. Currently, many officers lack the expertise to investigate complex digital crimes, resulting in poor evidence collection and failed prosecutions. Training programs must focus on equipping officers with technical skills in cyber forensics, allowing them to trace encrypted transactions, decrypt digital communications, recover deleted financial data, and track online money laundering activities. The use of artificial intelligence in financial crime detection must also be incorporated, enabling officers to flag suspicious transactions, monitor high-risk digital accounts, and detect hidden fraud patterns across multiple financial platforms. Additionally, officers must be trained in dark web intelligence and cybercriminal surveillance, allowing them to infiltrate hidden cybercrime networks, track illicit online transactions, and disrupt underground fraud operations.

Immigration officers play a crucial role in preventing foreign fraud syndicates from entering and establishing operational bases in Nigeria. However, weak border security, outdated immigration technology, and a lack of biometric screening measures have allowed cybercriminals to enter the country undetected. Immigration officers must undergo specialized training in biometric identification, automated border surveillance, and forged document detection. Training must also focus on the integration of Nigeria’s immigration database with INTERPOL’s global criminal records, Europol’s financial crime registry, and the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) blacklist to prevent known fraudsters and ex-convicts from entering the country. Additionally, officers must be trained in tracking overstayed visas and fraudulent residency permits, ensuring that foreign nationals operating illegally within Nigeria are identified and swiftly deported. Immigration personnel must also collaborate closely with regional security forces to prevent deported criminals from re-entering through land borders using falsified identities.

 

The EFCC and ICPC must be equipped with the knowledge and tools to combat large-scale financial fraud, money laundering, and cryptocurrency-related crimes. Training programs must focus on the development of financial intelligence tracking systems, ensuring that investigators can trace illicit financial flows, freeze fraudulent accounts, and detect hidden offshore assets linked to foreign fraud syndicates. Officials must also receive advanced training in corporate fraud detection, particularly in identifying businesses that serve as fronts for money laundering operations. Training must also focus on the use of blockchain analytics to monitor cryptocurrency transactions, track digital wallets used for illicit financial movements, and intercept money laundering schemes involving decentralized finance (DeFi) platforms. The EFCC and ICPC must also strengthen their asset seizure and forfeiture capabilities, ensuring that stolen funds are recovered, confiscated, and redirected toward compensating victims of fraud.

Judges and prosecutors play a pivotal role in ensuring that foreign fraud syndicates are convicted and face severe legal penalties. However, Nigeria’s judicial system has historically struggled to successfully prosecute cybercriminals due to a lack of legal expertise in handling digital evidence, weak sentencing structures, and prolonged case delays. Training programs for judges must include in-depth sessions on cybercrime law, digital evidence authentication, and blockchain forensic analysis. Judges must be trained to understand the intricacies of cryptocurrency-related crimes, international financial fraud, and transnational cybercrime cases. Training must also focus on the admissibility of digital forensic reports as evidence in financial crime trials, ensuring that courts can effectively interpret and rely on electronic data during prosecution. Additionally, judges must be trained in fast-tracking cybercrime cases, prioritizing financial fraud prosecutions, and implementing sentencing structures that impose severe penalties on convicted cybercriminals. Extradition laws and international crime cooperation must also be included in judicial training programs, ensuring that judges and prosecutors can effectively process international arrest warrants, execute mutual legal assistance treaties (MLATs), and collaborate with foreign legal bodies to retrieve evidence from overseas.

Prison officers must also receive intensive training to prevent foreign fraud syndicates from continuing their criminal activities while incarcerated. Many cybercriminals, after being arrested, simply relocate their operations to Nigerian prisons, using smuggled phones, bribed prison officials, and hidden financial channels to sustain their fraudulent networks. Prison officers must be trained to detect and disrupt organized cybercrime cells operating within correctional facilities. Training must include strategies for monitoring high-risk inmates, tracking suspicious financial transactions, and identifying hidden communication methods used by incarcerated fraudsters. Prison security must be reinforced with advanced surveillance systems, including AI-powered behavioral tracking, biometric-controlled entry points, and mobile signal jammers to prevent unauthorized communications. Additionally, financial monitoring systems must be established within correctional facilities to track and flag all inmate transactions, ensuring that no funds are being laundered or transferred to criminal networks outside prison walls. Corruption within the prison system must also be addressed through rigorous anti-bribery training, rotational staff deployment, and the enforcement of strict disciplinary actions against prison officials found to be colluding with inmates.

 

International collaboration and intelligence sharing must be a key component of Nigeria’s strategy in combating foreign fraud syndicates. Nigeria must strengthen its ties with INTERPOL, Europol, the FBI, and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) to establish real-time financial crime tracking networks. Law enforcement officers, judges, immigration officials, and financial crime investigators must be sent for specialized training abroad in countries with advanced cybercrime enforcement mechanisms, including the U.S., U.K., Germany, and Singapore. Nigeria must also gain direct access to global financial crime intelligence databases, enabling law enforcement to track international fraudulent transactions, identify foreign cybercriminals, and freeze illicit funds before they can be laundered through Nigerian financial systems. Additionally, Nigeria must harmonize its cybercrime laws with international regulations, ensuring that local financial institutions comply with global anti-money laundering (AML) and counter-terrorism financing (CFT) standards.

A comprehensive national training initiative must be launched to modernize Nigeria’s police academies, judicial training institutes, immigration service schools, and financial crime enforcement bodies. The Nigerian Police Academy, the EFCC Training Institute, and the National Judicial Institute must integrate specialized cybercrime investigation, financial crime litigation, and cross-border fraud detection into their core curriculum. AI-powered crime detection software, blockchain analysis labs, and financial fraud simulators must be introduced into training facilities to ensure that security officers, financial crime investigators, and judges receive hands-on experience in combating cyber-enabled fraud.

Nigeria must take immediate action to equip its security, immigration, financial crime, and judicial personnel with the expertise and tools necessary to combat foreign fraud syndicates. Without a highly trained and technologically advanced enforcement system, cybercriminals will continue to operate freely, exploiting legal loopholes, evading prosecution, and compromising Nigeria’s national security. The implementation of rigorous cybercrime training, international intelligence partnerships, legal system upgrades, and prison security enhancements will be critical in eliminating foreign financial crime networks from Nigerian soil. Failure to act decisively will allow these syndicates to expand their influence, further destabilizing Nigeria’s economy and reputation in the global financial system. The time to act is now—Nigeria must transform its security and justice institutions into formidable forces capable of dismantling transnational cybercriminal networks once and for all.

