There is no denying the fact that the call by members of the House of Representative for a reversal of petrol and gas price hikes has raised significant level of doubt in the minds of not a few Nigerians, grappling with the soaring costs of living, particularly in the mind of this writer. While the request ostensibly aims to alleviate the economic burden on Nigerians cannot in any way be dismissed with mere wave of the hands. The reason for the doubt cannot be farfetched as it lies in the question, “Given the undemocratic closeness between NASS and the presidency, can Nigerians truly believe the House of Representative when it speaks out against executive policies?

The skepticism surrounding the house of representative’s motives stems from a long-standing relationship with the presidency which many view as unhealthy and overly cozy. Over the years, the legislative arm of government has often acted more as a supportive ally of the presidency than an independent body tasked with oversight and accountability. This close alignment undermines the essential role of the National Assembly, which should serve as a check on executive power and a voice for the people.

In fact, since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu announced the removal of fuel subsidies, resulting to increase in the prices of petrol and gas, and which no doubt exacerbated the already precarious financial situation of many Nigerians, the lawmakers seem to have done nothing by virtue of being the representative of the people. Now, given the sudden demand for a price reversal by members of the house of representative, it appears less like a genuine effort to protect citizens and more like a strategic move to regain favor with an increasingly disillusioned electorate.  Without a doubt, the Assembly’s credibility has been significantly eroded due to its perceived complicity in executive decisions, raising doubts about the authenticity of its recent call.

It is not an exaggeration to opine that the National Assembly’s credibility has taken a hit due to its perceived complicity in the executive’s decisions. Instead of challenging the government’s actions from the onset, the Assembly largely remained silent during the subsidy removal process, allowing prices to surge without opposition. Now that members of the house of representative are calling for a price reversal, many citizens had already lost faith in its ability to represent their interests. The question on everyone’s lips is whether this latest appeal is a genuine response to public suffering or merely political theater designed to distract from its previous inaction.

Without a doubt, not a few Nigerians would feel that the call for a reversal is merely a reaction to public pressure rather than a genuine commitment to improving their lives. This sentiment is further fueled by the perception that the National Assembly has consistently failed to hold the presidency accountable, especially on issues directly affecting the populace. When leaders in the Assembly express concerns only after public outcry, it reinforces the notion that they are not genuinely invested in the welfare of the citizens.

Montesquieu’s doctrine of the separation of powers emphasizes that each branch of government should function independently, serving as a check on the others to prevent the concentration of power. Unfortunately, the National Assembly’s alignment with the presidency has eroded this principle, compromising its ability to act autonomously in the interest of the Nigerian populace.

In fact, when the legislature fails to assert its independence, it not only undermines the democratic process but also fosters a climate of distrust among the citizens it is meant to serve. The ideal scenario, as envisioned by Montesquieu, is for the legislature to engage in healthy debate and scrutiny of executive decisions. However, the reality in Nigeria has been starkly different, with the National Assembly often appearing as a mere rubber stamp for the presidency’s policies.

The implications of this undemocratic closeness between NASS and the presidency extend beyond the current fuel price issue. A weakened National Assembly is less likely to hold the executive accountable on critical issues such as fiscal policies, national security, and social justice. This failure to provide oversight can lead to unchecked executive power, further alienating citizens and diminishing public trust in government institutions.

Moreover, when the house of representative calls for a reversal of fuel prices without a demonstrated commitment to protecting the public interest, it risks reinforcing the perception that it is out of touch with the realities faced by everyday Nigerians. The perception of lip service rather than genuine concern deepens the chasm between the government and the governed, leading to widespread disenchantment with political institutions.

For instance, during the last budgetary allocation, the Assembly seemed to prioritize political patronage over the pressing needs of the citizens. Budgetary allocations for social welfare programs were overshadowed by funding for projects that appeared to benefit political elites rather than the average Nigerian. This disconnect between the legislature and the people it serves is further compounded by the ongoing economic crisis.

To restore faith in the National Assembly and its functions, it must demonstrate genuine accountability and a willingness to act in the best interests of the Nigerian people. This means not only advocating for a reversal of fuel prices but also engaging in meaningful discussions and legislative actions that address the root causes of economic challenges. The Assembly must prioritize transparency and actively represent the voices of the citizens it serves, ensuring that its actions reflect the needs and aspirations of the populace.

