OTHERS' VIEWS
![[OPINION] Nasir El-Rufai and the philosophy of nothing - Festus Adedayo](/media/k2/items/cache/69580a253b358cbee78bc28a8e8c3d02_L.jpg)
Former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai caused a mild stir last week. Though the resignation of his membership of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and gravitation towards the Social Democratic Party (PDP) did not come as a shock, the ruckus that attended them has been instructive. Torrents of negative comments have been heaped up as reactions to his decamping. And they are expected. Brilliant politician, intelligent and renowned for his organizational ability, El-Rufai is one politician you would love to hate. Since 1999, he has been a factor, either for ill or good, in Nigerian politics. Many have glibly equated him with the proverbial species of rat Yoruba call the Eda. This rat is perceived, just like El-Rufai, to always be the central focus of mostly bad issues. Playing on the alliteration in this rat species’ name of “Eda” and cause, “da” as mutual causative factors, my people say the harbinger of every issue is always the Eda rat which often brings about the caused element (iyi). So, they say, the Eda is the rat that causes this (Eku t’o da’yi le ni je eda). With his eventual pitching of tent with the SDP and the resurgence of opposition activities in Nigeria in the last one week, what came to my mind is a philosophical concept called the beauty of nothing.
The “philosophy of nothing” is bothered about the nothingness in human existence. In articulating it, this philosophy tries to find out the role of nothingness in human existence, meaning, and the nature of reality. When you explore nothingness, you will be compelled to examine how “nothing” and “everything” intersect; how, from everything, you can get nothing and ultimately discovering that nothing is a fundamental aspect of something.
Asked why he left the APC for the SDP, El-Rufai blamed a system he alleged had gone to the sewers. He cited irreconcilable differences with the leadership of the APC and disappointment with the ruling party, as, in his words, in the last two years, APC had strayed from its progressive principles (as if the party ever had any). On what he would do in the SDP, he said, “I will focus on engaging with and persuading other opposition leaders and parties to join us and congregate under a unified democratic platform to challenge the APC in all elections and by-elections.”
With all the deluge of comments that have attended El-Rufai’s decamping into the SDP, the clear implication, as said by the party he is leaving and the government he has since been exposing its rump, is that the ex-Kaduna governor will be bringing nothing and is indeed an emissary of nothingness. The Nigerian presidency and the ruling APC had dismissed El-Rufai’s capability to galvanize opposition to unseat President Bola Tinubu in 2027. In their words, he is driven by what they called “an inordinate ambition that is destined to fail”. My immediate take is that, when the president began his political peregrination in 2022 or so, many of us said similar thing about his journey. Today, we are wrong and he is right, sitting comfortably in Aso Rock and picking his teeth like his predecessor. So, which of them is God enough to assume that El-Rufai’s political journey is a potential disaster?
Martin Heidegger, a renowned German philosopher with legendary contributions to the philosophy of existentialism, may want us to see the El-Rufai decamping from another prism; from the concept of nothingness and “nothing” being a fundamental aspect of being. Heidegger argued that “nothing” is the condition that allows for “being” to exist. There is however beauty of nothingness. It implies that even though nothingness brings about a state of emptiness or void, paradoxically, in it can be found immense potentials which may give a deeper appreciation of existence. In this regard, nothingness offers opportunity for creativity, peace among chaos, and renewed perspective into a logjam.
Let us now relate this philosophy of nothingness with our Nigerian reality. Other than the occasional flash-in-the-pan of individual critique and criticisms of the APC-led Nigerian government, no one can doubt the fact that Nigeria drifts towards a totalitarian state. Either real or imagined, there are facts which tend to support the allegation that the instability in the two leading opposition parties in Nigeria were cooked by the present government. According to Adeseye Ogunlewe in a television interview last week, Tinubu is the Master of Nigerian politics. Of a truth, only a fool would take his power of assembling and dissembling in politics with a pinch of salt. Being an old warhorse of Nigerian street politics, with octopodal tenterhooks to the nooks and crannies of the streets and institutions, causing institutional rifts in opposition political parties may just be a prologue in the handy playbook of the Master. While the PDP and Labour Party are engaged in a destructive angling for individual selves’ jugulars, with a Babelian voice that points at total irreconcilability, some hidden hands are said to have unhinged the screw of peace and amity in those political parties.
The above portends grave danger to Nigeria and her polity. Not minding whatever damage El-Rufai’s kind of politics might have done to political party politics in Nigeria in the past, we should look at his decamping from the above stated Heideggerian perspective. In the perceived nothingness of El-Rufai’s politics, Nigeria may benefit something in the opposition that El-Rufai’s SDP may bring to Nigerian politics. If you know the characters in today’s government and the APC very well, we might just enter the 2027 elections as a totalitarian state, with all the opposition parties mere scarecrows decorated by the APC government to pass off as opposition forces. As Heidegger argued, the El-Rufai “nothing” may just be the condition that will allow for our national “being” to exist.
While politicians may not agree with the above thesis as they benefit from the chaos of the polity, one thing it affords the people is a multiplicity of choice. In El-Rufai’s SDP, another choice is being handed over to Nigerians which must be adequately interrogated at every point.
My excitement at the potentials of SDP as a viable opposition suffered a momentary halt almost immediately that same last week. Adewole Adebayo, 2023 presidential candidate of the PDP had come on an interview session on a national television. I had heard of his trumped up brilliance from journalists who earlier interviewed him. At that interview session, gradually, Adebayo defrosted all those superlatives with which he was robed. By the time the interview session ended, in place of a huge turkey with huge feathers I expected to encounter, I was left with a species of hen Yoruba call “Adiye opipi”. This type of hen is known by a unique characteristic of featherless wings. Adebayo came across as this and much more. I saw a man who delights in a horse ride that takes place on the back of a cockroach. When you see such politicians, your mind races to a spent canister.
[OPINION] Corruption thrives where there is silence—Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu, SAN - Bolanle Bolawole
Admin![[OPINION] Corruption thrives where there is silence—Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu, SAN - Bolanle Bolawole](/media/k2/items/cache/2a8aa3b32cfdc351304d22346431f0fd_L.jpg)
COMPARE the above quote from Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu, the youthful Chairman of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), with the one often attributed to the 18th-century Irish philosopher, Edmund Burke, which says, “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing”. Disputes have arisen as to whether Burke, and not the British philosopher, John Stuart Mill (1876), made this quote. Mill was quoted as saying, “Bad men need nothing more to compass their ends than that good men should look on and do nothing”. What had earlier been attributed without any controversy to Burke in his book “Thoughts on the cause of the present discontents” (1770) is no less poignant; he said: “When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fail, one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle”.
Anyone who keeps silent in the face of evil is complicit in that evil. In the words of our own Professor Wole Soyinka, Nobel Laureate, in anyone that keeps silent in the face of tyranny, the man dies! “In other words’, says another author, “people must be vigilant and actively resist evil”. Easier said than done, if we reckon with another author who posits that “to learn what is good, a thousand days are not sufficient; to learn what is evil, an hour is too long”! So, continues the author, “never open the door to a lesser evil, for other and greater ones invariably slink in after it”
The occasion was on Thursday, 27 February, 2025 at the Marriott Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos and the event was another leg of the recently-appointed ICPC chairman’s Editors’ Breakfast Meeting to introduce himself, his plans to combat corruption, as well as rub minds with top media editors. There was hardly anything that was said at the event that had not been said or been heard before. But in the collective wisdom of Burke, Mill, and Soyinka mentioned above, no harm was done running over them all over again. Corruption thrives where it is low risk. When the chances are high that the culprit will walk away free, corruption runs riot, Corruption thrives where everyone thinks the task is ICPC’s (and EFCC’s) alone. Where everyone else minds their own business, as they say, turning a blind spot, corruption thrives. Corruption thrives where there is darkness; when everything is opaque, and naming and shaming the corrupt is alien culture.
We also heard at the meeting that corruption fights back; especially in climes such as ours where the cankerworm has eaten so deep into the fabrics of the society as to become a national malaise. Where corruption becomes the natural order of things, those fighting or speaking against it are the ones swimming against the tide. Corruption exists where there is grinding poverty. This, perhaps, explains the exponential stride the monster has made in the country in the last few decades. Nigeria is said to be the poverty capital of the world; over 70 percent of its population is said to be desperately or multi-dimensionally poor. When people go to bed on an empty stomach, they will do anything to fill the void. Where the middle class has been decimated to the point that people are now either rich or poor, sermons not followed by Jesus Christ’s command of “give them something to eat” ( Matthew 14: 13-21) will ring hollow and fall on deaf ears.
But what is corruption? One definition says it is “the abuse of entrusted power for private gain”. The same definition goes ahead to say that corruption “erodes trust, weakens democracy (and) hampers economic development”. Corruption is also defined as “a form of dishonesty”, a “criminal offence”, “abuse of office or power” for the purpose of “acquisition of illicit or illegal benefits”. The reward of corruption can be in cash or kind. Bestowing undue favours, denying someone his or her dues or rights, and perverting the course of justice are all forms of corruption. Ever heard political scientists talk of corruption functionality. The theory states that whatever exists does so to perform a function; otherwise, it will not exist. It is a simple case of demand and supply. Corruption functionality means “the ways in which corruption provides solutions to the everyday problems people face, particularly in resource-scarce environments, problems that often have deep social, structural, economic, and political roots.”
In other words, there are forms of corruption that, I dare to say, are inevitable or that are brought upon the people despite themselves. Where starvation wages are paid to workers, they will find other means to make ends meet. Where necessary amenities and social services are decrepit or totally lacking and people are consigned to being their own “local governments”, providing their own water, electricity, constructing their own roads, paying through the nose to buy petrol and diesel, recharge their PHCH meter, buy data, pay school fees, pay rents, buy drugs, etc., it stands to reason that people will cut corners to keep their head above the waters. Where penalties for everyday traffic offences are steep, even those of other faiths will quickly heed the admonition of Matthew 5: 25: “Agree with thine adversary quickly, whiles thou art in the way with him; lest at any time the adversary deliver thee to the judge, and the judge deliver thee to the officer, and thou be cast into prison”!
To say, then, that the task before the anti-corruption agencies is daunting is to say the obvious. How many Nigerians are not corrupt in their own little corners? How many within the anti-corruption agencies themselves are above board like Caesar’s wife? And are the locales of humongous corruption, which are the habitats of the elites and ruling class, not more often than not a no-go-area for the anti-corruption crusade? Again, taking a cue from Burke, Mill, and Soyinka, we abandon the battlefield to the corrupt at our own collective peril. And that, in my view, was the import of the ICPC chairman’s homily to the senior editors he came to Lagos to rub minds with.