When the world was gripped by the salacious scandal involving former U.S. President Bill Clinton and White House intern Monica Lewinsky in the late 1990s, the fallout was immense. Clinton was impeached by the House of Representatives, his credibility took a massive hit, and the incident remains one of the most talked-about political sex scandals in modern history. Now, contrast that with the unfolding drama between Nigeria’s Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, a situation that would have triggered a political earthquake in any serious country. But in Nigeria, it is business as usual, because here, scandals don’t stick, and consequences are almost non-existent.

Without a doubt, the Clinton-Lewinsky Scandal demonstrates how far scandal serves as a lesson of accountability in a country where leaders are expected to be morally upright.

In fact, the Clinton-Lewinsky affair was not just a tabloid sensation; it was a moment that tested America’s political and moral fabric. When reports surfaced that Clinton had engaged in an inappropriate relationship with Lewinsky, the U.S. political establishment did not sweep it under the rug. Investigations followed, and Clinton was forced to face the consequences of his actions. His initial denials, “I did not have sexual relations with that woman”, turned out to be a lie, which led to charges of perjury and obstruction of justice. The U.S. House of Representatives moved to impeach him, and while he survived the Senate trial and completed his term, the scandal left a lasting stain on his presidency.

 

Now, let us imagine for a moment that this happened in Nigeria. Would there have been any accountability? Would the individual in question even bother to resign, let alone face any political consequence? The answer is a resounding and capital No. Nigeria has a long history of brushing off scandals, no matter how damning the evidence is. The Akpabio-Natasha saga is proof that no amount of disgrace or misconduct is enough to shake the foundations of power in this country. In fact, given Nigeria’s situation, particularly as defensive rallies and comments have started in favor of the former governor, former Senator, and the president of the Senate, the Akpabio/Natasha scandal is unarguably a saga without consequence.

The alleged inappropriate relationship between Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has been making rounds on social media, with allegations of impropriety, power abuse, and deep political entanglements. In any other country, such a scandal would lead to calls for resignation, a full-fledged investigation, and potential legal consequences. But in Nigeria, it is just another day in the political sphere.

Instead of a serious investigation, what we see is a combination of silence, denial, and counter-accusations. Nigerian politicians have mastered the art of navigating scandals without as much as a scratch. Even when they are caught red-handed, they know the public outcry will eventually die down, and life will go on as if nothing happened. Akpabio, like many before him, will likely ride this storm unscathed.

 

At this juncture, it is expedient to throw insight to why scandals mean nothing in Nigeria.  This is as there are several reasons why political scandals, no matter how grave, never seem to lead to any consequences in Nigeria.

First and foremost is that Nigeria’s political space is characterized with a culture of Impunity: In Nigeria, politicians are rarely held accountable for their actions. The justice system is weak, and the political elite is shielded by a network of corruption and patronage. This culture of impunity ensures that even the most damning allegations are dismissed with a shrug.

Secondly, short public memory pervades as Nigerians are no strangers to scandal fatigue. In fact, today’s outrage is tomorrow’s forgotten news. Political actors exploit this short memory span, knowing that no matter how serious the allegations, something else will come along to distract the public soon enough.

 

Also is the prevalence of ethnic and political bias. The moment a politician is caught in a scandal, their supporters immediately turn the issue into a tribal or partisan debate. Rather than focusing on the substance of the allegations, people rush to defend their “own,” making it impossible to hold individuals accountable.

In a similar vein, is lack of institutional checks and balances. Unlike in the U.S., where independent institutions like the media, judiciary, and Congress ensure that political misconduct is addressed, Nigeria lacks strong institutions capable of upholding accountability. Here, institutions are often used as tools to protect the powerful rather than to check their excesses.

Worst of all, in Nigeria, scandals are weaponized.  In this part of the world, scandals are not necessarily about seeking justice or accountability; they are often politically motivated. Accusations only gain traction when it serves someone else’s agenda, and once that agenda is met, the case disappears. If the Akpabio-Natasha case serves no political purpose for the opposition or media, it will fade into oblivion.

 

Also, the Nigerian double standard cannot be pooh-poohed, and dismissed with mere wave of the hands in this context.  The foregoing view can be buttressed by opining that if Bill Clinton had been a Nigerian politician, the Lewinsky scandal would have been dismissed as a mere distraction. Instead of an impeachment trial, he would have remained in power, and his loyalists would have defended him with absurd justifications like, “Is he the first man to cheat?” or “Why are they attacking him? It is politically motivated!”

Even worse, Lewinsky herself would have been vilified. She would have been labeled a gold digger, accused of trying to bring down a great leader, and dismissed as an attention-seeker. Instead of holding the powerful accountable, the blame would be shifted to the victim or whistleblowers. To reinforce the foregoing view, it is germane to recall that statements which gave defamatory impression that Akpoti-Uduaghan thinks that being a lawmaker was about “pancaking her face and wearing transparent outfits to the chambers” had been made, and which compelled Natasha to file a suit filed before the Federal Capital Territory High Court on February 25, 2025, wherein she listed the President of the Senate, the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and Akpabio’s Senior Legislative Aide, Mfon Patrick, as the second and third defendants, respectively.

In fact, the Akpabio/Natasha scandal, like many before it, will eventually be swept under the rug. No resignations, no serious investigations, and certainly no consequences. The Nigerian political system is designed in a way that allows the elite to get away with almost anything, no matter how scandalous.

 

Until Nigerians demand accountability, nothing will change. Scandals will continue to mean nothing, and politicians will continue to operate with impunity. If Clinton had been Nigerian, he would not have lost a single night’s sleep over Lewinsky. And if Akpabio were American, his career would likely be over. But this is Nigeria, where anything goes, and nothing ever happens.

Who should we hold responsible for demonisation of democracy the iconic Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, once called ‘dem don crazy’, ‘demonstation of craze…’ in this country? It’s a time to speak truth not only to power that the majesty of democracy has been defiled. And so it is a time to ask whether democracy can be sustained to deliver the much-needed development to the most populous black nation on earth. Yes, it is a time to evaluate democracy we have been monitoring for 25 years because the main strength of its majesty, the rule of law, has become the rule of man, indeed the rule of only the ministers in the temple of justice. They are the ones who now determine who should occupy elective offices after elections. The Bar and Bench powers are the electorate, after all. And so we do not need to read law before awareness that where man alone rules without the law, there will be chaos and underdevelopment.

