
OTHERS' VIEWS
In every society, power, privilege, and governance form the tripod upon which leadership is exercised and societal progress or decline is determined. These three elements are deeply interconnected.
Power confers the ability to influence decisions, Privilege often determines access to power, and Governance dictates how power is applied for the common good.
In Nigeria and other developing democracies, the conversation around these concepts is especially crucial, as the abuse or mismanagement of any of them can have far-reaching implications for justice, development, and social equity.
Power, in itself, is neutral. It is neither good nor bad until it is exercised. The quality of leadership, therefore, is not determined merely by the possession of power, but by how it is used. Those who wield public office are entrusted with the mandate of the people, and such power must be exercised with wisdom, humility, and accountability. It is not for personal aggrandizement, neither is it a tool for oppression.
True power in governance lies in service, serving the people with integrity, making decisions that benefit the masses, and defending the voiceless.
Privilege, on the other hand, is often the gateway to power. It includes social status, access to education, wealth, political networks, or even ethnic and religious affiliations that give certain individuals an advantage in the political arena.
While privilege in itself is not evil, the danger arises when it becomes an exclusive gatekeeper, preventing competent, visionary, and patriotic individuals from ascending to leadership. When privilege replaces meritocracy, the result is a governance structure that is disconnected from the people and unresponsive to their needs.
Governance is the ultimate expression of how power and privilege are managed.
Good governance promotes transparency, equity, justice, and inclusive development. It is rooted in constitutionalism, the rule of law, and democratic accountability.
In Nigeria’s context, our democracy can only thrive when leaders see governance not as a means to enrich themselves but as a sacred trust to build a better society. Governance must be people-centered, participatory, and guided by clear moral values that place the welfare of citizens above all else.
As a legislator, I am continually reminded that our constituents do not just elect us to occupy positions; they expect us to act, to speak up, to legislate in their interest, and to defend their rights.
Governance begins with responsiveness, listening to the needs of the people, understanding their struggles, and translating those concerns into concrete policies and programs. The dignity of leadership lies not in titles or ceremonies but in the impact we make in the lives of ordinary people.
It is also important to dismantle the dangerous entitlement mentality that often accompanies political privilege. Leadership is not a birthright, nor is it the domain of a few elite families or regions.
Every citizen, regardless of their background, must have an equal opportunity to participate in governance. We must actively work to create a system where leadership is earned through competence, vision, and character, not simply inherited or purchased through wealth and connections.
In conclusion, our collective progress as a nation hinges on how we manage power, privilege, and governance.
Let us use power to serve, use privilege to open doors for others, and embrace governance as a moral responsibility, not a transactional enterprise. Only then can we build a Nigeria where leadership uplifts the people, institutions are strong, and the future is secured for generations to come.
I remain committed to these ideals as your representative, working tirelessly to ensure that governance becomes a force for transformation and hope.
Hon Obi Aguocha is the member representing Ikwuano/Umuahia North and South.
[OPINION] Anambra Keeps Rising As Governor Soludo Wins Vanguard Newspapers 2024 'Good Governance Award' - Christian Aburime
AdminIn a resplendent, glitzy and well-attended ceremony at the Convention Centre of the upscale Eko Hotel and Suites, Victoria Island, Lagos, on Friday April 11, 2025, the Governor of Anambra State, Professor Chukwuma Charles Soludo, CFR, added another merited accolade to his growing list of honours, clinching the ‘Vanguard Good Governance Award 2024’, presented by Vanguard Newspapers.
The event, which celebrated Nigeria’s most impactful leaders, served not only as a recognition of excellence but also as a reaffirmation of Governor Soludo’s transformational three-year tenure in Anambra, a tenure that has redefined governance as a vehicle for pragmatic solutions and inclusive growth.
Indeed, it was a night of shine and substance. Celebrating outstanding achievements, as affirmed in the brief welcome remarks by Editor Eze Anaba, the Vanguard Awards brought together Nigeria’s political, business, royal and cultural elite.
Mr. Atedo Peterside, Chairman of the occasion, captured the mood succinctly: “The gathering is awesome, a convergence of those rewriting Nigeria’s story.” Truly, the evening was as much about legacy as it was about laurels.
While successful businessmen, education investors, and billionaires, Dr. Adedeji Adeleke took home the Personality of the Year award, the spotlight equally beamed on exceptional governors like Soludo, whose policies have turned subnational governance into a laboratory of innovation in their respective states.
For Governor Soludo, the Vanguard honour arrives just months after being named SUN Newspaper’s Governor of the Year 2024, and this dual media recognition now underscores his unique blend of technocratic rigour and pragmatic leadership.
In Soludo’s Anambra, it has been a story of from Promise to Progress. Since assuming office in March 2022, Governor Soludo, a former Central Bank Governor and economist, has pursued what he terms a “people’s agenda” with relentless focus.
His administration’s pillars, anchored on security, education, healthcare, infrastructure, urban renewal, economic diversification and more, have become more than slogans. The multidimensional impact, often achieved amidst fiscal constraints, reflect Governor Soludo’s philosophy that development is not about grand announcements; it is about granular execution. It is also about doing more with less and without borrowing!
In his remarks, Vanguard Editor Eze Anaba emphasized that the awards were not merely for popularity but for verifiable impact. For Governor Soludo, this rings true and through. Yet, three years on, his results speak louder than rhetoric. The impact is verifiable.
No wonder, the SUN and Vanguard awards, both decided by rigorous verifications of development projects prioritising data over dazzle, validate the Soludo approach. One can say that Governor Soludo treats governance like a serious business: iterative, agile, and user-centric. Anambra is his MVP, and it is scaling fast.
Yet, while the awards celebrate past and ongoing achievements, Governor Soludo’s eyes remain fixed on the future. Challenges will always exist, but his administration’s methodical pace suggests confidence rather than complacency.
As the governor would have remarked after receiving the award, every honour is a debt owed to the people and the good work in Anambra has just begun. Now with his recent ratification as APGA candidate for a second term and overwhelming nonpartisan endorsements for Anambra’s November 2025 election, Governor Soludo is poised to turn Anambra into a blueprint for Nigeria’s subnational revival.
While Nigeria keeps contending with its own national questions, Governor Soludo’s story, of a professor-turned-politician delivering functional solutions and measurable progress, may well become a case study in award-winning leadership. For now, Anambra’s renaissance continues, one solution at a time.
Disorder, confusion and despondency! These three words capture the basic prevailing air across the land. Not just here in Nigeria, but all over the world. Nations, big and small organizations, advocacy groups, communities and individuals are all busy trying to solve one problem or the other. Many are looking forward to solutions of various types. But they do not really know what the problems are, or might be; for which they are seeking solutions. They may just finish celebrating one solution before they realize that the solution they just celebrated has not addressed the original problem, or that it has created new ones.
Sad, is it not?
No one can recognize the solution to a problem when he does not know, or understand, the nature of the problem itself. That is part of the issue on the table all over the world today. The climate, the cosmic environment, the political space, the regulatory environment for businesses, the moral landscape, our spirituality, the religiosity of a morally bankrupt world, the gender crisis, the decay of values are all in the line of fire. Why? Yes, why? Just why is it that everyone, and everything, seems to be going bonkers on the double?
Bedlam on steroids, and going strong!
Consider the apparently mundane matter of some of the most important decisions of President Donald Trump of the US. His most far-reaching decisions seem to have been taken without recourse to the very institutions set up to uphold what the American Dream is presumed to represent. Trump signed some 220 Executive Orders during his first term, between January 2017 and January 2021. In 2025 alone, in this his Second Coming, he is recorded to have signed 112 Executive Orders, from EO 14147 through EO 14528.
And he did all that without consulting with, or obtaining clearance and approval from, those elected by the people to speak for them in the matter of what they want the president to do, or not do.
And, lest we forget, Trump is the head of a democratic nation. His country is also the much-vaunted global defender of democracy, inclusivity, human rights and world peace through an attitude of mutual accommodation. He is clearly serious with the Providential business of dismantling the pretensions that have held up a world that can best be described as a living fraud. It has served true humanity in the breach.
Recall that an unusual interplanetary alignment occurred shortly before and around the time Trump was sworn in. It was at about that time that a Venus, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, Neptune, Uranus, and Mercury “lined up” in the Elliptic, in a way that they had not done for a long time now. First there was the alignment of Mars, Jupiter, Uranus, Neptune, Venus, and Saturn one of January 21, before the Main Event of January 25. Then came the one of February 28, before the morning alignment of Neptune, Mercury, Saturn and Venus this month. And the August 11 morning alignment of Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, Uranus, Neptune and Saturn is yet to come.
If both scientific and quasi scientific circles are saying that “The alignment of several planets is believed to amplify the energies of these planets, prompting changes, introspection, opportunity, and transformation across the globe and across all zodiac signs”, it may well follow that this year has quite a few things up its sleeves. A look at history shows that interplanetary alignments have been associated with major energy shifts that impact political, social and environmental changes upheavals that impact nature and create global changes.
Because our world is part of a universe and comic environment that has long since been scientifically confirmed to be a network of interconnected radiations, no one can say for sure what the effects of the alignments of heavenly bodies and their magnetic fields might be. When we consider that astrologers have always considered interplanetary alignments to be moments of amplified energy in our cosmic environment, when we also consider that significant interplanetary alignments had coincided in the past with some major global or cultural shifts, scientific breakthroughs and artistic renaissances, then we must also consider the thought that we may be standing amidst heralds of change we do not know enough about.
The disorder, confusion and despondency in our world today is accentuated by the fact that we now have more wars, with others threatening to break out. Natural disasters are tumbling in on all sides. One hundred and ninety-one areas of tornado damage were recorded between March 14 and 16 in the US. That was less than a month ago. Within the same period 115 twisters were confirmed in Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas, Missouri, Illinois, and Indiana. Other forms of natural and manmade disaster are being distributed all round the world. Economic pressures, environmental and climatic changes, distress of nations, strange and incurable diseases are all on rampage today.