Dr. Aliyu was measured in his prepared speech, after which he painstakingly answered questions as well as engaged in tete-a-tete with the editors. He started by saying that the ICPC cherishes and greatly values its partnership with the media. “Your dedication to exposing corruption and enhancing our efforts has been crucial in fostering a more transparent society”, he said. Therefore, the decision to meet with the editors was part of the determination to strengthen the partnership as well as reaffirm ICPC’s “shared mission to combat corruption and uphold integrity in Nigeria.” He then described the media as “a frontline partner” in the fight against corruption, and this description brought floods of nostalgic memories of the fight against apartheid in southern Africa when Nigeria, because of its unyielding commitment to the struggle for the eradicate of apartheid colonialism from the face of Africa., was described as a “frontline state” despite that it was thousands of miles away from the battle front.
Commentators have often noted the difference in the modus operandi of the two anti-corruption agencies – ICPC and EFCC. Aliyu appeared to offer an explanation when he said the ICPC, over the years, “has adopted a strategic communication approach in line with Section 36 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and Section 27(4) of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act, 2000 (which) ensure the protection of suspects’ rights. While remaining strict, diligent, and stern in our actions, ICPC will remain resolute in propagating the rule of law and protecting human dignity. Additionally, the ICPC prioritises the protection of whistleblowers and the integrity of investigations.”
There was a period during the Muhammadu Buhari administration when whistle-blowing became a fad. Trust Nigerians, everybody, as it were, became a whistleblower overnight and, then, suddenly, the interest in whistle-blowing died down. Some reports said the laws were not strong enough to protect whistleblowers. Others said the government failed to honour its pledge to reward whistleblowers to the tune promised. Yet, others said victimisation, blackmailing and sheer criminality took over the laudable scheme that was meant to aid the anti-corruption war. Addressing this issue, the ICPC boss described whistle-blowing as indispensable in the anti-corruption war. He called on the National Assembly to pass the required laws that will streamline the operation of whistleblowers as well as offer them the requisite protection and incentives.
Saying that transparency is a cornerstone of ICPC’s work, Dr. Aliyu vowed that they would continue to provide verified information through official channels, including press releases, newsletters, and digital platforms. In 2024 alone, the Commission physically reached 1,458,025 individuals through 579 sensitisation exercises conducted under its community engagement programmes. In addition, 188 press releases were issued, resulting in 1,860 news reports published in the media. The Commission experienced increased followership and impressions on its social media handles (Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube). 181,958 visits were recorded on its website while 158 television productions were aired in 2024. Episodes of its podcast, Ethics Pod, were successfully released on Spotify, YouTube, Apple Podcasts, and across all our social media platforms.
Laudable as this progress report may seem, the ICPC chairman’s disclosure that only seven out of the country’s 774 local governments have functional websites trumps it all! In this digital age of raging Artificial Intelligence (AI)! What do the local governments do with the humongous federal allocations they collect every month? Since the coming of the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration and the removal of fuel subsidy, states and local governments collect two or three times more allocations than they used to each month: Where are the allocations going?
Other sensitive issues discussed at the meeting include constituency projects, which have become cesspools of corruption. Dr. Aliyu said the ICPC is trying its best and has records of achievements in this regard. But how many of such projects can they possibly track? The delay tactics and other antics of defence lawyers also frustrate the ICPC and judges themselves. Lucky Dr. Aliyu: Had the Natasha-Akpabio sexual assault allegation broke before the meeting, the ICPC boss would have been put to task on how ICPC’s Sexual Harassment Prevention Programme would possibly handle the issue!
The Supreme Court recently outlawed caretaker local government chairmen and councillors. It also gave the stamp of authority to the direct funding of local governments from the Federation Account, cutting off the State Government’s intermediary position to the bargain. Dr. Aliyu said the ICPC would study how to make the local government autonomy law work. He warned that no local government caretaker committee chairman has the powers to spend money or award contracts. “The ICPC has the powers to enforce the Supreme Court judgments”, he said.
Elected as the interim chairman of the African Assets Recovery Practitioners Forum in Arusha, Tanzania in November 2024, the ICPC chairman charged the editors: “Dear friends, corruption thrives in silence, but your voices can shatter that silence. Your role in shaping public perception and holding institutions accountable cannot be overstated. The more Nigerians see, read, and hear about the fight against corruption, the stronger our collective resolve becomes. Our mission to diminish corrupt practices through our public mobilisation, our doggedness, and our law-abiding operational strategies remains strong and unwavering.”
I left the meeting charging myself that there is no harm in trying!
![[OPINION] Without public support, EFCC can’t succeed - Tonnie Iredia](/media/k2/items/cache/9c354aeb212c29fa7a266ec8a1d1db0a_M.jpg)
About 73 years ago when Nigeria was still a colony, the Emir of Gwandu, moved a motion in the Northern House of Chiefs requesting all Native Authorities to trace and sanction with strict impartiality persons involved in bribery and corruption which were becoming pervasive across the entire colony. What this suggests is that corruption in Nigeria is not new.
Hence, the first national government led by Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa (1960-66) formally declared corruption as the nation’s main enemy. But he couldn’t stop the malaise which became a subject of concern to every government thereafter. General Yakubu Gowon (1966-75) was probably the first to formally develop an anti-corruption policy with his promulgation of the ‘Public Officer (Investigation of Assets) Decree’ of 1968, resulting in the forfeiture of corruptly acquired assets by culprits.
Neither the sacking of 10,000 supposedly corrupt civil servants by the Murtala/Obasanjo government (1975-1979) nor the inauguration by President Shehu Shagari (1979-1983) of an Ethical Revolution Committee to wage a philosophical fight against corruption brought any respite. With the return of the military in 1983, General Muhammadu Buhari (1983-85) swore never to “tolerate kickback, inflation of contracts, forgeries, fraud and abuse of office.” On his part, General Ibrahim Babangida (1985-93) invigorated the existing Code of Conduct Bureau and added the Code of Conduct Tribunal to it in 1989 to fight corruption. General Sani Abacha (1993-98) set up the Failed Banks Tribunal and promulgated the ‘Advance Fee Fraud and Other Related Offences Decree No. 13 of 1995’ which he himself obeyed more in the breach.
Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007) brought into the anti-corruption fight two full-fletched anti-corruption organizations – the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. The Umaru Yar’Adua/Goodluck Jonathan government (2007-15) did little about Nigeria’s corruption impasse ending ingloriously as one that overlooked allegations of missing huge sums of money from government coffers. Arguably, their ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) lost the general elections of 2015 to corruption. But President Muhammadu Buhari (2015-2023) also failed his admirers who thought the saviour had come. His party, the All-Progressives Congress (APC) unwittingly invited and protected from prosecution, many suspected corrupt politicians who decamped to the party.
Whether the current President Bola Tinubu would be the redeemer is too early to tell but he appears to be the first to recognize that having taken from the police the task of fighting corruption and handed it over to another entity – the EFCC, it is hypocritical to have asked police operatives to lead the same EFCC. Analysts such as this writer who drew attention to this were not only ignored, more and more members of the police family were drafted into the EFCC. It is the first malaise, the easy going new EFFC leader, Ola Olukoyede, a legal expert should halt. While it is unfair to condemn every police operative, to take a job from an organization and hand it to its operatives through the back door puts a garb of ‘business as usual’ on the so-called new handlers.
It is not only the imposition of police style of leadership that must change, customized bureaucratic processes and procedures must be critically subjected to global realities. For example, the fight against cybercrime is one that must be vigorously pursued, but EFCC must not copy or support the annoying method of picking-up affluent looking young Nigerians from our streets to hideouts to extort money from their ATMs etc. EFCC’s work methods must be distinct, clear, humane and directed only at crime, not extortion. If this is not done, the public will not know the difference between the EFCC and other law enforcement agencies especially those with criminal tendencies. Ample light must thus be thrown on the difference between the unpatriotic bodies and the EFCC so the latter does not incur a poor public perception that would antagonize the people against her employees.
Curiously, poor public perfection is already the pathetic fate of the EFCC right now. She is doing the nation’s most intractable job, yet many in whose interest the hazardous job is being done prefer to idolize their corrupt kith and kin who strip the nation of the resources earmarked for executing development projects. Today in Nigeria, many communities organize huge rallies to welcome back home, their heroes who are temporarily released on bail while prosecution continues. EFCC workers are Nigerians to whom the hailing of corruption suspects, sends a clear dissuading message. If the truth must be told, Nigerians need to introspect and clearly make their intentions known because what many of us do now gives the impression that there is no need to fight corruption, yet we have anti-corruption agencies whose staff are threatened daily by corruption giants.
It is even more pathetic that the government which set up the EFCC and continues to mouth the need to seriously fight corruption is one of those whose disposition dissuades the EFCC from commitment to the same assignment it got. Otherwise, why will government pardon the few ex-governors that the commission was able to prosecute to the point of conviction? When what the commission went through to be able to secure conviction is looked at again, no one would be left in doubt that the establishment of anti-corruption agencies is merely to make the people believe that ‘government is working.’ Under the circumstance, the EFCC has no option than to incorporate in its public enlightenment programme, the exact nature of the challenges it passes through to execute its duty.
Of course, there are many advantages of public enlightenment schemes. The first is accountability where such organizations report back to the taxpayers who are their true owners. The EFCC should therefore tell Nigerians what it does and is currently doing as well as what it has failed to do. But most importantly, the reason it has failed to do certain jobs must be clearly stated – a good example being the obstacles it gets from corrupt elite. If I were EFCC chair I will go after any corrupt Nigerian irrespective of his political affiliation. But I will follow the rule of law as I know Barrister Olukoyede will do. I will not invade anybody’s house at night, but I will firmly operate with courage. Indeed, I will start by enlisting the support of fiery Femi Falana SAN, who said some two years ago that the leadership of the Nigerian Bar Association NBA knows the corrupt judges and even senior lawyers.