As a student, I read Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s book on, “The travails of democracy and the rule of law” but I did not understand the significance of that classic until now.
I have covered this dispensation of democracy as a senior journalist for almost 26 years, (since 1999). But I am beginning to conclude from its performance indices that this house (of democracy) has fallen not only because of the effects of those who ruled the country as “Federal Republic of the Nigerian Army” as general Chris Ali, former Army Chief captured in his book.

Democracy has failed us in Nigeria not only because of the effects of the unfavourable political economy of press freedom. Democracy appears to have lost its brand reputation not only because some of “soldiers of fortune” conspired and annulled our best election. Let’s do some introspection before the next 2027 plunge.

Behold, the man who should be held responsible for the collapse of democracy is called, “Mr. Complacency”! Yes Complacency, also known as “contentment”, “gratification”, “pleasure”, “civility”, “courtesy”. Really, the God of man, not any man of God, please, has revealed that yes; “Complacency” is the man, the stronghold that has ruined the majesty of democracy in this place. And here are the gifts of the strong man some World Bank’s development experts have just tagged “Civic Incompetence”: He is a sycophant. He does not like pen pushers who speak truth to power. He does not read. He is not discernible. He is perpetually afraid of any governing cabal that is ruthless and doesn’t tolerate the rule of law.
The prominent but insignificant man Complacency is perpetually filled with Epicurean spirit (loves pleasure and good life). He likes a little learning and so is ruled by intuition, not by learning or knowledge. Oh, he does not like the power that knowledge gives. He worships mediocrity in all his ways. He does not like anyone to peddle any excellence spirit in his domain. He doesn’t like to see law enforcement agents. The only adorable thing he likes is media trial of corrupt people where suspects are named and shamed before investigations.
And so the offspring of the limited man, Complacency are always reinforced in the system by the “economic man” who also has a cousin called the “administrative man”. Both men are not patriots, after all. They also do not care about gains that democracy can bring to the people. They work only for the gods of their bellies. And worse still, his expectations of the governing system are very low. According to a managerial economist, Ripunjay Tiwari, the “economic man” is purpose-driven. He is rational in that he can order his various preferences according to his hierarchy of values and then actually make his choice to maximise some desired value. To the “economic man”, there is complete awareness of various alternatives and the outcome of each alternative can be identified so that the alternative with the best outcome is selected.
It assumes that there is no limit on the collection of information and its processing. That is the way of the “economic man” who benefits from an atmospherics of the main man, Complacency.

In the same vein, the “administrative man” is a relation of the “economic man” in the kingdom of “Complacency”. According to Herbert Simon, a policy guru, the “administrative man” has only a limited, simplified view of problems confronting his society because he has only limited information. Besides, he does not have full knowledge of all the possible alternative solutions to the problems and their outcomes.

What is more, he does not have capacity to navigate the competitive environment and technical information therein.
Therefore, human and organisational limitations make it impossible for people to make perfectly rational decisions where the “economic man” and the “administrative man” dominate in a society ruled by Complacency. There are always ‘boundaries to rationality’ in such a milieu. Sadly, these men always seize power at the centre because democracy is fragile here.

That is why we have to sound the alarm that Mr. Complacency has to wake up from political stupor that the “economic man” and “the administrative man” would like us to remain in this age that the skilled young ones are daily disrupting with social technologies that help them to make progress.

I would like to challenge all the young ones below 40’s to be interested in this country that democracy and its drivers have relegated to one of the poorest on earth. Let no young one be deceived by the common public enemy called Complacency ruling everywhere you go in Nigeria. This democracy that has survived for only the “economic man” since 1999, cannot lead this country to greatness. Democracy is even unsafe at the moment.

This is a time to tell some home truth to the young ones from 30 and above too that they should print out the lyrics of the old national anthem and spring from their rhetoric in the social media to action, “lest we should be the last” as a Ghanaian writer, Kwesi Brew once warned us.

The old and the just rested national anthem should be their (call-to-action) weapon of social mobilisation so that the cursed democracy (since 1999) will be rescued. The young ones that successive generations, including mine have failed should brace up to take back their blessed country, which politicians have ruined with an atomic bomb they call democracy. There is some glimmer of hope in the architecture we can find in the rubble. And so, the young and vibrant ones should arise and obey Nigeria’s call. This is so because instead of fulfilling the pledge to Nigeria, to be faithful, loyal and honest, our leaders have become unfaithful, disloyal and dishonest in all the arms of government. Instead of “serving the country with all their strength”, they have been looting the country’s treasury with all their strength. Instead of defending her unity, they have been condoning “disunity” that the governing party’s leadership has been unleashing on the country with insufferable and unending “parochial appointments”.
There is neither honour, nor glory left for the citizens to cherish. Every day, young ones weep for the state of anomie in a country, where most of the leaders are virtually sleeping on duty. And as a foremost African writer, Ngugiwa Thiong’o notes, “Hope of a better tomorrow is the only comfort you can give to a weeping child”. In this case, there is no glimmer of hope of a better tomorrow beyond sloganeering. Almost twenty-six years of democracy has delivered only a man called Complacency to the nation.

The economy is a shambles. Electricity has always been around 4000 megawatts for the more than 200 + million people in 36 states and the nation’s capital. Generally, after 26 years of consistent democratisation, there are no good link roads from states to states.
Even the roads to the economic agencies including the Air and Sea Ports in the so-called economic capital of West Africa, Lagos are not remarkable. Democracy has only delivered private jets to the very prominent power elite who daily fly over bad roads that the people ply, suffering and smiling. As the roads have been left to God in heaven to fix, even the schools – from primary to university levels- are not institutions where innovations can be delivered to the citizens in the 21st century.
As for healthcare delivery, this column has been asking questions: why even the often sickly leaders, some of whom have died in office have not considered it expedient to fund even the University Teaching Hospital in Ibadan to a world class health centre where they can get medical services – as it used to be. Where is the ray of hope where ‘legislooters’, ‘execu-thieves’ and ‘judi-sharing’ as citizen journalists now call them, collaborate to protect their accused members in an enclave nurtured by complacency?
As we have seen through the ages as noted by a political thinker, James Laxar, democracy emerged in a particular historical and cultural context as a consequence of specific social, political and economic struggles. And yet, there has been no compelling evidence that there is a universal yearning for democracy in all cultures and social settings, and we can therefore dispense with the dubious proposition that democracy is an outgrowth of human nature.

And so the appetite for democracy arises not from political theory but from the tangible needs of millions of people. The young ones should note that above all, democracy is advanced by the success of political movements whose goal is to improve the lives of the majority of the population in a number of ways. This has not happened in our country.