The 2025 US wildfires had more than passing impact on Los Angeles, where it led to significant loss of life and property. The fires came, swept its initial areas of impact and then keep spreading rapidly and unpredictably. California, Riverside, San Bernardino, and Ventura all had sad stories to tell from the fires. So did Arizona, Colorado, and New Mexico.
So, attempt to put some thoughts on the table regarding where it all this may be leading up to. The first is the fact that our world of Volatile possibilities, Uncertain realities, Confusing demands and expectations and Ambiguous values (VUCA) has come with new developments that portend dangers for all. It is a world that is rapidly altering expectations, rules and the way so many things are done; and in which many will find themselves at a disadvantage in one way or the other
Another possible fact is that national economies will suffer and so will larger sections of the global population. We have all been living with many unquestioned assumptions about our lives and about international affairs for far too long. As the US is becoming more protectionist and almost trying to shut off the world, the counter measures other nations are being forced to take will become major triggers for new economic events that would affect us all.
The third fact is that the world, and all of us, are being forced to do a re-valuation of values, a reassessment of hitherto accepted paradigms and a recalibration of expectations. Moving in leaps and bounds from the rule-governed global village of only a few months ago to a world where all hitherto accepted norms are being revised without the usual consultations is something no one bargained for.
The other fact is that ours is now a New World order that is forcing a fundamentally pretentious world with well-dressed predatory nations to remove its gloves and boldly bare hitherto concealed teeth. Arbitrariness will very likely be on the upswing. Free trade will suffer, if the trend being orchestrated by Trump continues – and it is likely to. So, welcome to a more deadly period of blind protectionist tendencies and say goodbye to free markets, open skies for aviation watchers, and dangerous national insularity…
Another fact to consider is the possibility that questions must be raised about the world’s multilateral trading system, which had been hitherto projected as resting on clear rules, mandatory concessions and criteria that all countries welcomed because it had something for everyone. The stabilizing and custodian roles we all once attributed to the World Trade Organization (WTO), complete with its unquestioned template and platform, can no longer be vouched for.
That system certainly did not favour developing countries in more ways than one. It only helped maintain an illusion that Trump is now resolutely unmasking, dismantling and inviting us to dismiss.
Had there been any really honest attempt to reform the system over time, we probably won’t be where we are today. But with Donal Trump as the official demolition man, we are living with the irony today of having the US doing its best to destroy a system it did its everything to bring about and sustain. It would seem that rather than reform the system it is now being destroyed, and for good. Which is hardly surprising.
Let us calmly admit that everything false is collapsing on all fronts. We cannot say that the US approach to international relations, international trade and global politics under Trump will lead to a more peaceful, more prosperous and more stable world. The ongoing retaliatory tariff impositions and counter impositions from various countries, in reaction to Trump’s rampaging moves, will only fuel the comprehensive jettisoning of the presumably hallowed WTO template, paradigms and framework.
Thus, matters are not only likely to get worse, but also get out of hand. And the reason is simple: The limited actions of the most dominant actors in the global economic space will ignite reactions that would lead to the total abandonment of all the false trappings we have all lived with for so long in international relations. As more countries adopt and deploy the same approach as the US, trading and transacting on their own terms, it would be absolute bedlam across board. But can they all see it coming?
Can Africa impose retaliatory tariffs on anyone? I think not. Can Africa escape the effects of the looming trade war? Again, I think not. As faith in international investments wavers, totters and probably falls dramatically, there will be greater uncertainly in international economics and economic relations. Unpredictability will blossom. The result would be a new world order wherein global economic growth will be slow and international trade will boil down to tariff wars and piracy.
Probably no other continent would be worse hit than Africa, largely because of the continents import dependence. To speculate on a possible magical transformation of African economies, in response to the ongoing global drama, is to prance off on a reprehensible exercise in self delusion. As we enter an era where all global institutions that once guaranteed the Rules of Engagement are on all fours, no one can say how the current situation will unfold in the coming months or years. But we must be clear-eyed about the dangers that are building up in the world.
In sum, all international Standard Operating Procedures are on retreat. There is a greater leaning towards selfish considerations by nations. What can we hold unto, or strengthen? Can Africa present a common, or fighting front, of any sort? Just asking. Prepare for the worst, I’d say! But what is the worst, really? Hunger, poverty, balance of trade issues? None of the above, I dare say. It can only get worse if you take time to think about is.
It is about a world on a tail spin, for a new era to be born. The problems are more spiritual than material, as we wonder what world events are saying today.
The blood of 16 Nigerians, reportedly hunters, spilled on the soil of Uromi in Edo State is yet another grim reminder of the violent times we live in. Their deaths, gruesome and senseless, have sparked waves of emotions across the country. Condolences have poured in, anger has surged, and outrage has been expressed from various quarters. Yet, beneath the emotive outbursts lies a dangerously ignored truth, the unchecked proliferation and parading of guns in our communities by both herdsmen and hunters alike is a ticking time bomb. And that bomb has just exploded in Uromi.
It is one thing to mourn the dead, which is appropriate. It is another to prevent future deaths, which is urgent. While the Uromi massacre has received the headlines it deserves, what may not have received equal attention is the frightening normalization of civilians wielding firearms across Southern Nigeria under the pretense of hunting, self-defense, or in the case of herders, “protecting their livestock.” This trend, if left unchecked, will only breed more mass graves, more sorrow, and an erosion of the very meaning of community safety.
Let us not mince words, no one outside the security forces should be allowed to openly carry weapons in a supposedly civil society. Whether you call yourself a hunter, vigilante, or herdsman, the law must not turn a blind eye. The forested parts of the South have become unofficial battlegrounds, not only for farmers and herders but between different groups armed to the teeth with locally fabricated and imported weapons, and even to a large extent posing as threats to travelers who usually stop by to ease themselves. The result? Deaths like those in Uromi.
The Uromi killings should compel us to ask harder questions. “Why is it so easy for individuals in rural communities to possess high-grade firearms?” “Why is the state either unwilling or unable to enforce existing firearms laws?” And why has the government; both at the state and federal levels, continued to respond to these incidents with mere condolence messages which are mostly political rhetoric meant to boost their electoral values rather than action?
In many communities, hunting has gone from a traditional and cultural activity to a pretext for militarization. While hunters used to carry dane guns and bows, today, many are armed with automatic rifles. Similarly, many herdsmen, once known only for their walking sticks and herding tools, now brandish AK-47s as they move across communities. This escalation is no longer anecdotal; it is visual, real, and present.
The consequences are dire. Whenever conflict breaks out, be it over grazing routes, farmland, or community disagreements, these weapons come out, and blood is spilled. The killings in Uromi are only the latest example of what has become a disturbing pattern across Nigeria.
Government silence in the face of repeated arms display by non-state actors is not just cowardice; it is complicity. You cannot claim to be upholding law and order when those outside the law are more armed than those tasked with enforcing it. Criminalizing gun possession without a license is already in the Nigerian Firearms Act, but enforcement is selective, inconsistent, and at best, ineffective.
If the Nigerian government can spend billions chasing “illegal refineries” in the Niger Delta or demolishing “illegal structures” in Lagos, why can it not commit itself to flushing out illegal weapons from civilian hands, especially in rural communities? Why is there no coordinated national disarmament campaign targeted at these groups masquerading as protectors but functioning as threats?
The Uromi tragedy should now serve as a turning point. We cannot afford to move on from it without drawing a line in the sand. The government must immediately commence a review of the presence and use of firearms by hunters and herders, with a clear intention to disarm and punish. It is no longer enough to say, “We are investigating.” We need laws that bite and enforcement that works.
One of the arguments often advanced by those defending hunters’ right to bear arms is cultural. “It is our tradition,” they say. That may be true. But in this modern context, cultural sentiment must never undermine public security. Traditions must evolve with time, especially when they threaten lives and properties. The role of hunters can be preserved without arming them with lethal weapons. Communities can deploy hunters for surveillance, bush tracking, or community watch functions, but arming them like militias turns them into another problem instead of a solution.
In the same vein, herdsmen cannot continue to use the excuse of self-defense to justify carrying firearms. Their livestock cannot be more valuable than human lives. If herding requires weapons for protection, then it is high time the government regulated the herding business just like any other security-sensitive occupation. This might include requiring registration, approval for arms use, and GPS-tracked movement. Anything less is dangerous leniency.
Let’s be honest. The reason the issue has persisted this long is because of a lack of political will. Many politicians fear that clamping down on armed herders or hunters will lose them rural votes or inflame ethnic tensions. That is an irresponsible excuse. Security cannot be sacrificed on the altar of political correctness. Whether the gun is carried by a Fulani herdsman or an Esan hunter, the law must be applied with equal firmness.
The state government, especially in Edo, must show leadership by launching a full-scale investigation not just into the killings but into how many weapons are currently circulating in rural areas under the guise of hunting. Governor Obaseki and security agencies must move beyond press releases. Community leaders must be summoned, hunter associations regulated, and herders monitored.
To move forward, Nigeria needs a national disarmament framework, not just for the Niger Delta or Boko Haram insurgents, but for all unauthorized individuals in possession of firearms. This should include, Community Amnesty Windows, which allows voluntary submission of illegal weapons with a short grace period.
Also, from the perspective of registration and licensing review, government overhaul the current system to ensure only vetted persons can access hunting or farming defense licenses.
Another is mobile weapon search task forces which entails deploying mobile security units to periodically search forests and rural areas.
In a similar vein is technology deployment, which requires use of drones and surveillance to monitor known hotspots.
Also of importance is community sensitization, which allows the engagement of traditional rulers and community heads to discourage arms possession.
The time to act is now. We cannot afford another Uromi. The longer we delay, the more we normalize this madness, and the more deaths we will have to mourn. Guns in the hands of civilians, whatever their profession or excuse, are a menace. Until the government rises to the challenge, these senseless killings will continue to punctuate our national life like a recurring nightmare.