I will go after corrupt judges and their accomplices and present my findings to the National Judicial Council (NJC) which is the only body empowered to discipline judges in Nigeria. If nothing is done to them and therefore, they are allowed to remain in office, any time an EFCC case is assigned to any of such judges I will apply that they recuse themselves from my commission’s cases. I will tell the nation through the media why I object to such judges hearing the cases of their friends and associates in our custody. In other words, Ola Olukoyede should adopt the strategy of the late Dora Akunyili at NAFDAC to present occasional detailed and direct progress reports so that Nigerians can know why bodies like the EFCC are usually unable to successfully execute their assignments. I will extend the strategy to the legislators that we hear pad the annual budgets and coerce heads of public bodies to render material returns to them.
If the above is done regularly, the EFCC will become the agency of the people; and many Nigerians will more willingly give information to the commission. But if the EFCC chair allows himself to be intimidated, he will be presented while leaving office as a corrupt EFCC chair like his predecessors. Even if some chairpersons of EFCC were corrupt, we all know that Nuhu Ribadu an internationally acclaimed ant-corruption czar was not. Yet, corruption fought him back, got him sent away from EFCC on a course, demoted him from Assistant Inspector General of Police to a Deputy Commissioner of Police, stopped him from receiving his certificate at the course and eventually retired him from office. Today, he is the National Security Adviser NSA.
It is because ordinary Nigerians, the media and civil society organizations are not with the EFCC that our wealthy elite is continuing with corruption. It is also for the same reason that corruption is cascading to the lowest cadre below. For EFCC to succeed, we must all stand behind the fight that will rescue Nigeria from its stunted growth. There is no better time than now to join other patriots in the fight. EFCC must work for us.
![[OPINION] A hard road to travel - Simon Kolawole](/media/k2/items/cache/c1ac3907327074f62d7f920e5b7a9e90_M.jpg)
Over dinner some 20 years ago, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, then governor of Lagos state, narrated a story I find fascinating till today. After the very public falling-out with his deputy, Mrs Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele, in 2002, he said he started scouting for her replacement. He wanted a “technocrat” — as we say in Nigeria. Specifically, one with knowledge of the economy. I don’t know what was going through Tinubu’s mind, but I should guess he wanted to focus on politics while his deputy would co-ordinate policy. Different names came up and he started talking to them one by one. One of them was Mr Olayemi Cardoso, who was his commissioner for economic planning and budget.
Tinubu said he liked the prospects of Cardoso stepping up to the plate. He invited him for a meeting on, I think, a Sunday. When Cardoso got to Tinubu’s residence, he saw a swarm of party members and politicians — men, women, youths and all — sitting outside the gate and within the premises. Tinubu said when he made the offer to him, Cardoso asked: “Is this how people will be flocking my house if I am deputy governor?” Tinubu replied: “It goes with the terrain.” Cardoso shook his head and gave Tinubu an instant reply: “Count me out, sir.” This story got me laughing uncontrollably because that is exactly what I would say. In the end, Mr Femi Pedro, a seasoned banker, got the job.
Therefore, when a very strong rumour started flying around in 2023 that Cardoso was going to be appointed either minister of finance or governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), I was sceptical. Why would anyone want to be CBN governor at that point in time? Inflation rate was in the skies, wiping off value everywhere; exchange rate was going insane without any asylum ready to rein in it; and the lending rates were a pain in the neck for businesses. The stability of these rates — which can define the level of macro-economic sanity in a country — is the primary responsibility of the CBN. It is a job that can wake up insomnia. That was why I initially doubted Cardoso would want the job.
Why would someone who could not imagine coping with the weekly congregation of a few dozens of party supporters at his residence be interested in handling the macro-economic headaches affecting over 200 million Nigerians? But that is just one way of looking at it. Maybe it is raw politics he couldn’t handle. Maybe he was more comfortable with policy. Maybe being CBN governor is a different kind of challenge that suits his skillset and temperament, compared to politics that could be convoluted. Regardless of my analysis, Cardoso took the job and has now spent a year and a half on the hot seat. But how has he handled the job so far? If he is stressed, it is not written on his face.
With a top team of four deputies — namely, Mr Philip Ikeazor, a former bank MD; Mr Bala Bello, former ED of the Nigerian Export-Import Bank (NEXIM); Mrs Emem Usoro, former ED at UBA; and Mr Muhammad Sani Abdullahi (the man we call Dattijo), former commissioner for budget and planning in Kaduna state — Cardoso set out his agenda as a “return to conservative monetary policy”, “transparency”, and “bold corrective measures”. Among other things, he sought to reform the forex market to eliminate arbitrage by introducing a transparent trading mechanism. He toned down the development finance policy and announced a new capitalisation requirement for the banks.
Lately, the CBN has been receiving a lot of plaudits for its conservative approach to monetary policy which has boosted investor confidence and enabled substantial stability in the capital and money markets. I’ve read very positive reviews by both Nigerian and foreign analysts on the deepening of reforms and the restoration of confidence in the financial system. The banking sector might have experienced worse crises in the 1990s leading to bank failures, but the naira redesign fiasco and the failure of electronic payment systems in the run-up to the 2023 elections did a lot of damage to the confidence of customers. Some are still suffering the PTSD. Nigeria went really close to ground zero.
The forex market was also a nightmare. The official rate was around N425/$ and the black market was roughly N750/$ when Tinubu assumed office. The interim CBN management introduced the policy of “willing buyer willing seller” in a quickfire attempt to address the ailments and close the gap between official and parallel markets. The removal of the official peg nearly sank the economy as the markets went into a spiral. The parallel rate started racing recklessly towards N2,000/$. There was panic and pain everywhere. I was one of those who argued that the new policy — coming just a few weeks after the removal of petrol subsidy — was neither well thought-out nor well implemented.
The consolation is that after the rampage, the naira managed to settle around N1,500/$ for a bit. Many market analysts contend that the true value should be around N1,200/$. Nonetheless, it is now obvious that, like fuel prices, the naira will gain or lose from time to time depending on the variables — as it happens with even major currencies. Fixing a currency’s exchange rate is the real sign of trouble that will always inspire speculation. When the market knows that the exchange rate is flexible and can gain or lose as the forces of demand and supply interact, the reality may dim the light of marginal speculators with no staying power. Every genuine forex user needs this comfort.
I still do not support unbridled currency devaluation. I maintain that it is never a lasting solution to the forex crisis. A country that is “export-deficient” (the new politically correct term for “import-dependent”) will always run into this type of crisis. You cannot be demanding $3 billion for imports and earning $1 billion from exports and be expecting your currency to sleep easy. Will the forex rain from the skies? I have always favoured “deprecation with safeguards”, but I apparently lost the argument when we held on to the official peg for way too long and all kinds of shenanigans blossomed, with arbitrage billionaires springing up everywhere. The devil is always in the detail.
The CBN appears to have got a hold on the arbitrage haemorrhage. As the parallel market moves, the Nigerian Foreign Exchange Market (NFEM) also moves. The signal to the parallel market is that stocking forex in anticipation of arbitrage is now a risky venture. Cardoso will argue that his forex management policy is working, judging by the increased non-oil inflows, especially remittances. The new pricing mechanism is managed on an NFEM platform called electronic foreign exchange matching system (EFEMS), an open system for rate determination which provides visibility around demand and supply. This visibility helps drive more credible determination of the exchange rate.
If I have to be honest, though, I do not envy CBN governors. Most often, they are fighting a fire they did not start. For instance, take a look at the 2025 budget. Tinubu initially proposed an expenditure of N49.74 trillion before increasing it to N54.2 trillion. Our amazing lawmakers added N700 billion on top, taking the total to N54.99 trillion. In naira terms, this is the highest budget in our history. The budget contains an estimated deficit of N13.08 trillion. In simple English, for every N100 we plan to spend, N24 is from money we don’t have. Agreed, public revenues have grown remarkably in the last couple of years, but why not use part of that to reduce the deficit instead of expanding spending?
When the resultant liquidity floods the system and too much naira is chasing after fewer goods, it is the job of the CBN governor to deal with the inflation — even though he was not the one that prepared or approved the expansionary budget. When the three tiers of government pump out trillions of naira into the economy and the naira starts chasing dollars to finance both legitimate transactions and illicit payments (such as bribes), it is the job of the CBN to mop up the mess by making sure the exchange rate is stable. But can you fight the dollar with the naira? Oil exports provide most of the oxygen for the forex market but we no longer earn enough of petrodollars.
Inflation remains the elephant in the room. We’ve been warned that no country can record meaningful progress with double-digit inflation. The monetary policy committee (MPC) of the CBN has been trying to control money supply by keeping the monetary policy rate (MPR) high, but the inflation report by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) has not brought smiles to our faces. It was only in January that there was a drop (based on a new methodology), but even 24.48 percent is an enemy of progress. Whatever the methodology, the CBN has to do more work to bring down the inflation rate. And the fiscal and political authorities need to make things easier for the central bank.
Despite all the glaring challenges that are bedevilling the economy mostly because of the tough decisions we failed to take ages ago, I have been much impressed with the CBN management in recent times. For one, Cardoso speaks confidently and convincingly about the bank’s mandate. He speaks like someone who knows what he is doing, knows the direction he is facing and knows how to get there. Markets thrive on clarity. It breeds confidence. Cardoso has returned the CBN to an orthodox, data-led central bank model. Of course, he will make mistakes. But if he is pragmatic enough to correct them when they arise, he will win more respect. It is a hard road to travel.
AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…
ONE EL OF A GUY
Hated. Adored. Never Ignored. That is a slogan among fans of Manchester United Football Club. Mallam Nasir el-Rufai, the former governor of Kaduna state, can as well adopt the slogan. I do not know of many Nigerian politicians who evoke as much passion — either positive or negative — as el-Rufai. His defection from the ruling APC to the SDP has been dominating debates and discussions on X, Facebook, WhatsApp, TV and radio. There are rumours he wants to run for president in 2027. Others say he is only preparing the way for the emergence of a major challenger to the APC, with the way opposition parties are imploding. Whatever it is, el-Rufai has sent tongues wagging. Intriguing.
HIDE AND SEEK
The Supreme Court appears to have fully pampered the Rivers house of assembly with its judgment. The lawmakers are now on a frolic. The apex court ruled that Governor Simi Fubara should present the budget to the rebel lawmakers, most of whom had publicly announced they had defected from PDP to APC. The court said it was not an established fact. The lawmakers first gave the governor 48 hours to present the 2025 budget before later locking him out of the assembly complex “for not following due process”. The next thing we saw: they adjourned indefinitely. Fubara has obviously demonstrated his desire to obey the court judgment, but the lawmakers are having a ball. Politics.
