Ghana has pulled off another feat in democratic consolidation after successfully conducting a ninth round of generally peaceful Presidential and Parliamentary Elections. While democratic elections have become a norm in the country, the 2024 General Elections were distinct in various aspects that challenged the resilience of democracy, yet, Ghanaians rose to the occasion

Forty-eight hours after the poll, the Electoral Commission (EC) announced processed results from 267 out of 276 constituencies, and declared former President John Dramani Mahama, candidate of the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC), as the winner and President-elect with 56.55% of the votes against 40.61% scored by the out-going Vice President Mahamudu Bawumia, the presidential fag-bearer of the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP).

Indeed, less than 24 hours from the close of balloting, Vice President Bawumia had telephoned President-elect Mahama to concede defeat. 

Also, following the declaration of the official results by EC, out-going President Nana Akufo-Addo congratulated Mahama on “his decisive victory” and invited him to a meeting to initiate the transition process.

There was no rocket science to it, but a matter of political actors respecting the will of the people.

The two dominant political parties had agents in almost all the more than 40,000 polling stations, who monitored process and relayed polling results to their party data system for parallel vote collation/tabulation.

Like in most elections, the run-up to Ghana 2024 was not without political tension, misinformation, disinformation, fake news and hate speech, culminating in violent incidents in some Regions/Districts, with at least one or two reported deaths and injuries.

Even after the results of the presidential race were announced, shootings, looting and destruction of public and private properties were still reported in some volatile regions. Police reported some arrests and promised prosecution of culprits.

Similar post-election violence is not uncommon in Ghana, but it reached a crescendo in the 2020 elections when eight people were killed.

Some critics believe that the “unsatisfactory” handling of the 2020 election killings and the lack of public confidence in some public institutions, might have contributed to the government’s defeat at the poll.

The other factors include economic hardship, allegations of official corruption, nepotism and “political arrogance” exhibited by some public officials.

Also, artisanal illegal gold mining, locally called “galamsey,” and its negative environmental consequences (including degradation of water bodies and destruction of forest reserves) have become a major political issue, with the two major political parties trading allegations over complicity.

Equally concerning were the menace of violent extremism and vigilantism or the use of thugs/private security agents by politicians, despite the existence of the Anti-Vigilantism and Related Offences Act 999 of 1999.

The combined effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused severe economic disruptions across the globe, currency fluctuation and the Russia-Ukraine conflict, which has impacted food security for many African countries, have left the Ghanaian economy reeling out of control amid high inflation and unemployment, especially among the youth. Also, the country’s debt crisis and engagement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for economic recovery might have played a significant role in the outcome of the elections.

Akufo-Addo and Mahama, who will become Ghana’s 13th President since the country’s independence from Britain in 1957, have now locked horns in four presidential battles with both emerging victorious on two occasions - (2012 and 2024 Mahama) and (2016 and 2020 Akufo-Addo).

The 2020 race produced a hung parliament with the two dominant parties having an equal number of MPs in parliament, and the opposition NDC producing the parliamentary Speaker for the first time in the country’s political history. The decision by four MPs to quit their parties and the Supreme Court’s order stopping the Speaker from declaring the MPs' seats vacant had aggravated the political tension.

Ghana has 24 registered political parties.

Thirteen (13) fielded presidential candidates, while fifteen (15) had candidates for the parliamentary elections, complemented by independents. Nonetheless, the ruling NPP and the opposition NDC remain the dominant parties, alternating control of political power three times in 32 years (2000, 2008 and 2016) and now in 2024.

According to the EC, 900,000 new eligible voters were added to the national voter’s register in 2024 bringing the total to 18,774.159 (15% higher than in 2020), in an estimated national population of 34.42 million.

In a marked departure from tradition, the 2024 political campaigns were more of a door-to-door affair than public rallies. The NDC’s stronghold is the Volta Region and parts of the North and Muslim community, while the NPP draws its majority following from the Akan ethnic group, mainly from the Ashanti and other Southern Regions.

Religion is not overly contentious in Ghana, but the 2024 poll tested the country’s religious tolerance. 

It was the first time in Ghana’s history that two candidates from the two major political parties, professing different faiths came from the same region, the North. Mahama is Christian and Bawumia a Muslim.

In the end, Mahama recorded a sweeping victory with a more than 1.5 million majority vote margin, the highest since 1992. 

There is no perfect election. However, Ghana has demonstrated that an electoral process, which is a multi-stakeholder responsibility is integral to the entrenchment of democratic culture, nurtured by strong and resilient institutions.

As the icing on the cake, Ghana, for the first time, also has its first elected female Vice President, Prof Nana Opoku-Agyemang, Mahama’s running mate in the 2024 elections.

Local and international election observers, including from ECOWAS, the African Union and the Commonwealth, and civil society organisations, were unanimous in their positive assessment of the outcome of Ghana’s latest elections, the professionalism of most actors, and the transparency of the electoral process bar the isolated violent incidents, which they captured in their reports with recommendations particularly on collation and results management for the relevant authorities to address.

Incidentally, the ECOWAS Election Observation Mission to Ghana was led by Nigeria’s former Vice President Namadi Sambo, while the West African Elders’ Forum was headed by his boss, former President Goodluck Jonathan. The fact that President Jonathan, with Sambo as his deputy, also telephoned then-candidate Muhammadu Buhari to concede defeat in Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election, just as Bawumia has done in Ghana, was not lost on the international community.

By and large, after the successful and peaceful presidential and parliamentary elections in Senegal and Liberia, the outcome of Ghana’s elections is a strong message that democracy, with all its flaws, is the way to go, by providing the people with the mechanism to periodically change leaders who fail to deliver.

The conversation on the credibility or transparency of elections remains open-ended, but a flawed election is not enough reason to jettison democracy.

With the January 2025 deadline fast approaching on the notice issued by the junta leaders of the Alliance of Sahel States, AES, to pull their countries - Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger from ECOWAS, the message from Accra is that it is never too late for a patriotic leader to do the right thing in the interest of the people.

The citizens of AES countries are going through severe socioeconomic hardship, insecurity and political isolation, which could only worsen, with an avoidable humanitarian disaster if their countries should unceremoniously quit ECOWAS.

ECOWAS might have made some mistakes in its approach to halt the wave of military incursions into politics in West Africa, but that is no justification for military coups or unconstitutional change of governments.

Since their withdrawal announcement, the junta leaders have made little to no progress on constitutional rules or implementation of their transition programmes. They should not vindicate the notion that they are opportunistic power grabbers.

For their part, ECOWAS leaders must put their house in order at the national and regional levels by ending bad governance, corruption, human rights violations, election rigging as well as “constitutional and ballot box coups.”