Let Uromi be the last straw. Not just for sympathy. But for systemic, sweeping, and urgent action. The souls of those 16 men demand justice, not just in courtrooms, but in policies that prevent such bloodshed from ever happening again.
[OPINION] Leave Natasha Alone: The Palm Kernel Is Jumping, Don’t Blind Yourself - Isaac Asabor
AdminIn the rich proverbial wisdom of the African people, there is a saying: “If you keep hitting a palm kernel that is jumping and flying, you’ll eventually be blinded.” This proverb is not just a quaint cultural expression; it is a warning, a mirror to reflect on the dangers of relentless pursuit, especially when that pursuit becomes counterproductive and even self-destructive.
It is in the context of this ancestral wisdom that we must examine the growing and unrelenting attacks on Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. These attacks have become a political ritual of bitterness, hate, and desperation. It is time to call it for what it is: a vendetta wrapped in hypocrisy and seasoned with envy. It is time her traducers took a break, because this palm kernel is flying, and the more they keep swinging, the more likely they are to end up punching themselves in the face.
Let’s begin with a blunt question: “Who exactly is afraid of Natasha, and why does she remain a lightning rod of controversy and attack?”
Natasha is not a typical politician. She is a disruptor in a male-dominated system designed to suppress women of ambition. A lawyer, social entrepreneur, humanitarian, and now a senator, Natasha has consistently shown that she is not afraid to step on the toes of established interests. But her greatest crime, in the eyes of her haters, is that she has refused to play by their rules. She has refused to keep quiet. She has refused to kneel to godfathers. She has refused to back down. And that, in a warped society where obedience to oppressive power structures is mistaken for humility, is enough to make you a target.
Her traducers, mostly partisan politicians who are opposed to her political triumphs, have turned her political journey into a battlefield. Every move she makes is met with cynicism. Every achievement is questioned. Every initiative is discredited. But the question remains: “Why are they so obsessed with her?”
Let’s not sugarcoat it: Nigeria’s political climate is openly hostile to women who dare to challenge the norm. The political structure is wired to intimidate, frustrate, and ultimately silence women who exhibit independence and strength. And when these tactics fail, the system resorts to a more dangerous method: character assassination.
We have seen this play out again and again. The late Dora Akunyili was constantly maligned. Oby Ezekwesili was labeled a loudmouth. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was accused of everything under the sun. Even Aisha Yesufu, a private citizen and activist, is not spared. And now, Natasha is the newest name on the hit list.
It seems the Nigerian establishment cannot stand a woman who thinks for herself, speaks without fear, and moves without permission. She must be torn down. She must be dragged through the mud. She must be made to suffer for daring to shine.
Let us talk about hypocrisy. Many of the people attacking Natasha have never contributed anything meaningful to their communities. They are the same politicians who hide during crises, loot during opportunities, and speak only when there is a brown envelope involved.
They say she is too outspoken, yet celebrate men who spew nonsense every other week. They say she is controversial, yet worship male politicians who have mastered the art of chaos and confusion. They say she is not a saint, yet defend known criminals because they share party affiliations.
This double standard is sickening. It reeks of desperation. And more than anything else, it exposes the true motives of her attackers: fear, envy, and panic.
Make no mistake, what Natasha is facing is not politics as usual. It is a targeted campaign of vendetta orchestrated by those who cannot bear the thought of her influence expanding. This is not opposition based on principle or ideology. It is a witch-hunt dressed in political clothing.
Some of her enemies are politicians who feel humiliated by her victories. Others are power brokers who fear she is too independent to control. Some are just bitter individuals who cannot stand to see a woman rise. But all of them are unified by one thing: they underestimated her. And now that she has proven her strength, they are scrambling to destroy her before she becomes unstoppable.
But as the African proverb warns, their desperation is blinding them. The more they strike, the more their own image suffers. The people are watching. The public is listening. The voters are taking notes.
Let us be clear: Natasha is not perfect. No one is. She is not above critique. But criticism must be constructive, fair, and based on facts, not lies, gossip, and coordinated attacks.
She is a human being. She has made mistakes. She has taken risks. But unlike most of her critics, she has done something meaningful with her life. She has fought for her community. She has built businesses. She has empowered women. She has spoken truth to power. She has refused to be anyone’s puppet.
What have her critics done? Apart from hiding behind keyboards, issuing anonymous threats, and amplifying fake news, what exactly have they achieved?
We must get to a point in this country where we learn to differentiate between genuine accountability and bitter envy. We cannot build a better Nigeria by tearing down our best and brightest.
Here’s the good news: the masses are not as gullible as the haters believe. People see what is going on. They may not all shout on social media, but they are quietly observing. They know who is real and who is fake. They know who is fighting for them and who is fighting for their own pockets.
Natasha’s connection with ordinary people is not manufactured. It is real. It is earned. And it is growing. Her victory at the polls was not a fluke, it was a message. The people are tired of recycled leaders. They are tired of empty promises. They are tired of being insulted.
What they want now are leaders who are bold, sincere, and visionary. Natasha fits that bill. And no amount of character assassination will change that.
To her traducers, let this be a final word of caution: “If you keep hitting a palm kernel that is jumping and flying, you will eventually be blinded.” That is not just folklore, it is prophecy. It is the voice of ancestral wisdom reminding you that your actions have consequences.
There is still time to retreat, to refocus your energies on meaningful issues, to stop the bitterness and do better. Because if you continue down this path of hate and sabotage, you may find that you have destroyed your own credibility while Natasha continues to rise.
Nigeria needs all hands on deck. We cannot afford to keep fighting shadows while the nation burns. Let Natasha be. Leave her alone. Let her work. Let her serve. And if you must criticize her, do so with facts, not venom.
Nigeria is at a critical juncture. We need leaders who are bold, innovative, and resilient. Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan embodies these qualities. She is not perfect, but she is trying. She is serving. And she is leading.
Instead of wasting energy trying to tear her down, let us channel that energy into fixing our broken systems. Let us amplify the voices doing the work. Let us support women in leadership instead of vilifying them.
Enough is enough. Let the palm kernel fly. And if you cannot catch it, at least do not blind yourself trying.
Leave Natasha alone. The future is watching.
[OPINION] While Rumors About Wike’s Health Persist, His Gait Sparks National Concern — A Psychological Perspective on Stroke, Silence, and the Body’s Warnings - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminA Subtle Shift That Sparked Broader Concern
In a society where quiet strength is often prized and physical vulnerability is shrouded in silence, a recent video of Nigeria’s Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, drew unexpected attention. The footage captured what many interpreted as an altered way of walking, marked by a visible shift in his left arm and leg. While the Minister has publicly dismissed claims of collapsing or experiencing a medical episode, and has not acknowledged any health challenge, the visual imagery has lingered in the national psyche. For a population highly attuned to body language and often reliant on physical signs over official statements, this observation became a quiet invitation to reflect, learn, and perhaps prepare.
This commentary makes no attempt to diagnose Minister Wike or any individual. Rather, it uses the public reaction as a catalyst for wider awareness, grounded in psychological and neurological education.
Interpreting the Body’s Language: Clinical and Cultural Observations
What may appear to some as a mere limp or tired step can, through a clinical lens, take on a different meaning. When one observes a hanging left hand and a stiff left leg moving in tandem, clinicians are trained to consider the possibility of left-sided hemiparesis or hemiplegia. These conditions, marked by weakness or paralysis on one side of the body, are often associated with disruptions in the right hemisphere of the brain. In the realm of neuroscience, the brain’s right side governs motor control, balance, and awareness on the left side of the body. Damage to this hemisphere may affect the fluidity of movement and the expressive quality of behavior, even when speech and verbal interaction remain unaffected. Such signs may be subtle at first, but to those familiar with neurological decline, they can be the earliest clues.
The Right Hemisphere: The Silent Disruptor
While left hemisphere strokes often announce themselves through sudden loss of speech or logic, the right hemisphere is more deceptive. When a stroke occurs in the right hemisphere of the brain, it affects the left side of the body. It also impairs spatial judgment, emotional tone, facial recognition, attention, and depth perception. Right-sided strokes can result in a person unknowingly neglecting the left side of their body, a condition known as left neglect. For instance, an individual may bump into objects on their left, ignore food on the left side of a plate, or fail to acknowledge movement on that side. These behaviors may not be seen as medical symptoms at first, which is why such strokes are often under-recognized and under-treated. In many instances, people observing a right hemisphere stroke survivor may note emotional flatness, impulsivity, or socially unusual behavior. Yet, without speech difficulty, the stroke goes unspoken—despite its dramatic effects on mobility and perception.
Unpacking What a Stroke Truly Entails
Strokes are not abstract or distant afflictions—they are immediate, visceral, and unforgiving in their onset. A stroke arises when blood flow to the brain is interrupted, either by a blockage (ischemic) or a rupture (hemorrhagic). When this happens, brain cells begin to die due to the lack of oxygen and nutrients. The damage depends on where in the brain the incident occurs. Importantly, every stroke is unique, and so are its consequences. In contexts where access to swift medical intervention is uneven, recognizing symptoms early can make the difference between survival, disability, or death.
The Left Hemisphere: Speech, Logic, and Rapid Decline
In the Nigerian context, where many associate medical emergencies with outward drama, left hemisphere strokes are sometimes more readily recognized. This is because the left side of the brain governs speech, language, and analytical thought. A person affected by a left hemisphere stroke might suddenly struggle to form words, read, write, or solve simple problems. They may appear confused, but they are often painfully aware of the deterioration happening inside them. For families, this is both distressing and clear. Unlike right-sided strokes, which can sometimes mask themselves in physical signs alone, left-sided strokes speak loudly through voice, reason, and comprehension.
Challenging Harmful Myths: Stroke Is Not Caused by Insects
One of the more persistent misconceptions in parts of Nigeria is the belief that mosquito bites or mysterious forces cause stroke. While malaria and other mosquito-borne diseases can be dangerous in their own right, they do not trigger strokes. Stroke is not a disease passed through bites or curses. It is a complex vascular event, shaped by internal medical and behavioral factors. Replacing these myths with accurate knowledge could save lives and restore confidence in modern medicine and psychological science.
