Politics has been variously defined as ‘authoritative allocation of values or “who gets what when and how”. But I think in terms of intrigue that goes into balancing the interest of pressure groups and public interest, deviousness and ruthlessness of office seekers and for our purpose in this write up ‘politics as the art of the possible will be more appropriate (Otto Von Bismarck, German statesman and First Chancellor of Unified Germany 1815-1898).

The truth is that not all office seekers or office holders are politicians. Politicians are a special breed of selfless public servants who are not deterred by the fact they that are hardly trusted by the public they serve who often see them as corrupt, devious and men of many words. These largely misunderstood patriots ruled and may sometimes be addressed as their excellences, but others call the tune. Unfortunately, no matter how much politicians are detested, our survival as an organized society depends on their resourcefulness and brinkmanship.

Of course, bluffing Governor Similayi Fubara who had all his past battle fought for him is not a politician. In fact he is not smart enough to learn from our recent history.

We once had a Raji Babatunde Fashola, a non-politician but a very smart guy as governor of Lagos State. He was not his party’s but his godfather’s choice. When he had a slight disagreement with his godfather, all those who had wanted his job, rose up in his defence not because they loved him, but to spite his godfather. Opposition parties were dangling their party’s’ ticket in his face in case he was denied his party’s ticket for a second term.

But instead of swallowing the poison as Fubara did, he went for an international engagement where he gave a lecture and announced to the whole world that “Tinubu made me governor”. That became newspaper headlines in both local and international newspaper the following day. The godfather was humbled. If the godfather today takes credit for landmark projects like the Lagos rail line and Atlantic City, it was because his trusted godson, the actualiser, unlike Ambode who ignored some of the projects during his four years tenure, remained faithful to his godfather and his dream project.

Ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, following some disagreement with Obasanjo also joined forces with his estranged godfather’s political foes including James Ibori who also headed the Yar’Adua group that did not want Jonathan to succeed the ailing President Yar’Adua. This was long after he had declared publicly that apart from God and his biological parents, Obasanjo was the next most important personality in is life. Jonathan was hijacked by the late pa Edwin Clark, who gave himself the title of ’father of the president’ to spite Obasanjo. Jonathan forgot his battle was fought by the likes of Tunde Bakare on the streets of Lagos and Abuja with the ‘doctrine of necessity’ slogan. The rest is history.

Today, facing the same scenario, Fubara, like Jonathan, teamed up with enemies of Wike, his estranged godfather including Imo Ikenga Ugochinyere, who has today become Fubara’s interpreter of court pronouncements. Others include PDP stalwarts in borrowed robe of media men who would not forgive Wike for bringing PDP down during the 2023 elections. Some of them pretend to be news anchors without appreciating that the greatest attributes of a news anchor include  journalistic integrity, professionalism  and ability to be ‘silent and listen”. These men lionized Fubara, encouraged him to stand up to his estranged godfather and talked him out of his initial undertaking to implement term of truce reached when the president first intervened.

Unfortunately, Fubara still does not understand that the only people benefiting from the tragedy he has inadvertently brought upon his people are these self-serving advisers and media promoters who smile to the banks at the expense of besieged people of Rivers.

For instance, ‘News commercialisation’ which refers to situation “whereby the electronic media report as news or news analysis a commercial message by an unidentified or unidentifiable sponsor giving the audience the impression that news is fair, objective and socially responsible”(Nnorom,1994) is not cheap. The 30 minutes slot cannot be anything less than N20m. That is what someone coughs out to allow the likes of Ikenga Ugochinyere to speak without substance on TV for 30 minutes in the name of fighting Fubara’s war. He was pathetic to watch last week on Fubara’s favourite TV platform as he gave his own interpretation of the Supreme Court judgment after which he urged Fubara to ‘carry on’ the battle.

The above forces that exploited Fubara’s lack of capacity to understand that sometimes in political warfare , you may have to stoop to conquer, were behind his missing of an historic opportunity provided by last week landmark  Supreme Court judgment to end his people’s nightmare after two years of his unstable government.

The Supreme Court judgment was straight forward.

