Democracy offers citizens the choice to freely make political decisions by majority rule. It was defined by Abraham Lincoln as government of the people by the people and for the people. This concept of representative government has been positioned as the best and globally accepted. Where democracy works, it is people-centred. Citizens wield absolute powers to choose who leads in every tiers of government. To this end, people are at liberty to vote any candidate of their choice without let or hindrance. United States of America, Britain and most European countries  practice this form of government and have been at the fore front of ensuring that this ideology takes over global governments. 

However, some countries have no regard for the western kind of democracy. They have developed home grown system of government peculiar to their needs, aspirations and it serves their purpose better. From available development indices and statistics, those countries are making tremendous progress despite the fact that democracy has nothing to do with their system. China has confounded the world and demystified the notion that democracy is the best form of government. What Africa needs is her peculiar form of home grown democracy to function optimally.

The proponents of democracy as the best form of government hinged their argument on the following principles governing the practice. First, sovereignty of the people. The people wield absolute power to determine who occupies any elective position and govern them through their votes. Second, equality before the law. People are equally protected by the law regardless of their status in the society. The law treats everybody – young, old, male and female, rich or poor same. 

Third, majority rule. This is a democratic principle which gives the power to make decisions to the group with highest numbers in the community. It is a social choice rule which permits that when comparing two options, the one preferred by more than half should be considered. Fourth, upholding of minority rights. It upholds legal provisions in democracy intended to recorgnise and accommodate the distinctive needs of non-dominant ethnic or racial groups. Fifth, guarantee of basic human rights. Democracy makes the protection of the fundamental freedoms and rights of all people paramount - this includes right to life; freedom from slavery, torture and freedom of expression. 

Sixth, free, fair and credible elections. Democratic practice ideally offers an election comparatively devoid of coercion and manipulation. No rigging, snatching of ballot boxes, shutting down the iREV portal or killing. Seven, rule of the law. It is a state where citizens elect their own leaders and the government itself is bound by the law while also helping to ensure that the law is respected among citizens of the state.  Eighth, constitutional limits on government. These are democratic legal and institutional restrictions on the power of the government. They are intended to protect the rights of individuals and minorities. 

However, the pitfall of African democracy is evident in the manipulation of electoral system and crooked leadership recruitment process. This has led to abysmal level of development in all sectors across the continent. The imposed version of democracy obtainable in Africa runs short of true representative government. It is a colonial-legacy nailed to the necks of African countries. 

Suffice it to say that, the challenges confronting Africa is erected on the weak pillars of her democracy driven by external forces of neo-colonialism. Many Africans have come to the realisation that what is obtainable is akin to voodoo practice tailored to satisfy more of the interest of colonial masters than that of the citizens. This common African democratic system offers the neo-colonialists opportunities to rule by proxy through their anointed rich and powerful puppets who represent their overall interests. 

Many African leaders who fit into the above description were/are largely made up of leadership charlatans without character or integrity. They are ready to negotiate away their countries for any amount. Despite the above shortcomings, the colonial powers who cannot tolerate such misgivings in their countries continue to romance and sustain such leaders. The reigns of such leaders only end with military interventions as seen recently or when their people rise and disgrace many of them out of office.  

While, the early African democratic processes were beset with naivety, fraud, corruption and electoral irregularities leading to military interventions; the trend has remained the same over the years. The colonial masters pretend to nurture democracy in Africa but they simply manipulate the process to suit their whims. This has led to failure to produce the rightful winners through transparent electoral choices and processes. Who could boldly assert that what is obtainable in Africa and nay Nigeria is ideal democracy? 

The electoral processes are marred by obvious state or externally sponsored irregularities to favour certain candidates. They are blatantly flawed and manipulated. With the connivance of some developed countries what is seen as democracy is a selective appointment of their favourites to political offices in the name of election. Nigeria and nay almost African nations have got people with leadership qualities to transform their countries but they are frustrated. The corrupt electoral system gives them no chance. At every electoral recruitment process, they are either rigged out using the electoral umpires, security agencies and even the judiciary. 

This disappointedly threw up unpopular figures as leaders who are often forced down the throat of citizens. No time in Nigeria’s political history was the best elected into office. It was deliberately orchestrated to perpetually make Nigeria non-functional. Early in the life of the country, the so-called owners of Nigeria were quite aware that Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Nnamdi Azikiwe were both better leaders than Shehu Shagari but they lost eventually in a keenly contested election to a neophyte through a manipulated process. One wonders why election observers from the west and Europe always spend time and money to monitor and ensure supposedly free and fair elections when they sit on the fence in the face of obvious electoral irregularities whenever they release their reports. 

