A drone launched from Lebanon exploded near the private residence of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Caesarea on October 19.

According to reports from Reuters, no casualties were reported as Netanyahu and his wife were not at home during the incident.

The drone attack occurred amid ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, further heightening security concerns in the region.

In addition to the strike on Netanyahu’s residence, two other drones launched from Lebanon were intercepted by Israeli air defenses, triggering warning sirens in the Tel Aviv area.

The third drone successfully struck a building in Caesarea, causing a loud explosion and reported damage, although specific details on the extent of the destruction remain unclear.

Israeli media indicated that the drone had travelled approximately 70 kilometres from Lebanon before hitting the targeted building. Saudi news outlet Al-Hadath reported damage to part of the structure involved in the drone attack.

This incident follows the recent killing of Yahya Sinwar, a key figure in Hamas and the architect of the October 7, 2023, attack on Israel that escalated the ongoing Gaza conflict.

According to the Israeli military, Sinwar was eliminated in an operation in southern Gaza on Wednesday after a year-long pursuit.

Netanyahu stated that Sinwar’s death marked a significant defeat for Hamas, though the conflict is far from over.

[NaijaNews]

If you’re someone who enjoys singing in the shower, you’re not alone! UK-Nigeria-based Afrosoul singer,  Uchechi Emelonye,  shares that she finds lyrical inspiration while showering.

In a popular TV show in Lagos, Emelonye revealed that her hit song “Underwater,” which won the BBC Music Introducing ‘Record of the Year 2022’ award, was inspired during her showers.

She stated, “I get a lot of inspiration when I am under the shower. Lyrics come flooding in my head when I go underwater. I don’t know who else it happens to, but I sing a lot under the shower.”

Currently, Emelonye is promoting her newly released EP, ‘Mixed Emotions’ featuring tracks like “My Time,” “First Time,” “Foolish,” “Over You,” “Dance,” and “Margins.” The EP is released under Emelux Records, a label dedicated to providing a supportive platform for African artists to explore and enhance their talents.

[Leadership]

In this interview, a former military head of state, General Yakubu Gowon (rtd) highlights some of his experiences in office, what transpired before and after the civil war, and restates his belief in a united Nigeria.

You are committed to Nigeria’s unity; how did you take it when the civil war broke out?

I grew up with other Nigerians in a little village called Wusasa. It is Hausa community, but honestly, we knew one another. We either attended church together, or if you were a Muslim, you would go to mosque together, whether you were Hausa, Yoruba, or whatever. The unity of this country is certainly something for me.

I have always said that if there’s no secession, there wouldn’t be a break out and there wouldn’t be a question of civil war because it got to the stage that the situation was getting pretty clear that a part of the country, the South-east wanted to secede.

My duty and profession at that time demanded to make sure that we kept the country together. And that was how it happened.

I had an experience of crisis in some African countries, especially the Congo. I served twice in the Congo and saw the brutality and suffering of the people, but little did I know that a few years later, one was going to face the same problem. We had to do whatever we could to keep the country together.

I can assure you that it was not done out of joy but to make sure that at least we would be able to live together after resolving the problem. That was what we did.

The soldiers were given what we called a list of dos and don’ts like all the Geneva Convention instructions in any international conflict. There were about 12 conditions, such as not permitted to fight against old people, women, children etc. It was only against those who took up arms against you; that’s all. But unfortunately, it happened.

If given another opportunity, what would you have done differently?

I don’t think I would have done anything differently. Every effort was made to make sure that the situation did not degenerate into a breakaway. I had a duty to make sure that the breakup of the country did not happen. We had to fight for two and a half years and made sure that there was no interference from outside. There was no question of allowing any nation or power to get involved in our crisis. If you remember, in the Congo you had United Nations forces made up of Nigerian troops and others from other parts of Africa to deal with the problem. 

At least we were able to deal with that problem and make sure we were able to live again as a people. So, I couldn’t have done it differently.

There are still agitations in the South-east for a Republic of Biafra. Does it mean that the three Rs that were declared after the civil war failed to make any impact? What is your message to the people of that region? 

The Rs stand for reconciliation, rehabilitation and reintegration, and of course, reconstruction.

The instruction I gave to the fighting troops after the war was, ‘having fought your brothers and sisters, I want you to be soldiers of peace. Do whatever you can to help them get back to their homes and places; and give whatever assistance to them.’ 

Despite what happened, a lot of courageous Igbo people that lived in the North went back to Kaduna, Kano, Jos etc and got back their properties, which some of their friends had kept for them. They got them back almost immediately. The troops helped to transport them to various parts of the country.

There was no question of trial. Everyone was given the opportunity to go back if they wished. But I gave a special instruction to soldiers, especially officers because they knew that they should not have gone against the government. That was where a few retirements were made.

I had Mr Ukpabi Asika, a brilliant nationalist as administrator and gave him all the assistance he needed. For example, we gave assistance to get the schools going. There was also the medical side, etc. A lot of things were done so that at least you could start getting the reconciliation and integration so that people would be able to go back to various parts of the country. 

On my message for the people of the South-east, I would say that the civil war has ended and Republic of Biafra is no more because people have accepted to be reintegrated as Nigerians. Do you want me to sort of say they should continue? No. Don’t ask that question. 

At the end of the civil war, the Newsweek magazine described you as the equivalent of Abraham Lincoln of the United States.  What do you say to that?

I remember this question of comparing me with Abraham Lincoln. I remember that during the time, somebody called Mr Martin Dent and gave me a book about the American civil war, but because of what was happening, I had no time to read it until towards the end. 

When I read that book, I said to myself that what was happening in Nigeria was very much like the American civil war. It was so uncanny.

Honestly, if I had read that book before we prosecuted the Nigerian civil war, if anybody had said that I was trying to make myself look like Abraham Lincoln, I would have found it very difficult to say there was no comparison between us.  The only difference was that at the end of it, I was able to continue with the reconciliation and getting the country through. So, sometimes I say to myself that I don’t mind being called the Abraham Lincoln of Nigeria because we had a similar situation and we were able to achieve the same result. 

I remember that one English journalist asked why I thought the war was over —what if the people continued with guerrilla warfare? But thank God there was no guerrilla.  

Let me deviate a little bit. I thank God that when the war ended, I did not capture Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu because I would have probably found it very difficult to handle with public opinion that would have encouraged me to deal with him. This is because I knew that I would have done everything to save his life. But would it be the same thing if it was the reverse?

We heard so many versions of what transpired between you and Ojukwu in Aburi, Ghana. We want to hear from the horse’s mouth. What actually happened? Did you agree to a confederation?

Well, Ojukwu used to say, “On Aburi we stand” and I would say, “From Aburi you will fall.”

The story of Aburi is that we had been trying everything to be able to meet in Nigeria to resolve all the unfortunate things that happened – the killings and all the katakata after the January 15 coup. I was to go to Ibadan the following day, but I was informed that I could not go because there was a reception for officers coming into the brigade – officers like me being posted to that brigade and others from the brigade being posted out. There was a reception by the brigade commander for officers like me and others and I had to attend on that Friday night to ensure that I did the correct thing in that unit. So, that evening I went for the reception, and when it ended, I moved to Ikeja to stay for the night. 

Unfortunately, late that night, there was commotion. I was wondering what it was, but nobody told me anything. And I was to take over the battalion the following morning. Then there was movement of troops and vehicles in the unit. After some time, it died down. But after another two to three hours, there was greater movement and commotion and I was wondering what was happening. There was a beagle calling all the troops to a master parade. I was wondering and looking through the window to see what was happening.  Luckily, I saw one of the officers, the adjutant of the unit, Captain Martin Ademo, now late. He later became a General. I saw him passing by the duplex, a temporary quarter that I was to stay since the commanding officer’s residence was not ready yet for occupation.