The court ruled there is no evidence that the 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), because without evidence presented before the court, in the eyes of the law, no defection took place and consequently the status quo in the House of Assembly must remain.

It criticized the governor for behaving likes a despot by demolishing the House of Assembly complex and preventing the 27 lawmakers from sitting. It also condemned Fubara for destroying of Rivers State over his fear of impeachment

“Since the executive arm of the government has chosen to collapse the legislature to enable him to govern without the legislature as a despot, the Supreme Court held that “As it is, there is no government in Rivers State”.

It held that “The doctrine of necessity cannot be invoked to justify the continued existence of a deliberately contrived illegal or unconstitutional status quo.

That “political disagreements cannot justify these attacks and contempt for the rule of law by the governor of a state or any person.

That “The part of the judgment of the Court of Appeal, affirming the judgment of the Federal High Court in suit No. FHC/AB)/CS/984/2024 is hereby affirmed.

That “The said judgment of the Federal High Court in suit No. FHC/AB)/CS/984/2024 is hereby restored.

That “For the avoidance of doubt, it is hereby ordered that the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Accountant General of the Federation should forthwith stop releasing and paying to the Government of Rivers State, its organs,… until an Appropriation Law is made by Rivers State House of Assembly constituted as prescribed by the 1999 Constitution.

That “The Rt. Honourable Martin Chike Amaewhule and the other 26 members should forthwith resume unhindered sitting as Speaker and members respectively of the Rivers State House of Assembly.

With all the roads blocked, if only Fubara understands politics as the art of the possible, and had without the meddlesomeness of elders and politicians on both sides of the aisle who speak from both sides of the mouth, picked up the phone to congratulate the speaker of his state House of Assembly and his colleagues over their victory at the court and offer to forward the 2025 budget and the list of his commissioners as directed by the Supreme Court, the following day.

And let us for a moment imagine Fubara with awesome apparatus of his office storming Wike’s victory church thanksgiving in Abuja and insisting Rivers State seat of power remains in his house until he agrees to join him for another thanksgiving in Port Harcourt to convince the mass of Rivers people in whose name they all swore, that the battle was over.

Of course Fubara would have seized the initiative while Wike would have been humbled.

Unfortunately, Fubara who cannot appreciate the worth of the office he never fought for will rather keep on playing the ostrich. Whilst he claims to wait for certified copy of the court judgment to start complying with the Supreme Court judgment, that has not stopped him from starting preparation for the conduct of a new local government election.  A few days after informing his street boys to wait for signals, a trending video of AK-47 wielding militants in the creeks threatening to attack oil installations emerged. The Punch gave an elaborate coverage to them and their demand.

Ijaw youths have also joined the fray in support of Fubara, the first Rivers governor of Ijaw ethnic extraction.

The question now is with Fubara’s resolve to continue waging war against his own government, politicians admitting treachery against their state, elders speaking from both side of the mouth while our once beautiful ‘Garden City’ turns into a city of blood by militants groomed and armed by Rivers’ successive governors, who is going to save Rivers?

On March 6, 2025, chaos erupted at the Ikeja Electricity Distribution Company (DISCO) in Lagos when a group of Nigerian Air Force personnel stormed the premises. Their reason? The power supply to their base had been disconnected. The attack, reminiscent of a military-style raid, left DISCO staff in panic and confusion.

This incident occurred at a time when Nigerians were still processing the news that the country’s power generation had increased from an embarrassingly low 4,000 megawatts—woefully inadequate for a nation of over 200 million people—to 5,800 megawatts. Coincidentally, following the assault on Ikeja DISCO, the national electricity grid suffered yet another collapse on March 7, 2025, plunging the nation into darkness.

Some conspiracy theorists speculate that the grid failure may have been an act of silent protest by electricity workers, sympathizing with their assaulted colleagues. Others point to the alarming pattern: the March 7 collapse was the third nationwide blackout in just three months, with the previous one occurring on February 12. A look at historical data paints an even grimmer picture—Nigeria experienced 12 system failures last year, averaging one per month, while over the past decade, the grid has collapsed more than 100 times, often leaving the country without power for hours or even days.

