(Being Lecture delivered at the 6th General Assembly and Conference of the Association of African Public Service Commissions (AAPSCOMS) which was held in Nairobi, Kenya on 6-8 November, 2024)

We now live in a world that is daily undergoing what has been called a polycrisis—crisis situations that are not only fundamental, but are also interlinked in ways that affects several regions of the world. In administrative terms, the polycrisis define a VUCA—vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous—policy environment where governments have to anticipate challenges before they even happen. With the COVID-19 pandemic, public administrators and public managers are confronted with the contexts of a new normal in all aspects of public administration. And in maneuvering through the landmines of this new normal in governance, governments and administrative contexts all across the world depend significantly on public policy professionalism and expertise that ensure that what governments intends for their citizens are what get implemented by public servants. Successful governments all over the world, in other words, achieve good governance by paying critical attention to their public policy architecture.

Public policy indeed emerged as a fully developed field of study in the nineteen century, and within the context of a flurry of theoretical and practical development that came after the Second World War. Several contextual issues—the emergence of statistical analysis, management science, social science research methodologies, as well as the emergence of research institutes, policy schools and several think tanks—instigated a series of significant developments that consolidated policy analysis and policy-engaged research as a critical dimension of the policy inputs into government work and into public administration. By the time American universities began cooperating with think tanks, from the Brooking Institution to the Rand Corporation, policymakers, development workers, policy managers, public administrators and even policy researchers were all totally inundated within a robust policy ambience that generated seminars, workshops, public policy courses and discourses which enabled capacities to ground the policy process on solid evidence-based research protocols.

The public policy framework that we just sketched briefly above provides the handle by which the government in developed societies cumulate the benefits of their intellectual capital. This is the sense in which policymakers and researchers/academics collaborate to facilitate policy-research linkage that burrow into the transdisciplinary and interdisciplinary nature of public policy research to ground development planning and good governance. Unfortunately, Africa’s contribution to the global public policy and research experience is almost next to nothing. What the current global framework demonstrates is that most African states fixate on the hardware of development in terms of infrastructural development indices—roads, schools, hospitals, etc.—with no critical attention to the intangibles that serve as the bedrock for development and governance itself, from human capital and the rule of law to institutional stability and the quality of education.

And to arrive at a cogent diagnosis of what had gone wrong with the failure of the continent to contribute to the global policy framework, we need to peer deep into the exogenous nature of the policy dynamics on the continent. Africa’s policy protocol is poor for three major reasons. The first is principally ideological—Africa’s insertion into and fixation with the Western neoliberal economic paradigm, and especially the Washington Consensus, that dictates supposedly universalist recommendations and conditionalities which are always at odds with local and regional economic and developmental realities. The second unfortunate reason that circumscribes Africa’s poor policy-research nexus is essentially political. It derives from the fact of bad politics that sees politicians formulating policies to satisfy clientelist interests and patronages, rather than fulfilling the social contract and servicing the common good. This is also further complicated by the stringent conditionalities that politicians and the political class needed to embed into the policy formulation framework that in the final analysis hurt public interest.

This political perspective undermines the technicist view of policy formulation and implementation as a straight and linear process. On the contrary, it is often smeared by political consideration that are not always salutary. The last reason has to do with the conflicting time frame that conditions the policy-research relationship. On the one hand, politicians and governments need a quick turnaround time on policy implementation that provides political capital, but on the other hand, policy researchers build their policy intelligence and recommendations on long-term incubation of policy ideas and paradigms for action. In other to undermine the gross uncertainties that often characterize policy design and implementation, policy must be preceded by research and intelligent evaluation and assessments.

Africa’s development is therefore caught in a bind. Given the macroeconomic shocks that have kept assailing the world before and after the COVID-19 pandemic, many African governments have failed (a) to ground the framework and protocols of their policymaking practices on economic and statistical rationalities; and (b) rather than exploring and exploiting local capacities to design and formulate policies that align with local interests and needs, many of these governments have ceded or outsourced the policy initiatives to donors to articulate solutions that are far from and sometimes totally disconnected from local realities. One sorry fact about the African policy management crisis is that a significant proportion of usable development statistics about African countries are generated and funded by foreign development agencies, from the World Bank to the United Nations. The chances of achieving success with such hastily drafted and non-indigenous policy recommendation becomes very low because it becomes top-down in ways that undermine the ability of the local population to own the policies.

Nigeria presents a rather symptomatic example of this general analysis. At the height of Nigeria’sfirst development plan after independence (1962 to 1968), the World Bank seconded Prof. Wolfgang Stolper as a technical adviser to assist with the design and implementation of the NDP. In 1966, Stolper penned his experiences in a book, Planning without Facts: Lessons in Resource Allocation from Nigeria’s Development. Stolper’s central experience which grounds his arguments in the book is that the first national development plan was articulated without the benefit of a data and statistical culture around which evidence-based development practices are founded. And so, given this paucity of data, development becomes a process of optimizing as one goes along. In other words, since there is no statistical analysis to optimize a long-run scientific projection, one is forced to depend on series of short-run decisions and planning that limits the extent of the future one can predict. This lack of statistical parameters makes sustainable development a mirage for policymakers. And it is therefore not surprising that from the first NDP (1962 to 1968) to the 1992-1994 rolling plan, Nigeria has barely been able to articulate a sustainable development that impacts good governance for Nigerians. And so, insecurity, terrorism, climate-change-induced disasters and macroeconomic challenges that other countries are managing with success go out of hand for Nigeria.