I asked what was happening but he wouldn’t say anything, so I decided to go down and find out. When I met him and asked what the commotion was about, he said General Aguiyi Ironsi, who was the General Officer Commanding (GOC), came and told them that there was some crisis in town affecting the prime minister, Tafawa Balewa and Okotie Eboh, the finance minister and he had come to seek some assistance to see if he could deal with the problem. My first reaction was: Why Ironsi? Why not the brigadier because the chain of command should have come through him? Ironsi should have told the brigadier, who would have related to the battalion commander. 

However, I asked where he was and he said he was at the master parade area. So I had to change into civil clothes to see what was happening. When we got there, he briefed me, saying that he wanted some units to be prepared so that they could go and deal with the situation. When he finished, he asked if there were questions. 

I did not know that by that time, all the senior officers from my school —Maimalari, Kur Mohammed, Abo Baladinma, Yakubu Pam – had been killed. One of my good friends, Arthur Unegbe, from Ozobulu was also killed and I didn’t know.

I went and I got the Quarter Master to get me some military uniforms, boots, hat etc and I went into town. Luckily enough, we were able to deal with the coup in Lagos. But in Kaduna, they succeeded in killing the premier, his wife and other officials. They were certainly in command, but at least in Lagos, which was the headquarters, we were in charge. I was able to get all the other units to make sure that at least they did not go along with what had just happened. That was how I got involved. I tried to get things under control.

However, it got to a stage when the leadership could not do anything to put things right. But we tried to see if we could meet within the country. 

Of course, Ojukwu said that with what happened, he could not be sure of his safety. He asked if we could also go to the East or Mid-west, which was supposed to be neutral, for a meeting since the whole thing seemed to be North versus East.

We got one of the British Airways aircraft for us to meet in the air or on one of the British naval ships. Every effort was made, both by Nigerians and the British for us to meet, but in the end, we had to agree to meet in Aburi. That was where it all started.

I think we went there early January. And as far as I am concerned, we were going for that meeting so that we could agree as military officers.

When I went, I did not take my secretary to the government and officials like advisers. But of course, Ojukwu had a different intention, so he came with all his advisers and prepared a memorandum, which he wanted to be the solution to the problem, as if we were to do an agreement in a class. I said no. 

I joked with him and said he came with a pink solution paper. At our training in senior courses, students wrote on a white paper, but the staff had another green paper or something, and the solution paper was usually pink. 

It was from his paper that he was reading all the conditions, things he wanted done. We discussed them. We had two days there. The agreement was that when we got back, I would be the one to make a statement on the areas we agreed on.

Unfortunately, I was down with a very serious fever; and honestly, I could not do anything. As soon as Ojukwu got back, he made a statement on what was agreed. I had not seen the document he was using. He made a statement that we had agreed to part or something like that. And early in the morning, David Ejoor called to tell me what Ojukwu had done (I was still on a sickbed).

I asked if that was what we agreed and he said no. That was how the confusion started. Of course, when I got better, we disagreed because that was not the agreement. We were going to discuss most of these things in Nigeria; however, that did not happen. So we had to ensure that something was done. 

Ojukwu then started doing all sorts of things, disobeying federal government’s instructions, taking over government’s revenue, all the rolling stock from Port Harcourt and hijacking the Nigerian Airways’ aircraft etc.

A lot of things were happening. Security-wise, people were disappearing etc and the fault was put on northern soldiers. The information was that there were some elements among the recruitment made at that time. There were some bad eggs using the opportunity of being in the military to settle scores. 

Ojukwu said his Constituent Assembly said he could break away to form Biafra.

From some of the intelligence I was receiving, it was just a step to the next thing. That was when I created a state of emergency and 12 states to make sure that no region in Nigeria was marginalised because there was the fear of the monolithic North. And the minority group in the East, Biriye, Briggs and others did not want to go along with the agreement given to Ojukwu. They personally came to me several times. I created 12 states to make sure that no place is too big or too strong to threaten the unity of the country.

Lagos State was made up of Lagos central, Epe, Ikeja and Badagry, that was for the old colony of Lagos to become a state of its own. That was probably one of the reasons that after the civil war, the security situation made us to think of establishing a new capital in Abuja so that at least the federal government and a state would not stay in one place. We knew that Lagos was going to remain the commercial capital of the country, as well as the engineer of national activities.

Shagari was my commissioner for finance, and one of the instructions I left for him was that when they were doing the budget, he should make sure that he had some money kept for planning and building the infrastructure of the future capital of Nigeria in Abuja.

Not that I didn’t want to return the country to democracy, but when I was about to do it, politicians had started going at each other. You can remember the popular statement, “If you Tarka me, I Dabo you, if you Dabo me, I Tarka you”.

Honestly, I did not want a sort of situation reflective of what happened before the first coup. 

I don’t know what version you heard, but in the end, we had to meet in Benin, me and all the governors at the time to discuss the Aburi agreement and put it in the true context. We invited Ojukwu to be there but he did not come. The only thing I included, which probably made him not to accept it, was that there was no chance for any part of the country to secede without the agreement of two-third of the members of the group.  But as soon as we left, Ejoor told me that Ojukwu came to find out what it was.

You presided over Nigeria when the economy of the country was very good. Would you say you used the money judiciously? How do you reconcile the story that you left penniless when your government was overthrown?

I left penniless? But Mr Goodheart, the British parliamentarian, said that when I was leaving Nigeria, I took half of the Central Bank of Nigeria.

Yes, we had a lot of money. During the civil war, we made sure that we did not destroy any of the facilities. We did whatever we could not to damage our oil infrastructure. So, soon after the civil war, they were able to come back and we were able to have a reasonable amount of money. And I can tell you in all honesty that there was discipline in my government. I can tell you that any fund I ever held as head of state was roughly 83,000pounds. That was before we changed to the naira for security reasons. I was forced to do it for the sake of Nigeria.

All we did was in the public interest. I know I was accused of helping certain countries like Grenada, Barbados, but we did the same thing in West Africa too. We helped as much as we could, even at home.

I can say with absolute authority that I may not have anything today, but honestly, at least I have a clear conscience. I thank Idi Amin and Eyadema for the help they gave me to have money to start off with. 

You had hints that you were going to be overthrown but you didn’t do anything about it; why?

Who said I didn’t do anything about it? When I was told by the security details that something like that was going to happen, the only two names I was given were people who were supposed to be very close to me – my commander, brigade of guards, Joe Garba and Tony Ochefu. Both of them were from my state, Benue-Plateau. Of course I had to be suspicious of those two names. They were from my state and also Christians, so I could not absolutely believe it. I tried to get Ochefu but could not despite every effort I made. And Joe Garba swore by heaven and earth.

These were people who had helped me to ensure that the country was one; those I trusted. I had to go to Kampala for a meeting. I was the one who made sure that the meeting of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was attended by most of the countries so that we could deal with the problem of Africa. As chairman of the OAU, I encouraged most leaders to come so that we could discuss the remaining colonial problem in Africa. We tried to do that and people attended. 

I was discussing with the governor that accompanied me to Kampala, the commissioner of police, Farouk Usman, that if the coup happened, as far as I was concerned, it would not create any problem. As far as I was concerned, we would see what happened. My hope was that if God preserved us and we were able to make the 10th year, I would have probably done something about coups and countercoups in Nigeria. That was my prayer. 

Usually, I never attended any meeting late, but Mobutu wanted to see me. I am sure he must have heard about the coup already. I got to the conference late, and as I entered, Idi Amin, who was was the chairman, called me. Mr Mbo, a Cameroonian, the head of the education sector, United Nations education, was giving his speech.

When I went to Idi Amin, he showed me a Reuters slip and I saw the news that my government was overthrown. I said I hadn’t heard anything. My high commission had not contacted me to tell me anything, so probably that might be a rumour.  Soon after, when that was being done, I was whispering to Farouk that the issue we were discussing on the flight to Kampala and what we were afraid of had happened, but he didn’t quite get it. I didn’t seem to be worried at all, but you could see the worry in Farouk’s face. 