No matter how beautiful democracy is burnished, it represents nothing more than scrap-colonial-legacies, a transition of old feudal and oligarchical systems indirectly imposed on the people as the best form of government. Time has proven that good leadership does not necessarily evolve from democracy. The resounding ovation President of Burkina Faso - Ibrahim Traore received in Ghana as he attended the inauguration of President John Mahama was a pointer to the fact that what people desire are service, patriotic and committed leaders who proffer solutions through developmental strides for the common good. All African leaders who are products of democracy in attendance were jolted at the acceptance and warm reception of a man who is not in their ideological league. This should serve as a lesson and a moment of sober reflection for African leaders who think every election cycle which they will rig to win or sit tight is more important and a reflection of democracy or good governance. 

Sunday Onyemaechi Eze, lecturer Department of Mass Communication and Head Internationalisation and Partnership, Coal City University, Enugu State.

He is not just a deputy of the gods, he is the father and mother of death, the offspring of perdition, of metaphysical ruination and wanton loss. His suzerainty over Oyo Empire in its glory days was the stuff of which legends have been made. The long list of his forebears and their unique individual legacies beggar belief. He is the Alaafin, the king of Oyo, “owner of the palace”.

Now, things are quieter in the capital city of the Yoruba empire, no thanks to the rude intervention of British colonialists whose contempt of the traditional institution was exemplified in their classifying the seat of the African traditional ruler as a “stool” instead of a “throne”. Unfortunately, many scholarly Africans still carry on with this insult.

Pedigree is everything in Yoruba philosophy of life. A mango tree will never produce guava. An elephant will never beget a rat. The Alaafin of Oyo’s ancestry is traced to Oduduwa, the famed progenitor of the Yoruba race.

Forebears

The Oyo Empire was not a purely hereditary monarchy, nor an absolute one. The Oyo Mesi selected the Alaafin. He was not always closely related to his predecessor, although he had to be a descendant of Oranmiyan royal family.

The Brave And The Bold

In the past, the Alaafin’s eldest son usually succeeded his father on the throne. This sometimes led the crown prince, known as the Aremo, to hasten the death of his father. To prevent that, the traditional authorities enacted a law for the crown prince to be made to commit ritual suicide upon his father’s death. This practice was the subject of Wole Soyinka’s “Death and the King’s Horseman”.

The founding of Oyo is estimated to have happened around 1300. The kingdom has had a storied past. In the beginning before history was born, Oduduwa’s son, Oranmiyan, was the first Alaafin. He was succeeded by Oba Ajaka who was eventually deposed because he lacked Yoruba military virtues of sternness, ruthless efficiency and subterfuge. His junior brother, Shango, was thought to cut the right picture: militant, mystifying and gifted with an infernal temper.

The story of how Shango ended up is well known. His earlier identified virtues turned out to be his Achilles heel. But he had become the personification of vital energy, occult manifestations and cosmic inter-relatedness that he was consecrated as the god of thunder and lightning. There is a huge corpus of work on Shango in many libraries and his devotees are scattered all over Yorubaland and in the Diaspora, especially in Oshogbo, parts of Brazil, Cuba, etc. and wherever Yoruba immigrants and former slaves can be found

Shango’s predecessor, the formerly tame Ajaka, was allowed to return to the throne after the tragic death of his brother. Since that time, Alaafins have come and gone. By tradition, after the demise of an Alaafin, the Oyo Mesi, a body of seven high chiefs, are tasked with superintending the appointment of a new monarch. Their work is well cut out and is usually believed to be facilitated by Ifa divination.

Oyo once had a female king, Alaafin Orompoto, who ruled from 1554 to 1562. She ascended the throne after her father and brother died without producing male heirs.

Process

At times, the laid down process is side-stepped as happened recently with the appointment of Engr. Abimbola Akeem Owoade by the Oyo State government. Alleging that he had proof that six of the kingmakers had been serially bribed by one of the contending princes, the governor had sought the help of another son of Oyo, the famed Professor Wande Abimbola, a noted former vice-chancellor of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife and world renowned babalawo (diviner) who holds the title of Awise Awo Agbaye. Abimbola has now disclosed that the Ifa oracle chose 47-year-old Abimbola Akeem Owoade of the Owoade-Agunloye, Agure Compound, as the 46th Alaafin.