The Root Cause of Nigeria’s Power Crisis

At the heart of this crisis lies an aging electricity infrastructure inherited from the colonial era, now severely outdated. To illustrate the severity of the situation, consider this analogy:

A friend of mine owned a battered Volkswagen Beetle while studying at the University of Benin. The car was so old and unreliable that it wouldn’t start with just the turn of a key—it needed to be pushed to get moving. Aware of this, my friend always parked on a slope, ensuring he could start the car without help. This strategy allowed him to keep using the car, even though it was far from ideal. However, if an unsuspecting driver parked it on flat ground, they would be stranded without assistance.

Nigeria’s power system is like that Volkswagen Beetle—an outdated, fragile infrastructure barely kept running by experienced operators who know its weaknesses. For decades, these professionals have managed to sustain the grid at a suboptimal level, much like my friend kept his car running. However, when a “new driver”—in this case, the Minister of Power, Mr. Adebayo Adelabu—attempts to overload the system without addressing its weaknesses, the result is frequent, catastrophic failures. Experts have warned that the transmission infrastructure is too fragile to handle increased power loads, yet these warnings have been ignored, leading to repeated grid collapses.

A Century of Neglect

Nigeria’s electricity system has suffered from a lack of investment, maintenance, and modernization since colonial times. Infrastructure that should be displayed in a museum as a relic of the past remains the backbone of the nation’s power supply. For nearly a century, successive governments have failed to replace this antiquated system, leaving Nigeria trapped in a cycle of power shortages and economic stagnation.

If Nigeria is to escape this crisis, urgent reforms and large-scale investments in modern electricity infrastructure are needed. Without these changes, the country will remain stuck with a failing system—much like a driver trying to start a broken-down car on level ground, hoping for a miracle.

Why Nigeria’s Power Supply Remains Unstable 65 Years After Independence

More than six decades after gaining independence, Nigeria continues to struggle with an unreliable power supply, largely due to its outdated electricity infrastructure. The country’s national grid dates back to the colonial era, with its foundations laid as early as 1914, when the northern and southern protectorates were amalgamated. Despite the passage of time, the power sector has seen little progress, particularly in the transmission segment, which remains in a state of disrepair.

The reason for this is rooted in the flawed privatization of the power sector. While the generation (GENCOs) and distribution (DISCOs) segments were transferred to private ownership, the transmission network remained under government control through the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN). As a result, while private investors have upgraded parts of the generation and distribution infrastructure, the transmission system has remained stagnant due to bureaucratic inefficiencies and lack of investment.

A Flawed Privatization Process

The unbundling of Nigeria’s power sector began in 2005 under President Olusegun Obasanjo, with Vice President Atiku Abubakar leading the initiative and Nasir El-Rufai overseeing it as Director General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE). The process continued under President Goodluck Jonathan, who, in 2013, further liberalized the sector by selling power assets to private investors.

However, political conflicts—particularly the fallout between Obasanjo and Abubakar towards the end of their tenure—disrupted what could have been a successful transition. Unlike the telecommunications sector, which attracted major global players like MTN and Econet during its privatization, the power sector was largely taken over by local businessmen with limited financial and technical expertise. Instead of industry giants like Siemens or General Electric, Nigeria’s electricity assets ended up in the hands of investors who lacked the capacity to revamp the sector.

Limited Success and Persistent Challenges

A decade after privatization, the expected improvements in power supply have not materialized. While a few DISCOs—such as Ikeja, Eko, and Abuja—have made some progress, many others struggle to remain viable. On the other hand, the generation sector has seen notable improvements, with output increasing from 4,000 megawatts to 15,000 megawatts due to investments in upgrading old power plants and new entrants like Azure Power in Edo State and Geometric Power in Abia State.

However, the biggest bottleneck remains the transmission network. Despite the increased power generation, only a fraction of the electricity produced reaches end-users due to the outdated and insufficient transmission infrastructure, which is at least 50 years old. The inefficiency of TCN—still under government control—has prevented the electricity sector from functioning optimally.