Today, as Chinua Achebe noted in 1983, the trouble with Nigeria is still simply and squarely failure of leadership that has institutionalised corruption as a fundamental objective and directive principle of state policy. Doubtless, corruption that has incredibly given birth to mediocrity and hopelessness in the country. Part of the fallacies of democracy has just re-echoed in the centre of drama called Lagos. Yes Lagos where a former Speaker could break into the chambers he presided over for 10 years and declare himself Speaker with the help of our lawless police officers. Haba, democracy, where is your classic majesty?

And so to the young ones, don’t lose hope, organise. yes, organise. Don’t agonise anymore. This is the big data age. Get cracking in organising your data on how Nigeria’s power elite, politicians, civil servants and some morons called barons have demonised democracy as government of the corrupt few for their families and their in-laws. That is why the paralysed man called Complacency should be banished for democracy to be a pleasant conversation, a boon. And so, the young talents here should not allow the greedy kingmakers to cast a pearl called democratic leadership before a swine anymore, lest they continue to mess up our country. The weapon they always use is called Complacency. The cure for it is pursuit of civic competence: the power that knowledge and integrity can give to defeat fear of our “very bad people” who have within 25 years crashed democracy and are dancing on its grave.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation with over 200 million citizens, is grappling with a complex web of interconnected challenges that threaten its stability, development, and the well-being of its people. These include multidimensional poverty, hunger, insecurity, economic instability, corruption, governance inefficiencies, poor education standards, and social issues such as early marriages. This report outlines practical short- and long-term measures that the federal government, 36 states, and 774 local government councils can implement to address these pressing issues, ensuring a better quality of life for all Nigerians.

Introduction

Nigeria’s challenges are deeply interwoven, with poverty, insecurity, and governance failures reinforcing one another. Multidimensional poverty, which encompasses deprivations in health, education, and living standards, affects millions of Nigerians. Insecurity, ranging from Boko Haram in the North East to kidnappings nationwide, disrupts lives and economic activities. Economic hardships, including high inflation, double digit interest rates and a rising cost of living, exacerbate these issues, while corruption and bloated governance structures drain resources. Poor education standards, a high number of out-of-school children, and early marriages, particularly in the northern states, hinder human capital development. Addressing these issues requires coordinated action across all levels of government—federal, state, and local—along with the involvement of civil society and international partners.

Section 1: Tackling Multidimensional Poverty and Hunger

Current State

Nigeria has one of the highest poverty rates globally, with over 80 million people said to be living below the poverty line. Multidimensional poverty affects even more, encompassing not just income but also access to healthcare, education, and basic living standards. Hunger is rampant, particularly in conflict zones, and food insecurity is worsened by disrupted agricultural activities.

Short-Term Measures

 • Expand Social Safety Nets: Scale up programs like the Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) to reach more vulnerable households, especially in rural and conflict-affected areas.

 • Food Distribution Programs: Increase emergency food aid in regions facing acute hunger, in the North East, North West, North Central, South East, South West and South South, regions of the country aimed at curbing malnutrition. 

 • Subsidize Essential Commodities: Temporarily subsidize staple foods and essential goods to ease the burden of inflation on low-income families.

Long-Term Measures

 • Boost Agricultural Productivity: Invest in modern farming techniques, irrigation, and access to credit for smallholder farmers to increase food production and create jobs.

 • Improve Infrastructure: Develop rural roads, storage facilities, and electrification to reduce post-harvest losses and connect farmers to markets.

 • Enhance Healthcare and Education Access: Build more primary healthcare centers and schools, particularly in underserved areas, to address health and education deprivations.

Section 2: Addressing Insecurity

Current State

Insecurity is pervasive across Nigeria’s geopolitical zones. Boko Haram and its splinter groups continue to terrorize the North East, while cattle rustling and banditry plague the North West. The South East faces violence from unknown gunmen, and kidnappings for ransom are widespread nationwide.

Short-Term Measures

 • Strengthen Security Forces: Increase funding for intelligence gathering, equipment, and training for the military and police.

 • Community Policing: Empower local vigilante groups and community leaders to collaborate with security agencies in identifying threats.

 • Support for Victims: Provide immediate relief, including shelter and healthcare, to displaced persons and victims of violence.

Long-Term Measures

 • Address Root Causes: Implement poverty alleviation programs, youth employment initiatives, and equitable resource distribution to reduce grievances that fuel conflict.

 • Promote Dialogue and Reconciliation: Facilitate peace talks between conflicting groups, such as herders and farmers, and support community-based conflict resolution mechanisms.

 • Justice and Accountability: Establish special courts to fast-track prosecution of terrorists, bandits, and kidnappers, ensuring swift justice, such as the long and winding case of Nnamdi Kanu.

Section 3: Managing Economic Challenges

Current State

Nigeria’s economy is grappling with high inflation, double digit interest rates, a rising cost of living, and overreliance on oil. The long over due removal of fuel subsidies and currency devaluation have further strained household incomes.

Short-Term Measures

 • Monetary Policy Adjustments: The Central Bank should implement measures to stabilize the naira and control inflation, such as interest rate adjustments.

 • Price Controls on Essentials: Introduce temporary price caps on basic goods like food and fuel to prevent exploitative pricing.

 • Support Small Businesses: Provide grants, tax relief, or low-interest loans to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to stimulate economic activity.

Long-Term Measures

 • Economic Diversification: Invest in non-oil sectors such as agriculture, artificial intelligence, technology, and manufacturing to create jobs and reduce dependence on oil revenues.

 • Improve Tax Collection: Reform the tax system to widen the tax net, and increase revenue without overburdening the low income earning citizens, and reduce wasteful government spending.

 • Renewable Energy Investments: Develop solar, wind and other renewable energy projects to reduce reliance on expensive and environmentally harmful fuel sources.

Section 4: Combating Corruption and Improving Governance

Current State

Corruption remains endemic at all levels of government, draining resources meant for development. The large size of government, with overlapping agencies, contributes to inefficiency and wastage.

Short-Term Measures

 • Enforce Anti-Corruption Laws: Strengthen agencies like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to prosecute corrupt officials without political interference.

 • Increase Transparency: Mandate public disclosure of government budgets, contracts, and procurement processes.

 • Reduce Government Size: Streamline federal and state agencies by merging duplicative functions and cutting unnecessary bureaucracy.