It will be recalled that In October 2023, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) quizzed some Oyo kingmakers over allegations that they took bribes of N15 million each from one of the candidates.

Flashback

Those who are old enough would remember that the immediate reaction of contending rival princes to the choice of the then Prince Lamidi Olayiwola Adeniran Adeyemi as Alaafin of Oyo several decades ago will tell you that the choice of an Alaafin through a process sidestepping the established route for one reason or the other, is not unprecedented.

Back then in 1970, some of Adeyemi’s rivals argued that he should be disqualified because his father, Oba Adeniran, had been dethroned by the Western Region government after his public spat with council chairman Bode Thomas which eventually led to the strongly held view that he had pronounced a hex on the politician (or bewitched him) leading to his almost immediate death in bizarre circumstances defying medical science. Oba Adeniran, famed husband of 200 wives, died in exile in Lagos.

But fate has its ways. Lamidi, son of Adeniran, whose father had been deposed and exiled in 1954 was announced by the military government as successor of Alaafin Gbadegesin Ladigbolu II in 1970.

In his excellent article titled: “Making of an Aláàfin: Bribes or the gods?”, Festus Adedayo of the Nigerian Tribune asked some very important questions regarding the allegation made by the government of Oyo State that some princes had attempted to win the royal race by resorting to bribery. Hence the government’s resort to Awise Agbaye who himself is one of the highest authorities in the field.

As a people, the Oyo have seen it all: civil and external wars, strife, slavery, colonialism, foreign trade, the trans-Sahara trade route and many other events that shaped their philosophy. The people went through an interregnum of 80 years as an exiled dynasty. Perhaps, they needed that exile because when they started rebuilding, they created a government that established its power over a vast territory that stretched from parts of present day southwest Nigeria to Benin, Togo, Ghana, all the way to parts of Cote d’Ivoire.

Cavalry was the game-changing arm of the Oyo Empire. Late 16th and 17th century expeditions were composed entirely of cavalry. This columnist’s forebears, as related in the family’s “Oriki” (praise name) travelled on horse and camel back as part of a caravan for the annual Muslim pilgrimage in Mecca, a three-month religious cum commercial adventure in those days. It will be recalled that itinerant Islamic scholars had brought Islam to Oyo centuries before the Dan Fodio Jihad.

Urbanised

As a highly urbanised people, Oyo ran a sophisticated and efficient government which guaranteed that the wealthy paid their fair share of tributes to the king who, in turn, gave leadership to the military as the sovereign generalissimo as well as give direction to civil and religious institutions.

Generally speaking, Yoruba people live, breathe, drink and honour their culture. As far back as anyone can remember, Oyo, like other Yoruba groups, had thriving traditional industries with cloth weaving as one of the most lucrative occupations. No wonder, Yorubas have always had different costumes for different occasions.

Relics of architecture within the Oyo Empire, exhibited an intricate built environment showcasing a distinctive architectural style, highlighted by intricate sculptures that symbolised the status of the inhabitants.

There you have it, folks – a glimpse into the kind of people, challenges, and socio-political milieu that the mint-fresh Alaafin Abimbola Akeem Owoade has been endorsed to serve as king. Long may he reign!

We have been told that as we approach the end-time, there is nothing we shall not see or hear! All things become possible. Yinka Aiyefele told us in one of his songs that Ifa now shouts Alleluia (Ifa n ke alleluya). Now, in the ensuing melee over the appointment of a new Alafin of Oyo, we have witnessed allegations of bribery and corruption fly in all directions, Ifa’s sacred groves inclusive. If gold rusts, what will iron do?

Do we have any institution left that is spared the corrosive influence of corruption? Politicians and civilian governments are corrupt. Soldiers and military governments are corrupt. Judges and the entire judiciary, including the Bar, are corrupt. Lawmakers are corrupt. One speaker of a House of Assembly was removed last week over allegations of corruption, among others. Civil servants are the engine room of corruption. Imams and pastors are corrupt. The common man on the street is corrupt. Traditional rulers are corrupt. Even journalists and writers are corrupt! Everyone is corrupt.

Corruption oozes from every nook and cranny of our national life. But that Ifa, the Yoruba god of divinity that is renowned for purity, has also now been cornered by corruption baffles me! If the government cannot help; if lawmakers cannot help; if judges cannot help, if we cannot seek refuge with the men and women of God; if our traditional institutions are of no consequence; if we all sleep - snoring - with all heads facing the same direction, where will salvation come from?