A Better Approach to Power Sector Reform

Nigeria’s electricity privatization model deviates from global best practices. In many countries, the entire power supply chain—generation, transmission, and distribution—is sold to a single investor, ensuring integrated operations and accountability. In contrast, Nigeria split the sector into three separate entities, each with different operators who have varying capacities and resources. This fragmented approach has resulted in inefficiencies, with TCN becoming the weak link in the value chain.

To address this issue, Nigeria must either privatize the transmission segment to attract serious investors or adopt a more integrated approach to power sector management. Without these reforms, the country will continue to experience erratic power supply, regardless of how much electricity is generated.

Strengthening Nigeria’s Power Sector: Lessons from China and India

Nigeria’s electricity supply chain—spanning generation, transmission, and distribution—has proven to be weak, particularly at the points where these three segments intersect. This situation can be likened to a relay race where the baton handoff between runners is frequently botched, leading to inefficiencies and failures.

In more advanced economies, power companies are typically granted exclusive market zones where they generate, transmit, and distribute electricity seamlessly. However, Nigeria adopted a different approach, similar to the telecom sector, where multiple operators were licensed to handle different aspects of the power supply chain in an interconnected system. This model, while theoretically workable, has not delivered the expected results due to poor coordination and weak infrastructure.

To understand the depth of the problem, Nigeria’s power sector can be compared to a river that began to be polluted in 2005, became heavily contaminated by 2013, and now, in 2025, requires urgent purification. Instead of continuous complaints about the failures in the sector, it is time to take decisive action to remove the barriers hindering the generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity. Industrialization—a key driver of national development—depends on solving this crisis.

Learning from China and India

A possible way forward is to draw lessons from China and India, two countries that were once in similar power supply crises but successfully transformed into industrial powerhouses.

China’s Strategy for Electrification

China tackled its electricity challenges through a multi-pronged strategy, integrating electrification into its national development plans as part of its broader poverty eradication strategy. Key steps included:

 1. Infrastructure Development: The “Infrastructure to Every Village Project” ensured that electricity, roads, water, and telecoms reached rural areas.

 2. Stakeholder Coordination: The central government led policy formulation and investment, while provincial governments handled implementation. This coordination was critical in expanding and upgrading the national grid.

 3. Renewable Energy Investments: China aggressively pursued clean energy, setting a target for non-fossil energy to contribute 20% of its total energy consumption by 2025. It built mega renewable energy projects, smart grids, and hybrid high-voltage transmission lines to balance power supply across regions.

These efforts culminated in China achieving full electrification by 2015, positioning the country as the world’s leading industrial hub.

India’s Path to Energy Security

Like Nigeria, India was once a British colony and faced similar electricity shortages. However, through targeted reforms and investments, India overcame its power crisis and became an economic powerhouse. The key measures taken included:

 1. Institutional Reforms:

 • Establishment of Electricity Regulatory Commissions (ERCs) to ensure fair competition and consumer protection.

 • Creation of the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) to coordinate the national power system.

 2. Policy Reforms:

 • Electricity Act (2003): Unbundled state electricity boards, promoted private sector participation, and established a national grid.

 • National Electricity Policy (2005): Aimed at universal electricity access, energy efficiency, and reliable power supply.

 • Renewable Energy Policy: Set ambitious targets for non-fossil fuel energy sources, aiming for 40% of installed capacity by 2030.

 3. Infrastructure Investments:

 • Expansion of Power Generation: Increased capacity from 112 GW in 2005 to over 400 GW by 2022, focusing on renewable energy.

 • National Grid Development: Strengthened the grid to ensure efficient power transmission across the country.

 • Smart Grid Initiatives: Modernized grid infrastructure, improving energy efficiency and customer experience.

 4. Financial Incentives:

 • Viability Gap Funding (VGF): Government support for renewable energy projects to make them financially viable.

 • Tax Incentives: Encouraged private sector investment in the power sector.

 • Low-Cost Funding: Provided affordable financing for power sector projects through institutions like the Power Finance Corporation.