That event almost killed the OAU meeting because others started going back. So, I left the meeting place and went to my hotel, and later on to exercise and play some tennis. Honestly, my interest was that Nigeria should continue. 

The following day, I had to give a world press conference. I remembered that during my school days at Barewa College in Zaria, we read Shakespeare, who said, “The world is a stage and all the men and women are merely players. They have their exits and their entrances, and one man in his time plays many parts.”

I didn’t go beyond that because if I did, some of you press people would say he wanted to come back. When I got to that,I said, “Ladies and gentlemen of the press, this is my exit and all I want you to do is to give Nigeria the support you gave me in order that the country will progress. That was that.

I went to the United Kingdom to become a student, which they didn’t like because I was taking my tray to get my breakfast.

When I came back and we were going through all the crises, since I could not physically do anything, we formed an organisation called Nigeria Prays, to pray for peace, stability and well-being of Nigeria. Every Nigerian means something to me, so I thought we needed to pray to God to help us. 

What is happening in Nigeria today would make you feel sad, but let us not give up in praying and making sure we believe in God. 

If you remember, we had a development plan. We started the iron and steel company in Ajaokuta, the petrochemicals in Enugu and the LNG. I was to sign the memorandum of understanding for the LNG to start building four times the size of what was there. We had lots of development – things like Peugeot in Kaduna, and Volkswagen was supposed to be in Lagos, then of course, Steyr in Bauchi, Leylands in Ibadan; and I think Volkswagen in Enugu.

Looking at the situation in Nigeria, what is your advice to the current administration? 

Every government that comes has a responsibility to make the country good for every citizen and every part of the country.

Another international break is over.

Fans are beginning to dread the two-week lull in club football. Apart from the boring fixtures, there is the risk of injuries.

In the case of Nigerian supporters, they watched in horror, as the Super Eagles were held hostage in Libya.

The Group D second leg clash was called off by the Confederation of African Football, CAF, after Libyan authorities diverted the Eagles’ flight to a remote airport. For over 18 hours, they were denied food, water and Internet access.

All this amid the talk of the effects of the increasingly hectic schedule for footballers.

“I think the thing that makes every international break feel like too much is what has come before and will come after,” Clinton McDubus, a top football analyst and podcaster, tells DAILY POST.

“Right from the November/December World Cup in 2022, the fixture line-up has gotten crazier.

“With an expanded FIFA Club World Cup next year and an expanded FIFA World Cup in 2026 – following all the national team tournaments in different confederations this year – it just feels like too much on the players.

“With the Nations League making these breaks, which used to be merely for friendlies, more competitive, the toll on players is more.

“Teams have to play their best legs and the games themselves require more effort from players, since they are competitive games against teams of comparative strength, with consequences linked to tournament qualifications.”

Interestingly, this is not the last international break of 2024.

The third one for the new season will be between November 11 and 19 – less than a month away.

McDubus adds: “I think it’s going to keep taking a toll on players.

“All the travelling and the games are more competitive.

“Ultimately, it might lead to more injuries, a more underwhelming end to the season and forgettable summer tournaments.

“The biggest concern, though, is injuries. We can see them happening every week now. It’s going to get worse by next month’s international break.”

A few players have come out to threaten going on strike.

But McDubus feels that will not be as straightforward as it sounds.

He said: “Considering they have contracts at least at club level, I don’t see how it’s possible, legally.

“But we will see if there’s a loophole that allows them to take collective action. I think it’s unlikely.

“At best, we’ll see more pressure from them through FIFPro, possibly an individual or entirety taking FIFA to court over it.”

There has however been talk of a possible reluctance of clubs to release African players, especially, after the Super Eagles ordeal in Libya.

McDubus noted that “Per FIFA rules, they cannot hold a player back from call-ups.

“The only thing they can do is to pressure players to not honour certain call-ups, which might even affect their relationship with said players.”

[DailyPost]

•Say, many people on the streets are walking corpses
•Can’t bear the hardship for 15 years
•FG’s reforms harsh, elitist, unsustainable — Professor Uremadu
•World Bank advice misguided, insulting to millions of Nigerians — ActionAid

Last Tuesday, October 15, 2024, Nigerians got the shock of their lives even as they grappled with hunger and pains occasioned by government policies. The World Bank Senior Vice President, Indermit Gill, declared in Abuja that it would take at least 10 or 15 years for President Bola Tinubu’s economic reforms to transform the economy and advised the Federal Government not to waive but continue with the reforms in the said years ahead.

In his special remarks at the Nigeria Economic Summit, the World Bank official said among others that the “oil wealth that should be used for the welfare of all Nigerians, has for too long been used to benefit just the elites. The elites are also being hurt by these reforms that started last year, but they have done very well in the past, and they have built big buffers.

The ordinary Nigerians are being hurt even more, and they were hurt much more by the policies of the past. Nigeria will need to stay the course for at least another 10 or 15 years to transform this economy. It’s very difficult to do these things but the rewards are massive.”

This advice from the World Bank has provoked many Nigerians who rejected it. Nigerians from different strata of life have therefore warned President Bola Tinubu that he would face the threat of implosion by angry citizens should the Federal Government go ahead with the World Bank’s advice to sustain the prevailing stinging reforms for the next 10 to 15 years. They urged President Tinubu to ignore the World Bank, saying there was experiential evidence worldwide, including Nigeria, that the financial institution was not delivering the sustained economic growth, prosperity, and better standards of life it promised with its package.

Nigeria on the throes of catastrophic collapse – Prof Ochonu

A Nigerian academic, historian, author, and professor of African History at Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee, United States of America, Prof. Moses Ochonu, asserted: “We may be on the throes of an implosion, a showdown between suffering Nigerians and their rapacious and unfeeling leaders. The 10-15-year timeline of sustained hardship suggested by the World Bank is humanly impossible to bear or adapt to.

It may come down to a choice between predictable, defeatist death by hunger and heroic death by mass social upheaval, and I warn that it is not too late for Tinubu and his people to defuse the ticking incendiary device of hardship they have cultivated, incubated, and unleashed on Nigerians.

They can still change course and remove the impossible choice of death by hardship and death by uprising. Any people, no matter how resilient and creatively adaptable they may be, have their limits. People are not machines, even machines break down when subjected to stress and tension over a long period.

The World Bank is notorious for prescribing a self-annihilating path of economic reforms to developing countries whose leaders depend on loans to support budgets that are largely mismanaged projects. This pattern of subservience and dependence emboldens the World Bank to recommend harmful reforms to our leaders. The World Bank, we should remember, is a distant hegemonic player with no empathy for Nigerians.

Its only interest is to push for so-called reforms and adjustments that fulfil the ideological fantasies of its Western funders and principals. Past Nigerian presidents since 1999 and even before proved themselves pliable, to various degrees, to the World Bank’s manipulative influence and allowed the institution to influence some aspects of their fiscal, economic, and monetary policies. Sadly, President Tinubu has taken this to unheard-of levels. He has essentially outsourced every facet of his government’s economic policy to the World Bank and its neo-liberal agenda of stripping the poor of subsidies, cushions, and state-funded opportunities to increase the pool of revenue available to political elites and to repay dubious multilateral loans.

Tinubu is the most World Bank-compliant president we have ever had—no question about it. His devotion to the World Bank reform orthodoxy is uncritical and total, and he is blinded to the contradiction in the World Bank’s rhetoric on Nigeria. As long as the World Bank praises their action and they have access to World Bank financial facilities, Tinubu, and his economic team will continue to allow the World Bank people to have it both ways and escape the scrutiny they deserve. The duplicity of the World Bank is numbing. It advances reforms that decimate the Nigerian middle class and intensify the precariousness of the poor, while at the same time claiming that it is not the reforms that are deepening poverty and hardship.