That there is a tussle over the Alafin stool is normal; princes everywhere contest vigorously for vacant stools. In times past, virtue, not filthy lucre, most of the time determined the winner. I said “most of the time” because history records the shenanigans of princes and kingmakers that truncated virtue even in those very distant times. Since colonial rule and after, Government interference has meant that laws enacted by the government determine succession and whatever disputes that may arise therefrom.

Look around and tell of the occupant of any throne today whose ascension has not been influenced one way or the other by the powers-that-be! The difference, usually, is not in substance but in appearance. To all intents and purposes, traditional rulers today are appointees of the government. They ascend to, and occupy the throne at the pleasure of the government. They spend time there at the mercy of the powers-that-be. They get promoted and can be removed at will. They are glorified artefacts and relics from the past.

The Alafin stool is not new to controversies; if anything, controversies and troubles have been its second nature from time immemorial. However, the intrigues this time around are of a dimension that has repercussions that will reverberate throughout the length and breath of the Yoruba nation. One: If it is true that the choice of the Oyo traditional kingmakers is beholden to the Sokoto caliphate, and that money was used to “press” the hands and pockets of the kingmakers, then, he stands disqualified. Yorubaland must not allow Ilorin to happen again - and not to Oyo of all places!

Scripture says affliction shall not rise a second time (Nahum 1:9). Even if inducement was not involved, the very fact of a cozy relationship with the caliphate automatically disqualifies any candidate to the Alafin stool - indeed, any stool in Yoruba land. Once bitten, forever shy! On the basis of the allegations of financial inducement, the Oyo State Government cancelled the exercise conducted by the kingmakers and embarked on another. Good idea, but bad implementation. That is the problem we run into when we employ half-measures when we ought to have gone the whole hog.

Allegations of giving and receiving bribes are grievous. Trying to sell a throne as important as that of the Alafin is sacrilege. With regard to the importance of the Alafin throne to the entire Yoruba race, it is a treasonable act of unimaginable proportions, especially considering the Yoruba experience with Ilorin. The Oyo State Government was too lenient - too laidback, too lackadaisical, too carefree - in its disposition to those involved in the giving and taking of the alleged bribe - if any. They should have been arrested and handed over for prosecution before warrant chiefs were appointed to fill the vacancies thus created. Assuming that was done and they are by now having their day in court, they would not have been in the position to flex muscles with the government as is currently the case. Besides, the government would today have stood on high moral ground rather than have its back to the wall like the kingmakers and their supporters are trying to do at the moment. But it is not too late for the government to do the needful.

Two: The Baba who was contacted by the Oyo State Government to consult Ifa is known by all to be beyond reproach. His records of probity and integrity are in the public domain. His expertise in Ifa divination is also not in contest. So, I was satisfied when he was said to have been the one who said Ifa chose the prince that was pronounced as the new Alafin by the Oyo State Government. Regardless of whether or not he was the statutory Ifa priest so recognised by law, I go with his recommendation because the occasion was not normal after those with the statutory roles have (allegedly) compromised themselves and their offices.

A desperate situation, they say, demands a desperate solution. This was one such occasion and I salute the Oyo State Government for rising to the occasion. The snag, however, is a news report that says the “authentic” prince chosen by Ifa (which Ifa and by which Ifa priest again?) is neither the one being flaunted by the kingmakers nor the one pronounced as the Alafin by the government. That angle needs to be critically looked at and straightened out. If we are against the injustice of some elements who chose to sell the throne and we insist on the right thing being done, then, we must not, in the same breath, perpetrate injustice in another direction. Like Caesar’s wife, everyone concerned must wash clean on this score.

Otedola, Obaigbena: When two elephants fight …

One good turn deserves another. Our people say if you pour water ahead of you, you will surely step on wet ground. In other words, it is give-and-take. Scripture says if you want to receive, give. “Give and it shall be given unto you…” (Luke 6:38). There are other biblical quotes that support giving as a prerequisite for receiving. Trade by barter, kind of! If you don’t sow, you don’t reap, and whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he reap also (Galatians 6:7). For someone who is slothful and does not want to work, the Bible says such a fellow “shall not eat” (2 Thessalonians 3: 10). A musician converted it into a song thus: if hunger whacks the indolent; let him die! From the above, it is not all giving that is charity. Some giving is a hook meant to attract or draw benefits.