Long-Term Measures

 • Civil Service Reform: Introduce merit-based recruitment and performance evaluations to improve efficiency and reduce patronage. The Tinubu administration should quickly revisit the Oransaye’s Civil Service Reform Report, with a view of implementation of the relevant reforms. 

 • E-Governance: Digitize government services and financial transactions, using artificial intelligence technology to minimize opportunities for bribery and embezzlement.

 • Civic Education: Launch nationwide campaigns to educate citizens on their rights and how to report corruption. 

Section 5: Enhancing Education and Social Development

Current State

Nigeria has one of the world’s highest numbers of out-of-school children, estimated at over 10 million, with the North particularly affected. Early marriages, especially of underage girls, remain prevalent, and education quality is poor.

Short-Term Measures

 • School Enrollment Campaigns: Launch targeted initiatives, especially in the North, to encourage parents to send children, particularly girls, to school.

 • Free School Meals: Expand school feeding programs to incentivize attendance and reduce hunger among students.

 • Enforce Laws Against Early Marriages: Strengthen enforcement of the Child Rights Act and provide shelters and support for girls at risk.

Long-Term Measures

 • Invest in Education Infrastructure: Build and renovate schools, train teachers, and provide learning materials, especially in rural areas.

 • Vocational Training: Integrate skills acquisition programs into the curriculum to prepare students for the job market.

 • Promote Gender Equality: Implement policies that promote women’s education and empowerment, including scholarships for girls in STEM fields.

Conclusion

Nigeria’s challenges are daunting but not insurmountable. Addressing multidimensional poverty, insecurity, economic instability, corruption, and social issues requires a coordinated, multi-level approach involving the federal government, states, and local councils. Short-term interventions must provide immediate relief, while long-term strategies should focus on systemic reforms and sustainable development. Success hinges on political will, transparency, and collaboration among all stakeholders, including the private sector, civil society, and international partners. With decisive action, Nigeria can break the cycle of poverty and insecurity, paving the way for a prosperous and stable future.

This report provides a roadmap for Nigeria’s leaders and citizens to confront the nation’s most pressing challenges. By prioritizing human development, security, and good governance, Nigeria can unlock its vast potential and ensure a better quality of life for all.

 

Sonny Iroche is a 2022-2023 Senior Academic Fellow at the African Studies Centre of the University of Oxford, and Post Graduate in Artificial Intelligence at the Saïd Business School of the University of Oxford 

LinkedIn: http://linkedin.com/in/sonnyiroche

I caught a friend adding oil from a small bottle and water from another smaller bottle to her mouth-watering pot of ogbono soup. My first thought was: caught you, girl, so these are your secret ingredients. But she looked at me strangely and told me the soup was for her husband. She lifted the lid of another pot and lo and behold, it was another pot of ogbono. I was still processing my shock and confusion when her husband arrived. She dished the soup with the ‘special ingredients’ for her husband and the ‘plain’ soup for me. I told her I had a quick errand to run, trying to flee a developing crime scene, of course. My friend smiled and assured me there was nothing to fear. We all ate at the dining table and nobody died, contrary to my expectation. What just happened? My friend later explained.

“My marriage is not what it used to be. My husband is seeing another woman. This time it is serious. This new woman is unlike the other ones. He has been seeing her for close to a year. His secretary is my reliable source and she told me they have even taken a foreign trip together. What am I supposed to do, fold my arms and wait until he moves in with her or move her in with us? What you saw in the kitchen was part of my efforts to hold on to my man and retrieve him from the claws of another woman.”

Holy water, anointing oil in ogbono soup! Is she right or wrong? Perhaps the question should even be: is she doing enough?
A peaceful marriage can become toxic overnight and when it does, what is a woman supposed to do, quit or fight? The easiest solution is to take a walk, walk away if a marriage becomes life-threatening. Verbal abuse, physical abuse, sexual abuse are all toxic. They are also common, and over the years, different types of solutions and coping methods have been proffered. But there is a new one, a less-talked-about abuse and toxicity, spiritual abuse or diabolic toxicity. When juju, jazz shows up in marriage, what is a wife supposed to do?

There are side chicks or mistresses who deploy good food and irresistible sex to establish themselves in the lives of a man. They pamper him with both so much the man forgets the wife he ‘begged to marry’ at home. Those ones are still easy to deal with but when a husband and father of three meets the one that seizes his manhood, what is the wife supposed to do? I mean, if the man suddenly can no longer use his rod of authority to part his wife’s red sea but at his side chick’s place, he can move mountains, what is the way forward? Yeah, it has been known to happen. Did you just say it is erectile dysfunction? Should his erection malfunction in one place and not the other? Why should an erection rise to the occasion when it sees just the cleavage of one woman and refuse to wake up even when it is being pulled like a faulty Tiger I-pass-my-neighbour generator?  

Romoke, who has been married for 20 years, noticed she could no longer start her husband’s generator. She put it down to the anti-hypertension drugs her he was taking. Then she blamed it on the common culprit, erectile dysfunction. She tweaked his diet, made special herbal drinks for him but the third leg remained lame. She was about to resign herself to fate when she heard that her husband was not just having an affair but he had actually gone to pay the bride price of another woman! What? Without a functional manhood? She launched a comprehensive investigation. Don’t ask me for the details. What followed was an emergency extended family meeting where the new wife, Romoke’s husband and indeed everybody younger than Romoke knelt and prostrated to beg her to have mercy. Well, what Romoke found out sent her into a juju rage.

“I found out that the little witch my husband had gone and married was the one who seized my husband’s thing for her own exclusive use. That was the reason my husband could no longer make love to me and instead of the old fool to find a solution, he left me high and dry while he was getting all the sex he wanted from the second wife. Well, two can play the game. I also made sure he could not get an erection at all. If he would not have sex with me, then he would never have sex again. That was why they came to beg. I pretended that I did not know what they were accusing me of but later that night, he came to my bed, performed his duties vigorously and made up for lost time.”
I called that strategy by Romoke  balance of terror. Dangerous, mean, sad and bad but what would you have done especially if you have the wherewithal to show the other woman that you could meet her half way?