A Look at the Real Culprits Behind Stroke Risk
There are clear, measurable contributors to stroke that science has long identified. Excessive alcohol intake not only raises blood pressure but also destabilizes heart rhythm, creating fertile ground for clot formation. Psychological stress, often chronic and unspoken in Nigerian society, silently elevates risk. Daily lifestyle choices—smoking, poor diet, lack of physical movement—compound the danger, especially when compounded by untreated hypertension or diabetes. These are not character flaws but modifiable risk factors, and awareness is the first step toward prevention.
The Terms That Should Not Be Foreign
Words like hemiparesis, hemiplegia, spasticity, and foot drop may sound technical, but they represent everyday realities for stroke survivors. Hemiparesis refers to reduced strength on one side of the body; hemiplegia, its more severe form, means total paralysis. Spasticity describes the stiffness and involuntary tightness in muscles, often observed after a stroke, particularly in limbs. Foot drop, meanwhile, makes lifting the front part of the foot difficult, leading to tripping or dragging while walking. These are not abstract labels—they describe the conditions that many Nigerians may be living with or may one day face.
Managing the Unmanageable: Treatment in a Fragile System
One truth that often remains buried beneath the promise of medicine is that stroke has no definitive cure. There is no pill or surgery that can undo what a severe stroke takes away. What medicine can offer is stabilization and rehabilitation. If caught early, clot-busting drugs or surgical intervention can limit brain damage. Once stable, patients enter a long road of recovery, involving physical, occupational, and speech therapy. But these services are not equally available. In many parts of Nigeria, the costs are high, the access is limited, and the emotional burden on families is overwhelming. In such a reality, prevention must become the national priority.
Early Recognition: Quiet Signs Before the Fall
The F.A.S.T. method (Facial drooping, Arm weakness, Speech difficulty, Time to seek help) is an invaluable tool, but it does not capture every stroke. Many begin with signs that whisper rather than scream—a slow foot, a hand that no longer swings, a sudden shift in posture, a muted response, or a look that appears slightly distant. These signs can be brushed off as fatigue, aging, or stress. But in many cases, they are the first cries of the brain in distress. Recognizing them early, without shame or delay, can change outcomes dramatically.
The Role of Leadership and the Culture of Silence
In many cases, individuals experiencing post-stroke symptoms begin to show less of themselves in public spaces. They might choose to wear special clothing designed to conceal weakened limbs or postural imbalances, and in video appearances, effort is often made to frame the shots in ways that hide or cut off visibly odd gaits or hanging arms.
Among those in positions of leadership, acknowledging illness is often interpreted as a threat to power or image. In high-pressure environments, especially among men in governance, strength is equated with silence. From a psychological viewpoint, this results in denial and minimization—strategies that protect ego but endanger health. But when a leader remains silent about their health while showing physical signs, it sets a national precedent. Citizens, taking cues from those in power, begin to suppress their own pain, delaying treatment until it is too late.
Prevention: A Shared National Duty
To shift the national health narrative, stroke prevention must move from individual concern to collective responsibility. Nigerians must understand that health is not a luxury for the wealthy—it is a shared value. Managing blood pressure, staying active, avoiding tobacco, moderating alcohol, and eating wisely must become part of our national identity. Communities must be empowered to speak up when they notice changes in loved ones, and primary care must become more accessible. In a country facing economic challenges, prevention is not just the best strategy—it is the most affordable one.
A Closing Reflection: When Movement Changes, Listen Closely
This piece is not meant to draw conclusions about one man, nor to intrude on personal privacy. I make no attempt to diagnose anyone. But it is meant to honor the public’s intuition that when a person walks differently, the body may be revealing more than the mouth is willing to say. Whether in the Minister’s stride or the gait of a neighbor, changes in movement should prompt awareness, not whispers. Stroke does not wait. It does not favor rank. It arrives when uninvited and takes what it pleases.
In these moments, our role is not to speculate, but to learn. And in learning, we give ourselves a chance to act—to save lives, preserve dignity, and protect the future.
On Sunday, March 25, the Church celebrated this year’s mothering Sunday. The event which traditionally follows the Feast of Annunciation, honours the grace – filled life of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Standing on the dignity the BVM brought to womanhood, the Feast by extension honours the vocation of motherhood. The BVM unites the two and stands out as the epitome of this face of creation. But because the mother of Christ was invested with supernatural graces, some have a feeling that she is so set apart from the rest of us that she cannot seriously be emulated. Notwithstanding that Mary led a normal human life on earth, except for the inclination to sin, her projection as model of womanhood and motherhood, is sometimes accepted as only the ideal but a mission impossible for the mass of humanity. This suspension or anaesthetic perception of Mary’s humanity takes place, somehow forgetting her seven sorrows. The flight to Egypt with Joseph, shortly after childbirth, in harrowing conditions of winter and desert dust, is a sobering reminder of the hardship she contended with. The three day search for the boy Jesus who had stayed back at the temple in Jerusalem is a trial no mother, let alone mother of an only child, would wish another parent. But, then, if Mary’s qualities are deemed too daunting, are there no other women of heroic virtues we can find to spice the subject?
Although motherhood is often seen from the prism of family, there is no reason why it should not include a role in the larger society. The fixation with running of the home may well be an unconscious acceptance of the limitations placed on women by society for centuries. While the importance of the family as basic unit of society, with implications for proper socialising cannot be overemphasized, the demands of citizenship are no less imperative. A woman, mother or not, is a citizen and has a role to play in the life of her society. Early, primitive communities and much of successive societies got it wrong with their patriarchal bent. The creator made woman as a helper, companion, not slave, not servant to the man. The human potential for greatness is not a function of gender. Womanhood is beyond motherhood just as motherhood is beyond the home. As the celebration of mothering Sunday echoes on, two Biblical women call our attention with their strength of character. With the Lenten season drawing to climax, their testaments of life, hewn from the redemptive work of Christ, cannot be ignored.
Mary Magdalene is an interesting character. This woman, who was sprung from the jaws of death at the very last minute, teaches us the pricelessness of a second chance. She was not just mindful of her escape from the torture of stoning; she valued the opportunity to live; to live again. The intervention that staved off the mob was touching. It was so quietly, yet, so powerfully done. A man, just one man, with his gentle but earnest ways, holding off and then dispersing that mob baying for her blood, with great calm and confidence. She sensed the personal attention to her life by this miracle worker. Was this not a life – restoring mission? In the days that followed, Mary spotted the consistency about the preacher. The waves of merciful love that radiated from the man the day he saved her also flowed in his ministering at neighbourhoods, villages and towns. Mary perceived the light because she was attentive and disposed. Valuing life, she cherished even more, the source of her new enlightenment, both in adoration and gratitude. And the once notorious prostitute swore to a revolution of the new life. In this response, there could be no demarcating between the morning rays of the good news and the loving charm of the man the Jews called rabbi. Her faithfulness to the Redeemer, all through the frightening drama of crucifixion, up to the lonely graveside, is an epic of moral reinvention, faith and love. Mary Magdalene’s odyssey speaks to the permissive lifestyle of our age that celebrates adultery and idolatry. One of the principal causes of divorce is infidelity, with psychology attributing a significant measure of deviant behaviour and crime to broken homes. Mary Magdalene shows us that both individual and society can make amends and renew themselves.
Veronica, the woman mentioned at the sixth Stations of the Cross is another wonderful being. I have often pondered at the depth of her soul, wondering what beautiful thoughts animated her spirit. One apocryphal commentary was of the view that Veronica had been practicing kindness and compassion in her everyday life before that fateful day. The import of this suggestion is that the gesture she extended to Christ was possible because it came naturally from her. Perhaps so. Yet, another commentary suggested that she had dipped the cloth in water before stepping forward to soothe the sting of blood and hot sweat on Christ’s face. However, the central message for us cannot be lost. It was not just her courage. She practically put her life on the line by her action. In the patriarchal Jewish society of the time, in an assembly of soldiers and a mob blind with rage, what she did was out of this world. Her unconcern about her personal safety might appear reckless but she listened to her conscience. Veronica voted for humanity. Her intervention was a rebuke to the maddening crowd. You don’t treat anyone this way. No one, regardless of the offence, deserves to be brutalised so cruelly. This is sickening, her powerful gesture proclaimed. She was said to be a bystander, but it’s possible she had heard about the man of Galilee who went about doing good. Perhaps, she was thinking, could he really be the messiah? It would seem that the imprint of Christ’s image on her veil was not just a thank you response but also a message of revelation. If there’s nothing else our society will take away from Veronica’s compassion, it’s to put a stop to jungle justice, to the inhuman lynching of suspects.
In recent times, the example of Rosa Parks has shown us that resignation is not the answer to injustice. Returning from work on December 1, 1995, in Montgomery, Parks alongside three other blacks were directed to move to the back of a bus to make room for white passengers at the front. The driver’s demand, to which the other three blacks complied, was backed by law. Nonetheless, Rosa Parks refused to budge. Upon James Blake, the driver’s report, she was arrested and fined in court. The sanction triggered a chain of boycotts, protests, marches and lawsuits against racial inequality in the United States. Parks herself was in the forefront of this civil rights campaign. A year later, in November 1956, Alabama’s segregation law was voided by the Supreme Court. The movement had ripple effects, sweeping away racial segregation practices in other affected states. Tributes to Mrs Rosa Parks capture the salient points of her activism. Wikipedia writes of the wide impression of her as a “quiet, dignified heroine whose singular act inspired change.” At www.ushistory.org, she “quietly incited a revolution – by just sitting down.”