So, when a news organization known for its truculence towards President Bola Ahmed Tinubu suddenly made what looked like a volte-face and announced him their Man of the Year 2024, tongues wagged. One reader callled me and said, “Oga Bola, I smell a rat! Don’t you think this is a Greek gift?” I was surprised that he reasoned that way because I, too, had concluded that Tinubu qualified as my own “Personality of the Year 2024”.

It is not everything that is a Greek gift. Yes, the media establishment in question may have been overly antagonistic to the President; there is nothing extraordinary or unusual about that. In fact, the media by its orientation and calling is supposed to be more adversarial than friendly with any government in power. It is a watchdog and has the constitutional obligation of holding the government accountable to the people. The media must be critical of the government. It must at all times hold the government’s feet to the fire to be able to do that.

That, however, is not to dismiss suspicion. Going forward, the same news organization has made a very influential, even if controversial, ally of the President its Minister of the Year 2024! Pray, what is it gunning for and what is a Greek gift? Greek gift is a gift given with the intention to trick and thereby harm the recipient or receive an intended reward through the back door.

Greek poet, Homer, in his Iliad, tells the story of the war waged by the Greeks against the city-state of Troy but the Greeks were unable to penetrate Troy after a long period of battle. So Agamemnon, king of the Greeks, devised a trick: he constructed a big horse, hid some of his soldiers inside of it and left it at the firmly-secured gate of Troy, after which his troops withdrew into the distance, giving the impression that they had not only abandoned the battlefield but had also left the horse-loving Trojans the gift of a horse, maybe as a form of appeasement and sign of friendship.

The Trojans joyfully dragged the wooden horse into their city. In the night, the soldiers hiding inside the horse came out, slaughtered the guards and opened the gate for Greek soldiers to troop in and capture the city. Hence the saying to this day, “Beware of Greeks bearing gifts” or simply “Beware of Greek gifts”!

Last week when news broke that a first generation bank had instituted court action against the owner of the news organisation that awarded the Man of the Year award to the President, the reader in question called me again and said, “Oga Bola, did I not tell you that I smelled a rat? Will the President sit idly by and allow a man who just gave him the Greek gift of Man of the Year to be ridiculed or will he step in to arrange some sort of soft-landing for him?”

Later, we saw pictures of the bank boss with the President: Has he been reported to the President? Was he summoned? Or did he go on his own volition to counterbalance influence? The bank boss gave his own side of the story to the media, which painted a gory picture of corruption in high places. Did he sway the President? When the news media concerned responded with their own explanation, I honestly was convinced they, too, had a good case. But when the bank responded again, I got confused! There were a lot of technical terms and jargons traded to and fro. I am neither a lawyer nor a financial expert. The courts should be allowed to comb through the jig-saw puzzle in a way that will, in the end, serve the public interest.

But note that Greek gifts, once received, become a bait. And any trap that fails to make the intended catch must return the bait to the owner!

How can I forget? On April 22, 1990, Major Gideon Orkar announced the overthrow of Gen Ibrahim Babangida’s military regime which he described in choice words as “dictatorial, corrupt, drug-baronish, deceitful”. In those days, every coup speech was welcomed with enthusiasm. Every new administration was seen as the dawn of a golden era. Orkar made promises many southern activists and opinion leaders love till this day, calling the coup “a well-conceived and executed revolution for the marginalised, oppressed and enslaved peoples of the Middle Belt and the South with a view to freeing ourselves and children yet unborn from eternal slavery and colonisation by a clique”.

Orkar announced “on behalf of the patriotic and well-meaning peoples of the Middle Belt and the Southern parts of this country” that the new regime, named “National Ruling Council”,  would lay a strong “egalitarian foundation” for “the real democratic take-off”. To achieve this, he said five states had been “temporarily” excised from Nigeria: Sokoto (today’s Sokoto, Kebbi and Zamfara), Kano (Kano and Jigawa), Bauchi (Bauchi and Gombe), Borno (Borno and Yobe) and Katsina “to end the northern feudalistic and aristocratic quest for domination”. He said all their citizens were suspended from private and public offices and they should return to their states “within one week from today”.