This accountability could take various forms, including public hearings, town hall meetings, and increased engagement with civil society organizations. The Assembly must be proactive in its approach, addressing issues before they escalate into crises. By demonstrating a commitment to its constitutional role, the National Assembly can begin to rebuild the trust that has been lost.

The relationship between the National Assembly and the presidency must be recalibrated to uphold the democratic principles that Montesquieu championed. An independent and robust legislative arm is essential for a functioning democracy, and it must reclaim its role as a check on executive power. This entails breaking free from the confines of an unhealthy alliance with the presidency, allowing it to operate as an advocate for the people rather than a mere extension of the executive.

Furthermore, the National Assembly must engage in a comprehensive review of its legislative agenda to ensure that it aligns with the needs of the Nigerian people. This involves actively soliciting input from constituents and stakeholders, ensuring that legislation reflects the concerns of everyday citizens.

In fact, the house of representative recent call for the reversal of petrol and gas prices is characterized with skepticism and distrust due to its historically close relationship with the presidency. Given this undemocratic closeness, many Nigerians are left wondering whether this appeal is genuine or just another instance of political lip service. If the National Assembly hopes to regain the trust of the people, it must demonstrate a commitment to its constitutional role and prioritize the interests of citizens above political alliances. Only then can it truly represent the voice of the people and serve as a beacon of democracy in Nigeria.

As Nigerians continue to navigate the challenges posed by rising fuel prices and economic instability, the onus is on the National Assembly to prove that it is more than just a rubber stamp for executive decisions. It must step up, fulfill its democratic obligations, and work tirelessly to champion the interests of the citizens it serves.

In today’s fast-paced digital age, efficiency in banking services is critical to sustaining the trust and satisfaction of customers. However, recent network challenges faced by Guaranty Trust Bank (GTBank) and Zenith Bank in Nigeria have led to widespread customer dissatisfaction. From interrupted online transactions to delayed fund transfers, these issues have become a daily source of frustration for millions of customers. This feature article serves as a direct plea to the management of these two reputable financial institutions to take urgent action to address these persistent problems and restore customer confidence.

GTBank and Zenith Bank, over the years, have been pillars in the Nigerian banking sector. Their reputation for innovation and customer-centered services has earned them a large and loyal customer base. However, it is disheartening to see these institutions struggle with network challenges that should be easily manageable in today’s digital era. This ongoing problem has severely hampered the ability of customers to access essential banking services, and it is essential that immediate steps be taken to correct this situation.

One of the most significant impacts of the network issues has been the inability to access mobile banking platforms, ATMs, and point-of-sale services. Customers attempting to transfer funds or make payments are frequently met with error messages, failed transactions, or severe delays in processing. For many small businesses and individual customers who rely on these services for their day-to-day transactions, the inconvenience is unbearable. People have reported being stranded in supermarkets, unable to pay for goods after several unsuccessful attempts to use their debit cards.

Furthermore, these network issues are not only affecting daily transactions but also the broader economic activities of many Nigerians. Business owners, traders, and individuals who rely on prompt access to banking services are left in the lurch, unable to complete essential financial operations. This situation puts a strain on small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in particular, which are often dependent on fast, efficient banking services to maintain their operations.

The Unseen Emotional Toll on Customers

Beyond the financial inconveniences, there is a growing emotional toll on customers who feel abandoned by their trusted banks. Many users report feelings of helplessness and frustration as they encounter the same network issues repeatedly. Imagine rushing to meet a deadline for a transaction only to find that the bank’s network is down again. This is the reality many Nigerians face daily, and it is taking a toll on their trust in these institutions.

Customers are left in long queues at ATMs or in banking halls, sometimes for hours, waiting for the network to be restored. In a time where digital banking was expected to reduce such inconveniences, it is deeply concerning to see the opposite happening. With each passing day, more and more customers are questioning the reliability of the systems put in place by these banks.

It is essential for GTBank and Zenith Bank to acknowledge the gravity of the situation and act swiftly. A thorough review of their current digital infrastructure is required to identify the root causes of these network failures. Both banks have the resources and expertise to ensure that their systems are upgraded to meet the demands of a growing customer base. The current inefficiencies are tarnishing their hard-earned reputations.