However, where a ‘jazzed up’ atmosphere becomes more than a woman can cope with, I will advise that she puts herself first and forget all that bunkum about ‘what will people say’. White science may not be able place or define black magic but it is a reality of our spiritual environment. If a woman feels like she is fortified enough to face marauders’ invasion of her marital territory, by all means, she should show the stuff she is made of. Where she feels that her life and that of her children are being endangered by dark stuff, she should run so that she can live to fight later. Some 30-year-old women have walked the dark edges of this earth and dined with ‘the owners of the world’ so intimately that even 55-year-old ‘owners of the house’ look like a mess of pottage when those ‘young side chicks’ come after their marriages. These are young ‘spirits’ who torment and threaten both at noon and in the dream. Forget their 22-inch Brazilian wigs and manicured nails, no ‘madam is too big for them to devour for breakfast or brunch. If those ones want your husband, lady, just retreat and let them. Open battles with them, unless a wife is kitted by a higher power, usually end up with Madam’s face on a gone-too-soon poster.

When Laide noticed that her husband had gone and brought a basket-load of cobwebs to the house with his head, she knew she had to ferry her children to safety. Her nightmares were not limited to nighttime. Domestic accidents became too regular to be called accidents. Laide’s husband became a stranger she could not recognize. The gentleman she married overnight became violent.
“It was not so much the beating that was frightening but this strange glazed look in his eyes, as if he was not in control of himself. This was a man who had never raised his voice, least of all his hands, against me in 10 years. He just suddenly became dangerous, not just violent. He would pin me down on the bed and hold my neck in a vice grip and then just as suddenly as he started, that glazed look would clear and he would apologise. Of course, I had the option of waiting around to figure it out and defend my home but I also knew he could kill me one day and plead insanity. One morning, I went to work and didn’t return. He brought home a new woman the following month. Three years later, his new ‘wife’ took off with everything he had to his name and relocated abroad. Now, he wants me back.”

If Laide had stayed to battle the enemy and defend her territory, there was a huge chance of her children becoming stepchildren of the ‘enemy’. Some marital battles are better fought later, not now. When the toxicity is laced with jazz, run. You may return later if the man you wanted to fight for had not ‘gone too soon’.

Many events have occurred in quick succession and I discovered I have some catching up to do. While I will still have the opportunity to pay deserved tributes to the most iconic leaders of these times, the brave heroes in the trenches in quest for a new order in our land in the persons of Chief Edwin Clark and Chief Ayo Adebanjo, the most pressing subject of the day is Ibrahim Babangida and his autobiography. I will come back on Adebanjo and Edwin Clark some other days. 

Pent-up grievances, suppressed anger have all been released following the public unveiling of Babangida’s autobiography. It is a wave of recriminations here; it is tornado seeking crushing mindless vengefulness there. It was predictable and he was aware that sooner or later he would have to face hot metals that were undisguisedly being beaten into shape in the furnace, fashioned into arrows to be trained against him at an opportune time. Many were prepared to say on oath that he would be called out to account for his transgressions. Dr. Lasisi Olagunju, editor of The Tribune, who is exceedingly, perhaps matchlessly widely read, who reads any and everything in print, was to remind us of the anxiety of Babangida after the June 12 election was annulled. 

 

As the implication of the annulment dawned on him he apprehensively asked Professor Omo Omoruyi, his friend and confidant: “I see disaster for myself and my family. Where do I go from here?” He went further: “I told you that I am a prisoner. What do I do?” Something serious had taken place while he was away in Katsina. His colleagues had cancelled the results of an election said to be the freest and most credible election in the annals of Nigeria. So, once a while in the last 31 years arsenals were fired aimed at him in his Hilltop mansion that is his home in Minna. The whistle for what may be called the Day of Judgment came last week Thursday. It was the launching of his book, A Journey in Service about which he himself says tellingly demonstrating the anguish of a tormented soul in a closet: “…this is not a book about finding blame, inventing excuses or whitewashing known facts.” The brandishing of unflattering testimonial for IBB has begun; it is unrelenting. The torrents of criticism are unceasing. 

The wounds he inflicted in many souls, the pains his Administration brought on many homes, dashed hopes and his blood-stained hands not many would eagerly shake are the things in his testimonials his compatriots would want pinned to his chest or for which they would press he should only be remembered. A media personality, Morayo Brown, was quoted by an online newspaper, The News Guru, as saying: “The last 48 hours have been quite interesting. Babangida has a lot of questions to answer and I cannot wait to read the book…Men of valour fought with their voices, pen and influence, yet Babangida reigned like a fearless hurricane , bulldozing all that’s in its path. Many were murdered, my father was thrown into jail several times by the military led by this man for speaking against him and finally had to go on self-exile. 

“As a child, growing up with MKO Abiola, his wife Kudirat and their children and seeing how both our families were ripped apart alongside many others in the wake of Babangida’s annulment is a trauma I can never get passed. I spent weekends in her home; I was very close to all her children. I was in her house when Mumuni, Hadi and Mariam were whisked away to the US following Kudirat’s death. The home that was filled with laughter and joy became a house of sorrow and pain. That picture never left my head.  My father’s stroke was immediately after he heard the news of Kudirat’s death. He never recovered.” 

Because the hurt suffered and the dashed hopes of what a great many believed June 12 had in store for the nation, what good he may have done for the country is overshadowed or erased in some cases. Is it conceivable by any stretch of imagination, therefore, that Babangida could go down as a great leader? When did he begin to derail, to go beyond his brief, his assignment about which he was not fully conscious and got entwined in what many regard as grievous sinning, and how? I am just thinking aloud. I am hoping I will find answers to the nagging questions when I have read the book in full and digested its content. I have for now merely run my eyes cursorily through what has been posted in the internet. 

It was a gathering of prime movers in our society at the book event that took place in Abuja which he built as the nation’s new federal capital. The gathering did all they could to lift his seemingly heavy spirit. His mien in the picture of him carried on television was that of a troubled and penitent soul. A charismatic fellow, Babangida came to the saddle on 27 August, 1985, flashing his sunshine smiles, a charming face and tooth gapped waving hands and raising hopes for the nation. Uneasiness had settled on the nation when he came. On that day he alighted, standing by a tank the weapon of war for which he was renowned as commander ready to shoot away Nigeria’s hydra-headed problems. He cut a sorry figure on Thursday, but had no choice other than to come out to speak to very troubling issues of his administration, bordering mostly on the ephemeralities of the struggle for power and influence.

If Ibrahim Babangida’s goal in writing a “messy memoir”, as my dear friend Professor Chris Nwaokobia called it, was to further sow chaos and confusion in an already crazy nation, as I suspect it is, he has succeeded in doing that. Chief Chekwas Okorie came out of that book launch calling for the renaming of INEC headquarters in Abuja after Later Professor Humphrey Nwosu, the man who conducted the ill-fated June 12, 1993 election that Late Chief MKO Abiola ostensibly won. A very misconceived idea, given that Late Humphrey Nwosu was a man of integrity and honor, but INEC is the dirtiest and most corrupt public institution ever invented by man.