At Dele Giwa Square, University of Lagos, hundreds of students gathered after the coup announcement. My friend and I went there to see the drama playing out as tension gripped the nation. A student appeared on the podium with a new map of Nigeria. Kwara had been chopped off! My friend and I were from Kwara (before I was transferred to Kogi state in 1991). My friend whispered to me in Yoruba: “Simon, jek’a ma lo o. Won ni aki ns’ara won!” (“Simon, let’s start going. They say we are not part of them!”) Even Benue, Orkar’s own state, had been wiped off the map by the exuberant cartographer. The map had only southern states. The coup, in any case, was foiled.

That friend of mine is Mallam Lanre Issa-Onilu, now the director-general of National Orientation Agency (NOA), a government body charged with fostering unity and national development through citizen enlightenment and engagement. Issa-Onilu and I had met at the Kwara Poly in 1987 where we studied for two years for A Levels, but we were mostly football-discussing pals, nothing more. We shared two subjects — economics and government — and attended some classes together. But when I got into the University of Lagos in 1989, we ran into each other — the “you again?” moment. It turned out we were going to study the same course. Our friendship was instantly reignited.

We were similar but different — and this has nothing to do with tongue or religion. He always wanted to serve in government and was also interested in prompting national values, patriotism, national unity and such like. I was also a preacher of patriotism and national unity, but, unlike him, I was not interested in being part of government or politics. All I ever wanted was to be a journalist. And for life. I remembered when I filled my JAMB form, mass communication was my first, second and third choices. Issa-Onilu and I also differed on our views about Babangida: he believed there was something good about his policies and his message of patriotism. For me, Babangida was bad news.

I initially loved Babangida when he became military president in 1985. I even sketched a portrait of him which was published by the Nigerian Herald on March 1, 1986. But as soon as he introduced SAP and the prices of essential commodities went haywire, I began to dislike him. I admit that my knowledge of economic policy was very limited then, but I believed his policies were too harsh and that he set out to punish the poor. I remember composing a song (I used to think I could sing in those days) with these lines: “Dem give us SFEM/Dem give us SAP/Dem drain our blood/We’re still alive/ Dem give us SFEM/Dem give us SAP/Dem drain our blood/We’ll still survive”. I was not a fan of SAP.

Despite our opposing positions on Babangida and politics, Issa-Onilu and I loved Nigeria. I find it surreal that not only has he ended up in politics, he has also been saddled with the responsibility of promoting patriotism and national values. I do not envy him. How do you preach national unity in a country bitterly divided along ethno-religious and regional lines which the Orkar coup speech amplified and which continue to define us as a people? How do you preach national values in a country ravaged by official corruption, low public morale and discontent? How do you preach moral values in a country where wealth without work has been so normalised? That is quite an assignment!

Recently, I wrote an article, ‘Let’s be Kind to Nigeria, Please!’ — basically pleading that we should not take joy in talking down on our country and amplifying only bad news about us while neglecting the good things also happening around us. I said we can dislike the president but still love our country. After reading it, Issa-Onilu called me up and shared his takes with me. We ended up having a long chat. He then told me about the National Values Charter (NVC) that the NOA has developed “to help redirect all Nigerians, irrespective of class, ethnicity, and religion, to the ideals and values for which we were traditionally known and that were used to build our various societies and their institutions”.

He said the “7 for 7” NVC is divided into two: the Nigerian Promise and the Citizen’s Commitment to the Nigerian State. The Nigerian Promise is the seven core promises of Nigeria (represented by elected leaders) to the citizens. He said the Nigerian state owes Nigerians seven promises: equality, meaning all privileges, opportunities and rights apply to all without exemption; democracy, or democratisation of governance dividends to all; entrepreneurship and employment, by promoting innovation and creativity to create jobs; peace and security, to keep everyone safe; inclusivity, for all classes of Nigerians; freedom and justice for all; and promoting meritocracy above “connections”.

On the other hand, he said, Nigerians owe their country seven things: discipline, by obeying the rules, etc; duty of care by looking out for one another and participating in their community; tolerance and respect, through harmonious co-existence; leadership by example in our little corners; transparency and accountability in our dealings; environmental awareness by living, thinking and acting sustainably; and resilience, cultivated through pride and perseverance as individuals and as communities through the thick and thin. The citizenship code is quite a lot to take in, sure. He summed it up by saying the proper definition of citizenship is to be found in those seven core values.