World Bank’s advice not only unacceptable but inhumane — ActionAid

ActionAid Nigeria, AAN, in a reaction by its Country Director, Andrew Mamedu, said: “The recent statement made by the World Bank Senior Vice President and Chief Economist, Mr. Indermit Gill at the 30th Nigerian Economic Summit (NES30) in Abuja urging the Nigerian government to sustain its current economic reforms for the next 10-15 years with no clear plans on how it will cater for the people is misguided and insulting to the millions of Nigerians living through unprecedented economic hardship.

This call assumes that continuity and persistence in these policies will yield transformative results, but the evidence tells otherwise. While long-term reform is important, the strategies proposed by the World Bank seem disconnected from the immediate socio-economic realities of Nigeria, especially regarding poverty, weak institutional capacity, and structural economic deficiencies. The World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) have been deeply involved in Nigeria’s economy for decades, pushing policies that have done far more harm than good.

The Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) introduced in the late 1980s remains one of the most devastating legacies of this relationship. It crippled our local industries, especially the textile sector, and opened the floodgates for Nigeria to become heavily dependent on imported goods. Before the SAP, Nigeria’s textile industry was a vibrant hub employing hundreds of thousands of workers.

While the World Bank celebrates the unification of Nigeria’s exchange rate as the most effective in 20 years, it has led to severe hardship for citizens, driving inflation to a 28-year high. Additionally, the sudden removal of fuel subsidies without robust compensatory mechanisms has further eroded household incomes. These reforms disproportionately affect Nigeria’s poorest, pushing the country deeper into poverty while global financial institutions and foreign investors reap the benefits of Nigeria’s open economy.
“It is not only unacceptable but inhumane to ask Nigerians to endure 15 more years of suffering in the name of reforms that have historically failed us.

Millions of Nigerians can barely afford food, fuel, or basic services today. Asking them to wait for over a decade for things to get better is an affront to their dignity and a reckless gamble with the nation’s future. The question is, how many Nigerians will be alive till then to reap the benefits of these reforms, what does the future hold for our children who are currently feeling the brunt of the hardship, will there still be hope for them in 15 years’ time?

“Nigerians cannot and will not wait for 15 years for economic policies that will continually inflict hardship. The people of this nation deserve urgent action, not promises of long-term recovery. Every passing day under the weight of these reforms pushes more citizens into extreme poverty and despair.
“We demand that the government rethinks its blind allegiance to the World Bank’s economic blueprint and starts prioritizing the welfare of its people.

“The government must reject the idea that growth must come at the expense of human lives and begin to invest meaningfully in local industries, small businesses, and sustainable economic models that empower Nigerians rather than enslave them. The government must impartially fight one of the root causes of this hardship which is corruption starting with the NNPC as they are at the middle of corruption and responsible for the mismanagement of funds from recent reports of the $300 million ‘bailout funds collected from the Federal Government. Amongst all, accountability to the people must take precedence and reforms must be people-centered.”

Scheme to hold the nation hostage – Gbemre N-Delta activist

A Niger Delta activist, Zik Gbemre, who dismissed the World Bank’s advisory, said: “I do not agree with this, it is a conspiracy aimed at keeping Nigeria perpetually in bondage, in chains and handcuffs. We were told under Ibrahim Babangida’s military administration that if Nigeria devalued her currency, that would end poverty, but since then, Nigerian currency has been worthless. Nigeria’s problems are visible and we do not need a microscope to see them.

There are too many leakages in the public treasury, appointing people without capacity, and with worthless accumulated certificates and degrees/diplomas to head government parastatals and ministries/agencies. Nigeria needs sincere people. If all these wastages are stopped, credible people elected and appointed, Nigeria will overcome inflation, hardship, and poverty. Few individuals control the public treasury.”

An assembly of impostors — Prof Muoboghare

A Niger Delta leader and former Commissioner in Delta State, Prof Patrick Muoboghare, retorted: “The World Bank is an assemblage of first-world fraudsters braying upon the third-world and having her for a success dinner.”

They have taken our govt captive —Egi, activist

An activist, Engr. Mike Egi, added: “Nigerians have no choice, an agent of the World Bank and stooge of imperialism has kidnapped their government.”

It is provocative —West, Bayelsa CLO chair

The chairman of the Civil Liberties Organization, CLO, in Bayelsa State, Mr. David West, declared: “I disagree with the World Bank on its opinion to give President Bola Tinubu administration’s reforms another 10 to 15 years or that Nigerians should continue to endure this extraneous hardship for another 10 to 15 years. It is provoking as a matter of fact.

Nigerians are tired of exercising patience on this suffering. In Europe or elsewhere, the hardship is not equitable to what we are going through here in Nigeria. If what we are passing through happens in any of the European countries, I do not think they will condone it.

Let us not deceive ourselves, Nigerians cannot give the government another 10 years to endure further hardship. Therefore, the federal government should not rely on this postulation by the World Bank, they should abandon it and begin to see how they will bring Nigeria out from this terrible, excruciating, hunger, hardship, and poverty.”

Enemy of Nigeria – Akpan, activist

The Executive Director of COMPPART Foundation for Justice and Peace Building in Akwa Ibom State, Saviour Okon Akpan, said: “When groups like the World Bank give out such advice to countries like Nigeria, the first question I ask is: Is Nigeria an independent country? And to what extent can we exercise such independence? Secondly, from the advice of the World Bank, I have seen the institution as Nigeria’s enemy because if the World Bank is serious about reforms as it claims, it should have put its feet down and stop Nigeria from the menace of borrowing to loot and re-looting the recovered stolen funds.

The World Bank as far as I am concerned does not care about the lives of Nigerians, rather they are interested in protecting the economic interest of their owners through the weaponization of poverty at all fronts, not minding the effects. But what will be their gain by not allowing nations to operate their home-grown economic system within their needs, but based on what the World Bank wants? It is disheartening because our elected representatives, including the President, unfortunately, do not have a clear-cut blueprint and escape strategy to revive the economy.

It will be too touchy for Nigerians – Ovo, economist

Charles Oyo an economist who resides in Warri,, opined: “It is very likely those offering the advice to the federal government do so from the comfort of their air-conditioned offices and houses. They know Nigerians are going through the most severe hardship they have ever had since its creation in 1960. The eastern part of the country suffered more during the civil war no doubt, but as one entity, Nigerians have not had it this tough. The advice from the international agency could be the right step but the realities on the ground do not support it. It will be tough for Nigerians to bear.”

Ploy to keep us in perpetual penury —Professor Uremadu

Professor of Banking & Finance, Michael Okpara University of Agriculture, Umudike, MOUAU, Professor Sebastian Uremadu, described the advice by the World Bank Vice President as hypocritical and anti-people.

Prof. Uremadu said Tinubu’s policies are elitist, retrogressive and unsustainable, regretting that they have rather brought pain on Nigerians. He said: “God forbid such unsolicited advice. In fact, it’s no advice but a prescription of the World Bank to keep us in perpetual penury. Nigerians are already walking corpses. From May 2023 when he unilaterally removed fuel subsidy, things went awry. Fuel subsidy affects everything, once the transportation cost goes up, it can’t come down. There is insecurity everywhere, farmers can’t go to farm again and there’s hunger everywhere.

Tinubu should restore fuel subsidy, no country exists without one form of subsidy or the other. Even America subsidies for her farmers. The President’s policies on taxation are hurting and should not be sustained. Many multinationals are pulling out of Nigeria and even local companies are folding up because they can no longer cope. When you have multiple taxation you are imposing a heavy burden on the people because they are the ones that will eventually pay the tax. So, for me, the World Bank advice is bad. It’s not in the best interest of Nigerians, the people are finding life difficult, we can’t sustain Tinubu’s reforms “ .