Ejime is a Global Affairs Analyst and Consultant on Peace & Security and Governance Communications

“Man is born free and everywhere he is in chains. One man thinks himself the master of others but remains more of a slave than they are” - Jean-Jacques Rousseau.

One of the (once-upon-a-time) immovable pillars of our justice system is that a man is presumed innocent until otherwise proven. The man so accused is therefore allowed all his rights and privileges until the charges against him are proven. He is accorded his liberties and freedom. His honour and integrity are not only left intact, they are also held as sacrosanct. No one may abridge his rights. No one may look him in the eyes and pronounce him guilty. He may not be ostracised by anyone.

 And no punishment can - and should - be levied against him. He must be free as air and must be taken before a court of competent jurisdiction, charged with offences known to law. He must have his day in court - unhindered and unmolested. No obstacles must be hewn his way - otherwise, that in itself will amount to an obstruction of the cause - and course - of justice which, in itself also, is a serious offence.

That is why, once a case is in court, no one is allowed to comment on it again. In legal parlance, the case/comment is said to be sub judice. The court must be left alone to pronounce on the matter. You don’t have to be a lawyer to know why this should be so. Don’t distract the judge(s). Don’t arrest their judgment before it is delivered. Don’t incite the public against any likely outcome. Avoid a likely breakdown of law and order. Don’t influence the judges with your comments, position or personality. Don’t intimidate or harass them either.

 But once judgment is delivered, you are then free to review it and pass comments. Usually, there are opportunities for an appeal. Even in our traditional society, once a matter is taken before the elders for adjudication, the combatants sheath their swords. After each one has stated their own side of the case, they wait patiently for the “judge” or “judges” to ruminate over the matter and pronounce judgment.  

It appears that is no longer the case here! Senior lawyers not only discuss matters before the court with relish but also deliver "judgment" on them! As it stands today, the accused is deemed guilty once he has been so alleged. His cloak of innocence is shredded once he or she gets tarred with this or that allegation. In the trending case of Dele Farotimi versus Chief Afe Babalola and others, you will be wrong if you think Farotimi is the only one whose innocence is denied him ever before he had had the opportunity to appear before a law court - competent or incompetent.

 While Chief Afe has been “tried” and “convicted” in the court of public opinion before he had had the opportunity to utter a word, the Establishment appears to have made up its mind on the guilt of Farotimi what manner of punishment to inflict (and is already being inflicted) ever before he could have his day in court. To the Establishment, the question is not whether he is guilty but the kind of exemplary punishment to inflict on him to serve as deterrent to others as well as make him an object lesson to any other “hot head”that may want to imitate him.

Why ban a book when the matter has not even been joined in court? What is there to be debated again when you have already banned the book that is in contention? That book, as well as Farotimi, ought to be presumed blameless until those against it have proven their case that it does not qualify for a place on the bookstand - and not before it is found to be so guilty. What is parading naked before us is not the administration of justice but vendetta, victimization and anti-intellectualism all rolled into one.

 No book deserves to be banned. At the very worst, you order that the “offending” portions be expunged once the case for it had been proven in a court of competent jurisdiction. The actions already taken against Farotimi’s book while he is yet to be given the opportunity to defend what he wrote is anti-intellectualism. What if, in the end, Farotimi wins his case or have they concluded that he cannot?

 As an editor, I won cases of alleged libel that many had thought not win-able. If you successfully plead justification. If you convince the judge that it is the public interest. And natural occurrences can terminate a case of libel, slander, or defamation.

Why did they take Farotimi to court in manacles? I found the position held by Femi Falana, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria and an Ekiti indigene like Chief Afe Babalola, very instructive. Titled “Beyond The Removal Of Dele Farotimi’s Handcuffs”, Falana said: “In the last 20 years or thereabout, this is the fourth time that the restraint of suspects has been condemned in the media. Two days ago, Mr. Dele Farotimi who is currently standing trial in Ado Ekiti for criminal defamation was handcuffed by the authorities of the Ado Ekiti Correctional Centre. 

"As there was no basis for the restraint, the action of the prison management was deprecated in the media. Since the detained lawyer had not exhibited any form of violence, some lawyers argued that the treatment meted out to him could not be justified under Section 7 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act which provides that a suspect or defendant may not be handcuffed, bound or subjected to restraint except: (a) there is reasonable apprehension of violence or an attempt to escape; (b) the restraint is considered necessary for the safety of the suspect or defendant, or (c) by order of a court.

”In the last 20 years or so, this is the fourth time that the restraint of suspects has been condemned in the media. Specifically, the decision of the authorities to handcuff Tafa Balogun (a former Inspector-General of Police), Olisa Metuh (a former chieftain of the PDP), Agba Jalingo (an online publisher) and Dele Farotimi (a lawyer) was greeted with opprobrium in the media. Based on the condemnation of the humiliation of such suspects, the restraint of each of them was hurriedly discontinued. Hence, Mr. Dele Dele Farotimi was not handcuffed to the Magistrate Court yesterday. 

’In several WhatsApp groups, petit bourgeois lawyers and journalists have congratulated themselves for the social media campaign that compelled the prison management to discard Mr. Dele Farotimi's handcuffs. However, on a daily basis, lowly-placed criminal suspects are handcuffed to and from the several High Courts and Magistrate Courts in all the states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory. As if that is not enough, such suspects are regularly leg-chained like slaves in sugar plantations in the Americas during the slave trade. 

 ”The dehumanisation of poor suspects is considered normal by the elite in our stratified society. For instance, a couple of months ago, a police command paraded a suspect before the electronic and print media for stealing five tubers of yam valued at less than N10,000 to feed himself and his family members. At about the same time, a public officer accused of stealing over N100 billion was neither handcuffed nor paraded before the media. 

”It is only when politically-exposed persons and the elite are charged with criminal offences that lawyers and journalists wax lyrical and pontificate so passionately on the sanctity of the presumption of innocence enshrined in Section 36 of the Constitution and Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act. 

”Under the current democratic dispensation, four judgments of the Ecowas Court and domestic courts in Nigeria have declared the parade of suspects illegal on the ground that it is prejudicial to the right of fair hearing. Based on such judicial decisions, the human rights community mounted a vigorous campaign for an end to the practice of parading suspects by law enforcement agencies in Nigeria. 

”Although the campaign has not succeeded, the Lagos State House of Assembly prohibited the parade of criminal suspects via an amendment of the Criminal Law carried out in February 2009. Since the House of Assembly of other states failed to adopt the progressive position of the Lagos State Government, our law firm has filed a suit in the Federal High Court seeking to stop the Nigeria Police Force, EFCC, ICPC and other security agencies from further parading criminal suspects in chains. 