VARSITY VANITY
I have lost count of how many universities have been established by the federal government in the last five years. As we speak, there are reports that the national assembly is planning to create 200 more. What really is the motive — or should I say motivation? Are we trying to have the highest number of universities in the world? To what end? Do we have the resources — intellectual and financial — to provide quality education to the intakes? I can understand that our population is growing and we need to prepare for the new generation of students but can we, in all sincerity, claim that these overnight, haphazard creations will add value to the knowledge industry? Confounding.
NO COMMENT
Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe, a former federal lawmaker and one-time minister of works, has added a curious dimension to the Senator Natasha Akpoti sexual harassment controversy by appearing to blame it on her beauty. “The beauty of distinguished Senator Natasha is a problem for her,” he said. When she is passing, there’s no way men will not look at her. How can you be a man, and when a beautiful woman is passing, you close your eyes? You might tag it as anything, but it’s inborn for men to look at beautiful women…” Can someone explain the relevance of this point to the issue at hand? Should robbers get a pass because they cannot take their eyes off the good things of life? Wonderful.
![[OPINION] Galadima’s Primitive Jive - Wole Olaoye](/media/k2/items/cache/3319f9a9091c0255b5d75d5baae87b46_M.jpg)
Alhaji Buba Galadima, an outspoken politician and self-confessed insider of many conspiracies, recently raised an alarm alleging that the current downward trend of food prices was a conspiracy by the Tinubu administration to impoverish the Northern part of Nigeria. Food prices are going down. Many ordinary Nigerians are happy with the development. But people like Galadima see it as an opportunity to sell another of his many fibs about north/south dichotomy.
Many of our politicians would be nothing without the weaponisation of ethnicity and religion. No matter their level of education, the only way many of them can attract any kind of following is when they set brother against brother, tribe against tribe, Imam against pastor. They think it’s all part of the game of politics, whereas, it is the very lives of the people that are at stake. What makes Galadima’s allegation even more tragic is that he has all the education and career attainment to qualify as a beacon of the society but has chosen instead to spread darkness.
A Building Engineering graduate of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Galadima has held many choice public offices in Nigeria. He hails from Gashua, the town in Yobe State made famous when the human rights lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, was incarcerated there. He worked with the Rivers State government in 1975 and has been a Director of Ajaokuta Steel Company and Director-General of NIMASA. He was the national youth leader of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) during the Second Republic and national financial secretary of the National Republican Convention (NRC), during the Third Republic.
More recently, he was the national secretary of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), which was founded in 2009 and merged, four years later, with the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), a faction of the PDP called the N-PDP, and a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) to form the All Progressives Congress (APC). He is one of the nine signatories that signed the merger agreement.
By all local standards, Alhaji Galadima has paid his dues in the political arena, even if the public is entitled to ask, what dues, or in aid of what?
Following the presidential election of April 2011, Galadima protested that the vote was rigged and that the CPC would not accept the results until a comprehensive audit had been conducted. INEC had announced that Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP won 22,495,187 votes, while Muhammadu Buhari of the CPC had won just 12,214,853. There were outbreaks of violence across Northern Nigeria after the elections, with many deaths. Buhari and Galadima were accused of orchestrating the killings.
By 2017, Galadima had decamped to PDP and was appointed a spokesperson of the party. On February 24, 2019, twenty-four hours after the 2019 presidential election was conducted, Galadima recklessly announced on his social media handles that the PDP presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, had won the elections, even as results were still being collated by the Independent National Electoral Commission. He was later arrested.
While Alhaji Galadima’s eloquence and doggedness are incontrovertible, his style is alarmist and reckless.
A survey of the Nigerian food market revealed that there has been a 40 percent drop in food prices between December 2024 and March 2025. That ought to be cheering news!
What kind of politics is this Galadima brand that expects me to start protesting against the government when food prices are going down? Imagine if the government had not taken timely measures to ensure adequate food supply for the Ramadan season! Is there something else, unknown to the rest of us that is propelling Galadima, the perpetual ‘insider’?
“The government has started massive food importation, and this will make the economy of the North, which depends on agriculture, to dwindle as many won’t be able to farm to gain any meaningful profit”, said Galadima, who is also a farmer. Perhaps what he expects is that since the wave of banditry sweeping through many parts of the country has negatively affected food production, the government should just fold its arms and we should all engage in dry fasting until Galadima harvests his crops next season.
He accused President Tinubu of deliberately causing a sharp fall in food prices to undermine the economy of Northern Nigeria. He alleged that the policy is part of a broader strategy to weaken the North’s economic stability. He was visibly upset that Nigeria’s cost-of-living crisis recently eased for the first time since May 2023, offering an unexpected respite for households.
His claim elicited mixed reactions from Nigerians, many of who accused him of being part of the cabal profiting from the misery of the poor in Nigeria. One social media respondent, Amina Adamu, pointedly accused him of being a hoarder and a shylock merchant.
“Surely, there is a sign that he has hidden food, and by the grace of God, you will see, you will lose more than that”, said Amina. “If the poor will get better, Alhamdulilah! May God break those who play hide and seek.”
There are those who continue to make the academic argument that opening the borders to food imports will discourage local production. However, the answer to the current spate of banditry which has badly affected food production is complete routing of the criminals. Until that is done, Nigerians have to be fed.
In their bid to fully decode the complex persona of this intriguing politician, many Nigerians have zeroed in on his business activities. They draw attention to Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/1136/2019 at the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja in which the court ordered AMCON to take over the assets of Bedko Nigeria Limited, one of Galadima’s companies. Bedko Nigeria Limited and Buba Galadima owed AMCON about N900 million. The order, which was granted to AMCON by Justice A.I. Chikere, also gave the government recovery agency the power to take over some properties belonging to the politician, including House No. 15, Addis Ababa Crescent, Wuse Zone 4, Abuja, and House No. 4, Bangui Street, Wuse 2 also in Abuja.
Nigerians, who have watched helplessly over the years as big political camels passed effortlessly through the eye of the needle, swore that Galadima was too big to be forced to pay his debts and that the court’s judgement ceding his company and other assets to AMCON was government’s way of reminding him that he wasn’t as squeaky clean as he wanted the world to be and that his soft underbelly was not unreachable.
Buba Galadima is a journalist’s delight any day and I hope Providence preserves him on this side of the divide for many more years. The fact that, in spite of his wide political experience, he has wrongly predicted the winner of Nigeria’s presidential elections on at least three separate occasions should teach him to sip the waters of humility. He is one politician who can be said to possess a functional brain – which is more than can be said of many of his colleagues.
In a 2015 interview, he boasted: “No politician has ever suffered the kind of calamities I went through in the country. I was arrested, detained and harassed about 38 times.”
In whipping up primitive ethnic sentiments over the reduction of food prices, however, he should tarry awhile to benefit from the counsel of this student of the university of life: Courage is to the brave what recklessness is to the foolish.
![[OPINION] Political defections: A reflection on Nasir El-Rufai’s journey - Akin Ogunlade](/media/k2/items/cache/154549803cf6e8b67778199146a8635a_M.jpg)
The Nigerian political landscape has been plagued by constant defections among party members, with loyalty often shifting based on personal interests rather than ideological alignment.
The absence of a strong political ideology has led to a situation where politicians frequently move from one party to another in search of power, relevance, or personal gain. A notable example is the political journey of Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, former Governor of Kaduna State, whose recent defections from the All Progressive Congress (APC) to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) reflect the larger instability within Nigeria’s party system.
Nigeria’s political parties lack clear-cut ideological foundations, making them platforms for personal ambition rather than institutions that uphold specific principles. Unlike advanced democracies where parties are defined by conservative, liberal, or socialist ideologies, Nigerian parties operate more as vehicles for political survival. This has led to an endless cycle of defections whenever politicians feel sidelined or their ambitions threatened.
Mallam Nasir El-Rufai’s political history is a reflection of this trend. He started his political career under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), where he served as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) under President Olusegun Obasanjo. However, following internal party disputes and a period of self-exile, he defected to the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), a party led by Muhammadu Buhari. Later, he joined the merger that formed the All Progressives Congress (APC), where he became the Governor of Kaduna State.
Despite his contributions to the APC, recent developments suggest tensions within the party, with speculation about his next political move. His recent defections to APC was not surprising, as such shifts have become a norm among Nigerian politicians.
There are factors for political defections in Nigeria:
1. Absence of Ideology: Since political parties do not operate based on principles or philosophies, politicians see them as mere platforms for contesting elections.
2. Personal Interests: Politicians defect when their ambitions are threatened, or they seek better opportunities elsewhere.
3. Godfatherism and Internal Party Struggles: Conflicts between powerful figures within parties often force members to leave in search of greener pastures.
4. Electoral Survival: When politicians sense that their party may lose an upcoming election, they jump ship to align with the expected winner.
5. Political Persecution: Some defections occur to evade investigations either from EFCC, ICPC,, or sanctions from ruling parties.
Consequences of Party Instability
The lack of political stability in Nigeria has several negative consequences:
Weak Democracy: The absence of ideological commitment weakens democracy, as parties fail to offer clear governance alternatives.
Lack of Policy Continuity: Frequent defections result in policy inconsistencies, as new administrations often abandon their predecessors’ projects.
Loss of Public Trust: The electorate becomes disillusioned when politicians prioritize personal gain over national development.
Political Confusion: Voters struggle to differentiate between parties, making informed electoral choices difficult.
The Way Forward
To address the problem of political defections, Nigeria must:
Enforce Party Discipline: Political parties must develop strong internal structures that discourage indiscriminate defections.
Promote Ideological Politics: Parties should be built on clear principles that guide policies and governance.
Strengthen Electoral Laws: Laws should be enacted to limit mid-term defections, ensuring political stability.
Encourage Political Awareness:
Citizens should demand accountability from politicians and vote based on ideology rather than personality.
Lastly, the constant wave of defections in Nigeria’s political space is a symptom of the lack of ideology among its political parties. El-Rufai’s journey through multiple parties highlights the fluidity of political loyalty in the country. Until parties define their core principles and politicians commit to them, the cycle of defections will continue, undermining Nigeria’s democracy and governance.