Nothing wrong with Tinubu reforms — Ambakederimo, S-South leader

Convener of the South-South Reawakening Group, Elder Joseph Ambakederimo, who differed in his view, said: “Often, we have managed the Nigerian economy in an ad-hoc manner with no one leader willing to take some hard decisions that will pivot the country towards sustainability. The quick-fix measure that we have tried many times was to keep postponing the evil day. President Bola Tinubu’s economic elixir for the country is looking bad for the people with everyone shouting and even asking for the reversal of the reforms until the World Bank President spoke in favour of the reforms, asking us to allow it go through for another ten years or more before we begin to see the results.

We should support the reforms and allow them to take their full course, which should be a one-off pain. The fact that the oil wealth has benefited a tiny majority of Nigerians is no news, but the question is how do we turn the narrative around for the good of the people.

This is where the problem lies because mismanagement and misapplication of resources have become rife. The oil wealth is held down by a few with the majority sulking with very little or nothing, therefore, we must strive to ensure that violators of the management of our common patrimony are punished. This is the only way we can have some respite.”

World Bank not after our interest, should be ignored — COSEYL

President General of COSEYL, Comrade Goolldluck Ibem said: “The activities and advice of World Bank before now have shown that it is an organization that is not interested in the welfare of African countries but rather only interested in advancing her objectives and goals while pretending to care for the country they are advising. The World Bank is the reason the naira is on its knees today. Its advice to the former Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida to implement the Structural Adjustment Programme, SAP, led to the galloping devaluation of the naira. Since then, we have not recovered from that huge mistake. President Bola Tinubu should ignore any advice from the World Bank. Any President who wants to succeed must prioritize the interest of his people above any interest from any quarters.”

Rev. Joseph John Hayab, former CAN Chairman, of Kaduna state, said

“Many visiting world Bank chiefs love making anti-people statements whenever they come to Nigeria. Nigerians have not quickly forgotten the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) of the Babangida era, which also came from advice from some international monetary organisations that pushed the country into a poor economic state. These world bodies always advise our leaders to introduce policies that will not yield any positive results. The World Bank and other international groups cannot give leaders of European countries and the USA any economic advice that will make their citizens suffer because they know every responsible government puts its citizens first in every decision and action. Some of their statements do not show respect for our citizens, instead, they are taking our patience for granted and misleading our leaders. I will therefore advise President Tinubu to know that he is the President of many hungry Nigerians and he should find an urgent solution to the acute hunger and poverty in the land. Any economic policy or international advice that will not address hunger, poverty and lift up the standard of living of the common men and women should be discarded. The World Bank and all other international monetary agencies should only advise our government on how to reduce poverty and the gap between the rich and the poor. They must not help to increase the hardship our citizens are facing already which may push the citizens to revolt”.

Suleiman Abdul-Aziz, spokesman of the Northern Elders Forum (NEF), said

“I think while the World Bank’s advice to sustain the Tinubu reforms may have merit, it is essential to ensure that these reforms benefit all Nigerians and address the current hardships faced by the population. The government must prioritize the welfare of the people and implement policies that promote inclusive growth and development. Nigerians should not have to bear the burden of economic reforms alone; it is the responsibility of the government and international institutions to ensure that the benefits of these reforms are felt by all.

Anthony N Z Sani, former Secretary General of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF):

“Though I know that socioeconomic development which reduces ignorance, poverty and unemployment are not matters of a day’s job, I do not have any alternative course of action beside to suggest that Nigerians have to produce what they need and want, especially when regard is paid to the dwindling fortune of oil as our main source of revenue. Both the volume of oil we produce and the prices which enable Nigerians to consume without production are going down.

Instead of using savings from the withdrawal of subsidies for palliatives which do not go around 10% of the population, it is more productive and helpful to use it for improvement of productivity.”

[]Vanguard]

I am a proud Nigerian and a proud African. I am also a philanthropist and entrepreneur—and I have seen firsthand that to effectively tackle climate change within the African context, from Egypt to Nigeria to South Africa, we must look to the people it impacts.

Too often our businesses have not created value on our continent or traded commodities for short-term profit, not long-term investment. Fostering entrepreneurship, sustaining young entrepreneurs, who will grow businesses and create sustainable employment, is a crucial pathway to achieving long-term climate solutions.

In 2010, my wife and I had an idea. Concerned with escalating poverty, we founded the Tony Elumelu Foundation (TEF) and committed $100 million to identify, mentor, and fund young African entrepreneurs—young people with brilliant ideas and the drive to tackle the continent’s most pressing challenges. They lacked capital, connections, and mentors. They lacked luck. We wanted to change that. It was a bold bet aimed at empowering Africa’s most vulnerable and populous demographic, encouraging them to create their own wealth, rather than relying on aid. And the bet paid off.

Since its inception, the foundation has empowered 20,000 entrepreneurs across 54 African countries, who have created 400,000 direct and indirect jobs and generated over $2.3 billion in revenue. We have provided access to business training to more than 1.5 million young people.

Given the scale of the task, we partner with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the European Union (EU), and other partners to deepen our reach and impact. We provide funding, mentorship, business training, and advocacy support to entrepreneurs—specifically, in fragile regions, conflict zones, and underserved communities.

Together, we address challenges like youth unemployment, poverty, and insurgency through entrepreneurship. In 2022, we partnered with UNICEF Generation Unlimited (GenU) and IKEA Foundation, to launch a Green Entrepreneurship Program that empowers youth whose businesses address the triple planetary crisis. Of the 20,000 young men and women entrepreneurs that TEF has empowered, more than 500 are directly or indirectly solving challenges related to climate change, and over a third (35%) working in the agricultural sector.

By empowering young people, we are establishing a dynamic engine that drives economic growth and development across the continent. These entrepreneurs also become vital pillars of support within their communities. They are not only creating essential jobs and income, but also uplifting families and breaking the cycle of poverty. And now, more than ever, is the time to bring a climate-lens to this entrepreneurship.

Africa is warming more quickly than the rest of the world. By 2030, an estimated 118 million Africans are projected to face drought, and rising sea levels threaten coastal regions, potentially displacing millions. Climate change is impeding access to basic necessities: water, power, food, and education. But these challenges also offer extraordinary opportunities for those with an entrepreneurial mindset to tackle climate change, while simultaneously creating significant economic value.

For instance, how can we enhance the sustainability of smallholder farmers, which comprise 80% of all farms in sub-Saharan Africa and employ 60% of the continent’s workforce? What strategies can be employed by African nations with vast forests—such as Gabon, Liberia, Guinea-Bissau, and Congo—to effectively leverage these critical carbon sinks?

To unlock the full potential of green solutions in Africa, we must nurture entrepreneurship—and this cannot be achieved by governments alone. We need to integrate government incentive schemes, with the opportunities presented by the private sector. It is imperative that we unite philanthropies, policymakers, and businesses. I refer to this movement as “Africapitalism”—a call for partnership led by the private sector, focused on fostering prosperity for all.

Global warming is not an inevitable fate. Entrepreneurs are inherently problem solvers; they possess the curiosity to explore opportunities and challenges, the creativity to devise innovative solutions, and the determination to transform obstacles into successes. Youth entrepreneurship can be a solution to averting the looming crisis of climate impact. It’s time to harness this power.

I would like to begin by referencing Edward Gibbon’s “The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.” While Gibbon identified several causes, including Christianity, the key takeaway is that, in his view, the fall of Rome was not due to a single event but rather a long, gradual process involving both internal and external factors over several centuries.