I instantly penned a piece where I called on Chekwas to drop that wild idea and perish the crazy thought that birthed it. But even before the ink on that piece had a chance to dry, Sen. Ọrji Ụzọr Kalu, also coming from the book launch cocktail, was already urging Bola Tinubu to recognize Late MKO Abiola as a former president of Nigeria, and have his portrait on the wall of ex-leaders in the government house in Asokoro, Abuja. I had casually dismissed such foolishness, blaming it on a possible lingering hangover from all the expensive beverages from that Babangida book launch cocktail.

MKO Abiola Hope 93

However, something major has happened since Sen. Kalu made that call. Afenifere, the apex socio-cultural organization for the Yoruba, has come out to back Sen. Kalu’s call for Bola Tinubu to recognize Late MKO Abiola, a Yoruba son, as a former president of Nigeria. Now you see why I am back to this. It is no longer just Ọrji Ụzọr Kalu, it is now an entire Yoruba nation. Like Sen. Ọrji Ụzọr Kalu, Afenifere, with the greatest sense of respect for that great organization, is wrong – irredeemably wrong!

 

Look, I will line up my records and credentials for standing up for MKO Abiola, for June 12, and for democracy against anybody else’s record in Nigeria, or anywhere for that matter. As a then college student, I marched for June 12. I was teargassed by the zombies who call themselves Babangida’s and Abacha’s soldiers. I have written, spoken, and argued extensively on June 12. Late Chief MKO Abiola was my hero, and even in death, still so. But there is this thing called law and constitution, and I am a lawyer. The law and the Constitution allow me to be emotional and sentimental, and God knows I have expended a load of those on matters of MKO and June 12. But my emotions and sentiments must end where the law and the Constitution begin.

When it comes to whether Late Chief MKO Abiola should be recognized as a former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, my emotions and sentiments say hell yeah, but the law and the Constitution say hell no! If all that it takes to be President of Nigeria is to be duly elected, then Chief MKO should be so recognized, even posthumously, because he was duly elected. Section 134(2) of the Nigerian Constitution says: “A candidate for an election to the office of President shall be deemed to have been duly elected where, there being more than two candidates for the election- (a) he has the highest number of votes cast at the election; and (b) he has not less than one-quarter of the votes cast at the election in each of at least two-thirds of all the States in the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

Clearly, and evidently, MKO Abiola was duly elected president in the June 12, 1993 election. If there were any lingering doubts, Ibrahim Babangida’s confessionals should clear those up. But, you see, you are not the president of Nigeria just because you have been duly elected. There is the additional requirement imposed by section 136(1) of the same Constitution. It says: “If a person duly elected as President dies before taking and subscribing the Oath of Allegiance and Oath of Office, or is for any reason whatsoever unable to be sworn in, the person elected with him as Vice-President shall be sworn in as President and he shall nominate a new Vice-President who shall be appointed by the President with the approval by a simple majority of the National Assembly at a joint sitting.” Sadly, a duly elected MKO Abiola never subscribed the Oath of Allegiance and the Oath of Office. He was never sworn in as president.

 

IBB-AND-MKO

And to underscore the criticality of subscriptions to the oaths of office and allegiance to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, section 135(1) of the Constitution reads: “Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, a person shall hold the office of President until – (a) when his successor in office takes the oath of that office.” That provision allows a current president to stay beyond his tenure if his successor has not taken the oath of office, even if that successor has been duly elected according to section 134. In other words, just being duly elected does not make one president. There are two processes in the journey to becoming president, one is political, the other is constitutional. Being duly elected is the political part; subscribing to the oaths of office and allegiance is the constitutional part. Sadly, MKO met the political, but not the constitutional.

So, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola (Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland) is not a former president of Nigeria, and should not be so recognized. Doing so will be cladding him in an unconstitutional garb, and there can be no worse dishonor to his memory. What will be the moral inequivalence between an Abiola who is recognized as president, in clear violation of the unambiguous provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, and the twin scoundrels of Ibrahim Babangida and Late Sani Abacha? Look, Nigeria will eternally atone for the sins of June 12, just as it will continue to bear the bloody stain of millions of Igbo lives butchered on the gory alter of a concocted lie. But we cannot cure those injustices by a flagrant violation of the Constitution. Rather than recognize MKO Abiola as a former president, which he is not, redesignate June 12 national holiday from Democracy Day to Abiola Day. To have a national holiday endowed in Abiola’s name is a bigger honor than any president can ever receive.

Now, back to Sen. Ọrji Ụzọr Kalu. I was amused, offended, and disappointed, reading Ọrji Ụzọr Kalu’s call for Abiola to be recognized as a former president of Nigeria. I was amused because, like I said, I thought it was the hangover effect of Babangida’s book launch cocktail. It must have been one hell of a beer party, I thought to myself. But I was offended and disappointed because Ọrji is supposed to be a senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria who should know the Constitution of that Republic like the back of his own hands. I was offended and disappointed because I couldn’t recall Ọrji Ụzọr Kalu being in the forefront (or even back) of June 12 actualization struggles while Abiola lived. Ọrji was not part of NADECO or any Democratic movement and struggle for the realization of June 12 and Abiola’s mandate. On the contrary, Ọrji has been Babangida’s friend ever since. I was offended and disappointed because Ọrji Ụzọr Kalu called for Abiola to be recognized as a former president but was cricket on the bigger bombshell from Babangida’s messy memoir – the 1966 coup not being an Igbo coup, a lie that has festered for 60 years, and for which ndị Igbo have been killed in millions and suffered losses in trillions. But Ọrji Ụzọr Kalu is an Igbo man representing the Igbo state of Abia. Who did this to us? Ọrji urged Babangida to write a second book to answer emergent questions from the first book. Funny! Has Ọrji even read the first book? Again, who did this to us?

 

Whom have ndị Igbo offended to deserve this embarrassment? If one forgives Ọrji Ụzọr Kalu for being mum on Babangida’s confession regarding the truth of the 1966 coup lies, does one also forgive Ọhaneze ndị Igbo for also being silent on that issue? If Yoruba Afenifere could push for the recognition of MKO Abiola as a former president, as unconstitutional as it is, why hasn’t Ọhaneze ndị Igbo called a world press conference to demand a public apology from General Jack Yakubu Gowon and reparations from Nigeria for the genocidal slaughter of the Igbo in the late sixties, during other intermittent episodes since then, and continuing till date? Why the loud cricket in Ọhaneze land?