Finally, there’s our own emerging voice for responsibility in government. Recently, Senator Natasha Akpoti – Uduaghan served notice of a campaign against the arrogance of power in Nigerian government and politics. Many of us are not in a position to comment on the merits or otherwise of her sexual harassment allegations against the Senate’s presiding officer. But the leadership’s response to the complaint was unsettling. It was one of how dare you! The punitive sanctions visited on the complainant were scandalous for their overreach, pettiness as well as abuse of officialdom. Many are alarmed at the vicious attempt to crush dissent, to impose a climate of intimidation and fear in the legislature. By Jove, what remains of democracy when elected legislators have to cringe at the weapon of suspension dangling over them? How do elected representatives of the people push the interests of their constituents where the system coerces them into “yes men” and women? Senator Natasha’s challenge of power corruption, her refusal to be bullied into silence and submission is remarkable. The battles she is fighting are well beyond private spheres. They are in the interest of good governance. And that’s why she has strong public support. Her constituency empowerment programmes are reportedly first class, further enhancing her profile. Her focused activism, which has so far brushed aside distractions, is a ventilation of motherhood.
[OPINION] Here is why and how the opposition parties in Anambra are in complete disarray - Ebuka Nwankwo
AdminWhile millions of Nigerians celebrated the successful primary election for the Anambra November 2025 gubernatorial election that produced Governor Chukwuma Soludo as the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) candidate, many well-meaning citizens have expressed serious concern about the undemocratic tendencies portrayed by the opposition parties in Anambra.
The disarray in the opposition parties in Anambra shows two things: (a) the opposition parties are not deeply rooted in the State as the people of Anambra have taken the current party in power – APGA – as a religion and a movement; (b) the elements in the opposition have no leadership, genuine membership and structure. And this is why many commentators who have analyzed Governor Soludo’s impressive performance in the last 3 years and happenings in the opposition parties in Anambra have argued that there is no real opposition in Anambra.
Last Thursday, the internal crisis in the Labor Party in Anambra escalated as two competing factions nominated candidates for the upcoming November gubernatorial election in Anambra. One faction, chaired by Sunday Okereke, announced Jude Umennajiego – a sitting member of the Anambra State House of Assembly representing Onitsha South II – as the elected gubernatorial candidate, another declared George Moghalu as its elected candidate a few days earlier. While thanking the delegates that elected him, Jude Umennajiego nominated another assembly member representing Awka South I, Henry Mbachu, as his running mate.
Earlier, George Moghalu, who recently decamped to the Labour Party from the APC, had received a certificated of return from INEC after he was announced winner in the primary election of April 5. The only contestant of this April 5 primary election, Mr. John Nwosu, had withdrawn from the election that produced George Moghalu a few hours before the elections. John Nwosu had alleged irregularities in the delegates’ list, ‘’which included alterations and falsification of names, and the list was only submitted hours to the primary election’’, as the reason for his withdrawal. Mr. Nwosu went on to argue that since Nigeria’s apex court sacked Julius Abure as the national chairman of the Labour Party on April 4, the primary that was conducted by Abure’s leadership team on April 5 cannot stand ‘’judicial scrutiny.’’ John Nwosu even participated in the parallel primary election that produced Jude Umennajiego.
The disarray at the national level in the Labour Party is even worse than that in its affiliate in Anambra. Political parties with this kind of disarray do not offer any meaningful opposition in elections. (Currently, at the national level, Lamidi Apapa has said he is supposed to be the party’s chairman after Julius Abure was sacked by the country’s apex court. Mr. Lamidi Apapa is all out to fight the Nenadi Usman Caretaker Committee, backed by Governor Alex Otti and Labour Party’s presidential candidate in the 2023 election, Peter Obi).
The case of the APC in Anambra is even worse and happenings in the party in Anambra is against what Nigeria’s President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu – a great leader who has sacrificed for democracy – stands for.
Valentine Ozigbo, who recently decamped from the Labour Party to the APC and was a candidate in the APC Anambra gubernatorial primaries, has rejected the outcome of the APC’s April 5 gubernatorial primary that produced Nicholas Ukachukwu. Valentine Ozigbo described the primaries as a “charade” and “a theft against Ndi Anambra.” He has since filed a formal petition. Before the APC’s primary election, a number of contestants withdrew few hours before the elections, citing undemocratic tendencies. One of the candidates that withdrew from the Anambra APC primary a few hours to the event, Paul Chukwuma, has now been reported to be YPP’s gubernatorial candidate. (Paul Chukwuma, Chukwuma Umeoji and Obiora Okonkwo withdrew from the primaries leaving only Ukachukwu, Ozigbo, Johnbosco Onunkwo, and Edozie Madu).
But Valentine Ozigbo’s report of the just concluded APC primary election in Anambra calls for concern. Here is Mr. Ozigbo’s report of the election: “The facts are now public: non-party members populated the delegate list; genuine party faithful were locked out or violently barred from voting; accreditation was either skipped or manipulated; and votes were counted without transparency.”
Mr. Ozigbo’s comments show that what happened in Anambra APC primary seemed highly undemocratic and might not be able to stand scrutiny.
The PDP, which is virtually non-existent in Anambra State, produced Jude Ezenwafor as its candidate. Mr. Jude Ezenwafor bought the party’s N40m nomination form at the eleventh hour and was the only candidate for the party’s primary election.
Up till this moment, most of the aspirants – in the opposition of course – in the last primaries have not congratulated the purported winners. But the most worrisome issue is that the opposition parties in Anambra have all been accused by their purported members of undemocratic tendencies. They are extremely weak at the moment.
The good news is that Governor Chukwuma Soludo’s eyes are on the ball. He is focused on providing the people of Anambra State the dividends of democracy. Millions of Ndi Anambra – in and outside the State – are queuing behind him and the Governor has promised to continue to work very hard.
A simple birthday celebration of one of the organic “Daily Times” icons who arrived on the 7th floor this week, Mr. Ndubuisi James Ugbede and the Minister of Information Alhaji Idris Mohammed Malagi’s remark in Las Vegas, Nevada, United States, where he is attending the National Association of Broadcasters (NAB) Show 2025, provoked a revisit of two old commentaries on this column in 2018 and 2023.
On Thursday this week, (April 10, 2025) at the Lagos Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Iyalla Street, Alausa Ikeja, a remarkable colleague Mr Lekan Otufodunrin and I were guest speakers at a symposium organised in honour of a former Director of Times Journalism Institute (TJI) under the aegis of their Times Journalism Institute’s Alumni Association (TJAA) now headed by Mr Clifford Agugoesi. In a preface to my discussion I had recalled some touchy but significant issues about the iconic “Daily Times” as a strategic national asset and indeed a paradise we lost to curious privatisation of public institutions and agencies that the IBB regime initiated and the Obasanjo civilian administration controversially concluded. Some excerpts from my opening remarks:
‘…I decided to honour the invitation because ‘Journalism’, the World Bank Institute describes as “the best profession in the world” is involved. I am always anxious any time the organic “Daily Times” Group is mentioned. I always remember that monument as one of Nigeria’s national security assets that the ‘militricians’ and politicians destroyed, which has actually diminished the stature of journalism in the most populous black nation on earth. I didn’t mean to haul any missile in the direction of those who curiously sold “Daily Times” anyhow during the Obasanjo administration (1999-2007).
I mean that if the legacy of the iconic Adeyemo Alakija who bought it over from Cecil Kings had not been destroyed by that ill-fated decision to sell the company to those who have reduced it to an online newspaper, even the digital library as a resource alone would have been a money spinner, a veritable stream of income at this time when all the institutions of higher learning and indeed the nation still don’t have any reliable library for institutional memories.
I hope most of us here are aware that even the National Library in Abuja hasn’t been completed about 50 years after Murtala Muhammed proclaimed Abuja as Nigeria’s capital. The capital of the federation will be fifty years old in February 2006 (1976-2006). The library project is still conspicuously neglected near the beautiful National Mosque, overlooking the equally exquisite National Christian Centre. Doubtless, the country would have had recourse to the “Daily Times” Library as our own Congressional Library still generally regarded as the most reliable library in global context. It is one of the critical national assets that have enhanced the powers and the glory of the United States Congress. There is virtually nothing on earth you can’t research at the remarkable Library of Congress. They make a lot of money daily from researchers. That is where you can still get all the copies of the authentic “Daily Times” publications when there was a country…’
It isn’t my pleasure to invoke sad memories of “Daily Times” one of the most influential and indeed most profitable newspapers in the world then. I am quite wary of calling the DTN, a defunct newspaper. I know the consequences in today’s Nigeria where the court (of law) is no longer regarded as ‘the last hope of the common man’. ‘Do not say I told you’ as a corner gossip piece indicated in those days of the best-selling “Lagos Weekend”. Most of the ‘old soldiers’ in the print media, indeed members of the TJAA are aware of the time even the “The New York Times” visited the “Daily Times of Nigeria” for research and orientation. The historic visit is still in NYT’s library. My dear “Daily Times” veterans, this isn’t intended to be a day to read from a piece on the day “Common Sense” died in Africa’s most populous country. I mean this is not a day to read from the book of lamentation on “Daily Times” but a day to celebrate with one of the blessed ‘survivors’ of the organic “Daily Times”, Mr. Ndubuisi Ugbede who just clocked 70. Comrade Ugbede, congratulations on your birthday. It isn’t easy to reach that milestone in this “country of anything is possible” as a former army chief once described our blessed country…It is the Lord’s doing as it is written and so it is marvelous in our eyes. May the good Lord who has blessed you to reach the 7th Floor continue to keep you strong and healthy in His pavilion…!
In a related and relevant development, a report from Las Vegas early in the week indicated that the Federal Government ”Begins Technical Upgrade for Media Organisations, Says Information Minister”. According to the report filed by the ministry from Nevada, “The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, has stated that the Federal Government has begun investing in cutting-edge technologies and acquiring state-of-the-art equipment for federal media organisations to ensure effective service delivery. Idris made this statement in Las Vegas, Nevada, United States during discussions with leading broadcast and information companies at the ongoing National Association of Broadcasters (NAB) Show 2025”.