We can therefore conclude that Nigeria has been beating about the development bush because we lack a cogent understanding of what development demand—a strong collaboration between policymakers, researchers and think tanks. The policy-research linkage demands a significant relationship between the government and research institutes, tertiary institutions and think tanks that bring a certain sophistication to leadership and the change space of distributed leadership. This collaboration enables the leadership of a state navigate the VUCA administrative environment and the demands of a knowledge and technology society. And that linkage comes with its own unique peculiarity in the Nigerian policy space. On the one hand, consecutive governments in Nigeria don the toga of anti-intellectualism that sees the research industry as interlopers in the policy process rather than as staunch allies and stakeholders. While researchers do not often generate solutions to governance problems, they have the capacity to articulate different scenarios that enable government to better understand different problems that can enhance better policy choices. On the other hand, researchers and scholars also face significant challenges in their commitment to government policy demands. For example, such researchers stand the risk of lower scholarly performances in terms of academic parameters and scholarly rating. Indeed, such scholars also generate some level of suspicions as to the genuineness of their research findings.

Resolving the disconnect between policy and research on the continent demands some critical imperatives in terms of how policy and research are framed for governance and development purposes that connect policymakers, policy researchers and research centers and institutes. The core imperative is that policy management must be a cumulation of policy research, strategic intelligence and pragmatic statecraft cum intuition that scientifically and practically guide the path of governance projection. And this demands that government needs cogent collaborative plans that focus the research profile of research organizations and think tanks. This is crucial because these organizations, institutes and centers are usually torn between the imperatives of conducting research and the demand of generating policy intelligence and scenarios simply as publications to earn promotion. There is therefore the need for a blueprint that helps research institutes to maneuver between external partners, civil society organizations and the organized private sector in their mandate to mobilize resources, and the necessity of their autonomy as institutes and centers that generate objective and evidence-based data and statistical analyses that government can use.

The other dimension to the resolution of the policy-research disconnect is that research institutes and the universities need to also revisit their mandates and modus operandi. The town and gown initiative becomes an imperative that balances the need for research with the demand of development. The town-and-gown framework generate a dynamic of co-creation that expands the depth of what research implies. For instance, universities and tertiary institutions, as well as think tanks, can no longer ignore the fundamental implications of expanding the traditional content of who a faculty member is through the integration of the expertise of professors of practice and scholar-practitioners as a mean of jumpstarting a seamless interdisciplinary and interdependent policy-research partnerships. On their parts, the public service in African states must also invest enormously in the professionalization of planning and policy analysis departments. Such departments will be manned by a special core of experts and consultants that will lead the research onslaught into developing future research and scenario planning on what is needed to be done to make the public service to be world-class in spirit and in truth.

Professor Tunji Olaopa is a Professor of Public Administration & Chairman Federal Civil Service Commission, Abuja.

MORE facts have emerged on reasons behind the sealing off of the entrance gate leading to the palace of the Emir of Kano, Muhammad Sanusi II, on Friday

Though the Nigeria Police were yet to speak on the matter, a reliable source disclosed that the action carried out by law enforcement agency was aimed at preventing the breakdown of law and orders in Bichi town where Emir Sanusi was scheduled to visit to install a district head for the town.

A source, who preferred anonymity, said that the residents of Bichi town had allegedly mapped out plans to prevent the installation from taking place.

The feelers were, however, not favourable to security operatives, as they swept into action to prevent the Emir of Kano from attending the programme.

It was also believed that the move was also taken to prevent eminent personalities from visiting Bichi town to attend the same event.

Sunday Tribune learnt that many residents of Bichi town were not happy about the planned installation, querying the rationale behind the idea of a district head.

Some residents who spoke with our correspondent felt that the planned installation was to demote the town.

According to them, when the five Emirate councils established by former Governor Abdullahi Ganduje were sacked by current Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, he [Governor Yusuf] went ahead to appoint second-class emirs for three of the sacked Emirate councils and excluded Bichi town.

Some of the residents said the reason for their planned resistance to the Friday’s installation was because the governor demoted their kingdom to be ruled by an ordinary district head while the others towns that were sacked alongside are now being ruled by second-class emirs.

Some stakeholders, who confided in Sunday Tribune, admitted that the police action could be a blessing in disguise as the situation could have caused a serious crisis in Bichi town which could escalate to many communities and state capital.

It will be recalled that as of 7 a.m. on Friday heavily armed policemen had taken over the entrance leading to Emir Sanusi’s Kofar Kudu palace.

[Tribune]

President Bola Tinubu has said things are taking shape for the better, even though people may not like his government.

He said amid the tough challenges in the country, his administration had made some progress, noting that there are better days ahead.