”However, in marking this year's Human Rights Day, the National Human Rights Commission held a conference at Abuja on December 5, 2024. In his goodwill message delivered at the conference, Mr. Hashimu Argungu, the chairman of the Police Service Commission (PSC), condemned the practice of parading suspects in chains. It is hoped that the Nigeria Police Force will soon ban all police commands from subjecting poor suspects to handcuffs and leg chains before the media. 

”In order not to be accused of hypocrisy, Nigerian lawyers should join the campaign to ban detaining authorities from further subjecting all suspects and defendants to the restraint of handcuffs and leg chains unless it is authorised by a court. Nigerian lawyers should also ensure that suspects and defendants are not exposed to any form of media trial. Journalists should also stop the contemptuous culture in the media by which pages of newspapers, television and radio studios as well as myriad online platforms have been turned into parallel trial courts.

”The point that I am struggling to make is this: the campaign for humane treatment of suspects should not end simply because the prison authorities have removed the handcuffs on Mr. Dele Farotimi. In other words, it is time that the handcuffs and leg chains on other suspects and defendants were removed”

Well said! I cannot now remember the activist whom the Establishment sought to shame by putting him in chains; but rather than bow his head in shame, he held up his manacled hands for everyone to behold and denounced it as the symbol of a decadent society and the shame of those upholding and promoting it. And my mind went to Rousseau quoted above. 

Those who think themselves the master of others are the worst of all slaves. The handcuffs on some men’s hands are nothing compared to the handcuffs on some other persons’ minds and souls! Neither do we need Rousseau to tell us that Nigeria is a country where everyone is born free but are everywhere in chains - chains even worse than those Femi Falana is railing against here.

Once upon a time the thinking was that the judiciary, touted as the “last hope of the common man”, would help break the chains holding the people down; but today we know better! To break their chains, the people must take their destiny in their own hands and, that way, also help break the chains on the judiciary’s own hands and legs!  

Today, the Bar and Bench are the worst enemies of the Judiciary. They are the ones trampling the norms and basic rules that once were the unshakable pillars of their profession. They are the ones "learned" enough to maneouvre the nooks abd crannies of the law, cutting corners here, laying ambush there and exploiting the loopholes carefully and deliberately created to serve selfish ends. They are the ones encouraging media trial. They are the ones leading litigants or acceding to the desire of litigants to pervert the cause and course of justice. They are the ones who say, see and treat the law as an ass, They are the ones fouling the temple of justice and polluting its fountain. They are, therefore, also the ones best placed to clean its Augean stable. Judgment, and restoration, must start from their two houses - the Bar and the Bench! The blame cannot be shifted anywhere and to anyone else, be it litigants, the media or politicians!

Programme: City Talks with Reuben Abati

Time: 12:00

Guests Oluwagbenga Ajiboye 

(Executive Director Transmission Service Provider (TCN))

Topic: The Recurring National Grid Collapse

Date: December 14, 2024

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As a media scholar who engages with Nigeria's media landscape from the safe yet impassioned perch of the diaspora, I have found 2024 to be particularly illuminating in the annals of government-media relations. It presented a study in tension, turmoil, and eventual catharsis.

 If the media is society's mirror, then its cracks often reveal not just distortions but deeper fissures in the polity it reflects. And nowhere was this more evident than in the July 4 report by Daily Trust, which set the Nigerian public sphere ablaze with moral indignation and, in a twist befitting a Greek tragedy, threatened lives.

The Daily Trust report in question bore the sensational headline: "LGBT: Nigeria Signs $150 Billion Samoa Deal." In one fell swoop, it conjured a narrative wherein the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration had purportedly traded Nigeria’s moral sanctity for European coffers flush with foreign currency. It was a claim unburdened by evidence but rich with emotional currency.

 In its aftermath, it left ripples of moral panic, social turbulence, and political fallout, especially in the Muslim North where issues bordering on religious morality inflame our passions and mentally transport us to celestial realms. 

Clerics swiftly mobilized their pulpits and invoked ominous maledictions. Their invocations of divine ire resonated not only within mosques but deep into the social sinews of a people already hampered by mistrust.

 Prominent Northerners in the Tinubu administration became objects of incendiary wrath, targets of whispered curses and objects of overt death threats. Family members became collateral damage in this frenzy.

As I pointed out in my July 6, 2024, column titled “LGBTQ Storm in $150 Billion Samoa Deal Teacup,” what Daily Trust did exemplified the literary and journalistic sin of circular reporting, a rhetorical sleight-of-hand where unsuspecting people are fed with false information, made to spout it back, which then gets established as the source of the information.

Alex Haley’s Roots is one of the most prominent examples of circular reporting. Haley's wildly celebrated epic, initially marketed as historical truth about the life of Kunta Kinte, an 18th-century Mandinka who was captured and sold into slavery in America, was later unmasked as a potpourri of embellished fiction and poorly sourced “facts.” 

In his eagerness to find validation, Haley planted narratives into the mouths of griots in the Gambia, only to repackage their guided, predetermined responses as original confirmation of his fabricated story.

In a parallel act, Daily Trust ignited outrage by feeding its sources erroneous claims about the Samoa Agreement, then turned their emotionally charged responses into a “story”—a journalistic ouroboros swallowing its own tail. 

Yet unlike Haley’s indulgence in narrative fiction, Daily Trust’s misstep wasn’t victimless. It carried real and immediate consequences: Vice President Kashim Shettima, the son of a revered Maiduguri Islamic scholar, and Nuhu Ribadu, scion of a distinguished Adamawa family with deep Islamic roots, became unwilling lightning rods for holy vitriol.

 Minister of Information Mohammed Idris, himself a bridge between Nupe and Fulani Muslim cultures, found himself straddling a tempest from all corners. All northern Muslims in the Tinubu administration became objects of unappeasable fury. 

The Minister’s Delicate Maneuver

Confronted with this escalating storm, Information Minister Mohammed Idris exhibited both restraint and strategic acumen. It would have been easy, even tempting, to unleash the full punitive might of the state upon Daily Trust. 

After all, if recent history is any guide, Nigerian courts beckon eagerly to governments eager for retribution. Yet Idris wisely chose not to enter the arena of litigation, where victors are often the defeated in the court of public opinion. To sue would have been to martyr the newspaper, inflame its supporters, and escalate the matter beyond the bounds of reason.

Instead, Idris turned to a tool of elegant resolve: the National Media Complaints Commission (NMCC), Nigeria’s fledgling experiment in self-regulation. Incidentally, it is a forum that was conceived, in a delicious twist of fate, by none other than Idris himself (as publisher of Blueprint, an Abuja-based daily) alongside Media Trust’s Chairman, Malam Kabiru Yusuf. 