The Minister was quoted as saying that such investments would lead to the upgrade and replacement of obsolete infrastructure across radio and television stations owned by the Federal Government. To actualise this, he said, his ministry “is forging partnerships with broadcast equipment manufacturers to avail local broadcasters the opportunity to benefit from emerging technologies and industry-specific training”. The Nigeria’s delegation led by Idris malagi consisted senior officials, including Salihu Abdulhamid Dembos (Director-General/CEO Nigeria Television Authority), Ali Muhammed Ali (Managing Director/CEO of News Agency of Nigeria), Charles Ebuebu (Director-General/CEO of National Broadcasting Commission), Dr. Lekan Fadolapo (Director-General, Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria), and Jibrin Baba Ndace (Director-General/CEO, Voice of Nigeria). The NAB Show, running from April 5 to 9, 2025, with the theme “The Technology, The Trend, The Future,” provides valuable insights into industry trends, covering topics such as Artificial Intelligence, cloud visualisation, the creator economy, and sports production and streaming.
This is therefore a time to remind the powerful delegation in Las Vegas that the mission the minister has pledged in Nevada is a strategic one but he should not fall into the danger of assumption that investment in digital equipment alone can transform the Nigeria’s public information management system.
It is a fact that the public information management infrastructure has been quite weak and so the superstructure hasn’t been reliable enough to serve the public good expected from them in 21st century where the information ecosystem doesn’t support a ministry of information to drive efficiency of public information in the age of the giants of digital journalism and communications. Although I once suggested here in 2023 that even the federal information ministry should be scrapped to give room for restoration of Nigerian Broadcasting Service (NBS), this piece isn’t about the quality of the Information Minister and his team. Doubtless, Mallam Idris, a media entrepreneur before joining the federal cabinet, has been generally regarded as one of the most resourceful information ministers since 1999. He doesn’t scream to respond to publications and telecasts that the government doesn’t like. He likes to engage media organisations quietly in resolving even conflicts and controversies.
That is also why we can also suggest a few things to him at this time to look beyond equipment of the public broadcasters he calls “federal government-owned organisations”. They are not federal government-owned, after all. They are public broadcasters that should serve public interest just as the BBC and SABC, Africa, which only the parliaments can ‘regulate’.
As I had noted in 2018 and 2023, again, I would like to suggest restructuring of one of Nigeria’s most significant institutions that successive governments have been competing to ruin: the public broadcasters known as the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) and Voice of Nigeria (VON).
My interest in these public broadcasters as they should be called, was renewed then (2018) through two related issues involving two Nigerian significant female journalists, Ms Kadaria Ahmed formerly of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and Ms Toyosi Ogunseye former Sunday Punch Editor who then joined the same BBC, a very successful public broadcaster. The first was Kadaria’s when she marked her 50th birthday in December 2017 with a colloquium on the state of the media and a book presentation in Lagos. Read the details of the Kadaria story through the links below: https://guardian.ng/sunday-magazine/a-time-to-restructure-nta-frcn-and-von/
The two striking stories of Kadaria, Toyosi and the BBC had then set me thinking about the expediency of discussing the rise and fall of institutions in Nigeria. Which was why I am was persuaded then that instead of reading regularly from the book of lamentation on how the military juntas in Nigeria tactlessly seized the then Western Nigeria Broadcasting Service (WNBS) and changed it to NTA now in focus, we should think of how to rebrand the public broadcasters (NTA, FRCN and VON) now from the ruinous clutch of the federal government. There has been no credit to give to any government since the takeover: no government has added value to the NTA, FRCN and VON. We only pretend that all is well.
And here is the thing, why is it that Toyosi could join the BBC, a public broadcaster instead of a Nigerian Broadcasting Service (NBS)? How is it that the only reference point is that the FRCN and NTA too made John and Sola Momoh, for instance? And sadly, why can’t Channels television get some values from the FRCN and the NTA that trained its owners some years ago?
The same sad commentary can be extended to the Daily Times and the New Nigerian, among other once prosperous state-owned newspapers such as Daily Sketch, Herald, The Observer, Chronicles, The Tide, The Triumph, The Standard, The Voice, etc, the Nigerian system has destroyed too.
The point really is that all these once fruitful newspapers that have been killed by the Nigerian leaders once made the Dele Giwas, the Doyin Abiolas, the Segun Osobas, the Nduka Obaigbenas, the Doyin Mahmuds, the Ray Ekpus, the Yakubu Mohammeds, the Dan Agbeses, the Garba Shehus of this world. Most Nigerian elders would remember this recent aspect of our history.
In other words, I used to think that the idea of prosperous state-owned newspapers was an idea whose time was long gone until I travelled to Liberia the other day and stopped over in Ghana where I got a copy of the state-owned newspaper the Daily Graphic. As a newspaperman, I didn’t need to ask any question about the quality of the content and production. The newspaper is generally regarded as the most influential and the most commercially successful newspaper in Ghana today.
But note this paradox of history: the well produced daily newspaper in Ghana has some striking similarity in history with our own Daily Times that the military regime seized, ruined before a civilian government sold it in January 2004 to what now looks like an ‘undertaker’ of a national monument.
To be continued…
It is difficult to pinpoint when the political gusts turned against the one time political impresario of the All Progressives Congress, APC in Delta State, Senator Victor Omo-Agege.
The contradiction in the circumstances facing Omo-Agege is the fact that he is being subjected to a social media trial in the hands of those he not too long ago had at his beck and call.
The petition to the state chairman of the APC, Elder Omeni Sobotie accuses Omo-Agege of among others infidelity to the party and betrayal of fellow party candidates in the 2023 General Election.
The accused has yet to give his plea, but many prosecution witnesses who allegedly signed the petition against Omo-Agege have told the social media court that their signatures were forged.
Indeed, Omo-Agege’s political ascendancy in Delta State was crystallised when he emerged as the first senator from Delta Central to win re-election. His feat came following the death of Senator Pius Ewherido, arguably the greatest political disruptor in Delta State who turned the political dynamics against the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP in Delta Central in the 2011 elections.
It is remarkable that since Ewherido’s popular victory in 2011, achieved on the platform of the Democratic Peoples Party, DPP, that the PDP has been at sea on how to reinvent itself in that senatorial district. While Senator Emmanuel Aguariavwodo finished Ewherido’s impactful term, albeit on the platform of the PDP, the party has since then continuously failed in winning the Delta Central seat.
Omo-Agege’s two terms on the platform of Labour Party and then on the platform of the APC are about the longest stretch an individual has held on to political ascendancy in Delta Central. His emergence as Deputy President of the Senate, the first Delta senator to hold such a position, only strengthened his political confidence or brashness as some critics alleged.
Given his role in undermining the Bukola Saraki Senate during the 8th Senate, it was not surprising that Muhammadu Buhari’s political enforcers not only positioned Omo-Agege for the position of DSP, but also showed him favours that enabled him to swagger with bravado across the political space in Delta.
The constitution of APC structures across Delta State in 2021 by most accounts, was done in Omo-Agege’s bedroom. Given the natural proclivity of many Delta people to speak truth to power it was no surprise that a number of political actors in the APC refused to be taken in by the lordship of Omo-Agege over the party.
Two of those who swore to that effect were Chief Great Ogboru, popularly known as the Peoples General, but who as Omo-Agege consolidated was almost turned to a recruit in the APC.
Another was the former civil rights lawyer, Mr Festus Keyamo who went to the extent of terming those who emerged as party officials in 2021 across the state as Omo-Agege’s houseboys and house girls.
Given the acrimony that trailed Omo-Agege’s emergence as Numero-uno in the APC, it was not surprising that a number of party officials who despised the fact that he also took the gubernatorial ticket for himself worked against him in the governorship election of 2023.
Among those who openly came out to confess that fact was the late Dr Cairo Ojougboh who claimed being part of the conspiracy of APC leaders who worked against him. Even more, Ogboru who has the national record of contesting gubernatorial elections, despite his abysmal performance in 2023, surfaced for once to congratulate the PDP candidate, Sheriff Oborevwori, for defeating Omo-Agege.
The prediction of Omo-Agege’s difficult straits was, however, very visible just before the 2023 election. Days to the governorship election and while still serving as the Deputy President of the Senate, he was shell-shocked when one of his most prominent houseboys, Nick Ovuakporie, who he had promoted the state secretary of the party, surfaced at the PDP governorship rally to denounce him. Ovuakporie’s defection was a masterstroke on the part of the PDP, given that he was allegedly the pointsman used by the Omo-Agege camp to wrest control of the APC from his former rivals.
But the problem for Omo-Agege was compounded by perceived actions he took in the days leading to the election. The charges drawn up against him for which party members have commenced a social media trial of the former DSP include the claim that he hobnobbed with the opposition to betray the party in the presidential election. It is a charge that President Tinubu may not have taken seriously given that Tinubu received the former DSP on his own after party leaders conspired to squeeze him out during the controversial visit to Aso Villa last February.
Whatever, the principal reason antagonists in the APC struck the four point charges against Omo-Agege is their determination not to have him represent the party in the 2027 governorship election. This is well manifested in their charge sheet against the erstwhile DSP.
Whatever, the prospects for Omo-Agege in browbeating his former houseboys are not easy. How he positions himself as the governorship candidate with the prospects of running two terms in Delta State will be a tough nut to crack. That is, given the zoning tradition that has governed the state since 1999.
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The last time I wrote about this tragedy which I now call Tinubu’s Terrible Tribalism, I had asked: Is Tinubu settling scores? Because the president’s naked embrace of Yorubacentricism after a lifetime of railing with his kinsmen against Hausa-Fulani hegemony could only have been inspired by vengeance.
But such undisguised and unbridled vengeance in his first term against the North, whose votes he must secure for re-election, would be foolhardiness. The focus on the North isn’t to understate the treachery other zones feel but to emphasize the political irrationality and moral hypocrisy of Tinubu’s tribalism. Tinubu might be arrogant and occasionally temperamental, but he is a consummate schemer. The idea that he can allow self-indulgence to blind him to basic political calculations is a little preposterous. So why is Tinubu relentlessly perpetuating a Yoruba hegemony so early in his presidency?