![[OPINION] When Will The FG Respond To Obasanjo With Facts, Not Insults? - Isaac Asabor](/media/k2/items/cache/0535683e817965534f0efd95d60b8571_S.jpg)
Nigeria’s political landscape is no stranger to robust debates, criticisms, and counterarguments. However, when constructive criticisms are met with Ad Hominem attacks rather than reasoned rebuttals, democracy suffers. This unfortunate trend has become glaringly evident in the Federal Government’s (FG) recurrent responses to former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s critiques.
Obasanjo, a statesman with a storied history in Nigeria’s governance, has never shied away from speaking his mind. Whether one agrees with his views or not, his criticisms, often rooted in his experience and perspective, ought to be engaged with facts, logic, and counterpoints. Unfortunately, the Nigerian government’s responses to Obasanjo have frequently taken the form of personal attacks, character assassination, and diversionary rhetoric. This approach does not serve the public interest and only deepens the perception of a government unwilling to engage in intellectual discourse.
A critical look at past engagements between Obasanjo and the FG reveals a disturbing pattern of name-calling and deflection. Rather than addressing the substance of his criticisms, government spokespersons often resort to attacking Obasanjo’s person, his past leadership, or his perceived shortcomings.
For instance, in July 2019, Obasanjo wrote an open letter to President Muhammadu Buhari, warning of rising insecurity in Nigeria. He highlighted the increasing cases of terrorism, banditry, and ethnic violence, urging the government to take urgent steps to address the crisis before the nation spiraled into chaos.
Rather than acknowledging the valid concerns raised, the FG, through its spokespersons, dismissed the letter as the ramblings of an embittered former leader. The response included accusations that Obasanjo was merely seeking relevance and attempting to destabilize the government. Lai Mohammed, the then Minister of Information, derided the former president, implying that he was a hypocrite who failed to tackle insecurity during his own tenure.
The core issues raised in the letter, and how to decisively tackle the worsening security situation, were left unaddressed. Instead, the response deflected attention to Obasanjo’s past rather than presenting a coherent counterargument or outlining concrete steps to improve security.
In a similar vein, in January 2023, following the general elections, Obasanjo criticized the electoral process, raising concerns about the credibility of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and calling for remedial actions to uphold democracy. This was a crucial intervention in a period when Nigerians were expressing disillusionment with electoral transparency.
Again, rather than engaging with the substantive issues, the FG’s response was laced with vitriol. Presidential aides dismissed Obasanjo as a meddlesome “political busybody” and accused him of attempting to install his own preferred candidates. The government completely sidestepped discussions on the election’s credibility and the concerns raised by both local and international observers. It was another missed opportunity for constructive engagement.
Also in a similar vein, in 2020, Obasanjo criticized the economic direction of the Buhari administration, particularly the growing debt profile and the lack of economic diversification. He cautioned against Nigeria’s increasing reliance on foreign loans, warning that it could lead to economic enslavement.
Rather than addressing these warnings with economic data or a roadmap for managing the country’s finances, the FG’s response was dismissive and laced with personal jabs. The presidency accused Obasanjo of hypocrisy, referencing the debt Nigeria accumulated under his watch while ignoring the key point of rising debt without corresponding economic growth.
In fact, the Federal Government’s recent response to former President Obasanjo’s criticism of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway project is fundamentally flawed. Attacking a respected elder statesman for expressing his views, rather than engaging with the substance of his concerns, demonstrates a disregard for constructive criticism and democratic discourse. Obasanjo’s experience and insights into governance are valuable, and flippantly dismissing his opinions with a flippant is unarguably disrespectful and counterproductive.
Furthermore, the government’s defensiveness, particularly the Minister’s personalizing of the criticism by claiming “if someone calls this project fraudulent, they are also calling me a fraud,” suggests an unwillingness to accept scrutiny. Transparency and accountability are essential for public trust, and a mature response would involve addressing Obasanjo’s specific concerns about wastefulness and corruption with detailed evidence and reasoned arguments, not resorting to personal attacks and dismissive pronouncements.
Without a doubt, the repeated pattern of Ad Hominem responses from the FG reveals an unfortunate reluctance to engage in serious discourse. This is dangerous for several reasons.
First, it discourages constructive criticism. When public figures who speak out are met with personal attacks rather than rational debate, it creates a chilling effect. Other stakeholders, including civil society and the media, may become wary of critiquing the government for fear of similar backlash.
In a similar vein, it undermines democracy. This is as a healthy democracy thrives on debates, disagreements, and discourse. Therefore, when government officials choose insults over engagement, they erode the democratic culture of accountability and transparency.
Also in a similar vein, it distracts from real issues. By attacking the messenger, the FG often ignores the message. This lack of engagement means critical national issues, whether insecurity, the economy, or governance, remain unaddressed while political mudslinging takes center stage.
Having opined as much as harangued in this context, it is germane to sound a note of warning that the way forward is for the FG to always respond with facts, not insults, when critiqued.
In fact, if the FG is confident in its policies and governance, it should have no difficulty responding to criticisms with facts. In the view of this writer, the government can change its approach by engaging criticism with data, acknowledge criticism and improve in the area or areas they were faulted of, and encourage intellectual discourse.
Explanatorily put, if Obasanjo criticizes the economic trajectory, the FG should provide verifiable data showing why his concerns are misplaced or exaggerated. Simply calling him a hypocrite does nothing to educate the Nigerian populace.
In a similar vein, not every critique is baseless. Instead of outright dismissals, the government can acknowledge valid points and outline measures being taken to address them.
Also in a similar vein, it is not a misnomer to opine that Nigeria needs a political culture that encourages robust and fact-based discussions. The presidency should set the tone by engaging critics constructively rather than reducing public discourse to name-calling.
In fact, the FG’s repeated use of Ad Hominem attacks against Obasanjo’s criticisms is not just counterproductive, it is a disservice to Nigerians. Whether one agrees with Obasanjo’s views or not, the issues he raises deserve serious engagement, not flippant insults. If the government truly serves the people, then it must prioritize responding with reason, facts, and solutions rather than indulging in personal attacks.
Against the backdrop of the foregoing view, it is not a misnomer to conclude that is time for the FG to elevate its discourse and prove that it is a government capable of engaging in rational debate. Anything less is a betrayal of democratic principles.
![[OPINION] A Dirty Linen in New York - Ike Willie-Nwobu](/media/k2/items/cache/7ec7b518f684064b02db5baaf76a2cff_S.jpg)
The grouse Nigerians hold against their government has never been limited to the executive arm of government despite the abundance of evidence that it is the most powerful arm of government which usually dictates the direction other arms of government will take.
While democracy predicts and prescribes separation of powers and checks and balances as necessary preservatives for democracy, these lines as salutary as they are or promise to be become easily blurred or pale into insignificance, especially when the executive is a bully, which bludgeons other arms of government into submission.
Thus, over the years, as much as Nigerians have learnt to make the executive consisting of the presidency and governors and all agencies of state at all levels the target of their ire, the judiciary, and legislature have not been spare and for good reason. For it should never be the case that democracy is weaned of the vigilance of citizens which makes it so effective.
Historically, Nigerians take a dim view of their legislators. This view only grew dimmer on the 6th day of March 2025 when the Nigerian senate suspended Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, the senator representing Kogi Central senatorial zone in the senate for six months. In imposing what is a draconian punishment by any measure, the senate ruled that Senator Natasha breached its standing rules, thereby subjecting the senate to opprobrium.
The suspension whichh came only after the senator accused Godswill Akpabio, the senate president, of sexual harassment and even submitted a petition to that effect has mobilized large sections of Nigerians against the senate, especially its leadership.
Nigeria’s senate which is made up of 109 members can call on only four women. With the suspension now whittling down that number to three, many have interpreted the move which came days before the annual celebration of International Women’s Day (March 8) as an attack on women, especially on the dwindling representation of women in politics.
On her part, Senator Natasha has refused to take her suspension lying down. On March 11, 2025, she took her case to the Women in Parliament session of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Meeting in New York where she broke down in tears while narrating her ordeal.
There is no doubt that this case is the most embarrassing case to involve the Nigerian senate in recent times. On the one hand, is a woman raising the weighty matter of sexual harassment. From all indications, not only has the senate which is dominated by men, given very short shrift to a serious allegation of sexual harassment, it is determined to send a message that any future and further smear will not be tolerated.
What should not be tolerated in Nigeria today is institutional impunity. What should have absolutely no place in Nigeria if the country wants to grow is systemic manipulation and oppression.
What is happening with Senator Natasha is a situation where an institution and its men are arrayed against a woman who is also clearly a victim. Experience shows that the victim in such situations hardly ever wins. But the victory is hardly ever in the outcome. Instead, it shines forth more in the fight.
The Nigerian. Senate may think that having heavily pummeled a first-time senator for daring to step out of line, others will watch their steps next time.
However, with Senator Natasha having aired the dirty linens of the senate in far away New York before a gaping world, there is surely no coming back from this catastrophic loss of face for the senate in the 10th National Assembly.
Even if Senator Natasha is peddling falsehood to damage the reputation of the senate president, and this is highly unlikely, it is not unthinkable that women should get away with some things. Men have been getting away with countless things for as long as the world has existed and the world has not ended because of that.
![[OPINION] The First Lawmakers: My Reflection on Home, Discipline, and Duty - Olatunji Disu](/media/k2/items/cache/21efc3eeecec6edd4c3f714f61ba8117_S.jpg)
![[OPINION] Nasir El-Rufai’s Scorched-Earth One-Man Opposition - Farooq A. Kperogi](/media/k2/items/cache/a125db111b9ab6dd4d5edf67e4280a42_S.jpg)
Like a stranded mariner gasping on the shores of irrelevance, former Kaduna State governor Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai writhes in the uneasy throes of power’s withdrawal. His disquiet, however, is less the quiet lament of a fallen statesman and more the tempestuous fury of a Shakespearean woman scorned.
He has become fiery, irascible, indignant, and unrelenting in his public expressions of rage towards his former friends in power who have isolated him. He is throwing the kitchen sink at the power structures in Kaduna and Abuja in an all-out effort to extract vengeance and to ward off potential ensnarement.
The former cushy, self-satisfied, and illiberal denizen of power who was the scourge of dissenters railing against tyranny, now finds himself wielding the very defiance he once crushed with arrogance and malevolent glee. He has become an accidental insurgent (a la “accidental public servant”) forged in the crucible of his own contradictions.
There is a part of me that loves this new insurrectionary, rebellious, activist, and intensely irate one-man band opposition that El-Rufai has opportunistically transmogrified into.