The President, who was represented by the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, made the remarks at the graduation ceremony for the Executive Intelligence Management Course 17 at the National Institute for Security Studies in Abuja, on Saturday,

He said, “Things are happening in our country today. People may not like us. They probably will disagree with one or two. But fundamentally, things are changing. And Nigeria will change.

“The economy is changing. Very tough, very difficult, very huge challenges we are facing. But I can assure you, better days are ahead of us,” he stated.

Tinubu also assured Nigerians of his administration’s commitment to ensuring security and stability in the country.

He said people with questionable character,  would face justice irrespective of where they live.

“If you are a bad man, whether you are inside Nigeria or outside, you are in trouble. We will go after you. We will bring you to justice,” he stated.

[DailyTrust]

The Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, has described the expulsion of the House of Representative member from Ideato North/Ideato South Federal Constituency of Imo State, Ikenga Imo Ugochinyere, as null and void.

PDP National Working Committee, NWC, said Ugochinyere’s expulsion by his Ward chapter of the party was of no effect.

The PDP Umuopia/Umukegwu Ward chapter of the PDP had expelled Ugochinyere for gross indiscipline, insubordination and anti-party activities.

Ugochinyere’s expulsion was contained in a letter from the Ideato LGA chapter of PDP, dated December 5, 2024.

The letter was signed by the LG party chairman, ThankGod Okeke, and the secretary, Onyebuchi Umeh.

Ugochinyere’s expulsion followed the report of the party’s disciplinary committee, dated November 27, 2024, which investigated misconduct charges against him in line with Section 57 (1-4) of the PDP Constitution, 2017, as amended.

The lawmaker was initially suspended at his Umuopia/Umukegwu ward on October 14, 2024, after failing to honor an invitation to appear before the ward executive committee on October 5, 2024.

He was summoned to answer allegations of disciplinary offenses, and ignoring reminders and further invitations sent to him on October 7, 2024.

However, in a statement on Saturday, the PDP NWC insisted that Ugochinyere is a bonafide member of the party with all rights and privileges.

Parts of the statement, signed by PDP spokesman, Debo Ologunagba, read: “The attention of the National Working Committee (NWC) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) @OfficialPDPNig has been drawn to the purported expulsion of Hon. Ugochinyere Ikeagwuonu @IkengaImo from the Party by the Umuopia/Umukegwu Ward Chapter of the PDP in Imo State.

“The NWC declares the said purported expulsion as null and void and of no effect, not being consistent with the express provision of Sections 57 (7) and 59 (3) of the Constitution of the PDP (as amended in 2017) and laid down Rules of our great Party.”

The party relied on Section 57 (7) of its Constitution to affirm Ugochinyere’s continued membership.

Meanwhile, the LG chairmen of the PDP in Imo State at the weekend named Ugochinyere the leader of the party in the state.

Ugochinyere is the highest ranking government official elected on the PDP platform in Imo State.

The Imo PDP local government leaders, who passed vote of confidence on Ugochinyere, also insisted that the party’s acting national chairman, Umar Damagun, and national secretary, Samuel Anyanwu, should be immediately removed to pave way for the reinvigoration of the opposition party.

[DailyPost]

The Federal Government on Saturday fixed February 2025 for the national youth conference.

President Bola Tinubu, during his Independence Day broadcast, announced the gathering of a 30-day national youth conference to address critical issues facing the country’s youths, including unemployment, education, and political participation.

This is as various youth groups across the country expressed disappointment over the presidency’s silence on the proposed confab.

The planned conference was part of the administration’s response to the youth-led protests, including #EndBadGovernance in August 2024 and the #FearlessOctober in October 2024.

“The conference aims to provoke meaningful dialogue and empower our young people to participate actively in nation-building. By ensuring that their voices are heard in shaping the policies that impact their lives, we are creating a pathway for a brighter tomorrow,” the President said.

The conference was greeted with mixed reactions as some youths welcomed the idea.

But almost three months after Tinubu’s pronouncement, no further announcement has been made as some youth groups expressed frustration.

The groups, including Arewa Youth Consultative Forum, Yoruba Youths Council, Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide and the Ijaw National Congress, accused the Tinubu-led government of neglecting its commitment to addressing the challenges confronting Nigerian youths.

The National President of AYCF, Zaid Ayuba, said the delay in organising the confab was disappointing and showed Tinubu’s lack of interest in youth development.

“We express our profound disappointment with the government’s inability to organise the much-anticipated national youth conference.

“Our disappointment stems from two key points. First, in an ideal society, a statement or directive from the president should automatically translate into executive action, reflecting the government’s commitment to follow through.

“The President’s announcement of such a conference was an opportunity for all Nigerians to witness a decisive mandate to bring it to fruition. However, this failed to materialise at a critical time, which deeply disheartened us.

“Second, as representatives of Nigeria’s largest demographic—the youth—we viewed this conference as a platform to present innovative ideas and solutions for the nation’s progress. It was supposed to be an avenue where the voices of young Nigerians could be amplified. Unfortunately, the conference did not happen, leaving us disappointed and marginalised.