By implementing these measures, India scaled up its energy production from 190 GW to 400 GW, transforming itself into a global manufacturing hub. The success of its “Make in India” initiative underscores the role of stable electricity in industrial growth.

The Way Forward for Nigeria

Nigeria can no longer afford to lag in electricity reform. The success stories of China and India prove that targeted policies, infrastructure investments, and strong regulatory frameworks can turn an electricity-deficient nation into an industrial powerhouse. If Nigeria adopts a similar approach—prioritizing electrification in national development plans, streamlining regulatory frameworks, and attracting serious investors—it can finally break free from its chronic power shortages and achieve long-overdue industrialization.

Nigeria has much to learn from both China and India, particularly the latter, which successfully leveraged World Bank funding to address its electricity challenges—something Nigeria has attempted but with less commitment.

A closer examination of Nigeria’s energy crisis reveals a troubling reality. Despite the country’s numerous political and administrative reforms over the years, the electricity sector has remained largely unchanged since colonial times. While Nigeria has evolved from its amalgamation in 1914 to independence in 1960 and has since expanded from three regions to 36 states, its electricity infrastructure remains centralized and outdated.

This stagnation is evident in the persistent lack of investment in critical areas, particularly transmission. Given this reality, it is unrealistic for Nigerians to expect stable and adequate power supply when the sector remains underfunded and structurally inefficient. For instance, the Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, recently revealed that power generation companies (GENCOs) are owed approximately ₦350 billion. This financial strain threatens the viability of the sector, which depends on consistent investment to sustain operations and generate returns for private investors. Many of these investors rely on bank loans, and if they default, it could trigger a broader financial crisis with severe economic consequences.

The challenges extend to the distribution companies (DISCOs), where workers face significant risks while delivering electricity to end users. A recent case in Lagos saw officers from the Nigerian Air Force storming Ikeja Electricity Distribution Company’s premises after the company disconnected power to the air force base due to an unpaid ₦4 billion debt. This reflects a broader problem, as many government agencies and military installations across the country regularly default on their electricity bills. Even the Aso Rock Presidential Villa and several state governments have been threatened with disconnection due to outstanding payments.

This persistent non-payment culture stems from an outdated mindset in the public sector, where officials still view electricity as a government-provided service rather than a privatized utility that requires payment. The 2013 privatization of the power sector failed to address this issue, leading to ongoing financial distress and operational inefficiencies.

Addressing these challenges requires significant structural reforms. Unlike generation and distribution, which are privately owned, the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) remains government-controlled. This presents an opportunity for privatization, allowing for a more integrated and efficient electricity supply chain. Furthermore, of the 11 DISCOs operating in Nigeria, only three are financially viable, while the remaining eight have effectively been taken over by the government. A logical next step would be to merge the viable DISCOs with strong GENCOs and allow them to acquire transmission infrastructure in their respective zones, creating a model similar to those in advanced economies.

This restructuring will be difficult but necessary. As the saying goes, “No pain, no gain.” To succeed, Nigeria’s leadership must embrace bold reforms. Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum once said, “An easy life doesn’t make men, nor does it build nations. Challenges make men, and it is these men who build nations.” Nigeria’s energy crisis demands decisive action.

President Bola Tinubu should take inspiration from the transformative approaches of China and India by declaring a state of emergency in the electricity sector. These countries recognized that reliable power was the foundation of industrial growth and took radical steps to achieve it.

As Ernest Hemingway put it, “Go all the way with it. Do not back off. For once, go all the way with what matters.” For Nigeria, nothing matters more at this moment than ensuring abundant electricity supply—because without it, the nation’s industrial ambitions will remain unfulfilled.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.  

The English language is a compulsive borrower; a great debtor. It borrows any word that catches its fancy anyhow and from anywhere. From Ancient Rome, the Englishman got loaned mobile vulgus, the Latin phrase for ‘movable, excitable crowd’. The Englishman took that loan and quickly slim-fit the borrowed item to ‘mobile’, then in 1688, he clipped the abbreviation to ‘mob’.