Together, in the more harmonious days of 2021, after Yusuf’s and Idris’ December 2020 election as chairman and general secretary respectively of the Newspapers Publishers Association of Nigeria (NPAN), they planted the seeds of this Ombudsman, a voluntary watchdog designed to enforce media ethics with an invisible hand.

By July 8, Idris’ ministry formally petitioned the NMCC, requesting an inquiry into Daily Trust’s reckless reportorial infraction that endangered the lives of people in government. It demanded a retraction, an apology, and stricter editorial safeguards against future transgressions. 

The NMCC, under the leadership of Emeka Izeze, former MD of the Guardian and widely admired figure in Nigerian journalism, undertook its task with measured diligence. On September 23, the commission issued a 19-page report that cut through the fog of misinformation.

The commission found that although earlier versions of the Samoa Agreement did include provisions for the protection of sexual minorities and marginal gender identities (which many countries, including Nigeria, had rejected), the final 403-page agreement that Nigeria signed did not require any commitments on the part of countries that signed the agreement to codify LGBTQ rights in their law books.

The NMCC’s findings were refreshingly even-handed: while Daily Trust was found guilty of violating Article 2.1 of the Revised Code of Journalism Ethics—a clause that enshrines accuracy as the bedrock of reporting—the commission gently admonished the government for its opacity surrounding the Samoa Agreement. Transparency, it suggested, would have preempted much of the hysteria.

Thus, the judgment did more than hold a newspaper accountable; it underlined an eternal truth about public trust: opacity begets speculation, and speculation births chaos.

A Redemption through Humility

On October 2, 2024, Daily Trust rose to the moment with an unreserved apology: “We accept the verdict of the NMCC without equivocation… We apologize to the Federal Government for any inconvenience the story might have caused.”

In the apology, Daily Trust commended the “thorough and professional approach” of the National Media Complaints Commission (NMCC) and expressed gratitude to Information Minister Mohammed Idris “for his professional and democratic approach to this incident.”

 In its humility, Daily Trust not only mended fences with its readership but also fortified its credibility. Self-correction is not a weakness but the wellspring of enduring strength.

After all, as the New York Times demonstrated when it corrected a 161-year-old error in 2014, the integrity of any news organization lies not in its infallibility but in its courage to admit when it stumbles. To err may be human, but to apologize—and to do so with grace—is the hallmark of institutional maturity.

Lessons Learned: Self-Regulation as Democratic Vigilance

This episode is a timely moral tale for Nigeria’s democracy and media ecosystem. For too long, the relationship between Nigerian governments and the media has oscillated between adversarial hostility and co-opted complicity.

 This case reveals the potential for a middle path, that is, a relationship characterized by accountability without authoritarianism, and freedom tempered by responsibility.

The NMCC’s successful arbitration places Nigeria alongside countries like the United Kingdom, where the Independent Press Standards Organisation (IPSO) maintains order in the wake of scandal; Germany, where the Deutscher Presserat enforces rigor; South Africa, whose Press Council safeguards post-apartheid press freedoms; and several other examples.

As Thomas Jefferson once wrote, “The only security of all is in a free press.” But press freedom, like all freedoms, carries obligations—chief among them the pursuit of truth. To borrow Edmund Burke’s metaphor of the Fourth Estate, if journalists sit atop their watchtower as society’s sentinels, they must keep their eyes unclouded by haste, bias, or error.

In the final analysis, both Minister Idris and Daily Trust deserve commendation for their conduct. The minister’s refusal to wield the bludgeon of state power speaks to his understanding of democracy’s delicate balance.

 Daily Trust’s forthright apology reaffirms its place as an honorable newspaper committed to ethical journalism, even when it falters, like we all do.

Errors, after all, are the cracked kegs of palm wine through which wisdom occasionally trickles. It is what we do with the lessons—how we patch the cracks and safeguard against future spills—that determines whether we remain custodians of public trust or mere peddlers of ink-stained chaos.

This case tells us that the relationship between the government and the media need not always be a drumbeat of conflict; it can, when guided by mechanisms like the NMCC, achieve the harmony of a well-tuned orchestra where every note serves the greater good of truth, transparency, and trust.

In 2024, Nigeria glimpsed that harmony. 

“But can we continue to service external debt with over 90% of our revenue? It’s a path to destruction, we cannot continue that. We have to make hard decisions” —President Tinubu’s speech at the NBA Annual General Conference of 2023.

The increasing decay of public infrastructures and the apparent inability of the successive governments in Nigeria to fund basic social amenities call for some concerns. Our public institutions that offer basic amenities are at the verge of total collapse. Public universities have become ghost of themselves, while many public secondary and primary schools are not fit for animal habitation, let alone humans. Our public health service is appalling while transportation infrastructure is crying for help. Our children study under dilapidated school buildings with leaking roofs, libraries lack basic books let alone latest publications while school laboratories are without basic reagents. It is also apparent that the governments at all levels have been recording budget deficits due to the increasing gap between government revenue and expenditures.  This work posits that wealth taxation is one option open to Nigeria to overcome its infrastructural decay challenges.

The work explains the fundamentals of a wealth tax including the practicability and policy issue considerations involved in the design and implementation of a wealth tax. It concludes that as controversial as it may seem, with the declining economic fortunes of Nigeria, the super rich in the society must be made to contribute a token of their wealth to rescue the country.

A wealth tax is a tax levied on the market value of assets owned by a taxpayer. It is a tax that applies to the net fair market value of all or some of a variety of a person’s wealth stock including but not limited to cash, bank deposits, shares, fixed assets, cars, real estate, pension, ownership of unincorporated businesses, financial securities and trusts. It is a tax on an individual’s net worth which is generally the difference between someone’s assets and liabilities.

Historically, a wealth tax seeks to achieve some public policy goals including raising revenue to fund government programmes. A very unique tax, a wealth tax, historically, is often a response to a state of emergency. It has been used in the past by countries to raise revenues to fund State expenditures in the event of disasters, war or pandemic.

The Nigerian State presents a paradox of some super rich individuals living in a society where the majority wallow in abject poverty amidst infrastructural decay. The case for a 2% one-off wealth tax in Nigeria appears not very complex especially where the applicable threshold is, for instance, N10billion. This ensures that the tax burden is borne by the super rich only. A one-off 2% to 5% wealth tax with a relatively wide base would be an efficient way to mobilise revenue for critical infrastructures in the country. The fact that the imposition is one-off may “calm down” the rich and it may be taken as a sacrifice to be made in the overriding interest of the society. A wealth tax is often an interventionist fiscal measure rather than a recurring imposition. A one-off wealth tax (unlike an annual wealth tax) will certainly generate much less uproar and resistance among the wealthy class.