For one, he is providing the first real opposition to the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration. Every democracy needs the well-aimed slings and well-informed counsel of a sharp-witted opposition to keep its leaders from sinking into the depths of self-satisfaction and insouciance.
Say what you will about El-Rufai, but his intellect, erudition, and rhetorical dexterity are top-notch and undeniable. Imagine if figures of his political stature, institutional access, and strategic acumen had chosen to be thorns in the current corridors of power. Perhaps, the Tinubu administration would have thought twice before treating Nigerians with the cavalier disregard that has become its trademark in the last two years.
For another, he has an opportunity to experience what his critics went through when he was a governor for eight years. He abducted critics, caused opponents to be tortured, bragged about reducing politicians he has displaced to mere “bloggers,” instrumentalized the courts to squelch dissent, etc.
Now, he posts social media updates about his former commissioners being “abducted,” about the judiciary being weaponized against his supporters and his past administration, about the “misuse of federal security agencies in the persecution of opposition leaders,” etc.
Not only has El-Rufai become a “blogger,” once his favorite pejorative for social-media-active politicians he has dislocated in Kaduna, he has now plunged deeper into a lowly “content creator.” With the launch of a TikTok account, he’s gone from being a mere “blogger” to a digital hustler, complete with the undignified ritual of soliciting Nigerians to subscribe to his channel.
Yet, I am delighted that El-Rufai has joined our ranks. Professional “wailing wailers” like me (to use former presidential spokesman Femi Adesina’s agonizingly asinine and illiterate insult for government critics) welcome him to the club.
Nonetheless, my joy that he is inadvertently rendering a democratic service by the constancy and stridency of his strictures against the government has not blunted the acuteness of my awareness that he is an unbearably devious, self-seeking, hateful scoundrel who is only on a mission to avenge what he perceives as a personal affront to him.
As most people have already observed, had El-Rufai secured the minister of power position he was promised, his current antagonism toward the government would be as unimaginable as a cat lobbying for the rights of rats.
Not only would he have been a staunch defender of every government action, but he would have also directed his trademark vitriol at ordinary Nigerians suffocating under economic hardship. He would dismiss their grievances with characteristic scorn and cruelty.
Indeed, the same northern establishment he now courts and seeks to mobilize as a political cudgel would have been his favorite punching bag—just as it was in 2023, when he enthusiastically championed Bola Tinubu’s candidacy.
It takes an unnatural degree of slow-wittedness not to see that El-Rufai’s newfound disillusionment with the governments in Kaduna and Abuja reeks less of principle and more of a bruised ego nursing its wounds.
In my July 27, 2019, column titled, “How Political Power Damages the Brain—and How to Reverse it,” I called attention to (temporarily) politically displaced whores of power like El-Rufai who pretend to identify with ordinary people in their moments of political trauma.
“Also look at previously arrogant, narcissistic, power-drunk prigs who have been kicked out of the orbit of power for any number of reasons. You’ll discover that they are suddenly normal again.
“They share our pains, make pious noises, condemn abuse of power, and identify with popular causes. The legendary amnesia of Nigerians causes the past misdeeds of these previous monsters of power to be explained away, lessened, forgiven, and ultimately forgotten. But when they get back to power again, they become the same insensitive beasts of power that they once were.”
Get El-Rufai back into power now or in 2017, he would be the same villainous backstabber he has always been. He would be the same annihilator of the homes of poor people. He would be the same horrid tormentor and abductor of critics.
He would be the same inciter and instigator of genocide in the name of defending his people. Recall his 2012 tweet, "We will write this for all to read. Anyone, soldier or not that kills the Fulani takes a loan payable one day no matter how long it takes" and his admission that he paid bandits to stop attacking southern Kaduna?
In a September 20, 2019, article, I described him as “straight-up Nigeria's most bigoted and most dangerous public official alive.”
I said he “detains and torments people who criticize him. Abu Hanifa Dadiyata, a critic of his, just disappeared in Kaduna without a trace. Several other critics are in detention. And he recently threatened: ‘If you want to tweet anything about Kaduna be very careful because I'm watching...’”
He has a deep, visceral hatred for the people of southern Kaduna, leading to write this August 18, 2020, social media status update: “Why does El-Rufai hate and despise the people of Southern Kaduna with such unnaturally infernal intensity? He strains hard, often too hard, to be seen as ‘cosmopolitan’ when he relates with southern Christians. Why can't he even pretend to be prepared to get along with the people of Southern Kaduna? I don't get it.”
He is also a rhetorically violent man. In October 2015, he told his critics to “climb Kufena Hill and fall.” At a Kaduna APC stakeholders’ meeting in September 2017, El-Rufai told political opponents that death is a possible outcome for fighting him. “I had fought with two presidents,” he said. “Umaru Yar’Adua ended in his grave, while President Goodluck Jonathan ended in Otueke.”
He repeated this a few days ago. In my September 23, 2017, column titled “El-Rufai’s Morbid Fixation with Death of His Political Opponents,” I pointed out that El-Rufai betrays a disturbingly shallow humanity and a murderous inner disposition. In addition to many examples of his embrace of the rhetoric of violence, he endorsed, defended, and even celebrated the brutal, cold-blooded, and unjustified mass slaughter of hundreds of Shiite Muslims in his state.
El-Rufai’s latest political metamorphosis is less a transformation than a temporary realignment born of personal grievance rather than ideological conviction. His brand-new zeal for opposition, while inadvertently serving the democratic process, is unmistakably fueled by wounded pride and thwarted ambition.
The same man who once ruled with an iron fist, silencing critics with impunity, now fashions himself as the voice of the oppressed, railing against the very structures of power he once upheld with ruthless enthusiasm. His current posture as an anti-establishment crusader is not the product of principle but of exclusion, making his activism less an act of courage than an elaborate act of self-preservation.
Yet, even as he momentarily aligns with the forces of resistance, history warns against mistaking his opportunistic dissent for genuine reform. Should fortune return him to the corridors of power, El-Rufai would waste no time reverting to the autocratic instincts that have long defined him. He would crush opposition, weaponize state institutions, and wield power with the same reckless abandon that now makes him a pariah.
Today’s dissenter is often tomorrow’s despot. To embrace him uncritically is to risk aiding yet another cycle of tyranny dressed in the fleeting garb of rebellion.
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![[OPINION] Taraba State: A Rebirth in the Making - Okey Ikechukwu](/media/k2/items/cache/f0dbd7dcf6a26bd62112d8b415aaf458_XS.jpg)
In these days of questionable public discourse on governance, any attempt to speak of tolerably good performance by a state governor will attract suspicion. It will either be that the governor has procured platforms to nurse a presidential ambition, or that he is working to hoodwink the public despite his obvious poor performance.
The other sad feature of some media commentary onpublic office holders is that it sometimes presents government interventions as favours by the governor; for which the people must thank him profusely. Service delivery, for which the governor was elected in the first place, then gets presented and projected to the public as acts of benevolence. At the end of the day, state resources are seen, and treated, as the personal resources of the governor to be dispensed at his discretion. Absurd!
But here we are, about to talk about a serving governor whose first series of actions culminated in a Masterclass for would-be state officials before he began to govern. Yes.
The first thing the current governor of Taraba State didafter he emerged victorious in the elections was to patiently scrutinize the human capital of his state, and then and make some key appointments. After the appointments, rather than say, “Alright, now report at your respective offices and start work”, he planned a capacity development immersion. The programme was held at the Nigerian Army Resource Centre (NARC), with every key official of the future Taraba State in the governor’s mind assembled in one location. His reason for doing this was quite simple: Dr. Agbu Kefas told his people that there is always a right and wrong way of doing everything.
That being the case, he maintained that the only way to work as a government official in a 21st Century world was to give every worker the ideas and template for his specific schedule before he starts work. So, he gathered his people but not for motivational talk, boring lectures and an excuse for collecting Duty Tour allowance(DTA), no! it was for them to get Actionable Ideas for hands-on performance, in order to serve the best interests of the people of Taraba State who elected him into office.
He called it an induction course and retreat. It was organized for commissioners, special advisers, permanent secretaries, senior directors, legislators and judicial officers. The aim was to help everyone to fully understand respective roles and responsibilities in the State governance process. It was to also equip newly appointed cabinet members with the basic skills and knowledge they need to engender true service delivery for Taraba people. It was all designed to help create synergy and ensure that the executive, civil service, legislature, judiciary and other key stakeholders work together with the right team spirit.
That retreat emphasized the primacy of public policy as a tool for the developmental blue-print of Taraba State through a whole-of-government approach. It spelt out the import, impact and value of accountability, transparency, good governance and efficient budget process as drivers of sustainable economic growth.
This way of onboarding government officials and stakeholders, on the importance and necessity to pursue excellence and good governance in Taraba State, was the grand takeoff plan of the newly elected governor.
He told them, at the retreat, that he was poised to transform the poor economic and social indices of the State so as to promote all round growth and development and wealth creation. He also emphasized the fact that he would prioritize security, because peace and prosperity for the people could only be achieved in an environment with meaningful security for life and property.
A former Vice President of the World Bank was among the resource persons. When, back thenbar the retreat in 2003, I spoke to them on “Building a New Generation of Public Sector Leaders in Taraba Through LeadershipMentoring, Emotional Intelligence and Strategic Management of Human Relations”, my emphasis was on the importance of humanizing governance, while keeping to best global practices.
The governor identified the key drivers of the Taraba State he had in view included improvements in education, health, industry, agriculture, mining, tourism and much more. The newly elected governor also placed significant emphasis on attracting FDIs andpromoting MSMEs for broad-spectrum prosperity. He used the occasion to present his vision for the State, the pillars of his government and the philosophy of his administration, as he charged everyone to translate the vision into better life for the people.
Less than two years into his tenure, the question you sometimes here is: “So, what was Taraba State before this your new governor? It is very much like the case of Jigawa State during and after the tenure of Sule Lamido as Governor.
Every meaningful state infrastructure, far reaching development plans, new ideas about human capital development, internally generated revenue gains and much more in Taraba today have acquired new flagellaunder the incumbent governor.
Today, Taraba State has a human capital development resource centre, patterned to some extent after NARC in its aspiration, to drill down sustainable knowledge growth in an all-round manner. To that extent, the state is turning into a reference template for far-seeing steps in social development, economic growth, responsible environmental stewardship and new vistas of responsible leadership.