If you are looking for a more practical definition of ‘mob’, go to the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Members there will, in confounding unity, act the mob if you dare their leader and question their privileges. Or you go and read reports of how soldiers beat up electricity workers in Ikeja, Lagos last week. Think of the parliament as a mob. Think of a military of rioters and street brawlers. Can you ever spot the difference between having soldiers as rioters and having rioters as soldiers? Think about the confusion here.

What the mob is came to my mind as I read of some soldiers of the Nigerian Air Force invading the headquarters of Ikeja Electricity Distribution Company (IKEDC) last Thursday, beating up workers and visitors and even journalists. Why? They acted wild because of the very high electricity bill they get while their base get supplied with very low or no electricity by the company. The attack was a shocking, shameful, deplorable act of security people wreaking insecurity.

Self-help is an eye for an eye; it is the Roman’s Lex talionis, the law of retaliation. If it is allowed to reign here, everyone will soon be blind. Criminal self-help is when soldiers had a payment-for-power dispute with a company and decided to use the might they have to claim their rights. Do our brothers in uniform think we (Nigerians without guns) are stupid for peacefully surrendering to Never Expect Power Always?

Poor soldiers beating up poor electricity workers and journalists is a shame. Everyone is misdirecting their anger. They are just oppressing their own tribe, the tribe of the dispossessed. The real sinners beyond the whip, they are too safe to be beaten.

Who told our soldiers that beating the hell out of electricity workers would give them uninterrupted power supply? The problem is bigger than big. You can’t force the eunuch to ‘do’ that thing. His existence is defined by impotence with all the innuendos and allusions. Force won’t help the forces. Even powerful Tiger in the old story of ‘Tortoise, Tiger and Monkey’ could not hammer out sweet shit from the traumatized belly of his victim.

The power supply situation in the country is horrible. Businesses are stuttering and bleeding and crying. A friend in telecoms told me that the reality of power in Nigeria and, particularly, the cost of diesel, has turned every base station to a full company. The cost of Nigeria’s darkness is horrifying, frustrating. Everyone is displeased and angry. But self-help by officers of the law is subversion of the law; it is not the solution.

What the solution is, I do not know. What I know is what my culture says impunity is. It is Taa ní ó mú mi? The translation is something like “Whatever I do, who will query and punish me? Who can?”

Because I am as helpless as the beaten workers and reporters, I plead with military authorities to beg the beaten for forgiveness, compensate them for the trauma and sanction the beaters. I also beg the authorities to leash their dogs and recalibrate the discipline we’ve always known with our uniformed forces. Gold should not rust. If it does, what then shall iron do?

“Possibly he cohabited with Miss Bloggs, but don’t mention it in front of his wife, let the sleeping dogs lie.” Gordon Jarvie’s ‘Dictionary of Idioms’ contains that example of a warning that has been with us since Geoffrey Chaucer’s 1385 epic poem, Troilus and Criseyde. When the storm is angry and howling, the wise stay safe. I thought every man has that wisdom until I heard Senate President Godswill Akpabio at the weekend in Abuja vowing to devour a bowl of very hot 20-year-old pounded yam. To him, the sleeping dog must stop sleeping.

For some people, one trouble at a time is not enough. I count Akpabio among such persons. The mouthful wahala from delectable Senator Natasha is not enough; voracious Akpabio must do Oliver Twist; he wants one more problem to solve. He threatened at the weekend to sue former acting Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Joy Nunieh, over her 2020 allegations of sexual harassment leveled against him. Where are Akpabio’s younger friends? They should read to him Harry Porter’s exasperation: “And quite honestly, I’ve had enough trouble for a lifetime.”

In July 2020, Nunieh alleged that she slapped Akpabio, who was the then Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, because he allegedly sexually harassed her:

 “Why did he not tell Nigerians that I slapped him in his guest house at Apo? I am the only Ogoni woman, the only Nigerian woman that has slapped him. I slapped him because of his plan B. Since he couldn’t get me to take that money, he thought that he could come up on me,” she told Arise TV at the time and proceeded to explain that sexual harassment was what she meant by “come up on me.”