On the foundation of Christianity, specifically through Catholicism, Christ promised that the gates of hell would not prevail against the Church. Over the centuries, the Church has fought valiantly against external forces that sought to destroy Christianity. The irony, however, is that today, it faces destruction from within. The Church, being led by fallible human beings subject to the sins of Adam, has experienced significant challenges throughout its history, notably the Great Schism of 1054 and the Protestant Reformation of 1517. While some may argue that these challenges, resulting in a multiplicity of faiths, introduced healthy competition, from objective and historical perspective, such divisions have inflicted considerable harm on the body of Christ.

When I write about divisions in Christianity, it is often with a heavy heart. You may not fully grasp the depth of my feelings until you readUt Unum Sint” (“That They May Be One”). “Ut Unum Sint” focuses on the importance of Christian unity and ecumenism, reaffirming the Catholic Church’s commitment to dialogue with other Christian denominations in the pursuit of unity.

Today, the Church’s major challenge is Pentecostalism. Characterised by emotional appeals that leave its followers captive and unthinking, many Pentecostal groups resort to all manner of questionable practices to sustain their growth. One pastor in Warri was seen engaging in a spiritual duel with a “Haba” priest from Agulu. The “Haba” priest later admitted to a friend that he had been paid to stage the drama. Is this what Pentecostalism offers to the body of Christ?

Perhaps the most disturbing of these practices is the staging of so-called miracles. Even figures like the comedic Odumeje have claimed to raise the dead.

When pastors boast of drinking tea with God, controlling the weather, or causing roads to widen miraculously to allow them passage, they not only display early signs of delusion but also bring Christianity into ridicule. While they may attract the gullible masses, including some captains of industry, who unfortunately form the majority, they simultaneously provoke thoughtful individuals to question the very foundation of their faith. Such deception is one of the reasons many are now preaching a return to the roots, seeing nothing but lies in what these preachers offer.

They are busy reducing Christianity to an egregious call for tithes. Rather than boast of the souls and territories they have converted, as the orthodox churches do, they boast about their fat bank accounts, perquisites, and the number of private jets they own. They are even corrupting some in orthodox churches who now see founding ministries within their churches, devoid of established controls, as an open sesame to wealth and renown. This cannot be Christianity!

The current challenges facing Christianity, particularly with the rise of manipulative practices in Pentecostal circles, serve as a stark reminder of the need for discernment and authenticity in faith. The history of the Church is one of resilience, surviving schisms, reforms, and doctrinal challenges. Yet, the core of Christianity—its truth, love, and teachings—must remain uncompromised. True faith cannot be sustained on emotional manipulation or deceit; rather, it thrives on genuine spiritual growth, intellectual engagement, and a return to the authentic teachings of Christ. As Christians, we must guard against these distortions, ensuring that our beliefs remain rooted in truth and are not swayed by the allure of sensationalism.

And what happens? The deluded, always ready to engage anyone who questions their pastors, will undoubtedly come forward like mosquitoes, to buzz irritatingly in my ears. In the face of obvious truth, meant to salvage Christianity, all they will offer in defence is accusation of fanaticism, intolerance, jealousy, and other predictable catchphrases.

Adunni Ade’s acting traverses genres, offers a representation on screen and showcases the deeper layers driving her prowess. In a bold career pivot, Adunni is stepping into powerful, challenging roles, shedding the more familiar characters she’s been known for. Her recent performances in these standout roles in Lakatabu, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, and Tokunbo, directed by Odunlade Adekola, Bolanle Austen-Peters, and Ramsey Nouah respectively, are not just captivating but signal a new era for the Nollywood star. In a chat with Ferdinand Ekechukwu Adunni Ade, opens up about her motivations, the risks she’s taking, and the vision she has for Nollywood’s evolving landscape

How does it feel to break free from that soft and fragile character moulds in the past, considering your recent roles in Lakatabu, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, and Tokunbo?

Breaking free from the mold of soft and fragile characters has been a transformative experience for me. In roles like those in Lakatabu, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, and Tokunbo, I’ve been able to explore deeper, more complex aspects of womanhood and strength. It felt empowering to portray characters that are resilient, fierce, and unapologetically bold. Each of these roles allowed me to showcase the multifaceted nature of women, particularly in the context of our culture and history. These roles have not only broadened my acting range but also allowed me to connect with audiences on a deeper level. I’m grateful for the opportunity to break stereotypes and portray strong, dynamic women who resonate with many.

What drew you to these roles, and what do you think they reveal about your range as an actress?

What drew me to these roles was the opportunity to tell powerful stories that resonate with both personal and societal themes. Each character offered a unique perspective on women’s strength and resilience, which I am deeply passionate about. In Lakatabu, the character’s journey of overcoming obstacles and asserting her identity was something I found incredibly relatable. It allowed me to tap into a more assertive side of myself that isn’t often explored.  With Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, it was the chance to portray a historical figure who fought for justice and equality. Her courage and determination inspired me, and I felt a responsibility to honour her legacy authentically. It was a role that required not just acting, but also a deep understanding of the historical context and the impact she had on society.  In Tokunbo, I was drawn to the complexity of the character’s emotional landscape. She faced personal struggles while navigating societal expectations, and I loved the challenge of portraying that duality. 

How do you think your performances in these films will resonate with a wider audience?

I believe that my performances in these films have the potential to resonate with a wider audience for several reasons. Each character I’ve portrayed embodies universal themes— struggles with identity, resilience in the face of adversity, and the complexities of human relationships. These are experiences that many people can relate to, regardless of their background or culture. I strive to bring authenticity to each role, allowing viewers to see themselves in the characters.

Do you feel like these roles have allowed you to tap into a new side of yourself as an actress, and what do you hope to explore further in future projects?

Absolutely! These roles have allowed me to tap into new facets of myself as an actress. Each character presented unique challenges that pushed me beyond my comfort zone, helping me discover different layers of my craft. I found strength in vulnerability, and I learned how to balance assertiveness with emotional depth, which has been incredibly rewarding. Through Lakatabu, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, and Tokunbo, I was able to explore the complexities of womanhood, resilience, and empowerment. These experiences have deepened my understanding of the characters I portray and have encouraged me to embrace a wider range of emotions and expressions.

How do you balance the desire to take on new challenges with the pressure to stay true to your audience’s expectations?

Balancing the desire to take on new challenges, while staying true to my audience’s expectations, is a nuanced process. I believe it’s important to listen to my audience and understand what they appreciate about my work, but I also recognise that growth often requires stepping outside of my comfort zone. To achieve this balance, I try to incorporate new ideas gradually, ensuring that they align with my core values and the essence of what my audience loves. I also engage with my audience for feedback, which helps me gauge their reactions and adjust my approach accordingly.

How has working with directors like Odunlade Adekola, Bolanle Austen-Peters, and Ramsey Nouah influenced your approach to acting?

Working with directors like Odunlade Adekola, Bolanle Austen-Peters, and Ramsey Nouah has had a profound impact on my approach to acting. Each of them brings a unique vision and style to their projects, which has helped me expand my perspective and adapt my craft.  Overall, each of these directors has contributed to my growth as an actor by challenging me to push my boundaries, embrace different styles, and remain committed to delivering compelling performances that resonate with audiences. 

How does it feel to be taking on leading roles, and do you feel a sense of responsibility to carry the story?

Taking on leading roles is both an exhilarating and humbling experience. It feels incredibly rewarding to be entrusted with the responsibility of carrying a story, as it allows me to showcase my craft and connect deeply with the audience. I feel a sense of pride in being able to portray characters that resonate with people and reflect diverse experiences. 

Can you talk about any specific character traits or nuances you’re eager to explore in future roles?

Absolutely! In future roles, I’m eager to explore characters with a rich tapestry of traits and nuances that challenge traditional narratives. I would love to explore complex morality. I’d love to portray characters that operate in gray areas of morality. Another would be expressing vulnerability. 

I want to explore how people cope with adversity while also showcasing their emotional depth. Cultural identity is another area that interests me. Roles that dive into the complexities of cultural identity and the struggles that come with it. Lastly would be some sort of superhero! Every time I watch “Wonder Woman” I literally go into another world with me as her. I play out different scenarios in my head. 