Adaora Umeoji

In an era where technology plays a pivotal role in banking, customers expect seamless experiences. Whether it’s transferring money to family or making payments for goods and services, the modern-day customer expects banks to deliver without unnecessary disruptions. GTBank and Zenith Bank must recognize that continuous network failures are not acceptable and should not be normalized.

Solutions Are Within Reach

There are several ways these banks can address the problem. First, investing in more robust IT infrastructure and backup systems will ensure smoother operations even in times of peak demand. By improving server capacities and working with experienced IT professionals, the frequency of network outages can be reduced.

Secondly, proactive communication with customers is crucial. Many customers express frustration at the lack of updates when systems go down. By providing timely and transparent updates via text messages, emails, or social media, both GTBank and Zenith Bank can alleviate some of the frustrations customers feel. Customers are more understanding when they are kept informed about the status of the services they rely on.

The Need for Enhanced Customer Support 

Additionally, it is crucial to improve customer support. Too often, customers are left without answers after reporting a failed transaction or other network-related issues. By enhancing their customer service channels and offering more responsive assistance, these banks can rebuild the trust that has been eroded by these frequent network challenges.

Both institutions should consider expanding their technical teams and equipping them to troubleshoot problems faster. Customers will feel more valued when they know that their complaints are being treated with urgency and professionalism. A delay in service resolution only compounds the frustration felt by customers.

Learning from Other Markets

It may also be beneficial for GTBank and Zenith Bank to look at how other banks in developed markets handle similar challenges. For example, many banks in the West have implemented advanced failover systems that ensure seamless transactions even when the primary systems fail. These technologies are designed to automatically switch to backup systems, minimizing downtime and maintaining service continuity.

Similarly, cloud computing and decentralized server systems have proven effective in reducing outages. By adopting such innovations, both GTBank and Zenith Bank can future-proof their systems against potential disruptions. It is important to recognize that banking is no longer just about physical branches; digital reliability is now at the core of customer satisfaction.

The Risk of Losing Customer Trust

There is also a broader implication for GTBank and Zenith Bank if these network issues persist. In a competitive banking sector, customers are not short of alternatives. Many are already considering switching to other banks that offer more reliable services. The rise of fintech companies and digital-only banks further heightens this risk. If these banks fail to improve their systems, they may see an exodus of customers who are fed up with the constant disruptions.

This loss of trust could lead to a negative ripple effect. Once customers begin migrating to other institutions, it could take years for GTBank and Zenith Bank to regain their lost market share. Thus, it is in their best interest to act quickly before this dissatisfaction becomes irreversible.

Finally, regulatory bodies such as the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) also have a role to play. These institutions should work with banks to ensure that network issues are swiftly addressed and that customers’ rights to uninterrupted banking services are protected. Regulatory pressure can serve as a catalyst for positive change within these institutions.

In conclusion, GTBank and Zenith Bank have built remarkable legacies in the Nigerian banking industry, but their recent network challenges are threatening to undo years of goodwill. By investing in better technology, improving customer communication, and taking swift action to resolve these issues, they can restore customer trust and continue to be leaders in the banking sector. Customers deserve better, and the time for change is now.

Zainab Bulama, a 300 level student from Mass Communication Department Borno State University, Maiduguri Borno State.

A Bauole Chief does not see his Successor-Houphouet Boigny 

1 ) Oyo Empire 

Succession crisis in different degrees and manifestations is second nature to human society. One of the more intriguing aspects of the history of the Oyo empire was the ill starred role of Bashorun Gaa. The Alaafin (monarch) was at the pinnacle of the political power configuration of the empire but his monarchical authority was subject to the veto power of a state council comprising the seven leading kingmakers called the Oyomesi. At the head of this council was the Bashorun. In an intricate display of the constitutional regime of checks and balances, “all decisions of the Alafin (King) of Oyo required the approval of his council of chiefs… In former times, a gift of parrot’s eggs from the leader of the council was a sign to the Alafin that his death was desired by the chiefs and the people. Invariably the Alafin complied by taking poison, so the threat of a dread gift was a safeguard against tyrannical rule., the proscription of this custom by the British “dislocated the checks and balances of the old constitution” (Richard Sklar)

Within a timespan of twenty years,1754 to 1774, Bashorun Gaa (the head of the Oyomesi) exercised this power to an infernal extreme. In usurpation and subversion of the inbuilt checks and balances, he fostered the aberration of compelling five reigning Alaafins to commit suicide, one after another. His reign of terror ended with the ascension of Alaafin Abiodun who teamed up with the Aare Ona Kakanfo (the supreme commander of the armed forces) Oyabi, Alaafin Abiodun to cut him down. 