“While we are disheartened by this missed opportunity, we remain hopeful. We call on the president to prioritise organising this critical National League Conference as the first major event of 2025,” Ayuba said.

On his part, the President of the Yoruba Youths Council, Eric Oluwole, lamented what he called the continued neglect of youths by the Tinubu administration.

“I can say categorically that Nigerian youths are not happy with Tinubu on the delay in organising the national youth conference as proposed by him. It was our belief that the confab would hold as early as possible but when you look at the whole thing now, it is like they have forgotten about it and the conference might no longer hold.

“We are already planning a meeting of Nigerian youths to remind the Federal Government that we are not going to relent until we achieve our goal, because we believe that the youths are the leaders of tomorrow. We also have the power to decide the country’s political future.

“One of our major demands is youth inclusion in governance because we make up 70 per cent of the country’s population and there is no way the government can sideline youths while making important policy decisions,” Oluwole said.

The spokesperson for Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, Dr Alex Ogbonnia, said Tinubu’s lack of action on the proposed confab undermined his administration’s credibility and integrity.

Ogbonnia said, “The youth confab is to the advantage of the President and shouldn’t be delayed any further because it will enable the President to know the yearnings of the youth. It is very important for the confab to hold.”

Also speaking, the National Publicity Secretary of Ijaw National Congress, Ezonebi Oyekemeagbegha, warned that Tinubu’s inaction on the confab could lead to disengagement and apathy among the country’s youths.

He urged the presidency to provide updates and a concrete timeline for the conference, insisting that the confab was necessary for addressing the escalating unemployment rate, brain drain, and rising social unrest among young people.

Oyekemeagbegha said, “It is good that whenever our leaders, particularly the President, make a promise; he must make conscious efforts to fulfill it. It is unfortunate that the confab is yet to be held. We expect that the President should have met with the youth, particularly this time when there is a lot of hardship and there is a need for the President to meet with the youth and other stakeholders in resolving some of the challenges confronting the country.”

The Secretary of the Democratic Socialist Movement, Peluola Adewale, described the conference as a “diversionary tactic” by Tinubu to placate youths during the #EndBadGovernance protest.

“It (confab) was a charade ab initio. The Tinubu government was never sincere about it. It was meant to bribe a section of young people at the period of an upswing in the #EndBadGovernance movement. At present, there is a seeming lull in the struggle, though the mass anger is still highly intense.

“So, the government apparently doesn’t see an immediate need for the youth conference at the moment. I think it is instructive to say that given the intensification of anti-poor policies, the growing impoverishment of ordinary people and the associated mass anger, another mass struggle may break out again.

“This is in spite of the vicious attack on democratic rights and repression of dissent by the Tinubu government. No youth conference will prevent it. In any case, the youth conference is a sheer waste of public resources and another avenue for looting of public funds,” Adewale said.

FG fixes February 2025

Responding to enquiries by Sunday PUNCH, the Federal Government said it plans to begin the month-long conference in February 2025.

The Minister of Youth Development, Mr Ayodele Olawande, said delegates would only converge on the FCT, Abuja, for one week after spending three weeks engaging youths at the grassroots.

“We will do the confab by the first week of February. It is not going to be the usual confab. That is why about three weeks of this confab will be spent with the grassroots,” said Olawande, who added that President Bola Tinubu would inaugurate selected delegates by mid-January.

While providing updates on preparations for the confab on Saturday, the youth minister said the event would not be a time to “talk and spend money.”

“We have changed the idea. The President has given us the go-ahead to come up with something more action-oriented, and after clarifying it with the Chief of Staff and getting his input, we will announce the modalities before the year (2024) ends.

“We will announce the committees. We’ll hit the ground running by mid-January or the last week of January. We will nominate representatives from each ministry and agency to collaborate with the delegates.

“We will announce those people; the President will approve and inaugurate them, and we will do the confab properly by the first week of February. I can assure you that we are going to the grassroots.”

He noted that the 30-day event would allocate two weeks to engagement in federal constituencies, followed by one week in states and local government areas.

The final week will involve a convergence on Abuja, where all findings and progress will be reviewed and discussed to formulate actionable steps.

Reflecting on previous conferences, such as the 2014 confab, he emphasised the need for a fresh and result-oriented approach to avoid repeating mistakes that yielded minimal results.

“This period, we have been looking at what has been done and how we can do things differently and better. That is why we are taking our time because we want results.

“As of now, we are setting up committees and giving them templates. We need to go back to where the challenges are the grassroots. We will not have the same people in various youth organisations who have always been there for a long time and just recruit them for the confab. We don’t think that is the right step this time around.”

In October, Olawande, then Minister of State for Youth Development, had said the Federal Government would set up a task force to implement the recommendations of the youth confab.

He argued that the task force was necessary to help concretise the recommendations into executive orders or bills to be transmitted to the National Assembly.

“We will still ask the President to give us an implementation task force so that when we need to do an executive order, we can put it up immediately. Those (recommendations) that need to go to the National Assembly, we can take it off, and we will start having this as quickly as possible. So, it’s a done deal,” Olawande noted.