June 12 MKO Abiola

Let me conclude. Do not dishonor MKO Abiola’s memory by dressing him in borrowed garments. Do not recognize him as a former president of Nigeria. Do not put his portrait on the wall of former Nigerian presidents in Aso Rock. That will be unconstitutional. MKO Abiola, though duly elected, was never inaugurated president. As sad as that fact is, it is still the fact. If they are up there, take down portraits of any and all British colonial governors. Take down portraits of Generals Muhammad Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, and Sani Abacha from that wall. They are all coupists who committed treasonable felonies against the country. Leave the portraits of Generals Thomas Ụmụnnakwe Agụiyi-Ironsi, Olusegun Obasanjo, and Abdusalami Abubakar. Though military heads of state, they did not engage in coups. Leave the portraits of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Tafawa Balewa. Leave the portraits of Alhaji Shehu Shagari, Chief Ernest Shonekan, Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, and Dr. Goodluck Jonathan. And change June 12 Democracy Day national holiday to MKO Abiola national holiday.

Rest on, MKO!

 

Dr. Vitus Ozoke is a lawyer, human rights activist, and public commentator based in the United States

 

In Nigeria’s ever-turbulent political landscape, few figures have been as popular as Senator Godswill Akpabio. A seasoned politician, former governor, and now Senate President, Akpabio’s name unarguably rings a bell. His tenure has been characterized by strides of infrastructural developments, good governance, but unfortunately, his enviable reputation has in the last few years been under the threat of allegations that bother on sexual harassment. The latest scandal involving Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is yet another chapter in his long history of contentious encounters with powerful women in politics. This raises a critical question: “Is Akpabio a victim of fate?

To appreciate the gravity of the latest accusations against Akpabio, one must revisit a similar scandal that played out in 2020. Then, it was Joy Nunieh, the former acting managing director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), who accused Akpabio of sexual harassment, intimidation, and corruption. Nunieh’s revelations, though explosive, were met with fierce denials from Akpabio, who swiftly threatened legal action.

Fast forward to 2025, and similar allegations have resurfaced, this time from Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. In an interview on Arise Television, she recounted instances where Akpabio allegedly made advances toward her, attempted to manipulate Senate proceedings against her, and ultimately humiliated her in the upper chamber. Akpoti-Uduaghan has gone as far as to file a lawsuit, seeking damages for defamation and legal costs.

 

One cannot ignore the striking similarities between the accusations leveled by Nunieh and Akpoti-Uduaghan. Both women have held significant political positions and have accused Akpabio of using his influence to suppress them when they refused to comply with his alleged demands. Is it possible that two women in high political offices, years apart, are fabricating the same kind of story against the same man? Or does this indicate a recurring behavioral pattern from Akpabio?

Defenders of Akpabio may argue that these accusations are politically motivated, aimed at tarnishing his reputation. After all, Nigerian politics is a battlefield where allegations, true or false, are often wielded as weapons. However, such a defense falls apart when one considers that both Nunieh and Akpoti-Uduaghan have presented specific instances and circumstances where they claim Akpabio crossed the line. In Akpoti-Uduaghan’s case, she has even challenged the Department of State Services (DSS) to retrieve WhatsApp conversations as evidence.

Given the level of power dynamic at play, and expected flurry of defenses, in favor of or against either of the contending personalities, it is not a misnomer to opine that sexual harassment in the corridors of power is not a new phenomenon, and it is not exclusive to Nigeria. Across the world, powerful men have faced allegations from women who found themselves in vulnerable positions. The common thread in such cases is the power dynamic: a man in a position of authority attempts to exploit a woman’s ambition, need, or access to career advancement.

 

For instance, Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegations suggest that Akpabio used his position as Senate President to frustrate her legislative motions, particularly concerning the Ajaokuta Steel Company, simply because she did not yield to his advances. If true, this paints a grim picture of the extent to which women in Nigerian politics must struggle against both systemic barriers and individual predators.

There is no denying the fact Akpabio has earned a reputation that precedes him. The foregoing view can be buttressed by opining that beyond allegations of sexual harassment that his reputation in Nigerian politics has long been a subject of scrutiny. In fact, his tenure as governor of Akwa Ibom State was riddled with accusations of corruption and mismanagement. His role in the NDDC scandal, which saw the agency become a cesspool of financial misappropriation, further solidified public perception of him as a politician who thrives on impunity.

Even within the Senate, Akpabio’s leadership style has been described as authoritarian, with critics accusing him of treating the chamber as his personal fiefdom. His reaction to Akpoti-Uduaghan’s seating dispute, ordering her to be physically removed, only reinforces this perception. Rather than address the issue diplomatically, he resorted to public humiliation, further fueling speculation that his actions were driven by personal vendetta rather than procedural concerns.

 

The allegations against Akpabio highlight a broader problem in Nigeria’s political sphere: the persistent victimization of women in leadership. Female politicians often face additional hurdles beyond the usual political rivalry; they must contend with sexism, misogyny, and, in some cases, outright predatory behavior from their male counterparts.

The cases of Joy Nunieh and Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan should serve as a wake-up call. If influential women in government can be subjected to such treatment, what hope is there for the average Nigerian woman seeking to enter politics? The fear of retribution, character assassination, or career sabotage keeps many talented women from pursuing leadership roles.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to ask at this juncture, “Is Akpabio a Victim of Fate?” To frame Akpabio as a victim of fate would be to absolve him of accountability. Fate did not force him into the situations that have led to these allegations; his actions did. While he remains innocent until proven guilty in a court of law, the weight of accusations against him cannot be ignored. The sheer consistency of the claims, coupled with his history of political strong-arming, makes it difficult to believe that he is simply an unfortunate target of political machinations.

 

However, if he truly believes he is being unfairly accused, the onus is on him to provide irrefutable evidence that these allegations are false. In a democratic society, public figures must be held to high ethical standards, and transparency is the best defense against false accusations.

Akpabio’s political career has been long and eventful, but it is now at a crossroads. The latest allegations against him present not just a legal battle but a moral reckoning. If he is innocent, he must prove it beyond doubt. If guilty, he must face the consequences of his actions.

Regardless of the outcome, one thing is clear: Nigerian women in politics deserve a safe and respectful environment where they can serve without fear of harassment or intimidation. It is time for the Nigerian Senate and the entire political system to confront this issue head-on and ensure that power is not used as a tool for personal gratification at the expense of justice and dignity.