For five years, Akpabio slumbered and snored. A slap from a lady called Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan appears to have now woken up Nigeria’s number one lawmaker. Addressing the matter at the weekend, Akpabio announced his intention to take legal action against Nunieh. “My other sister, the one they sometimes refer to as Joy Nunieh, I will like to mention her name because she will be hearing from my lawyer anytime in the next one week. Crime never dies.”

When is trouble enough? And, does the right to seek judicial remedies exist forever? By July this year, it will be five years since Nunieh made her sensational slap statement. She uttered the claim, Akpabio pretended she said nothing significant. Akpabio is a lawyer. At the law school, his teachers taught him that rights of action are subject to specific time frames. The cause of action occurred in Abuja. The Limitation Act which applies in Abuja, what does it say on when a man is stopped from suing for defamation of character? Or does Akpabio want to approach this as a criminal offence which is not statute-barred, especially now that he is Nigeria’s very powerful number three citizen? In that case, it won’t be a case of “hearing from (his) lawyers”. It will be a case of the slapper hearing from the very duteous Nigeria police. We cannot wait.

What should be a leader’s reaction to attacks and allegations? The British House of Lords in 1987 delivered a controversial judgment backing the ban of Spycatcher, the memoirs of a former MI5 officer, Peter Wright. The Daily Mirror reacted with an upside down photo of the three law lords who decided the case in favour of Margaret Thatcher’s government. The picture came with the caption: ‘You Old Fools.’ Many thought that was insulting and contemptuous of the court. But, the Law Lord, Sydney William Templeman, did not think so. The lord noted that the caption contained three words ‘You’, ‘Old’ and ‘Fools’. The world might think the caption offensive but to my lord, they were not. Templeman said it was indeed true that he was an old man. He said being a fool or not was a matter of perception but he knew he was not a fool. He caused the matter to end right there.

Sir Alexander Cockburn was England’s Lord Chief Justice in 1879. He was incensed at scathing criticisms of one of his rulings. He thought the right course to take was to use his high office and his knowledge of the law to take down his critics. Cockburn did the very unusual: he published a 24-page pamphlet in rebuttal of the strictures and thoroughly abused his critics. But his pamphlet did not help him; his rebuttal attracted a string of counter-rebuttals. Records say that the Lord Chief Justice came out of that controversy diminished in social and intellectual standing. Roderick Munday who went over that case again in 1987, wrote that “this unedifying episode illustrates how even the holder of the highest office can make a spectacle of himself.” Munday’s conclusion is that “if ever a judge again feels disposed to respond to public strictures, he might first do well to ponder the experience of Cockburn C.J.”

A man in a hole is still digging. Senator Akpabio thinks an old and long-forgotten war is worth exhuming. He must combine it with the present and have both crushed.

Can I now examine how he is handling the present problem? Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan accused Akpabio of sexual harassment. Akpabio kept quiet for almost a week; when he spoke, it was as a judge in his own case. His wife and almost the whole of the Senate were the first to come out roaring. They said Akpabio did not do what he was accused of doing. They said the lady had assaulted the integrity of their presiding officer. They were very rancorous like passengers in a midair troubled plane.

One of the senators said Natasha should use the period of her suspension to learn the Senate rules. I found that quite ironic. It will be appropriate if that member and other members learn what the law says about a man judging his own case. Or, what did they think happened when Mr Akpabio appointed the jury, sat as the judge, read his judgment and convicted his accuser? If you are accused of harbouring unsightly intestines, why wouldn’t you use common sense to pack it well and far from public sneer. The convicted is already shouting fair hearing. A first-year law student knows that the Latin phrase, ‘Nemo Judex In Causa Sua’ means no one should be a judge in his own cause. It is a universal principle of fair hearing that in judicial and administrative proceedings, a judge or an administrator having personal or proprietary interest in the outcome of a proceeding must not exercise adjudicatory powers in the case in question. Was Akpabio set up to take that route? A smart Akpabio would have let his deputy handle that case. If he did, justice would have been seen to have been done. Or, could it be that Akpabio and his Senate believed that only weaklings without money and power bother about procedural fairness? And there are lawyers among them.