The indices are reassuring on all fronts, but the state government is fighting great retrogressive forces as it prioritizes the welfare of its citizens. It projects are broadly impactful, with policies on social stability and internal security on the upswing. The provision of operation vehicles for the military and security forces, especially also the provision of surveillance drone facility to support the army and other national security forces working in the area, are landmark gains.
While it is true that the state has made massive investments in road construction projects, this is not at the expense of healthcare facilities and healthcare personnel. Educational institutions are getting the desired attention, with a new focus on connectingcommunities with enhanced access to essential services.
Taraba that is often referred to as the “Nature’s Gift to the Nation” now seema to be everaging its fertile land to boost agricultural productivity and be true to this appellation. It has a new Green Taraba Project, which has empowered farmers, reduced food insecurity, and created thousands of jobs.
Add that to the state government’s upgrading ofhospitals, the provision of free medical services for vulnerable groups, and the implementation of robust healthcare policies. And the state is not resting on a bed of borrowed funds, having made significant strides in boosting its internally generated revenue. This has dramatically reduced reliance on federal allocations.
Much of this was achieved through tax reforms that streamlined tax collection processes and leveragedtechnology to minimize leakages; even as the state is harnessing its agricultural potentials to attract investors and generate revenue.
Taraba State is collaborating with private sector players and consultants to unlock new revenue streams, and these efforts have increased the state’s IGR and also created a more resilient and self-sufficient economy. The revenue collection records show a 54% increasebetween 2023 and 2024; and the Taraba State Internal Revenue Service (TIRS) team was only inaugurated in June 2024. The IGR jumped from about 10 billion Naira to over 17 billion within months, after inauguration.
On environmental sustainability, the state is adopting a global model for environmental conservation. A place that is known for its lush greenery, wildlife, and natural resources is now implementing groundbreaking initiatives to protect itself in very important ways. This includes reforestation programmes, involving large-scale tree planting campaigns, to combat deforestation and climate change.
The state’s Eco-Tourism Development programme issustainable tourism, as it seeks preserves the naturalbeauty of the environment while creating economic opportunities. And this has seamlessly keyed into a waste management systems that is using modern waste disposal techniques to keep cities clean and green.
As for the Resource Centre and deliverables, its purpose is to empower Citizens Through Knowledge. The knowledge impartation resource centers haverevolutionized access to capacity building opportunities, information availability and continuous education.
For the record, these centers serve as hubs for skill acquisition, to offer training programs in ICT, entrepreneurship, and vocational skills. There is also the matter of research and development, to provide resources for students, researchers, and innovators to drive local solutions to global challenges.
As part of community engagement for social cohesion, the hosting workshops and seminars has become a regular means of educating citizens on governance, health, and economic opportunities.
Because Taraba State is endowed with vast mineral resources, including limestone, kaolin, and gemstones, the government is taking strategic steps to harness this potential, through some Mining Sector Reforms. These reforms are creating the enabling environment for investors, while ensuring sustainable mining practices.Jobs are also being created in the process, as more hands are engaged in the overall value chain.
All things considered, the state in now deep into the serious business of economic diversification, by leveraging its mineral wealth to boost the economy and fund developmental projects. And security in important for all of this to happen.
There is Community Policing, which is engaging local communities in security efforts to foster trust and collaboration. The stare government is providing modern equipment and training for security agencies, in addition to Conflict Resolution Mechanisms; implementing programs to address communal clashes and promote unity.
Therw is also the Taxpayer Education Initiative, for willing compliance, through a proactive approach to taxpayer education. This is helping yhe citizenry to understand the importance of taxation in nation-building. The state is embarking on awareness campaigns, using radio, television, and social media, to educate taxpayers on their rights and civic responsibilities.
Simplified Tax Processes have also become a tool for making it easier for individuals and businesses to comply with tax regulations. Added to the foregoing are transparency and accountability parameters, which are seen in the governemnt’s open demonstration ofhow tax revenues are utilized. This further fosterertrust and willingness to pay.
In sum, Taraba State is doing well today, but it must avoid any premature celebrations. Good governance is always a work in progress. The state must remain forward looking, as it expands the frontiers of impact in every positive sphere. The retrogressive forces that have held the state down for so long are not resting. Therefore, the progressive forces of today should endeavour to stay awake 25 (not 24) hours every day. enought said.
![[OPINION] How Not to Kill Businesses Operating Outside Free Trade Zones - Obinna Chima](/media/k2/items/cache/7e4895a6bcb6f90abd537354d99632e0_XS.jpg)
Small and Medium Scale Enterprises (SMEs) contribute to improved living standards, bring about substantial local capital formation and achieve a high level of productivity. They have also been identified as a vehicle for employment generation, as they provide opportunities for entrepreneurial training and manpower development.
Also of importance in any nation are indigenous enterprises because they offer huge opportunity for both cultural preservation and economic progress. Resilience, creativity, and the incorporation of cultural values into corporate operations are frequently linked to their success. All over the world, governments take deliberate steps to make sure that SMEs are nurtured.
This is why a recent revelation by the Comptroller General of the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), Mr. Adewale Adeniyi, that companies operating in the nation’s Free Trade Zones (FTZs) violate the law regulating their operations is deeply troubling.
According to Adeniyi, who disclosed this at a recent House of Representatives public hearing on the tax reform bills in Abuja, some of the companies operating in the FTZs go into Customs areas where extant tax laws are operational to conduct their businesses.
He said, “The sticky issue over the years has been the compliance of free trade zone operators with the provisions of the law. The law allows them to import every manufacturing input they need, 100 per cent sometimes, including things that are prohibited into the customs territory.
“In fact, a lot of those incentives were given to them to manufacture. However, the initial incentives were for them to export everything that they (imported OR MANUFACTURED?) inside this free zone. But from time to time, I think they started to develop loan proofs for the local markets. There have been reported violations of these provisions.”
In Nigeria, FTZs, also known as Export Processing Zones (EPZs) are geographically designated areas that offer special privileges to businesses, including tax benefits and reduced customs regulations for activities like importing, manufacturing and exporting goods. FTZs in the country include the Calabar Free Trade Zone, Kano Free Trade Zone, Lekki Free Trade Zone, Ladol Logistic Free Zone, Ogun Guangdong Free Trade Zone, and Snake Island Integrated Free Zone. These zones were created to support the development of industries focused on exports and also to encourage businesses to operate with as low government interference as possible.
The primary purpose is to assist companies in the manufacturing, processing, and export of goods from Nigeria as they are exempted from payment of import and export duties thereby lowering their operational cost. Presently, most of the companies operating in FTZs in Nigeria have a significant foreign interests.
Regrettably, findings have shown that some companies operating within these zones flout the rules guiding their operations. Some of those who operate in the free trade zone that ought to focus on exporting their finished goods, end up selling them in the local market, thereby denying the government the necessary revenue. Besides, this creates unfair competition and unfair trade in the market place.
For instance, manufacturers who operate outside the FTZs that import raw materials for their production are charged Customs duties which range (from)REMOVE between 10 percent and 25 percent, depending on the item they are bringing into the country. After this, they bear the cost of production associated with the country’s harsh business environment before processing these raw materials into finished goods and they are sold to the market. For those who are into export business, they are made to pay the relevant duties and levies. However, those that have their plants located within the FTZs, when they bring in their raw materials, they don’t pay duties on the assumption that whatever they produce would be exported 100 per cent.
Therefore, after production, if they then decide to move their goods to the Customs areas, they ought to pay duties on the finished items. But unfortunately, due to alleged lapses and corruption on the part pf some regulators, these manufacturers now bring in their raw materials, process them, and instead of exporting these finished items as expected, they end up selling their products in the country.
What this does is beyond the loss of revenue to the government and the denial of the country the expected forex inflows, it also creates unfair trade to those manufacturers that are not fortunate enough to site their plants within the FTZs. This act is enough to throw them out of business.
Indeed, this is unfair (for)TO businesses trying to create jobs, most who pledge substantial part of their property and resources as collateral just to get bank loans at cut-throat interest rates and THEN some disingenuous people work round the clock to make these loans go bad because they are allowed to sell their products at cheaper price due to their low production cost. This clearly stifles innovation and undermines business growth as these struggling businesses are systematically being discouraged.
The federal government needs to take action to guarantee the continuous survival of businesses outside the FTZs by ensuring that operators abide by the rules of the game to save jobs.
Beyond the lamentation by the Customs CG, Adeniyi, there is also a need for increased supervision and monitoring by the NCS and other government agencies saddled with the responsibility of ensuring adherence to regulatory requirements and compliance by those operating within the FTZs.
Besides, some of these challenges can be dealt with through the use of technology tracking devices. The Federal Ministry of Trade and its counterpart, the Federal Ministry of Finance should deploy technological devices to track the importation of raw materials and follow through till they are processed into finished goods and exported, to address inefficiency and laziness on the part of some of the regulatory agencies and eliminate corruption.
The choice is clear: It is either the government protects these businesses outside the FTZs or watch them vanish. We cannot afford to let these economic saboteurs thrive. Therefore, its time to defend our entrepreneurs in order to build a truly resilient Nigerian economy.
![[OPINION] Netanyahu, Purim and the enemies - Gabriel Agbo](/media/k2/items/cache/a2ee3160b1df3b9a14ad558b9cf496f8_XS.jpg)
Though this piece is not about the Netanyahus, but we will forever remember the sacrifice of the indomitable Yonatan ‘Yoni’ Netanyahu; that young Israeli Special Forces commander that successful led the rescue of about hundred Jewish hostages in from Entebe Airport, Uganda in 1976. That operation remains a reference in the study of rescue missions and special operations. Just go back and read the accounts again and watch the films. And you will be amazed by the professionalism, patriotism and courage exhibited by the planners and executors of that mission and what those guys could do as far back as the 70s. Ironically, only Yoni lost his life in that most-daring operation, but that was after terminating the terrorists, rescuing the hostages, sending them home. He and his men were retreating to board the plane and leave the place when he was cowardly shot by a Ugandan soldier hiding on the airport towers. The Jewish commandoes went back and cleared the place immediately and also inflicted an irreparable damage to the Ugandan Air force by blowing up most of the fighter jets and equipment on ground. Because of my love for the boldness and sacrifice of Yonatan. I dedicated my book / audiobook Power of Sacrifice to him. And it is now in English, Spanish, Portuguese, Finish, Swedish, French, Dutch, Chinese, Italian, German, Afrikaans, Indonesian, etc. Yes, there is no better time to remind the enemies of the Jews of God’s covenant of protection with his people than the Festival of Purim.