How do you feel as you take on more prominent roles, and how do you think your physical appearance has impacted your casting opportunities and overall marketability?

As I take on more prominent roles, I do feel a growing connection with audiences, and it’s incredibly gratifying to see that my work resonates with them. Being in the spotlight brings both excitement and responsibility, as I strive to represent not just myself but also the diverse stories and experiences of women, particularly in Nollywood. Regarding my physical appearance, including my skin tone, I recognise that it plays a significant role in casting. A person’s look, colour, and body type is also put into consideration before casting which can either be in favor or otherwise.

[ThisDay]

Our people say that the man holding the rope with which a goat is being taken to the market often gets blamed if the goat fetches a low price at the sales. Some would accuse him of walking the goat so fast while going to the market that it lost much weight. Others would murmur that he did not allow the goat to feed or drink any water while they were on their way to the market.

It would not matter to the grumblers at such moments that a goat cannot gain enough weight to attract a markedly high price in the market just because you stopped to feed it while on your way to the market. No one will also remember at such moments that a sensible person will not stop on the way to the market to feed his goat or chicken, because to do so would be to miss the opportunity to make a good early morning bargain, or even to make any sales at all.

Bringing the foregoing around to what I consider the predicament of the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) today, it must be said here that the man is not solely, or directly, responsible for the fate of the Naira today. He is no magician. Even if he is one, his magic can only work when fiscal and monetary policies find themselves backed up by improved national productivity. Thus magic, and the ability to perform miracles, won’t pass muster as viable tools for anyone who wants to be taken seriously in the banking industry. It is a job of records, of economic variables, of fluctuating indices and of policy-driven twists and turns.

Were we not all thoroughly alarmed when the Naira rose precipitously about a year ago? Were we not also excited when, inexplicably, it began to bounce back; and came as far as about 900 Naira to the US dollar? Many people cheered gleefully, even if somewhat apprehensively. And then, the national currency sneaked off when no one was looking (or were some people expecting it?) and headed downhill again.

Let us go back to a conversation that occurred on this page on February 10, this year, wherein it was said that the forces arrayed against Cardoso, his team and also the Naira include the following: “(1) A volatile economic and political environment, (2) Elite consumption patterns, (3) Overall low national productivity, (4) Limited public understanding of fiscal and monetary policy issues, (5) Incredibly high demand for the dollar and, very importantly, (6) The new-found use of the dollar as a major Store of Value, the way people used to buy houses under property speculation.”

In the above-mentioned piece, we went even further back to an earlier intervention of 15 November, 2021, titled “What the CBN Cannot Do”. The point made then, which is still so painfully relevant today, and which is partly responsible for the crises of the moment is this: “The CBN cannot do much about the value of the Naira, for as long as we produce very little to attract corresponding inflows, consume much that is not produced here and retain a monocultural economy”.

The point remains that only the diversification of the economy, redemption of our national road infrastructure, reversal of the current state of insecurity in the land, rescuing the power sector, making realistic and sustainable investments in education and health, among other critical interventions, can save the national currency, the national economy and the people. The decisions and interventions that would deliver all that cannot be tea party matters.

Without denying the impact of the floating of the Naira on our fortunes today, we must also frankly admit that the general insecurity and banditry of the last 15 years substantially undermined the nation’s massive investments in agriculture. With banditry laying waste massive farmlands, reducing farmers’ access to their farmlands and effectively reducing the overall availability of farm produce, only food scarcity would follow.

Added to the foregoing is the fact that large farming communities are displaced in many places. Thus, much of financial outflows into the agricultural sector in the last couple of years do not yield the expected returns. That is why it will take a while for the originally projected gains in terms of food availability, food security and forex earnings from food exports to materialize.

That is also why the conversation about diversification of the national economy, especially with agriculture in focus, must also simultaneously address insecurity and national social infrastructure. We must also note that investment in agriculture is not quite the same thing as the purchase of tractors and other agricultural equipment, no! Many states of the federation cheerfully mistake investments in health and education infrastructure for actual investments in “education” and “health services”. They do not consider that new buildings designated as health centres, new school buildings, new classroom blocks and massive stockpiling of teaching equipment are only the evidence of procurement contracts. Nothing more.

Such infrastructure, important as they are, cannot, on their own, give you health or educational services. You need doctors, teachers, etc., to make that happen. In other words, it takes capacitated human capital for development to take place. An investor who spends money setting up new baking ovens and launching them is not a baker. Bakeries need bakers who know about baking to produce and deliver edible bread.

When state governments and corporate Nigeria simply import furnishing materials for their new public and private facilities, they have no idea how much damage they are doing to the state resources, the national currency and the economy. And when misapplied funds are retired under the heading “investment in health” or “education and human capital development,” the people and Nigeria are swindled. But we are digressing again.

If today the value of the naira is not looking very impressive, it is not because someone’s “village people” have cast a spell on us all. If many big and small businesses have lost value and shut down, it is because of high replacement cost for goods sold out and their inability to obtain long-term facilities that would make sense in a Third World economy. If Cardoso cannot wave a magic wand to change the value of the Naira, it is not because he and his family are not buying from the same market as everyone else.

A weakened Naira means that the “replacement cost” for what you sold before the naira lost value will now cost you more if you wish to replace it. It also means that the same amount of money cannot buy you exactly the same quantity of goods you sold earlier and which you now wish to replace. So, your business shrinks and shrinks further. Whichever way you look at it, or whatever you decide to do, you really cannot get enough money to “replace” the same number of things you have sold. The result is reduced capacity utilization, job losses and much more; because your original business capital can only get you a fraction of what you have sold. You will then have plenty of redundant shop space, reduced workforce. It is as simple as that.

It was said here, back then: “A nation with a predominantly consumption-drive economy cannot suddenly catapult itself into the Neverland of foreign exchange El Dorado. You make money from what you produce and sell, or from what you can do and be paid for. You also buy with what you have earned from either goods or services. You get paid nothing when you produce nothing. You spend more than you earn when you produce and sell far less than you buy. The person who produces nothing and earns nothing, but buys a lot, must be getting the money for his purchases from somewhere…. And to borrow is to get credit for present needs, with payment deferred to a future date, right?

It is largely because we are consuming more than we are producing, and also buying more than we are selling, that the speculation for “phony money” and profits without productivity have overrun the land. Thus arises the predicament of nations and individuals with “unbalanced” market profile and appetites. Thus, also stands the crisis of the Nigerian state and economy today, in bold relief. It need not continue to be so. Increased productivity, ingenious monetary, fiscal and other regulatory mechanisms, in addition to significant increase in national productivity, will see us out of the woods; but not like first thing tomorrow morning.

Truth be told, our monocultural economy, or overdependence on one major source of foreign exchange revenue, is a drawback that can only be remedied by real diversification of the economy. We need to produce more, have more local abundance and export more, for increased social security and foreign earnings.  We should worry about the impact of our energy problems on overall national productivity. We cannot expect sudden economic good fortune when the foreign exchange outflows for all sorts of things, including furniture and kitchen napkins, is continuously rising at the same time that foreign exchange inflows are shrinking steadily.

That is why it would take much more than Cardoso, or the CBN, to make the national currency look good.  We are in turbulent waters, and the naira is in it with us. Our people say that the swimmer who finds himself in the midst of very turbulent currents, and who resolves to swim all day in order to prove his mettle should remember that he is not a fish. Even the fish usually finds its comfort zone in quieter sides of any fast flowing river.

QUOTE:

The forces arrayed against Cardoso, his team and also the Naira include the following: “(1) A volatile and economic political environment, (2) Elite consumption patterns, (3) Overall low national productivity, (4) Limited public understanding of fiscal and monetary policy issues, (5) Incredibly high demand for the dollar and, very importantly, (6) The new-found use of the dollar as a major Store of Value, the way people used to buy houses under property speculation.”