NOA has already taken the campaign to schools, starting with a debate on university campuses with special focus on the balance between government promises and citizens’ responsibilities in nation-building. It came with cash prices and training opportunities. The initiative seeks to create a generation of value-conscious leaders who will promote national unity and strengthen our collective identity. There are plans to incorporate citizenship studies into the curriculum and launch citizens’ brigades in elementary schools, which I think is the right target if we want to produce new Nigerians. It will be too challenging trying to re-orientate Nigerians who harbour 1914, 1960 or 1966 mindsets.

For me, I believe we can build a new Nigeria. However, I believe we cannot build a new Nigeria without new Nigerians. We need a new generation of thinkers and opinion leaders who will see beyond their primordial cocoons, who will create a big picture. National integration and cohesion can help drive peace and progress, as we have seen in many parts of the world — including Rwanda that went through a genocide 30 years ago — but there are many Nigerians who dearly believe the way forward is ethnic chauvinism and balkanisation. It is the same toxic mindset that got us into this bind in the first place. I know these people have their reasons, but extremism does not solve problems.

By the way, I have my own misgivings about Nigeria. I have issues with certain practices, certain structures, certain notions. But, as I have been arguing on this page for 22 years, our fundamental problems go beyond the popular diagnosis of “1914”. How many African countries that were not “amalgamated” are better off? Moreso, every country is an artificial creation. Some chose to work with their realities and became success stories. If they can, we too can. We are victims of political mismanagement and the relentless manipulation of primitive sentiments for political gain. My critics think I say these things to portray myself as a patriot. No. I say them because I believe them.

I know that ordinary Nigerians suffer from the same afflictions of misgovernance: poverty and disease. The system is heavily rigged against them. They feed on crumbs, no matter their region or religion. As Lagbaja sang, “Me and you no be enemy/We suppose to be family/Na wetin you dey find I dey find.” The NVC makes sense to me because it is not just about the responsibilities of the citizens to Nigeria but also the duties of the leadership to the citizens. Will Nigerians embrace it? Will it get the buy-in of the critical political authorities? Most importantly, if Nigeria fails to deliver on the obligations, what can we do? Issa-Onilu and his NOA team have an unenviable task in their hands.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

ONE LOVE

Governor Alex Otti of Abia state just gladdened my heart: he appointed Mr Benjamin Ojeikere from Edo state as the head of civil service. This high-level appointment of a non-indigene encourages me yet again to keep dreaming that national integration is possible. I am a pro-integration Nigerian. I am anti-balkanisation. Therefore, when things like this happen, I am encouraged to keep pursuing my mantra: that Nigerians do not hate one another as it appears. It is politics that divides us. To be sure, these cross-border appointments have been happening for years but they are in fits and starts and not widespread enough. I look forward to the day it will become a norm, not an exception. Progress.

MIDDLE ROAD

After much spat, the states have reached a common ground on the new sharing formula for VAT which had stalled the passage of the tax reform bills. The current VAT vertical formula allocates 15 percent to federal government, 50 percent to states, and 35 percent to LGAs. States share their slice on a horizontal ratio of 50:30:20 — equality, population, derivation. The new vertical proposal was 10 percent to federal government, 55 percent to states and 35 percent for LGAs. States were to use a horizontal ratio of 20:20:60 — equality, population, derivation — for their own share. A resolution has been reached to use 50:20:30. We can now kill the tension and move forward. Compromise.

GOOD RIDDANCE

Hon. Mudashiru Obasa was surprisingly removed as the speaker of the Lagos state house of assembly on Monday and replaced with Hon Mojisola Meranda, who is now the first female speaker in the state. Obasa impeached? Who saw that coming? I don’t know him and I have never interacted with him but, somehow, I have never been his fan. My attitude to him was worsened by his response to allegations that he awarded contracts running into hundreds of millions to a “female friend”. His response was “nina lowo” — meaning “money is meant to be spent”. I was so enraged. Lagos does not joke with collecting our taxes and its principal officials still talk down on us like this? Arrogant.

NO COMMENT

Senator Ali Ndume is one of the most outspoken senators and has been very critical of the policies of President Tinubu. He was very vocal over the tax reform bills, which he says would marginalise the north. These bills are at the heart of a major policy thrust of the Tinubu administration and the president wanted to push them through despite strong opposition. Ndume, also a member of the president’s party, was recently spotted at Jummah prayers shaking hands with Tinubu and grinning from ear to ear. He later said Tinubu is his mentor and that he only criticises his policies, not his personality — meaning he was shouting at someone he could have whispered to. Wonderful.