As you already know the Festival of Purim is an annual event to commemorate that spectacular, miraculous deliverance of the Jews from annihilation during the reign of King Ahasuerus of the Persian Empire in 5 BC. Haman; a Jew-hater was appointed a prime minister of the empire. And when Mordecai, a Jew refused to bow to him, the proud Haman got the king to sign an irrevocable decree to kill all the Jews - young and old, infants and women and confiscate their properties in a day. But God miraculously intervened when Esther and Mordecai mobilized all the Jews throughout the empire to fast and seek divine intervention. Their enemy Haman was hanged, Mordecai (a Jew was appointed in his place), and another decree was promulgated that countered the first, empowering the Jews to defend and kill their enemies. God delivered his people from certain destruction. Since then the Jews have been celebrating this dramatic deliverance and display of divine power till date. Yes, Bibi was right to remind the enemies of Israel that the God of Purim is still alive to protect his people. And also that there is still today unwavering, commitment, determined, patriotic and fearless Jews like Esther and Mordecai to sacrifice everything, including their lives to see that nobody, no nation, no interest or gang up will ever be given that chance to humiliate or threaten the existence of Israel again. This has always been sufficiently demonstrated since the establishment of the modern Jewish State. And that policy remains unchanged. Touch Israel and you burn your fingers.
But Haman is not the only example to be given to the enemies of Israel. Pharaoh messed with Israel and he, his commanders and horsemen perished in the Red Sea after the angels of destruction and death devastated his land. At that night of Passover, men and beast mourned and wept throughout Egypt. Sennacherib boasted and tried it. He even queried the ability of the God of Israel to deliver; comparing him with the gods of other nations that he had destroyed. I love the way God responded to this, “Who is it you have insulted and blasphemed? Against whom have you raised your voice and lifted your eyes in pride? Against the Holy One of Israel... Because you rage against me and your insolence has reached my ears, I will put my hook in your nose and my bit in your mouth, and I will make you return by the way you came.” You already know how he ended. Then, three nations came against Jehoshaphat and Judah. God took over the battle and that enemies in confusion slaughtered themselves. Not one person survived. What of the mighty and proud Goliath? After boasting, harassing and humiliating the Israelites for days, his head was cut off and his people defeated. And can go on and on. Now, every enemy harassing you or the people of God will be displaced and cut off today in the mighty name of Jesus! Till next week, Shalom!
[OPINION] Refuting the Wild Claims About the Birnin Kebbi Aviation Fuel Depot - Abdullahi Usman
Admin![[OPINION] Refuting the Wild Claims About the Birnin Kebbi Aviation Fuel Depot - Abdullahi Usman](/media/k2/items/cache/54a1fbe9f0421ee83b9b791900b3192e_XS.jpg)
It is always good to hear that evident improvements are taking place in one's dear state, and the March 12, 2025 report by the Kebbi State Commissioner of Information and Culture, Yakubu Ahmed BK, on the commissioning of a dedicated 180,000 litres capacity Aviation Fuel Depot at the Sir Ahmadu Bello International Airport (SABIA), Birnin Kebbi, Kebbi State, is one such example.
Having said that, however, his mode of presentation on the significance of the said fuel depot has been grossly exaggerated beyond what is practicable, and it sure didn’t need to be so. Granted, government press handlers have this general tendency to want to always make their principal look good at every opportunity, but even that needs to be done with some reasonable degree of decorum, which has sadly not been the case here.
To a very large extent, the Commissioner may have achieved his primary objective of portraying his principal to the teeming familiar crowd of the gullible ones out there in the intended larger-than-life fashion. But to that same extent, he has also exposed his manifest lack of understanding and appreciation of the Aviation sector, especially as it relates to aircraft refueling operations and the strict sets of rules and procedures guiding it.
That fact alone has now presented a veritable opportunity in the form of a teachable moment of sorts that I would like to take advantage of to correct some of the obvious errors in his entire communication around the said aviation fuel depot at SABIA. To do that, we need to dispense with his ludicrous claims about the reported transformation of SABIA "from an unrecognized terminal to a hub of global aviation where flights now land not just for pilgrims, but also for refueling from various International destinations".
An online dictionary source defines an "international hub" as a "... central location, often an airport or a port, that serves as a major point of connection for international travel, trade, or logistics, facilitating the movement of people or goods between different countries*".
The question then is, when exactly did SABIA, Birnin Kebbi become an international hub, or a hub for global aviation, to use his exact words? Apart from the annual Hajj airlift operations involving a few dedicated flights as approved by the National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON), and perhaps the occasional chartered Umrah flights here and there, which other international airlines land in Birnin Kebbi? Which destinations do those flights connect from there?
Secondly, I do not regard myself as an expert on aviation fuel refueling operations by any stretch of the imagination. But having headed the nationwide refueling operations of a major oil marketer for a number of years, during which I also doubled as the Secretary of the Aviation Managers Forum of the Major Oil Marketers Association of Nigeria (MOMAN), I should certainly know a thing or two about the subject.
The aviation industry is one of the most regulated industries in the world for obvious reasons, and aircraft refueling operations are no less so. There are strict standards, processes and procedures guiding the establishment and operation of Aviation Depots, which the industry regulators and the airlines themselves do not joke with.
That is precisely why there are mandatory stipulated daily early morning checks in place that must be carried out by the jet fuel suppliers at their respective depots, along with the usual parameter tests at the foot of the aircraft that must be witnessed by the airline representatives before each refueling operation. The international airlines, on their part, do also carry out scheduled annual or spot inspection audits at the depots to ascertain their continuing adherence to the stipulated standards for such operations.
Even before such routine visits by the airline customers happen, the IATA Fuel Quality Pool (IFQP) inspectors, comprising a group of airlines that actively share fuel inspection workload and reports globally, must have inspected and certified your depot handling and refueling operations and processes and published their findings on the International Air Transport Association (IATA) portal for all member airlines to see. The initial and routine annual IFQP inspections are done using the Joint Inspection Group (JIG) standards, which is an international organisation that monitors and ensures that the transportation and storage of jet fuel in a safe manner across the world's largest airports.
The IFQP inspection and eventual certification, without which no international airline will ever patronise your refueling operations, remains one of the most eagerly anticipated and challenging periods for any Aviation Manager. It will be great to hear from the Commissioner when that took place in the case of the new aviation fuel mini depot at SABIA.
Away from the quality side of things, there is also the small matter of the constant availability of the product that, in addition to regular and timely replenishment, can only be guaranteed by the relative size of a marketer's secondary storage facility at the airports. The relative proximity of the secondary storage to the primary storage facilities is also a huge factor. And the farther away one is from the other, the bigger the secondary storage necessarily needs to be to guarantee a reasonable stockholding of a minimum of 6 days’ supply to your contracted airline customers on average at any point in time.
To address the all-important airport storage issue in a more cost-effective and holistic manner, marketers have been known to come together to jointly build and operate shared common storages like the Joint Users Hydrant Installation (JUHI) at the Murtala Mohammed International Airport, Ikeja, and the Joint Aviation Facility (JAF) at the Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport in Kano, for example. Just recently, on October 17th, 2024, the Aviation Minister, Festus Keyamo, commissioned the long-awaited 15 million litres capacity JUHI 2 in Ikeja, which adds to the JUHI 1 and the respective marketers’ individual storages there.
Again, the standard practice is that all airlines, both local and international, do have in place executed fuel supply contracts with the respective marketers that are renewed annually, even though some small operators and one-time visitors do make ad hoc purchases occasionally. The airlines execute such contracts with more than one marketer to spread their risks, as opposed to putting all their eggs in a single basket by way of having only one dedicated supplier. That way, in the event that one supplier runs out of Jet Fuel or Aviation Turbine Kerosene (ATK), as it is also called, the other(s) can easily supply them. The suppliers must always put them on notice well in advance in the event of any anticipated supply disruptions, in order not to disrupt their schedules. For international airlines specifically, they usually have programmed slots on specific days of the week for their suppliers, and any of them can cover for the other in the event of supply disruptions affecting either of them. In the (un)likely event of a general scarcity affecting all marketers, however, the airlines are usually notified to come with enough jet fuel in their tanks and only top up with just about enough volumes to fly to the next destination to take in more.
I, therefore, struggle to rationalise the outrageous claim by the Kebbi Commissioner of Information and Culture where he stressed for emphasis that “it is on record that aircraft on international routes land at the airport for the sole purpose of refueling and moving on”. Apart from the requirement of the IFQP certification and the prerequisite of a subsisting business relationship between the depot operator at SABIA and the individual airlines that are both required to make that possible, the miserly 180,000 litres capacity storage does not even support such a claim. More so when there are numerous other marketers-owned and operated storage facilities with combined capacities running into millions of litres at the nation’s major international airports in Abuja, Kano, Lagos and Port Harcourt, where these airlines usually land and operate at.
With such readily accessible larger storage facilities at these four strategically located major airports across the country, I wonder what level of tomfoolery will push any serious international airline pilot to make a detour to Birnin Kebbi just to refuel at its mini depot that is the equivalent of a few of fuel tankers in terms of capacity. Aviation refueling is not your typical petrol or diesel refueling by Damfo or Molue commercial drivers, who may be at liberty to break their journey at will to refuel at any available roadside filling station, enroute their respective destinations.
Plus, the average ATK volumes consumed by these international flights in a single refueling operation is such that SABIA’s 180,000-litre capacity storage will not even be attractive enough. Just by way of illustration, a DHL Cargo flight from Lagos to Johannesburg will take an average of 65,000 litres of jet fuel during refueling, for example; a British Airways flight to London Heathrow with require around 70,000 litres; just as a Delta Airlines non-stop flight from Lagos to Atlanta will consume between 120,000 to 130,000 litres. Pray, what will be left for the depot operators’ local airline customers after a single refueling operation?
The fact that one or two local airlines flying into Sokoto might have ran into a possible stockout situation at the Sir Abubakar III International Airport and detoured to Birnin Kebbi to take a few thousands of litres is not enough justification to make such wild claims about international airlines refueling there. If it holds true, the Commissioner should please release the names of those airlines and the respective dates they stopped over just to refuel.
In conclusion, I am saying all this just to let the author understand and recognise the untenable slant to his wide-off-the-mark claims, and to urge him to please desist from making such embarrassing submissions that are not backed by logic or facts in the future.