Special payment arrangements may also be made to enhance ease of payment. These arrangements may include deferred or instalmental payment, especially for the “assets rich but cash poor”. These will include dormant assets held by the aged. Government may also consider payment in kind with a portion of the asset. Beyond the immediate revenue generation, a wealth tax is also capable of reducing the spate of civil unrests such as the 2021 “end SARS” protests which appears to be a protest by the poor against the rich. With the increasing wide gaps between the “haves” and the “have nots” in Nigeria, a wealth tax is capable of creating a feeling of social justice among the less privileged. The recent removal of the fuel subsidy and its attendant economic hardship being experienced by the masses might have been prevented by the introduction of a wealth tax which targets only the super rich in the country. A one-off wealth tax could have generated enough funds to cushion the effect of the subsidy removal. With this arrangement, social justice is enhanced as the masses get the feeling that the wealth tax operates to reduce the wide gaps between the rich and the poor. A society like ours, where the rich and the poor are made to bear equal burden in national growth and development, may be sitting on a time bomb.

As controversial as it may seem, a tax system that makes the super rich to support the State appears to be very compelling at this time in our overall interest as a people. It also seem to be in the enlightened best interest of the rich class as well. The country is at the cross road and the rich elite should wake up to the reality of the discontent of the poor and its implications for security of lives and properties.

Accountability and trust is crucial to the success of a wealth tax, especially in a country like ours. Being a special fiscal measure, the tax must be administered in a way that engenders public confidence, especially the confidence of the tax payers. We recommend that while the tax may be collected by the FIRS, the use of same must be entrusted to a special committee comprised of distinguished Nigerians with clean and impeccable records of service both in the private and public sector. 

In designing a wealth tax for a country, it is important to determine whether the tax will be global or domestic. A domestic wealth tax charges residents’ assets within its jurisdiction while a global wealth tax imposes tax not only on residents’ assets within its jurisdiction but also nationals’ assets located in foreign jurisdictions. It is a matter of common knowledge that the Nigerian wealthy class have a significant part of their assets in foreign jurisdictions including tax havens. A global wealth tax will, therefore, be the most appropriate for Nigeria with the potential for a very high yield. To achieve this objective, the government must have access to reliable data of foreign assets owned by Nigerians. This will require international cooperation. Exchange of information between Nigeria and other countries, particularly in Europe, UK and America, is critical to the success of a global wealth tax. The federal government may need to enter into multilateral and bilateral treaties in this regard.

Nigeria is a Federal State with each layer of government exercising certain fiscal powers within its jurisdiction. As noted earlier, international cooperation including bilateral and multilateral treaties is crucial to the success of a global wealth tax. Foreign relations including treaties fall under the exclusive jurisdiction of the federal government through the National Assembly. The federal government, through the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), will be in the best position to administer a wealth tax. The revenue authorities in most States of Nigeria lack the capacity to administer an efficient wealth tax.

The prospects of a wealth tax in Nigeria are not without its challenges. These challenges will include poor data on property ownership, disguised assets ownership, the problem of valuation, endemic corruption among others.

Nigeria has no reliable data of property and asset ownerships. The success of a wealth tax will depend largely on the level of property and assets ownership data available to it. The federal government may overcome this challenge by calling on all the States revenue authorities in Nigerian to forward their taxpayers database for harmonisation.  Relevant data may also be collected from agencies such as Land Registries, vehicle licencing authorities, and authorities that licence luxury goods such as private jets and yachts.  Other potential sources include registers of political offices aspirants in Nigeria, Nigerian Immigration Service and Passport offices and Code of Conduct Bureau.

There is also the problem of disguised asset ownership. A wealth tax is customarily imposed on individuals and families, but many high worth properties and assets in Nigeria are held in the name of corporate entities especially limited liability companies. Because the dominant tax units for wealth taxation are individuals and families, assets and properties held in corporate names may escape the tax net. Accordingly, the tax net should cover corporate entities including those with significant market presence whether with or without permanent establishment in case of foreign companies. The FIRS should be assigned the core role with support from bodies such as National Intelligence Agency, the State Security Service, CBN and EFCC. This is to enable the authorities have adequate and full information about those who ought to be in the tax net in respect of assets both within and outside the country.

Valuation is a major challenge of any wealth tax. A wealth tax is often imposed at a percentage of the value of the target asset or property. Will the method of valuation be the open market value of the assets, self-assessment or other methods of valuation such as insurance valuation? While self-assessment method may promote voluntary compliance, the tax yield may be poor due to undervaluation. The process of valuation, tax assessment, collection and general administration of the tax may also be bedevilled by the culture of endemic corruption in Nigeria.

There are various concerns and policy objectives that may motivate a government to consider a wealth tax. The current state of infrastructural deficit and decay in Nigeria calls for some drastic measures to save the situation. This has become very important in view of the level of our current national indebtedness which we are told is being serviced with over 90% of our revenue. Surely, this is a recipe for disaster which must be arrested. Wealth tax, if properly designed and well implemented, offers a great window. It should not be delayed till election cycle is around the corner otherwise the political will may be lacking. It should be now. A one-off wealth tax is a fiscal option which this current government may consider to achieve a massive urban renewal and infrastructural development.  This is also in the enlightened self-interest of the Nigerian super rich elites class.

• Raji, a Senior Advocate of Nigerian, FCIArb (UK), has a Master’s degree in Taxation from the University of Oxford, United Kingdom

Recent media criticisms questioning the breadth of experience and business acumen of Mr. Massad Boulos, the incoming Senior Adviser on Arab and Middle East Affairs to U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, are not only misguided but also dismissive of the remarkable track record of both the man and the companies he has been instrumental in nurturing.
For instance, SCOA Nigeria PLC, where Mr. Boulos serves as Managing Director/CEO, is far from being just another company. It is a formidable force in Nigeria’s industrial and economic landscape. With roots spanning over four decades, it holds the distinction of being the first European automotive assembly plant in Nigeria.

In the 1970’s, SCOA Nigeria PLC made a name for itself by assembling Peugeot 404 and then 504 pickup trucks at its assembly plant at Apapa, Lagos and service center at its Lapal House facility on Lagos Island. Today, the company continues this proud legacy, assembling, distributing, and marketing M.A.N trucks and buses, power generators, tractors, agricultural equipment, industrial equipment and other heavy-duty construction and mining machinery critical to Nigeria’s key sectors.