It’s doubtful even that the mercurial Sunday Igboho, saddled with the responsibilities of a president, would have relegated statesmanship and national cohesion to this extent in pursuit of an apparent ethnic championship. Igboho, being less cunning and presumptuous might have been more sensitive. The reality is astounding, so it bears repeating. All critical instruments of coercion are effectively in the hands of one ethnic group. A Yoruba is president. A Yoruba is the Chief of Army Staff. Yoruba is the Police Inspector General.
A Yoruba is the Director General of State Security. A Yoruba is the EFCC chairman. A Yoruba is the Chief Justice of the Federation. A Yoruba is the Attorney General of the Federation. A Yoruba is the Comptroller General of Customs. A Yoruba heads Immigration. The Chief Justice is not the president’s appointee but shouldn’t the Yoruba headship of two of the three arms of government make Tinubu worry about imbalance? Even if the Yoruba had conquered Nigeria, wouldn’t they have been more magnanimous?
A few commentators have argued that having come to the throne majorly through self-help and against all odds, Tinubu perhaps feels entitled to do and undo. Expanding his Lagos dynasty and imposing it on the entire country might be, for him, his natural progression. But perhaps that portrays Tinubu too much as a Tarzan. However, Tinubu’s politics, read benignly, conceives good governance to be dependent on a guided continuity. For him, democracy means benign Babasopecracy (patriarchal autocracy). It doesn’t matter if it is forced to masquerade and run around as a liberal multiparty democracy.
So what others see as opportunistic self-aggrandizing godfatherism aimed at entrenching a private political dynasty using Yoruba as mere building blocks, he possibly sees as progressive politics. While an obsession for an expanded dynasty coheres with Tinubu’s political history and explains in part his carefree tribalism, nothing in this dynasty concept precludes shrewd calculated inclusiveness. Allowing pliable folks from all parts of the country to occupy critical security positions to hoodwink the populace would have provided a necessary smokescreen. But Tinubu has chosen to be explicit.
Nigeria has six zones. Yoruba is primarily one zone. Nigeria has over 250 ethnic groups. Yoruba is only one of them, though it constitutes about 20% of the national population. A Yoruba is the Minister of Finance and Coordinator of the Economy. A Yoruba is the Oil Minister. Another Yoruba is the CBN Governor. A Yoruba is the Minister of Blue Economy. Yet another Yoruba is the Minster of Digital Economy. A Yoruba is the Minister of Solid Minerals. A Yoruba is the Minister of Trade and Industries. A Yoruba is the head of FIRS. A Yoruba is MD Bank of Agriculture. A Yoruba is MD NSTIF.
Another Yoruba is the Accountant General of the Federation. The Yoruba hold the most critical positions, not just in the security and law enforcement sectors but also in the economy. The Yoruba may be the smartest Nigerians, but the gap isn’t this wide. Therefore, any attempt to sell this perfidy as meritocracy is political Yahoo-Yahoo. The abject and comprehensive servility of the National Assembly should be proof to Tinubu that many other Nigerians are as willing as the Yoruba to worship Tinubu, to sing On Your Mandate while lying face down at his feet. If so, why is Tinubu’s Tribalism so headlong, so relentless?
While refuting revenge as a motive for Tinubu’s Terrible Tribalism, I had wondered about the virtue of the entire NADECO and Afenifere enterprises of the 90s and early 2000s. Perhaps we had all been deceived into jumping onto a duplicitous wagon for group vendetta or ethnic actualization rather than national liberation. That attempt to interrogate the original authenticity of Afenifere because of the startling repudiation of its core principles by one of its champions provoked the former Afenifere leader, Ayo Adebanjo, who sadly died recently. In response to that article, Adebanjo had disowned Tinubu and disagreed vehemently that Tinubu was promoting any genuine Yoruba interests. He said Tinubu’s tribalism was dangerous cronyism, a patently self-serving adventure by a wolf in sheep’s clothing to turn Nigeria into a one-party state and become its life president.
In his response to that article, a former minister in the Jonathan administration said he was baffled by the scale of Tinubu’s tribalism which he believed was borne of triumphalism. He wondered why Tinubu was recklessly alienating people of other tribes who were starting to respond by switching off, becoming apathetic, in many government institutions. He wondered how embracing only a section of the Yoruba instead of the entire South would help the president assuming he had something deep-seated against the North and wanted to call it’s bluff.
My response was that besides triumphalism, Tinubu wanted to conscript the Yoruba emotionally to protect and preserve his presidency as a Yoruba project. In addition to their block votes which might compensate for some of the inevitable losses up north, the Yoruba intelligentsia, if pushed into ethnic defensiveness by any indiscriminate anti-Yoruba sentiments by the other groups, could become the formidable and validating voice to legitimise and promote him, his second term ambition, and possibly any life presidency ideas, no matter his performance. In other words, Tinubu could be banking on the benefits of becoming synonymous with Yoruba, arguably the country’s most enlightened clan.
Many years ago, Tinubu was an apostle of Sovereign National Conference. The SNC, that vehicle of inclusion, was supposed to transport ethnic nationalities to a people-oriented constitution to enthrone freedom, equity, social justice and prosperity in the nation. The SNC was the gbogborise fermented in Yoruba land, which must be administered to Nigeria, or it would inexorably perish. Then, Tinubu had said the cracks in the foundation of the nation demanded a fundamental overhaul. Those days, he regarded the unity of the country as desirable and negotiable rather than inviolable and sacrosanct. Now, Tinubu regards that unity with callous levity. And perhaps any noisy agitation for a Sovereign National Conference now could easily be treated as treason.
For so many years, Tinubu and his political associates demanded true federalism underlined by resource control and devolution of powers. Those days they seemed the most principled politicians in Africa. They wanted a decentralization to curb the prevalent national ailment. That ailment was stagnation and inequity and the reign of mediocrity. Unavoidably, they wanted an end to Hausa Fulani hegemony. Now Tinubu is cheerfully concentrating power in the hands of one ethnic group. It has become his obsession. Now, Tinubu no longer remembers the positions and appointments that defined lopsidedness, which made him and his friends cry about Hausa Fulani’s hegemony. They now say all positions are equal. Perhaps Tinubu thinks Nigerians are cows.
In truth, nobody expects habitually wheeling and dealing politicians to be averse to opportunism or to pass any strict tests of moral hygiene. But Tinubu’s brazen tribalism is confounding. Some say Tinubu has only revealed his true colours. But for some of us who saw some good in him, his industrial-scale tribalism is concerning. Because such crippling myopia could be a consequence of a more fundamental moral depreciation. In multi-ethnic African nations, rabid tribalism is always a recipe for stagnation and instability. Any concentration of power in a single ethnic group is always a disservice to the tribe and country. That Tinubu cannot foresee this ruin is worrisome. That he can, uninhibited by conscience, and with defiance, choose this course is pitiable.
When vigilantes incinerated traveling Hausa hunters in Uromi, Edo State, on the mistaken assumption that they were “Fulani herdsmen,” countless Hausaphone Muslim northerners sent the videos to me with commentaries that reeked of unappeasable wrath.
Because there is a 6- to 5-hour time difference between Atlanta and Nigeria, some of the people who shared the videos with me became noticeably impatient with the perceived delay in my response.
Frustrated by the lag in my intervention, they sent messages reminding me of my swift and impassioned condemnation of the May 2022 murder of Deborah Yakubu in Sokoto. They wondered aloud why, unlike my immediate reaction to that previous incident, I had not yet commented on these recent videos.
A few even recalled my January 1, 2011, column titled “Jos bombings: Can we for once be truthful?” where I denounced, in the strongest terms possible, the mass massacre of Jos Christians by a group that called itself Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah Lid Da’awati Wal Jihad. (I’ve just been made aware of a similar mass murder in Plateau recently. I could republish my 2011 column, and most people won’t notice that it's a 14-year-old piece except for some names).
Of course, they never reminded me of my swift, full-throated denunciation of the February 1, 2018, murder and burning of 7 innocent Fulani cattle herders in Benue “by people who have been programmed to associate criminality with all Fulani cattle herders,” as I pointed out in my February 10, 2018, column titled “News Media’s Cultivation of ‘Fulani Herdsmen’ Hysteria.”
The people who were impatient with me implied that I was deliberately courting the approval of Christians. In their view, this meant I was seeking validation or favor from the Christian community, possibly at the expense of my own religious identity. Essentially, they accused me of prioritizing external validation over internal solidarity, implying a certain negligence or disregard for the sentiments and expectations of my own religious community.
Nonetheless, since the publication of my March 29 column, titled “Barbaric Mass Burning of Innocents in Edo,” scores of Christians routinely tag me to mass murders committed by Muslims against Christians and challenge me to objurgate them with the same passion as I did the Edo mass incineration.
It seems to me that public commentators unfairly shoulder a burden of intervention that should properly belong to people in positions of authority. Too often, it falls upon commentators to address and amplify crises, even though their roles are fundamentally different from those who wield executive power and influence.
Writing about the horrendous human tragedies that have increasingly become the signature of our national life in Nigeria imposes tremendous mental strain on me. It is emotionally draining and psychologically taxing to continually engage with, dissect, and articulate these disturbing events.
Nonetheless, I deeply understand the reasons behind distraught citizens' desire to have their anguish acknowledged and amplified by individuals they perceive as having sizable platforms. They turn to public commentators because of their frustration with those in authority, who are perceived as detached, indifferent, or ineffective in responding adequately to their suffering.
Most importantly, though, our outrage toward mass murders often seems conditioned by whether the perpetrators differ from us in identity or affiliation. During Muhammadu Buhari’s presidency, for instance, I faced vicious personal attacks from northern Muslims for drawing attention to Boko Haram’s relentless massacres of Muslims in the North, massacres that many preferred to overlook.