I do not know how they do it where Akpabio comes from but in my part of the country, no wise man is allowed to directly judge his own case. A man would be an original àgbà òsìkà to make himself judge over his enemies. Section 36 of our constitution is clear on this. And it is universal in its application. The US Supreme Court also carefully laid this out: “A fair trial in a fair tribunal is a basic requirement of due process. Fairness, of course, requires an absence of actual bias in the trial of cases… To this end, no man can be a judge in his own case and no man is permitted to try cases where he has an interest in the outcome.” In another case, the court held that “prejudice, in order to be disqualifying, must consist of a personal animosity toward one party or very strong feeling in favour of the other party.” In this case of Natasha, Chief Akpabio was actually the other party – the accused; and he was the judge.

The senate riotously mobbed the accuser out of the chamber. She will be in the cold for six months. This is not about who is saying the truth and who is lying. No one outside the two actors can say what the truth is. What is true is known to the supposedly harassed and the alleged harasser. But I think Akpabio, for whatever reasons, should not have bungled his case. He shouldn’t have sat over the matter with the catty visage of the lion, king of the jungle. What he did is what the English qualify with the word ‘impunity’. And I think he did so because in this country, anyone blessed with his kind of uncommon bigness is hefty enough to pocket the law.

At the weekend again, Akpabio went regional in search of defence. He thought his tribulations should wear the tunic of politics. He vowed that the South South region (where he comes from) would not surrender the senate presidency no matter the level of gang up against him. He said: “The Senate President of today is not representing himself alone. He is representing a people who are very crucial to the economic life wire of this country. So, when people gang up and conspire, I hear voices from Adamawa shouting, I hear voices from Kwara State shouting, I hear some young people from the southwest being used for something they don’t know, they don’t know the rules of the Senate, you can’t be a herbalist and start quoting the Bible, you won’t know what to quote.” Interesting. So, are Akpabio’s enemies from the South West, the North Central and the North East? Who are they? Those who want to be lame should be completely lame, the blind should be blind totally; half blinded people always plunge the world into wars. If I were Akpabio, I would be total in naming names. That is what real men do.

If you carry a pot of uncommon palm oil, run away from stone throwers. Has Akpabio ever heard the Yoruba story of Eku kékeré tó ní òun yóò ba isé àgbè jé (The small rat that says it will destroy the farmer’s work)? The story, with a little adjustment, is reproduced here as told by James Bọ̀dé Agbájé in his ‘Proverbs: A Strategy for Resolving Conflict in Yorùbá Society’:

“There was once a small rat on a farm who said to the farmer that he would destroy all the farmer’s work. The farmer answered the rat: ‘How can you destroy my work, you tiny idiot?’ When the maize on the farm matured, the rat went to see the farmer and told him again that he would destroy all the farmer’s work. The farmer just burst out laughing and told the rat: ‘You are joking. How will you destroy this huge maize farm?’ The rat said okay and departed. When the farmer was harvesting his maize, the rat revisited the farm and again promised the farmer that one day all his harvest would be destroyed. The farmer just ignored the rat and the rat went away. After the farmer had finished packing all his harvested crops in the aka (‘barn’), the rat managed to enter the barn unnoticed. He started eating part of the maize and left the wasted remnants covering the ground.

“The farmer knew what was happening and announced, ‘I know you are in there. You just hide yourself there.’ He was determined to deal ruthlessly with the small wicked rat. The rat heard the farmer and answered him. He told him that he had promised the farmer that his farm would be destroyed and the time had now come for the operation. The angry farmer thought he should just smoke out the stupid tiny rat. A little fire he made went out of hand. Within the twinkling of an eye, all the maize caught fire. Just then, the rat escaped and the whole place was burnt to ashes. Later, the rat went to the farmer and said to him that the deed was done. The rat boasted: ‘I promised to shatter your efforts and you underrated what I said. Haven’t I destroyed all the fruits of your labour now?’ The farmer was downcast and started to bite his fingers in regret. He said that if he had taken the proper precautions and had not underrated the stupid tiny rat, the whole situation could have been averted.” The powerful should be very careful; the ground is wet and slippery.