SCOA Nigeria PLC’s clients include some of the most prominent and respected names in Nigeria’s construction industry, such as Julius Berger—widely regarded as the nation’s leading construction firm—Lafarge Africa PLC, a major cement producer, the Chagoury Group, renowned for developing the prestigious Banana Island, a premier residential enclave in Lagos, the DANGOTE Group, and many others.
Beyond trucks, SCOA Nigeria PLC is a trusted supplier of concrete, road construction and mining equipment, partnering with leading infrastructure companies to drive Nigeria’s development. For example, Julius Berger relies heavily on SCOA’s equipment for large-scale projects, including the 376km Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano highway and the 43.6km Lagos-Shagamu stretch of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway and the Abuja-Kano Highway. Similarly, Hi-Tech Construction, currently working on the 700km Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway and the Lagos-Badagry-Sokoto road network, depends significantly on SCOA PLC for the machinery and technology required to execute these ambitious projects, aimed at enhancing connectivity and trade across Nigeria’s southern, central, and northern regions.

Similarly,SCOA PLC has also been instrumental in the development of Eko Atlantic City, a groundbreaking urban project built on reclaimed land from the Atlantic Ocean. This visionary initiative, designed to address Lagos’s urbanization challenges and promote sustainable development, has been made possible in part by state-of-the-art machinery supplied by SCOA. Notably, Eko Atlantic City is set to host the United States Embassy, projected to be the largest of its kind globally upon completion, further underscoring the strategic importance of this landmark project.
In fact,SCOA Nigeria PLC’s impact extends beyond Nigeria’s shores. As a member of the FADOUL Group - one of the largest and most successful family-owned businesses in Africa - its influence spans across West and Central Africa. The FADOUL Group, established in 1966, operates numerous successful enterprises, employs over 20,000 people, and is valued at over $1 billion, with hundreds of millions of USD in assets. This legacy highlights the scale and scope of the operations under Mr. Boulos's leadership.

Contrary to unfounded claims in certain media outlets, the suggestion that Mr. Boulos is not a billionaire is both baseless and misleading. As President-elect Donald Trump rightly described, Mr. Massad Boulos is a “deal-maker,” a characterization grounded in fact. His proven ability to negotiate and execute complex international transactions has facilitated significant partnerships between Nigerian, German, and French businesses, delivering substantial value and mutual benefit.

As a Non-Executive Independent Director of SCOA Nigeria PLC since 2012, I have witnessed firsthand Mr. Boulos's instrumental role in driving the company’s success. His ability to navigate the complexities of international commerce, exemplified by the supply of a significant fleet of trucks to Lafarge Africa through a tripartite arrangement between a logistics firm, GPC and Union bank plc , has earned him widespread recognition and respect.
Mr. Boulos’s leadership has not only been vital to SCOA PLC’s achievements but also to the broader international business successes of the FADOUL Group. This is precisely the kind of experience and strategic vision he brings to his new role as Senior Adviser on Arab and Middle East Affairs to President-elect Trump.
As noted in a press release by Karoline Leavitt, Trump-Vance Transition Spokeswoman, attempts to smear Mr. Boulos's reputation are part of a broader effort by opposition elements to undermine President-elect Trump’s nominees. The truth remains that Mr. Boulos played a pivotal role in mobilizing the Arab-American and Middle Eastern-American vote, contributing significantly to the Trump-Vance victory—an achievement that underscores his political and organizational acumen.

Efforts to denigrate Mr. Boulos's qualifications and achievements are not only futile but also a disservice to the facts. Mr. Boulos’s expertise and accomplishments are well-suited for his new role, where he will undoubtedly deliver impactful results on behalf of President-elect Trump and the United States.

Magnus Onyibe,
Non-Executive Independent Director and Chairman of Audit Committee,
SCOA Nigeria PLC,

In 2021, the veteran singer was ordained as a bishop at the Cherubim and Seraphim Church of God in the Iju area of Lagos State.

Speaking to newsmen on Friday in Lagos, the musician explained that the church leadership received divine instruction regarding his ordination.

He shared that the instruction, delivered divinely to the church leaders, came years before he accepted the ordination.

According to him, “The Almighty God told me that I should be made the first bishop of the Cherubim and Seraphim Church of God. He told the leaders of the church.

“God said this because I am the only musician who has consistently used hymns in my music and performances, and through this, I have won many souls for Christ.

“You know my music is often based on hymns.

“And I tried to avoid the ordination for a while until God finally got me arrested.”

Reflecting on his career, Peters expressed satisfaction with his progress and thanked God for guiding him through the years.

“I am fulfilled; I am content. The only thing I now ask my creator for is to keep enlightening me with His word and to grant me the grace to draw closer to Him.

“There is absolutely nothing I want to ask for now except to continue thanking God for my achievements by His grace.

“When I think back to those I started this journey with, who are no longer here, I remain grateful to my creator.

“As for what my fans can expect, I will only say they should expect something unusual very soon,” he said.

[NaijaNews]

I was quite ecstatic about Kemi Badenoch’s miraculous slaying of the Goliath of the British establishment and emerging as the head of the Conservative Party and is now leader of the Opposition. I felt disappointed by the rather lukewarm reception of this great news, especially in Nigeria and Africa. I drafted this opinion piece and I decided to seek the opinion of my good friend, Dipo Salimomu who has lived in England and understands the issues. I felt his criticisms would be useful. Nothing prepared me for the response I got from him.

After reading the draft, he called to say he did not have much to add but could I take a look at a short video he had just sent to my WhatsApp? I opened and played the video and could not believe my eyes. There, right before me was a young lady, Kemi Adegoke, with whom I had shared a Tedex-Euston platform in 2017. Pat Utomi had been at the same event too. I had been struck by her eloquence and clarity of thought but that was it.

At that event, at only 30 years old, she had spoken about her journey into politics barely 15 years after returning to the UK at the age of 16. She spoke of her experience with white British teachers who had discouraged her from contemplating going to Oxford because she would be boxing well above her weight. She said that when she informed a white female Member of the Labour Party of her plan to join the Conservative Party, the lady had considered it a sign of ingratitude and a lack of appreciation of what the Labour Party had done for people of her kind. In the end, she said, she had joined the Conservative Party because its ideology aligned with her personal beliefs. Barely seven years later, Kemi now sits at the highest pedestal of a Party she joined barely 10 years ago. This is a feat that is moment defining and will remain a major marker in the future of British politics.

Truth be told, at the beginning, when I heard that one Kemi Badenoch, a British woman of Nigerian descent, had thrown her headgear into the ring to contest for the position of Leader of the Conservative Party in July this year, I must confess that I sneered: “What kind of gra-gra is this,” I said to myself. I imagine that millions of people of African descent living in the United Kingdom and beyond felt the same. I was convinced that perhaps she simply wanted her name on the list for history. I recalled the story of the tortoise who was to be carried away in exile. As he was lifted up by, he had pleaded to be put down for just a few minutes. “I am not quarrelling with my exile,” he said, “but just put me down, please.” When his captors reluctantly did, he scratched the ground with his paws and turned, saying: “Ok, I am ready for exile. You can carry me.” Asked why he had wasted their time, he replied: “I want my descendants to know that their forefather did not go on exile without a fight.”