The Bashorun Gaa syndrome magnified the perception of the Oyomesi as a mortal threat to the reign of successor Alaafins. Hence the consequential stipulation that the war generals (the Are ona Kakanfo and the Bashorun) are barred from cohabiting with the Alaafin in the Oyo metropolitan capital. This was in acknowledgement rather than blindness to the reality of the mutual paranoia between the Alaafin and his generals. The syndrome was captured in the Yoruba idiomatic saying that Afobaje l’oba n koko pa (kingmakers are potentially the first target of newly crowned monarchs).

Several Alaafins down the road, Alaafin Atiba (1837-1859), sought the abrogation of the mandatory ritual suicide of a Prince as concomitant burial rite of passage of a dead Alaafin. Arrayed against the will of Atiba, was the insistence of Are ona Kakanfo Kurumi that the requisite ritual death should remain sacrosanct. With the support of the Ibadan army, Kurumi was vanquished in the ensuing Ijaiye war (1861-1863) and the wish of Atiba ultimately prevailed. 

2) The Awolowo/Akintola succession crisis 

Who could have penned the following birthday tribute to Chief Obafemi Awolowo on the occasion of his 50th birthday ceremony? “To Chief Awolowo, passivity is a bane and inaction an anathema. How could it be otherwise to a life which thrives on industry and to a man with fanatical faith in hard work? That was why he made himself a terror to the demagogues and Mountebanks who, with neither a chart nor a rudder, believed that they could steer the Nigerian ship of state to its destination. No pilot has a clearer vision and none a keener sense of mission than Chief Awolowo…a good blend of Gandhi’s philosophy and Nehru’s dynamism”

“In the political changes which took place in Nigeria from 1947 onwards, Dr. Azikiwe has been spasmodic and casual; Sir Ahmadu Bello has been leisurely and care-free; but Awolowo has been constant and calculating…To know Chief Awolowo as a man is to respect him. It has been my pride and pleasure to know him. He is by every standard a genius. His unimpeachable character, his faith in God, his confidence in his fellowmen, his personal devotion to duty and his loyalty…have conspired together to make him a great pillar of strength. He never lets a friend down…”

“As a political leader, Chief Awolowo is miles ahead of his colleagues. His sincerity of purpose, his democratic leadership and inspiring example are yet to be equaled by any of the leaders of other major political parties in the country…Awolowo is the nearest approximation to Mahatma Gandhi. He is a good blend of Gandhi’s philosophy and Nehru’s dynamism and the only hope for democracy in Africa”.

It is difficult to imagine that the author of this endearing eulogy was none other than the first and last Premier of the defunct Western region, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola. Less than three years later the predecessor and successor were at the threshold of a bitter personality war that spiralled into the murder of Akintola and military overthrow of the first republic on January 15th 1966.

My fascination with this theme partly stems from my personal (family) experience. My dad, Chief Oduola Osuntokun, was a Cabinet Minister of the Western Region from 1955 to 1966 straddling the Premiership of both Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief Ladoke Akintola. In the bitter factional feud of the Action Group, within the then ruling party in the Western Region in 1962, my dad took sides with Akintola. My full name is Akintola suggesting I was named after the Premier on account of which I was given an early lesson in the politics of demonisation. Adjudged guilty in the popular imagination, the name Akintola became a byword for Yoruba-wide malicious derision.

I pleaded with my parents that I wanted to change my name to Akinjide. They were heedless and dismissive and my dad took to lecturing me on the virtues of the late Premier and how history was not fair to him. Well, victors write the. Don’t they? In the event I took the unilateral decision to effect a change of name-something akin to a unilateral declaration of independence (UDI). At the age of six years, I must be the youngest guy to resort to this degree of autonomy.

3) Abiola martyrdom and the ascendance of Tinubu 

For the Yoruba, 1998/1999 was a triumphant interlude in the political history of Nigeria albeit a bittersweet passage. Given his epicurean lifestyle, who could have projected that Chief Moshood Abiola was most capable of rising up to the challenge of political martyrdom. In tandem, I marvelled at the level of sacrifice many non-partisan Yoruba luminaries were prepared to make in the rejection of the annulment of the 1993 presidential election. No less proactive were those of us in the media, especially the op-ed columnists. 