He revealed that although the initial brief submitted to the President proposed four days for the dialogue, Tinubu recommended one month instead after listening to their plan to bring youths together for a dialogue.

“We are preparing to roll out things very soon with all stakeholders involved, which the President has consented to,” Olawande stated.

Reacting, the National President of the National Association of Nigerian Students, Lucky Emonefe, urged the Federal Government to expedite action on the planned conference.

He noted that part of the demands NANS would be presenting at the confab was increased youth participation in government, insisting that at least half of all public leadership and decision-making positions must be held by young people.

“We never expected that the conference would take this long. This youth confab and engagement with the youth is very important. We urge the minister of youth to please expedite action. Mr. President should put action to his words to ensure that the conference takes place because it is an opportunity for Nigerian youths to express their mind, their challenges and demands.

“We want a situation whereby like 50 per cent of government position would be occupied by youths so that we can attend to the needs of the youth,” Emonefe said.

“No man was ever honoured for what he received, but for what he gave”— Calvin Coolidge, 1872-1933, 30th US President.

It was twenty years ago, when the Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Obong Victor Attah, launched his book titled RESOURCE CONTROL. I was deeply honoured to have been asked to write the Foreword to that book which primarily advanced the co-joined principles of derivation and return to the federalism on which Nigeria was based in 1960. Akwa Ibom State was an oil producing state in 2004; Lagos was not. Why was I Lagos Boy standing side by side with the Governor of a state which stood to receive more revenue allocation from Abuja, if the agitation succeeded, while Lagos might receive a smaller slice of the national cake? The reason was simple. “There comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular, but he must take it because conscience tells that it is right.” (Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr, 1929-1968).

Attah was not the only Governor from the Niger Delta who advocated for the derivation principle and a larger share of the oil revenue for Niger Delta. He was joined by Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa State and James Ibori of Delta State in demanding that one and a half per cent derivation was unfair to the states; with onshore-offshore dichotomy also thrown in. The three set out to redress the situation while the cowards and traitors governing Abia, Cross River, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers either stood aloof or actually undermined their efforts.

Attah became the arrow-head of the movement because he wrote the book (copies are still available) and instantly became the number one enemy of President Obasanjo who was determined to continue with the rape of the Niger Delta. Nothing is more painful for me than watching governments and leaders of the Niger Delta giving Obasanjo the red carpet treatment each time he visits the area. With a friend like OBJ who needs enemies? He not only opposed the demand for derivation, he made sure that Ibori, Alamieyeseigha and Attah paid heavily for pushing the agenda to the successful end of getting the oil producing states 13.5 per cent derivation, without the obnoxious onshore-offshore dichotomy. I was very happy for the states.

“I hate ingratitude more in a man than lying, vainness, babbling drunkenness or any other taint of vice whose strong corruption inhabits our frail blood.” William Shakespeare, 1564-1616.

 There can be no doubt concerning the benefits derived by the states from that struggle. Just remove 13.5 per cent derivation from the revenue allocation to the states and it will be clear how much poorer they will all become. In any society wanting to create individuals who would promote the people’s welfare one thing they do is to honour them for their contributions. They build monuments, name institutions and streets after them; declare days to express appreciation. With the exception of Akwa Ibom State, all the other Niger Delta states now collecting huge allocations have proved ungrateful. None has done anything to acknowledge his contribution to their progress. This is scandalous.

Granted, the current Governors and leaders of the States Houses of Assembly might not be aware of the debt of gratitude owed to Attah; and which had not been discharged by ill-mannered predecessors. But, henceforth, none can claim ignorance. Attah, who turned 86 on November 20, deserves at least a major road named for him in every state of the Niger Delta.

ATTAH REMEMBERED BY DR UDEME NNANA

Fortunately, not everybody forgot the great man’s contributions to the development of the Niger Delta. Dr Udeme Nnana remains the only person appointed to office by Governor Attah, who had remained loyal till today.

He has been organising an annual Book Colloquium aiming to promote book reading in the state to mark Attah’s birthday. This year was no exception. Below is a summary of what transpired this year.

The Keynote Speaker – Sunday Udo Akpan, The Chairman was Abom Tony Esu, a former Member of the House of Reps

Barr.Bassey Dan Abia, former Attorney General and Hon.Commissioner for Justice who also served as the Chairman of NDDC.

Professor Ebebe Ukpong, former Commissioner for Economic Development

Professor Trenchard Ibia, Former Commissioner for Agriculture, Dr Eno Attah, Executive Secretary, Akwa Ibom State Primary Healthcare Development Commission,Dr Martin Akpan, Orator of the Book Club and Chairman, Governing Board, Akwa Ibom State Healthcare Development Commission

Barr. Dan Akai, former Chairman, Akwa Ibom Newspapers Corporation, Members of Bush House Academy and Members of the Book Club initiative in Akwa Ibom State.