Ogun State witnessed yet another epoch-making event last Friday, with the flag-off of the Gateway Inland Dry Port construction located at Kajola in Ewekoro Local Government Area. The Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Alhaji Adegboyega Oyetola, performed the ground-breaking ceremony amidst public excitement. Like no other before it, the Governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun glowed with an aura of inner fulfilment seeing his dream come true.

Having a dry port in the state to support and drive its sustainable industrial growth is one of the overarching objectives of his administration. Therefore, achieving the feat, without a doubt, is another significant milestone in his aggressive pursuit of infrastructural transformation as a catalyst for domestic and direct foreign investment inflow into the state.
And, of course, the importance of a dry port for sustainable industrial growth in a state like Ogun, with its peculiar advantage of proximity to Lagos State hosting the largest seaport in West Africa cannot be overemphasized. In transportation and logistics jargon, an Inland dry port is an intermodal terminal directly connected by road or rail to a seaport, operating as a centre for transporting sea cargo to inland destination.

In other words, an inland port is a physical site located away from traditional land, air, and coastal borders with the vision to facilitate and process international trade through strategic investment in multi-modal transportation assets and by promoting value-added services as goods move through the supply chain
In addition to its role in cargo trans-shipment, dry ports may also include facilities for the storage and consolidation of goods, cargo carriers, and customs clearance services. An inland port is an inland site linked to a seaport. As this kind of port does not require a waterway, the key features include the transfer of containers between different modes of transportation (intermodal transfer) and the processing of international trade.

The creation of a dry port is to relieve competition for storage and customs space at the seaport. When completed, the Gateway Dry Inland Port will help to facilitate the flow of cargo between ships and major land transportation networks, creating a more central distribution point. The port will also improve the movement of imports and exports, moving the time-consuming sorting and processing of containers inland, away from congested seaports in Lagos.

So, rather than goods being loaded and unloaded in the already congested Lagos Seaport, shipping containers can be transferred by road vehicle to the dry port. Container handling space can be reduced by transferring functions to an inland port away from the Sea port and coast. For example, the functions of receiving, processing through customs, inspecting, sorting, and consolidating containers going to the overseas port can be transferred to this Inland Port to reduce congestion.The presence of dry port in Ogun will attract new cargo flows and boost the economic effect of increasing the volume of transit cargo transportation, while also reducing the idle time of wagons waiting for reloading and the turnaround time of an empty container.

More specifically, when it becomes operational, the Port is expected to reduce congestion in the existing Lagos Seaports and transform the country into a trans-shipment hub. Over the years, Lagos has witnessed rising transport demand and road traffic jams which have led to increasing congestion and delays at the Ports. Successful completion of the project will not only reduce congestion at the Seaport but also increase cross-border trade between Nigeria and neighbouring countries.

It will also enhance distribution by setting up a link between the inland and sea port, resulting in a lower unit cost than sending containers individually by road. The containers are collected from their origins or distributed to their ultimate destinations by road with the transfer happening at the inland site.
The multiplier effects of all of these combined will generate huge employment opportunities for the teeming youths.

By projection, the project is expected to create an estimated 20,000 new jobs directly and indirectly. This will in turn create a new vista of economic growth for the state and the nation as a whole.

Oyetola, speaking on the momentous occasion at Kajola, gave this assurance, adding that “it will attract investments that will spur regional development, benefiting Ogun State and beyond. This project is not merely about building infrastructure but about laying the foundation for a key logistics hub that will facilitate the movement of goods across Nigeria, creating over 5,000 direct jobs, 15,000 indirect jobs, and stimulating local businesses,” he said.

Giving further insight into the project, he said the port would be built to international standards and equipped with the latest digital systems for tracking, clearance, and cargo movement to ensure efficiency, transparency, and global competitiveness.

“No doubt, this project aligns seamlessly with the ‘Renewed Hope Agenda’ of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as we are committed to creating an enabling environment that fosters innovation, economic growth, and infrastructural development. This initiative will undoubtedly help Ogun State become a more attractive destination for businesses and investors, reinforcing our collective aspiration for a prosperous Nigeria.

“During a recent visit to a logistics hub in Lagos, I observed firsthand the challenges businesses face due to congestion at our traditional seaports, which result in longer transport times and increased costs. This experience highlights the urgent need for developing inland ports like the Gateway Inland Dry Port.

“Inland Dry Ports provide faster and more efficient alternatives for moving goods, ultimately benefiting our economy and reducing the burden on our coastal seaports,” Oyetola emphasised.

He explained that the development of inland dry ports was a critical component of the broader strategy to position Nigeria as a leading player in the Blue Economy, stating “that as the nation continues to diversify its economy, it is essential to create infrastructure that serves as key nodes in the supply chain, thereby reducing reliance on traditional seaports.”

The Minister expressed optimism that the Dry Port would enhance the efficiency of the logistics network and contribute to the decongestion of Apapa, and Tin Can Ports, both in Lagos, thus improving Nigeria’s trade competitiveness on the global stage.
Accordingly, he directed the Nigerian Shippers’ Council to ensure that the Port is developed as a state-of-the-art facility integrating advanced technology, leveraging ICT for seamless operations, and developing robust infrastructure that supports modern port processes.

“It is imperative that the Nigerian Shippers’ Council works closely with the Ogun State Government and the concessionaire to build a maritime ecosystem that is not only competitive but also a leader in innovation and technological advancement. Sustainability must be at the core of all our infrastructure projects.

“This Inland Dry Port is expected to significantly contribute to achieving that goal by enhancing the efficiency of our logistics network, reducing greenhouse gas emissions associated with road transportation, and promoting environmentally sustainable practices in line with global standards,” he stated.

The host Governor, Prince Dapo Abiodun, who had long envisioned the creation of a dry port to boost the state’s economy, re-echoed Oyetola’s optimism, saying the Port would help in opening up and engendering more development in the State by serving as a transport and logistics hub for the nation.

He outlined the immense benefits of the project thus: “Having identified the ideal location convenient to our Gateway Dry Port inland container terminal, this facility is a key enabler of industrial activity and manufacturing in Ogun State. It will, on completion, increase the ranking of our State on the ease of doing business index.

“Because of the rail line right here, containers destined for Ogun can be ferried to Kajola and, on arrival, loaded onto the train and transported to Shederu, Kajola. Our manufacturers will be able to bring in their raw materials without having to go through the hassle of going to Lagos Tin Can or Apapa Ports to clear and transport while dealing with the attendant demurrage costs that add to their overall cost of production.
“This Port will reduce vehicular trailer traffic on our roads, thus reducing the wear and tear and early maintenance on roads leading in and out of Lagos.
“With the Gateway Inland Dry Port, we are solidifying our position as the foremost logistics and industrial hub in the country, bringing unparalleled advantages to businesses operating here.

Abiodun said the groundbreaking event was not merely the foundation of a dry port, but the beginning of a new era of economic growth, job creation, and increased prosperity, emphasizing that the project was a testament to the shared vision of prosperity and industrialization that would transform the State into a leading logistics and commercial centre both in Nigeria and across West Africa.
The Commissioner for Transportation, Engr. Gbenga Dairo, said the groundbreaking was another demonstration of the administration’s commitment to grow the economy and spread development to every part of the State.

The Olu of Ilaro and paramount ruler of Yewaland who is also the Chairman, Ogun State Council of Obas, Oba Kehinde Olugbenle, used the occasion to appeal for the reconstruction of the Sagamu interchange-Papalanto-Ilaro road to derive full benefits of the project. He thanked President Bola Tinubu for approving the siting of the port in the State, noting that his Renewed Hope agenda was already taking shape.

*Ogbonnikan writes from Abeokuta, Ogun State capital