Between 1996 and 1999 there was no work station I desired more than the editorial board of the Guardian newspaper. At the peak of the Guardian pyramid of resistance were Mr Alex Ibru (the publisher) and Mr Lade Bonuola (the Chief Executive). The newspaper had gone through the tribulation of being shut down, an arson attack on its premises and assassination attempt on Ibru.Yet not once did either of the duo express any reservation about the relentless barrage of criticism we piled on the Sani Abacha dictatorship. 

Of groups like Afenifere and the National Democratic Coalition, NADECO (both in and outside Nigeria), it could be said of them that this was their finest hour. In their midst was a certain Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu for whom the Lagos state governorship ticket was ‘rigged’ by Afenifere leaders, in recognition of his pro democracy activism. In an ironic twist of fate, he was central to the successful subversion and belittling of the Afenifere patriarchy. There were rumours to the effect that this grievance fast forwarded the exit of Senator Abraham Adesanya to the great beyond.

4) In the matter concerning the kidney of Fubara 

According to the former keeper of the secrets of Nyesome Wike (turned rebellious protégé in full flight) the 

embattled Governor of Rivers state, Siminalayi Fubara, the rejection of the demand for his kidney was non negotiable. “As a matter of fact, I belong to that school of thought, and if I am the only person that needs to stand on that side of right, I will stand there. I don’t need anybody to stand with me. I cannot give my kidney or liver to anybody, I won’t.”. I do not know the particular details of the kidney transaction but I do know that kidneys come in a pair of two lobes and it is possible to survive on one lobe. So even if the Rivers state governor were to suffer the loss of a lobe, he could still live a full life. Beyond the contention over Fubara’s kidney and in the spirit of full disclosure, I urge the governor, in the spirit of full disclosure, to serve us the other details of his dinner with the devil. 

Quite a number of observers have misread the precedence of the Awolowo/Akintola succession crisis into the Wike/Fubara crisis. My first reaction to this analogy is that the Rivers state case does not rise to the scale and domino effect of the Western Region. Whereas Rivers state is one of 36 states, the Western region was one of three/four regions. For that matter, the federal government was even a tenant of the Western region writ-large. Hence, we are hard put to suggest that Rivers state has the capacity to follow the precedent that snowballed into the violent upheaval that rocked the Western Region in 1964/65 and became precipitous of the January 15th 1966 coup. 

Fubara had no input whatsoever to his ‘election’ as governor other than his instrumentality to the pillage and plunder of the resources of Rivers state for eight years. Not unlike Theodore Oji, who was ‘elected’ governor of Abia state while serving a prison term, Fubara was warehoused in the government house completely insulated from the voters who purportedly voted him into office.  

Beyond the proverbial sympathy that accrues to the perceived underdog, the choice between Wike and Fubara is akin to that between the rock and the hard place. He is the beneficiary of one of the most villainous instances of the grand and crude subversion of the 2023 general election. If Wike was the Satan then his chief acolyte was none other than Fubara. It was the relationship between the thief and the receiver of stolen goods. 

Fanning the embers of their discord is the bottomless wealth of Rivers state and the Ministry of the capital territory and thus the capacity to become a growth industry for endless proxy fighters. It is not in the interest of those milking the crisis for there to be a quick end to the cash cow. If, however, it is possible to have peace and stability in Rivers state without regard to these two protagonists, I would say a pox on both their houses.  

Golden Jubilee of Grace and Wisdom

On this golden milestone, we celebrate not just the 50 years of life of our Principal, Ọọ̀ni Babatunde Adeyeye Ènìtan Ogunwusi Ojaja II, but the profound impact he has had on the Yoruba race and beyond Your reign has been a beacon of hope, unity, and cultural renaissance.

Your Ascension has quickened the pace for Economic Empowerment for our people, through the many endowments, grants, foundations development ventures you have personally launched and funded. 

Your messages of unity and peace resonate deeply. Your efforts in conflict resolution and community building have strengthened the bonds within the Yorùbá race and with other ethnic groups, 

As we celebrate this golden jubilee, we look forward to a future where the Yoruba race continues to thrive under the guidance of Ọọ̀ni Ogunwusi. May your reign continue to be filled with wisdom, piety, surplusity and peace. 