How Kemi pulled this great feat off, definitely requires far more attention than we are prepared to concede to her. On personal reflection, I scratched my head, paused and reflected: Kemi was born a year after I arrived at the University of Bradford for a postgraduate degree. The landscape of British public life from where I stood, was almost totally denuded of black presence in either academia, economics or politics. Bradford itself then was a sleepy environment with a very high Asian population running corner shops. There were hardly any black heroes or heroines not to talk of British citizens of Nigerian descent. In Long Tennis, Mr. David Imonite had made a brief appearance in Wimbledon in 1979. I had begun to support Nottingham Forest Football Club because of Viv Anderson, the first black person I saw playing football at that level. Later, John Barnes followed, with Liverpool later. Then came the greatest decathlete of all time, Daley Thompson, followed by the sprinter, Linford Christie, the heavyweight boxer, Frank Bruno, and Lennox Lewis along with others. Sports, and to some extent, music (Sade Adu) would remain the main theatre of action for many British citizens of colour.

The walls of British politics, hitherto seeming impregnable, cracked open slightly when the 1987 elections saw Diane Abbot, Paul Boateng and Bernie Grant emerge as Members of Parliament under the flag of the Labour Party. Then, a lull followed, until 2017, where there was a surge in black representation in the Parliament. Six British citizens of Nigerian descent won six seats (Chi Onwurah, Bayo Alaba, Kemi Badenoch, Taiwo Owatemi, Florence Eshalomi, Kate Osamor). Nigerians still blew muted trumpets.

It is from this Class of 2017 that Kemi forged her way through to become an insider in just about five years. Her speed of progress is phenomenal by any measure. She had no visible name recognition, experience, age or even resources. Like Oscar Wilde, the controversial Irish writer, who was asked by Immigration what he had to declare, Kemi can only declare genius! Against the run of play, she is today the Leader of the Conservative Party of the United Kingdom, and Leader of the Opposition. Coming from a background where patriarchy holds supreme, many men are still holding their breath. After over a hundred years of presence, no black person has accomplished anything close to this. The drums ought to roll out.

There is a need to pause and remember. This is the Conservative Party of Margaret Thatcher. This is the party that celebrates its 190th anniversary this year. To ascend to the top of this Party at the age of 44, is by any measure, an historic achievement. To do so as a woman and a black woman at that, the daughter of immigrants, and a wife and a mother, is worthy of celebration. Kemi’s ascendance is special. It points at the possibilities and challenges that lie ahead for those who dare. It is often the case that some doors are closed but not locked. When that right moment comes, you need boldness, courage, character and self-belief and of course, the grace of God.

Kemi’s selection by her peers has elicited comments and controversy, and rightly so. Some people have accused her of throwing her country, Nigeria ‘under the bus’ at the slightest opportunity. This is no doubt an exaggeration by her opponents. But let’s face it. To be thrown under a stationary bus should not be a matter of concern at all. Should we not be worried about the corruption that has become a swamp out of which we have been unable to swim? Should we not be worried that in our own country, we are still raising roadblocks against gifted men and women because of their faith or ethnicity? I am surprised that even some of her critics who have cases with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission have found it convenient to condemn her for calling out Nigeria’s cancer of corruption. Nigeria’s dirty laundry will not be cleaned by outsiders or by self-deceit. From where she stands today, as a former Secretary of State for International Trade, Kemi likely knows more about the state of our sleaze than even we are prepared to admit. There are, of course, other critics who seem to be driven by envy.

Having said this, Ms. Badenoch must also know that she should not stray too far from her natural constituency, as every politician soon learns. She has shown that her identity does not define her, but she cannot either ignore that she is black and the daughter of immigrants. Not only because it would smack of self-hatred, but it would rob her of the authenticity and largeness of spirit required of all transformative leaders. Good diplomacy must ensure a smooth relationship between her and Nigeria. She needs Nigeria and Nigeria needs her very much.

And, it must be mentioned, the revolving doors in established hegemonies often run out of oil, become creaky or stop revolving for certain people after some time. How she handles this great opportunity and challenge, will determine how others like her get a chance to enter the door. As she fights her way within the establishment, she must ensure that her doors are open to women and other immigrants who are seeking a life in politics. She would do well to adequately acquaint herself with the history of the black struggle in British public life, and especially in politics. Despite the ideological differences which may exist, advancing the cause of those who consider themselves outsiders to British society should be taken seriously. She has some experience from her time as a former Minister for Women and Equalities. Her criticisms of existing populism must be constructive and helpful to all. She needs to be patient with those who have come from a long history of painful history of racism. It will not be wise to assume that the system has opened all her doors. This is the responsibility of leadership, to inspire and have empathy. She should not be tempted to ignore that the reinforced concrete that holds the structural injustice against those who feel left behind is still deep-seated in British society. She should resist the temptation to think that there are opportunities everywhere, it is just that the poor do not see them. It’s more than that.

Looking through a wider lens, African immigrants are poised to play a very significant role in global politics well beyond Africa. 

Nigeria needs to strategically position herself and take the lead in establishing and nurturing relationships with her sons and daughters in the diaspora. 

Often, immigrants hold the rough end of the stick and are endurers of structural injustices in the societies in which they find themselves. Nigeria need not see them as simply ‘remittances donors’. In my view, the organisation, Nigerians in Diaspora, should be restructured, and headed by a former Ambassador or a Nigerian who has an international Rolodex and can operate at the highest levels of global soft diplomacy. The commission could serve as a lighthouse, identifying and pointing out Nigerians of great achievement in whom the country should believe and invest. Such a head could help Nigeria identify where and how to seek (I nearly said, steal) technological assistance and collaboration whether in Russia, China, the United States of America, Canada, the United Kingdom. It was patriotism that enabled Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan to steal nuclear technology secrets from the Dutch company where he worked to enable Pakistan, Iran and North Korea to have nuclear weapons today. Developing nations with ambition must deliberately invest in their citizens in diaspora. I hope that Nigeria takes Kemi quite seriously for its own interest.

The world is in a tensive flux now. As white populations reduce in Europe and other parts of the world, we are witnessing an upsurge of hate in both fringe and mainstream politics. Populist mobsters weaponize identity and deploy the scare mongering rhetoric of hatred, especially against immigrants, both on the streets and on the pages of social media. Kemi’s victory suggests that along with rejecting the soft bigotry of low expectations, black people must not allow one single identity to define them, no matter the structural architecture of racism. Skin colour is surface thin, but it can be devastating as a weapon of exclusion. Kemi has shown that these walls are not static. They may be tough but they can be overcome.