My advocacy was on the need for Akwa Ibom State Government and indeed all the States in the Niger Delta Region to set aside November 20 every year as ‘OBONG VICTOR ATTAH DAY’ to honour a man who stood firmly to fight for the abrogation of the onshore – offshore dichotomy and full payment of 13 % Derivation fund. My argument is that, it was because Obong Attah won that fight, that is why these States and their Governors now have so much money from the Federation Account every month.??

That was the cake on the occasion.

Thanks and God bless you.

THE CURRENT WAR ABOUT VAT – I AM A LAGOSIAN

“I hold that man in the right who is most in league with the future.” Henrik Ibsen, 1825-1906

 Now that Nigerian politicians and their collaborators among the elite are at daggers drawn regarding the proposal on the Value Added Tax, VAT, in the new Tax Bill, I, as a Lagos state indigene can talk without fear about the matter. Based on the principle of derivation, the bill apparently will benefit three sub-national entities – Lagos, Rivers and the Federal Capital Territory more than the other states. Lagos is expected to be the biggest winner; while all the other states lose. Governor Zulum of Borno State and Alhaji Kwakanso, Presidential candidate of the NNDP in the last election, among other Northern leaders, have made Lagos State the target of their rejection of the very complex Tax Bill.

 Apart from the fact that singling out Lagos State for attack under the circumstances, is not exactly how to build national unity, I find the entire campaign highly ridiculous and hypocritical on the part of people I thought are more reasonable. Permit me to ask Zulum and Kwakanso the following questions. Was it by accident that most of the 35 per cent of VAT revenue going to Local governments are paid to Northern states? That Jigawa, with less than half the population of Lagos collects twice as much for its LGs than Lagos? Was it not a deliberate injustice by ALL the Northern Military Heads of State to allocate 20 LGs to Lagos and Kano State 44; despite the fact that Lagos State has a larger population and generates far more revenue?

 Let nobody be under the impression that Lagosians can be made the scapegoats for their corrupt and inept leaders who turned Northerners to the Wretched of Nigeria – if not the Earth. For every true Lagosian you can find in most states of Nigeria, you will find hundreds of thousands of their own people in Lagos. We welcome their beggars and give them alms. How many Lagos beggars are in Borno? Enough is enough. Let us collectively solve this problem and stop this nonsense about isolating Lagos for attack. We are not helpless here!!!

As a sign in front of a bar in Kansas, USA during the days of the Wild Wild West read: “IF YOU ARE LOOKING FOR TROUBLE, YOU HAVE COME TO THE RIGHT PLACE”. Zulum, Kwakanso, beware!!!

According to Section 39 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999,”every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference.” To underscore the importance of this right, the constitution further expands the empowerment beyond private discussions by recognizing the use of the media to effect communication across the globe by anyone desirous of consummating the freedom of speech provided by the section. Hence, Section 39(2) explicitly empowers citizens to “own, establish and operate any medium for the dissemination of information, ideas and opinions.”It is perhaps to avoid the misuse of this powerful right, that Nigeria also has a law of defamation which protects citizens from being hurt by reckless statements made by anyone under the guise of freedom of speech.

It can therefore be argued that although the law of defamation derogates from the constitutional provision on freedom of expression, it is certainly one of those laws which Section 45 of the constitution regards as reasonably justifiable in a democratic society. For those who may not fully comprehend what defamation entails, the Nigerian judiciary has since made it easy by defining the concept as an attack on the reputation of a person which lowers one in the estimation of people or causes him/her to be shunned or avoided or exposed to hatred, contempt and ridicule. But then, not every criticism can qualify to be defamatory. A defamatory statement must not only be clearly false, it must also have been made known to not just a few people but to several persons or the world at large. The damaging statement must also have targeted a specific, identifiable person and not just some group of people.

When the above is applied to the ongoing popular case of legal giant, Afe Babalola and human rights activists Dele Farotimi, many can easily see a pointer to a case of defamation especially its stronger dimension of Libel. This is because the alleged offending statement is clearly published in a book written by Dele Farotimi which is in circulation worldwide. The statement also refers specifically to Babalola. What may be difficult to quickly conclude upon at this point is whether the allegations credited to Farotimi are true of Babalola. It is therefore in order that the aggrieved has sued the accused to prove his allegation or be penalized for making reckless weighty allegations. The case looks quite straight forward because Farotimi has not denied that he made such allegation. In the circumstance, it is a case that the judiciary can easily establish guilt. However, the simplicity of the case has become complicated with the involvement of the police. 

With the main issues in the case clearly laid, out not many have been able to understand what exactly the police have been or are still investigating to justify the continued detention of Farotimi in police custody. Is it so that the activist does not escape from trial or is he facing punishment for his alleged refusal to present himself early enough? If the truth must be told, the involvement of the police in the case merely reminds many people of the posture of the colonial police used by authorities and the elites to compel strong-headed citizens to fall in line. Police involvement in the case has actually created a bigger court on the subject – the court of public opinion. Indeed, the two people involved in the case are very well known to the public. In the case of Babalola, there is hardly any lawyer that is known to have made a bigger success of his career. On the other hand, no one is likely to believe that Farotimi would timidly dodge police invitation.