Balógun Akin Osuntokun: Coordinator 

Yomi Layinke Ph.D.: General secretary

President Bola Tinubu proudly joins Nigerians, the people and chiefs of Ile-Ife, and the global Yoruba community in commemorating the 50th birthday of the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, CFR, the Ojaja II.

The President notes Ooni's extraordinary leadership and maturity since ascending the throne at 41, emphasising his significant role in preserving the rich traditions of the Yoruba people in the ancient city known as The Source.

President Tinubu acknowledges Oba Ogunwusi's deep sense of duty, wisdom, and knowledge as he fulfils his responsibilities as both the traditional ruler of Ile-Ife, Osun State, and the revered spiritual leader of the Yoruba people.

The President also recognises Ooni’s critical contributions as Co-Chairman of the National Council of Traditional Rulers of Nigeria, where he serves as a unifying figure, a steadfast supporter of government policies, and a passionate advocate for religious tolerance, peace, and the unification of our nation.

President Tinubu commends Oba Ogunwusi's tireless advocacy for women and youth empowerment through education and entrepreneurship, underscoring his admirable philanthropy and unwavering commitment to uplifting those in need throughout Nigeria and beyond.

With heartfelt optimism and support, the President pays tribute to the Ooni for exemplifying the traditional Yoruba values of humility, peace, and generosity while also honouring the dignity and integrity of his exalted throne.

As the esteemed Yoruba monarch celebrates this significant milestone, President Tinubu offers his sincere prayers for the continued success and prosperity of His Imperial Majesty's reign, which will undoubtedly benefit the people of Ife and the nation at large.

Bayo Onanuga

Special Adviser to the President  

(Information & Strategy)  

Some 250 days after the tragic death of its founder, Wigwe University formally opened its doors to its first set of students on Thursday, October 17, 2024, marking the fulfilment of late Herbert Wigwe’s dream to build a world-class citadel of learning in his community in the rain forest of southern Nigeria. In a brief opening ceremony at the new campus located in Isiokpo, near Port Harcourt, the university’s Pro Chancellor and Chairman of Governing Council, Prof Julius Okojie, cut the ribbon at the gate, formally signaling its inauguration. The Vice Chancellor, Prof. Marwan Al-Akaidi, other members of Council and Rivers State Commissioner for Education, Dr. Ovy Chinedum Chukwuma, applauded excitedly in the balmy early autumn weather. A matriculation ceremony has been scheduled for Saturday, November 9 to formally admit over 200 new students into the institution. Soon after the ribbon-cutting, the dignitaries moved to the Family Hall where traditional chiefs from Isiokpo community in Ikwere LGA; parents and students as well as other dignitaries were already seated, waiting for the second part of the ceremony which consisted of speeches and traditional dances performed by the women of the community.

Prof. Marwan Al-Akaidi described the day as ‘’the threshold of history’’, a poignantly fitting characterization. Dr. Wigwe had meant to spend the second phase of life as the Pro Chancellor after retirement from Access Bank end next year. Construction work started in earnest in 2022 and NUC issued the license in June 2023. Herbert worked day and night and committed huge resources to get the university ready for inauguration in September 2024. He travelled the world, spoke glowingly of his vision and made all arrangements. But his sudden death in California in the night of February 9 (early February 10 Nigerian time) threatened to derail the project. Funds dried up; emotions went raw and frustrations set in. During Herbert’s funeral service in Lagos in March, Chairman of its board of trustees, Prof. Fabian Ajogwu, easily one of Nigeria’s most respected senior lawyers, told the grieving audience that the ‘’dream of Wigwe University would not be aborted’’. Many were not convinced, even after Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, Herbert’s business partner and close friend, repeated the same pledge in his eulogy at the funeral. We are used to seeing dreams die with the dreamers.