That said, the modern world is very complex and no matter how noble the black agenda might be, it cannot succeed on its own. The challenge is to move away from blind and reductionist ideologies, and the suffocating nihilism which arises from self-pity or even self-hate. This is the lesson that great men like Mahatma Gandhi, Rev. Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela have taught us. They tried to take their people away from self- consuming single-story narratives of oppression and prying open their worldviews and the lens through which their experiences are filtered and interpreted, despite the objection of a huge segment of their own people. Often, they paid the price with their lives.

Wimbledon needs a very special recognition as a sacred spot for Africans. It was in Wimbledon that Arthur Ashe became the first black man to win the Men’s Tennis title in 1975. It is there that our own David Imonite became the first black African to compete in Wimbledon in 1979. It is with the Wimbledon Football Club that John Fashanu became the highest signing in 1984 and went on to play for that Club for nearly ten years. It is in Wimbledon that the William Sisters held the world spell bound as they both competed against one another and shared the prestigious titles between themselves in 2002, 2003, 2008, and 2009. It is not an accident that it is Kemi’s place of birth!

So, Kemi, accept our congratulations and prayers as you make history. Please work hard but conserve your energy. Wear the shoes of a long-distance runner. And be mindful of presumed allies. Remember that some night, you do not know when the long knives may come out. All you need to do is just look at the shelf life of other women who have come after you. The work of a woman is never ended. Look back at the fate of your predecessors who are still around with you. Stay in touch with, compare notes or head-ties with big aunties like Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Amina Mohammed and others. You never know. Never forget, whatever you may believe today, God brought you where you are and for a purpose. The race ahead is not for the swift or for the faint of heart. Please remember with God on your side, ‘You will run, but you will not get weary, the Lord will renew your strength’ (Is. 40: 31). Well done, and Godspeed. We await the coronation.

. Kukah is the Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Sokoto and founder of the Kukah Centre, Abuja, Nigeria.

Senate President Godswill Akpabio says President Bola Almed Tinubu muscled the two chambers of National Assembly with the conferment of GCON on them.

Akpabio, who was the Special Guest of Honour at the Public Lecture and Book Launch organised to mark the birthday of the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, on Friday, mocked Fubara’s handling of the ongoing political crisis in the state.

The Senate President said any President that wants to survive like Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu must hold the speaker and the Senate President very closely the way Tinubu is holding them.

He said the only place that can hurt a governor is the House of Assembly and no court or democracy can stop that from happening.

He said, “Recently he conferred on us GCON, Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger, whether he loved it or not he did it. He muscled the two Chambers together.

“For those of you, who may not understand politics, we were taught that the parliament can turn a woman into a man and a man into a woman. As a governor my greatest fear was my House of Assembly.

“So because of that I never travelled anywhere without my Speaker. Any time I didn’t see him for a day, I would send somebody to his house to invite him to come and have a launch with me and I used ideas to look at his face to know whether he was happy with me or not.

“The only place that can hurt a governor is the House of Assembly and no court or democracy can stop that from happening. Any President that wants to survive like Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu must hold the speaker and the Senate President very closely the way he is holding us.”

Akpabio, who also launched a book on Wike, wondered why despite all resources at the disposal of Fubara, he had not been able to poach some of the 27 lawmakers in the camp of Wike.

The former Governor of Akwa Ibom State said people must rise to condemn politics of betrayal and treachery, noting that such political orientation was affecting sustainability in governance.

He said despite all the insights contained in the lecture delivered at the occasion by the Guest Lecturer and Majority Leader of the House of Representatives, Prof. Julius Ihonvbere, he did not address the critical issue of sustainability.

“He said: “I do not know what is happening in Rivers State but I hope that the successor to Wike realises the fact that no matter how the bird flies, the legs are pointing to the ground.

“Something must be wrong. Today is not for politics. Today is for Nyesom Wike. But sometimes I wonder, I would never be the governor given the resource of Rivers State and then I disagree with my House of Assembly and I am not able to poach at least one member out of the other group. If I do not do that, it means that there is something wrong with my political philosophy.

“I do not care what people say, we must try to stop this politics of betrayal, and politics of treachery because it does not allow for good succession. Prof Julius, in everything you said here, the word that was missing was ‘sustainability’.

“You cannot have sustainability in good policies and governance when the person taking over from you is interested in not destroying you alone but destroying everything that you built. If you are a politician, note, you must have opposition as people oppose you, they are also the step you can use to go higher.”

Akpabio, however, said when politicians served with dedication, passion, confidence and with open heart God would eventually lift them higher.

Turning to Wike, he said he did not become the FCT Minister by chance, but that the position came because of the hard work he put in when he was the governor of Rivers.

[DailyTrust]

Taraba South Senator, David Jimkuta has asked political leaders to always remember their primary support base and constituents in spite of their newfound status in life.

Jimkuta who recalled his days as an Okada rider (commercial motorcyclist) spoke earlier in the week at the Nigeria Law School, Bwari in Abuja where the Federal Capital Territory FCT Minister, Ezenwo Nyesom Wike had donated seven vehicles to the school and also flagged off the construction of 10 sets of 4-bedroom bungalows for staff.

The Taraba senator who is the Senate Committee Chairman on FCT Area Councils and Ancillary Matters said the minister as a lawyer has done well to have remembered his alma mater.

“I like what you are doing. Me, before I became a senator, I was once an Okada man and it is in the same spirit that I gave them bikes. As a politician, I give to them because that’s my primary constituency.

So, what you are doing here, you are encouraging your primary constituency and it is commendable. It’s not politics. Whoever says it’s politics, let him go and try his own luck.

“Honourable Minister, we appreciate you and we support what you are doing in the FCT”, he stated.

Against the odds

At the primary election of his All Progressives Congress APC, Jimkuta had won the party’s nomination, polling 170 votes to defeat his rival, Danjuma Shiddi.

As of then, Shiddi was the incumbent member representing Wukari/Ibi Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives.

However, Jimkuta’s name was not submitted to the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC. Shiddi’s name was submitted.

Jimkuta promptly challenged the decision at the Federal High Court in Jalingo but he lost Shiddi. Then he went to the appellate court where he won. Shiddi took the case to the Supreme Court where Jimkuta also won and his name was ordered returned on the ballot.

Jimkuta would go on to cause the greatest upset in the actual Senatorial election where he defeated the then incumbent governor of the state, Darius Ishaku who was the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party PDP.

In that election, Jimkuta polled 85, 415 votes to defeat then Gov. Ishaku who scored 45,708 votes.

[Vanguard]