From the comments made by the Nigerian Bar Association and some senior lawyers including the fiery Femi Falana, the case has since moved away from that of defamation to the misuse of police power to suppress an underdog. Many people could not have been comfortable with the report that Farotimi’s arrest was done by operatives of the Ekiti State Police Command without prior notification to the Lagos State Police Command or even the higher Zone 2 Command. It is reported that the arrest took the gestapo’ style just as it was done without the convention of logging or booking the case in Lagos thereby leaving Assistant Inspector General of Police (AIG) Zone 2 Command, Adegoke Fayoade and the Lagos State Commissioner of Police Olanrewaju Ishola in the dark until the incident went public. This gives an impression that some actors in the game are more interested in toying with Farotimi’s right to liberty than ensuring justice.

Many questions have since been asked and irrespective of what side anyone chooses to support, Nigerians would no doubt gain from answers to such questions. First, having allegedly invaded Dele Farotimi’s chambers, why was it necessary for the Ekiti operatives to also harass the staff by seizing their phones? Was the choice to use the Ekiti police instead of their colleagues in Lagos where the accused works and lives strategic? Put differently, is it true that Lagos was being avoided because ‘the state of excellence’ has since 2011 decriminalized defamation? Again, how true is the allegation that the arrest of the activist was premature? This question has been asked because DSP Abutu Sunday, the Public Relations Officer of the Ekiti State Command issued a press statement that Farotimi “was in custody and will be arraigned as soon as investigation is concluded.” 

It is worthy of note that some persons are also asking questions in favour of Afe Babalola. For example, should Babalola keep quiet and watch his hard-earned reputation destroyed through what looks to him as reckless statements? There is also the issue of the state of the law. Is defamation only a civil wrong? Here, attention is being drawn to the subsisting provisions of the Criminal Code on defamation which establishes clearly that in Nigeria, defamation is also a criminal offence. In addition, it is argued that no amount of compensations can repair the damage which the allegations have done to Babalola’s hitherto impeccable reputation. As we all await the verdict of the court, not much has been said about two aspects of the case. The first is the issue of veracity; who says Farotimi’s allegations cannot be true? Do we know what Farotimi knows about Afe Babalola that could make him think the legal giant does not deserve the high esteem of Nigerians?

The second is the dicey nature of defamation. Indeed, because defamation matters are usually premised on reputation, some defendants could bring up a dirty past that the plaintiff may have forgotten and which could be to the embarrassment of the parties and their children. Here, let’s recall the 1985 libel case instituted against NewsWatch Magazine by the late Chief Frederick Rotimi Alade Williams SAN. NewsWatch hired Chief Gani Fawehinmi who came to court to argue that his clients were justified in their publication insisting that Chief Williams who at the time was arguably the most respected lawyer in Nigeria had no reputation to protect. To illuminate his position, Gani exhumed a 1949 case in which Chief Williams was lampooned in court for a dishonourable conduct of misapplication of his client’s funds. Not much could be said thereafter.

This piece cannot end without reference to the fact that it is one thing for the court to uphold a person’s reputation but quite another thing for the public that a person wishes to please to fixatedly hold-on to a different opinion. Today, some segments of the Nigerian public and other international activists have already taken sides against Babalola. Many people are said to have rushed to purchase every available copy of the ‘forbidden’ book making Amazon to declare the book which initially recorded low sales to have attained a best seller status. Next Tuesday, activists are billed to gather at Kings College London to put pressure on the institution to cancel its Afe Babalola Centre for Transnational Education named after the legal giant for what the group perceives as Babalola’s abuse of power. We can only hope that the court case itself will not end in Pyrrhic victory – one obvious reason why cases of defamation by great men should be left to the courts without involving other exuberant actors.

The overall best-graduating student in the 2023/2024 academic session of Wesley University, Ondo, Miss Ifeoluwa Mercy Adeyemi, has shared the reasons behind her remarkable achievement.

In an interview during the institution’s 13th convocation ceremony in Ondo town, Adeyemi revealed that she intentionally chose not to have a boyfriend throughout her four-year course to avoid distractions.

The 19-year-old, who graduated with a degree in microbiology, achieved a Cumulative Grade Point Average (CGPA) of 4.97.

According to her, having a boyfriend during her undergraduate studies would have detracted from her academic focus.

She stated that her primary motivation was to make her parents proud during her academic journey. “Well, I had actually discussed this matter with several other people, and they told me that it depends on your own perspective”, she narrated.

“But for me, I see it as a distraction because I cannot divide my mind.

“A boyfriend might be demanding my attention, which would prevent me from putting my total effort into my books”.

Adeyemi emphasized that although she had no intention of having a boyfriend at the moment, she was open to the idea at the right time.

Her drive to please her parents played a significant role in her success.

“At first, I have parents that I cannot disappoint. So this is one thing that keeps coming to my mind. Anytime I found distractions, I would remind myself: your parents are out there, and you need to make them proud,” she said.

Additionally, Adeyemi expressed her ambition to make an impact in the health sector.

Her words: “I want to solve problems in this world, especially in the health sector. And I have to put more effort into understanding this course, microbiology, because it deals with microorganisms, which are central to diseases and health.