Similarly, bandits in the North have consistently burned, slaughtered, and dismembered their victims, yet these atrocities rarely provoke widespread indignation or inspire righteous anger. Because the victims do not fit the narrative of northern Muslims being victimized by (southern) Christian aggressors, their suffering is met with muted concern at best and outright indifference at worst rather than outrage or vigorous outcry for intervention.
This dynamic is not unique to the Muslim North. In the Christian North, numerous lives are frequently lost in inter-ethnic communal violence. In these cases, however, both the victims and perpetrators typically share a common Christian identity.
As a result, the collective sense of hurt and urgency felt by communities within these areas is markedly diminished. The outrage and intensity of grief that would typically accompany violence perpetrated by Muslims against Christian communities is notably absent, which reflects how religious identities powerfully shape public empathy and indignation.
In the southeast, so-called unknown gunmen perpetrate shocking acts of brutality, including gruesome murders, against fellow Igbo people. But there is rarely any pressure or expectation placed upon commentators like me to amplify these events publicly or to demand action from authorities.
This selective silence, this inconsistency in how acts of violence are perceived and responded to, this tendency for our outrage to be contingent upon the identity dynamics between victims and perpetrators, is an instinctive, age-old, even evolutionary human trait about which psychologists and philosophers have written.
For example, in their Social Identity Theory formulation, Henri Tajfel and John Turner assert that we derive our sense of self from our membership of collective identities, and that attack on the collective triggers an intense emotional response but that intra-group violence, though troubling, is psychologically processed as an internal issue and thus evokes less public rage.
From the standpoint of evolutionary biology, we are hardwired to depend on group cohesion and cooperation and to be suspicious of outsiders. Thus, violence perpetrated by out-groups is perceived as a threat to group resources or status, which invokes defensive anger and intolerance.
Emmanuel Levinas and Richard Rorty have also written about the moral burden of "othering," which refers to the process through which out-group members are mentally constructed as fundamentally incompatible or as morally deficient, thus deserving harsher judgment or reduced moral consideration.
The moral distance created by “othering” leads people to interpret out-group violence as evidence of moral depravity or inherent hostility. The result is that out-group violence elicits intense moral condemnation. Conversely, violence within the in-group, involving individuals perceived as morally closer, is more readily explained away, forgiven, or rationalized.
In communication scholarship, we also talk of selective perception. It is an instinctive cognitive bias that predisposes us to perceive reality in ways that reinforce and soothe our predetermined prejudices.
Related concepts are selective exposure (the tendency to see only those things that affirm our pre-set biases and to block out those that cause us cognitive dissonance) and selective retention (the tendency to remember only those things that confer psychic comfort to our sentiments and to forget those that don’t fit that frame).
We are more tolerant of and readier to justify hurtful words that come from our “friends” than we are of even less hurtful words that come from our “enemies.”
Psychologists who study cognitive biases point out that our default positions as humans is to support our kind, to selectively expose ourselves to and perceive, even retain, only those points of views and perspectives that reinforce our prejudices.
It’s often an unconscious process. And so, it takes nothing to be prejudiced. It’s effortless. What isn’t effortless is the capacity for conscious distancing, for dispassionate reflection, and for self-criticism.
It takes self-reflexivity and self-awareness to rise superior to the default impulses that so readily and so easily crowd and becloud our minds in moments of emotional tension. Very few are capable of this, and that’s why some people question the practical utility of the idea of deliberative democracy—the idea of government by rational conversation.
Because this is not unique to Nigeria, I hope humans can evolve to the point where we transcend these troubling predispositions.
[ZOOM MEETING] City Talks with Reuben Abati: Criminalized and Forgotten: The Plight of Nigerian Children Behind Bars - Inibehe Effiong
AdminProgramme: City Talks with Reuben Abati
Time: 12:00
Guest: Inibehe Effiong
Public Interest and Human Rights Lawyer
Topic: Criminalized and Forgotten: The Plight of Nigerian Children Behind Bars.
Date April 12th, 2025
Join Zoom Meeting
https://zoom.us/j/92877141732?pwd=VEJWb29OL2VVekZUTHRpdWYxK0xxZz09
Meeting ID: 928 7714 1732
Passcode: 600206
"When I confided in my pastor that my husband and I were finally ready to try IVF, he shook his head so vigorously I thought he was going to have a fit.
“Your faith is gone. Sister, have you concluded that God needs help, that he cannot give you a child? Have you not heard testimonies of women who had babies in their 50s, even in their 60s? Have you forgotten the story of Sarah? Why do you want to help God?”
Sister Joke was lost, short of words, shaken, could not understand where her pastor was coming from, where all his objections were pouring from. She told her pastor about the IVF option not because she needed counsel on the subject. Her mind was made up. She just needed prayers and encouragement. She was not expecting her Pastor’s objection or disapproval. The man has a MSc in Biochemistry for God’s sake!
So, why do some men of God think assisted fertility in any form is evidence of faithlessness? Some don’t even want to hear of adoption, least of all surrogacy. Yours sincerely has ruminated over this for years and I have not found any answer. What exactly is it about IVF that is anti-God or anti-faith or unchristian? In my own little analysis of conception, the science or faith of it does not and cannot exclude God. I am Christian enough to know that the most extreme science or smartest scientists have not been able to totally exclude the hand of God in what happens between when ferterlized egg is implanted in a woman and when she takes the first pregnancy test. Even when all the protocols and precautions have been followed meticulously, many, very many pregnancy tests still turn out negative. The disappointment, pain and despair that follow that all important test can best be described by couples who have experienced it. Imagine a woman who had had to endure seeing her period every month, resolving to invest (hope and money) in IVF, only to see the period again?
What women, couples endure while in the Lord’s waiting room have been subjects of many books, seminars, sermons, movies and researches. But here’s another angle, is God against IVF? Or is it just that some pastors feel ‘insulted’ by their people’s decision to try something else apart the prayers and fasting they preach?
I have reliably leant that both Muslim and Christian clerics are guilty of this ‘offence’. Isn't it time they changed their stance and reviewed their world views on the subject of assisted fertility?
Meanwhile, while we are researching the holy books and praying for a change of heart for our faith leaders, let us address the primary stakeholders of the matter at hand, the waiting fathers, mothers and couples. Everybody prays to dash through the process of conception, long lip-smack enjoyable sex and a positive pregnancy test a few short weeks later. No stress, No waiting, no loitering, no suspense, just delicious love- making and a set of twins.
But more and more couples are these days, waiting so long for conception to occur, that sex eventually loses its taste and flavour. More marriages are breaking down because the babies ‘refuse’ to show up. More women are doing the unthinkable out of desperation to have children. Good men, otherwise faithful and committed husbands are straying, trying more than one forbidden fruit to become Daddies.
Who can judge a desperate Mother-in-waiting? Nobody should preach holy homilies to a man who is holding in zillions of sperms that can run but never reach their destination or when they do fertilize eggs that are not viable (doctor have many terms for that single word). Babies are just slower in arriving these days. I’m sure God knew these days would come, believe me or explain why science could not figure out surrogacy, IVF and all these new help centers 100 years ago but they are all readily available today, even in places like Nigeria where we don’t know what to do with readily available anything. And who gave the doctors the sense and zeal to take Ade’s sperm and Joke’s egg (without them having sex), make a baby in the laboratory and then transfer it back into Joke to carry to term. This minute, this very minute, it just occurred to me that the first IVF that happened was done really by God himself more than 2000 years ago. Mary, Virgin Mary, that is, had no sexual intercourse but got pregnant with Jesus Christ, right. God from his abode, in a laboratory, that is above all other laboratories ‘made a baby’ and implanted it in Mary. It was a miracle supervised by God, guided and guarded to term by God himself.
So, darling sister, God is in the boat of your life. A woman’s body is hers to protect from all kinds of violation from predators including men who blackmail her to have an abortion. It is also her decision to become a mother using the science alternatives. Just get your man on board and agree on a solution. Follow God’s example and pray to him to guide the doctor’s hands.
Those who tell a woman that IVF means doubting God’s faithfulness are never there when she cries until she cannot even make a sound or even produce a tear. Girl, do+ not wait until your eggs are old and dry before you make the first attempt. An IVF baby does not, will never stop God from giving you easily and naturally conceived babies. Jesus Christ had siblings that came from Joseph’s loins, Mary’s eggs. God is kind and unfathomable. A friend waited 25 years to get a first set of twins and then conceived naturally nine months later. While still breastfeeding the twins, she did not even know she was pregnant until she collapsed one morning while brushing her teeth. Her naughty husband scored a goal they tried all styles trying for 25 years! Go on. Do it. The best time to start is now.
Your sister’s or brother’s children are not yours. You are only claiming them by faith. It is safer for your mental health to deploy that faith you have in traditional adoption to assisted fertility. It may have worked in a few instances but the rate of failure is too high, too risky. By the time most women who adopted their nieces or nephews realize it, it usually too late to to undo the damage. The pain that follows such 'losses' are usually too deep and devastating that I say ‘why bother’. Ask Sisi Dupe the Yoruba star actress whose story broke a few weeks ago. Only she knows the pain. The lost years, the betrayal can lead to stroke or even sudden death. A woman who had been known and addressed as Mama Tunde wakes up one day to the sad reality hat the real Mama Tunde had just been humoring her all along.
Of course, assisted fertility procedures are expensive but you can save towards it. You can make a plan just like you make a plan for your annual rent, your wedding ceremony, a car and building or buying a house.
It’s a matter of focus, determination. Just kill the procrastination, stop complaining to everybody and just start. Make the first call.. Today.
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Re - Virgin hunters
Nice article as usual .
Any man who has deflowered is not deserving of a flower from a virgin and if he thinks he is lucky, God will turn it to a nightmare for him by marrying a frigid sexphobic lady!
God is not mocked; whatever a man sows the same he shall reap.
It does not really matter what the past had been. If any man ( or woman)is in Christ , he is a new creature, old things have passed away, behold all things have become new. 2 Chor 5:17
-Olatunde S.