“So I need to focus on it and make my parents proud.”

Looking ahead, Adeyemi plans to further her education with a master’s degree and eventually a Ph.D., aiming to become a researcher.

Earlier, the Vice Chancellor of Wesley University, Prof. Sunday Samuel Obeka, announced that 39 students graduated with First Class Honours out of a total of 230 graduating students.

He highlighted the university’s commitment to holistic education, rooted in the Wesleyan tradition, which emphasizes intellectual sharpness, character cultivation, and preparation for community service and self-reliance.

Obeka added that the institution had achieved significant milestones, including strategic partnerships and curriculum reviews, strengthening its position as a leading educational establishment in the country.
He emphasized the need for the government to support private universities’ medical colleges, such as Wesley University’s growing offerings in health sciences, to address the shortage of health workers in the country.

Sir Demola Aladekomo delivered the convocation lecture while Pastor Sunday Ogwuche was the guest speaker.
The Chancellor, Senior Pastor Paul Enenche, presented each of the First Class graduates with ¦ 100,000.
In his address, Enenche encouraged the graduates, marking the beginning of great achievements in their lives.

A three-day spiritual crusade led by the guest speaker, Ogwuche, themed, ‘Wesleyan Heritage: A Panacea for Physical, Social & Spiritual Growth,’ was also part of the convocation ceremony. Ogwuche emphasized the importance of embracing their new identities as change-makers in society.

During the event, Olori Comfort Kiladejo, the wife of the Osemawe of Ondo Kingdom, Oba (Dr.) Victor Kiladejo, was honored with an honorary degree in Entrepreneurship and Humanitarian Service.

[Vanguard]

Aare Afe Babalola, CON, SAN, stands as a radiant beacon of the extraordinary in Nigeria, illuminating the paths of countless legal minds. His influence is profound, and as one of his beneficiaries, I often reflect on a pivotal moment during my National Youth Service in Abuja. In my earnest pursuit of a sterling legal career, I was fortunate to have Hon. Justice Olaseinde Kumuyi, the esteemed former Chief Judge of Ondo and my then Director of Civil Litigation at the Federal Ministry of Justice, advocate for my potential. With unwavering faith in my abilities, he personally chaperoned me to meet Aare Afe at his office in Adamasingba, Ibadan.

In a gesture that exemplified his remarkable generosity, Aare Afe directed me to his Chicken House office in Abuja, where I was mentored by Dr. Olumide Ayeni, SAN, the then Head of Chambers at Afe Babalola’s Emmanuel Chambers. His kindness extended beyond guidance; he gifted me a modest yet significant sum of money, instructing me to use it to "clean my bib." This phrase, particularly when linked to such a considerable amount for caring for a newly purchased, starched bib, remains a delightful enigma, symbolizing both support and encouragement.

Though my time at Aare Afe Babalola Emmanuel Chambers was brief and without formal remuneration, each of his visits to Abuja brought tokens of generosity that exceeded the annual earnings of many lawyers. He is a true guru, a master of the legal field; his courtroom advocacy resonates with the eloquence of a seasoned lecturer, and each of his written addresses reads like a seminal paper.

From him, I learned not only the virtues of confidence but also the intricate nuances of legal practice, understanding that these elements are vital to success in our noble profession. He is indeed a Godsend to our jurisprudence and legal community.

It is deeply disheartening to witness unfounded accusations directed at him, disregarding our sacred Yoruba tradition of honoring our elders. To label an Ekiti man with allegations of corruption or theft without substantial evidence is a serious affront. We must cherish our community's icons and tread carefully to protect those we hold dear. Aare Afe Babalola is a luminary, not only for Nigeria but for the world; such baseless claims tarnish his dignity and legacy.

Legacy and reputation are the cornerstones of our personal and professional lives. They define how we are remembered and the impact we leave on others. When individuals engage in malice or grandstanding at the expense of others, they not only diminish the reputation of their targets but also tarnish their own legacy. Such actions stem from insecurity and a desire for fleeting attention, ultimately leading to a cycle of negativity that harms everyone involved.

Both civil and criminal laws exist to protect reputation, safeguarding individuals from defamation and unjust harm. These laws remind us that our words and actions carry profound weight, influencing lives long after they are spoken.

As we navigate this complex terrain, we must also remember that to err is human. Mistakes are an inherent part of our existence, and acknowledging this truth is crucial in our pursuit of justice. While accountability is essential, I believe that justice should mirror Aare Afe’s generous spirit and be tempered with mercy.

When we make errors—whether in judgment, action, or decision—it's vital to approach these situations with compassion, recognizing the potential for growth and rehabilitation. As the Quran beautifully states, “And do not let the hatred of a people prevent you from being just. Be just; that is nearer to righteousness” (Quran 5:8). Similarly, the Bible teaches us to “do unto others as you would have them do unto you” (Luke 6:31).

In the spirit of our rich traditions, let us honor our elders and protect the integrity of our community, nurturing a legacy of respect, compassion, healing and understanding that will inspire generations to come.