Not long after the funeral, I began to hear of rumours of a quarrel between Aig-Imoukhuede and Herbert’s family over his Will and the manner his children were being taken care of. I did not think much of it for I have absolute confidence in Aig-Imoukhuede’s capacity to do good to the memory of his departed ally. Rather, I was more concerned about the fate of the university. Herbert spoke so much about it and his dream of making it one of the best in the world. After his burial, I talked to the VC, Prof Al-Akaidi and Mrs Yvonne Olomu-Victor, the CEO of HOW Foundation, the owners of the university, quite often, trying to gauge the progress of work and the school’s readiness to receive the first set of students in September, which was Herbert’s target. I was relieved to learn in August that the university was already receiving many applications for admission. My plans to visit the campus did not quite succeed, but my interest never waned. You can therefore imagine my relief when I received a note from the VC early in the week, advising of the opening ceremony. It was such a big reprieve, coming in the midst of the raging controversy over Herbert’s Will.

 It has taken the unmitigated resilience, grueling hard work and absolute determination of the seven-member Board of Trustees and nine-member Governing Council, together with the goodwill of Herbert’s friends to bring this very noble dream into fruition. ‘’This is not just the beginning of an institution; it is the realization of a profound vision, a dream from the belief that education is the key to unlocking Africa’s vast potential’’, Prof. Al-Akaidi told the audience at the opening event. He stated that the university is founded by the principles set forth by the late Herbert Wigwe ‘’whose legacy inspires us to ignite Africa’s potential for prosperity, to nurture thoughtful and fearless leaders, and to create an institution that will one day be the leading institution in Africa’’.

The chairman of the governing council, Prof Julius Okojie, who is also Nigeria’s foremost university administrator, put it more succinctly in his speech: ‘’I was the Executive Secretary of NUC for ten years, and during this time, I licensed 80 private universities. None of them started off so well as Wigwe University. In fact, while many of them commenced temporarily on the premises of secondary schools, Wigwe University is starting off on a world-class purpose-built site’’. Okojie traced the history of university education to pre-medieval era and emphasized its importance in national development. ‘’Today, I can hear the voice of Herbert Wigwe ringing through and I believe that his dream has come alive’’, he said, urging the community to protect the facilities at the campus. He received a standing ovation. By admitting over 200 students in its first year, WU has recorded unprecedented achievements, he emphasized ‘’Many new private universities I licensed commenced with less than 50 students, including Obasanjo’s Bells University’’, he told me in a post-event interview. Rivers State Commissioner for Education, Dr. Ovy Chinedum Chukwuma, who stood in for Gov. Fubara said the state government has supported the institution in many ways, chief among which is the 100 scholarships offered to 70 Rivers States indigenes and 30 non indigenes who live in Rivers States.

Many parents, students and would-be students attended the brief event. I met with Mrs. Isi Omiunu, a parent from Edo State who came with daughter Onohie, a student of Fine & Applied Arts. I asked her why WU? She went off as if she had anticipated my question all week, and asked: ‘’Do you know that this is the only private university in Nigeria that offers Fine & Applied Arts? My daughter is very passionate about the arts, and I believe in seeking high quality education for my children, wherever it is found’’. I look forward to the matriculation ceremony.

Prosecutors play a vital role in society that demands respect and recognition. They represent the State in criminal matters, presenting the necessary evidence to establish the guilt of the defendant. In discharging this responsibility, they make crucial decisions such as whether to file charges, what charges to file, and when to plea bargain. This heavy responsibility is guided by ethical considerations considered fundamental in all civilised societies. They include but are not limited to focusing on the objective of prosecution, which is to achieve justice and not merely to convict at all costs.

 Justice is three-way traffic- Justice for the victim, society, and the accused person. This requires prosecutors to be impartial and unbiased, as well as uphold legal procedures and safeguard the rights of the defendant. A breach of this duty can prove disastrous to the defendant and society at large. Hence, the reason civilised societies hold their prosecutors to the highest ethical standards, and whenever there is a breach, sanctions are promptly applied to serve as deterrence. This was what played out last week when it was widely reported in the media that “An Italian court sentenced two Milan prosecutors, Fabio De Pasquale and Sergio Spadaro, to eight months in prison on Tuesday for failing to file documents that could have supported Eni’s defense in an alleged corruption case involving a $1.3 billion oilfield in Nigeria. The case, involving Eni and Shell, centred around the $1.3 billion acquisition of a Nigerian oilfield and was regarded as one of the energy industry’s most significant corruption trials. The court noted that De Pasquale and Spadaro had omitted key evidence, including a video from a former Eni external lawyer that could have been favourable to the defence.” The sanctioning of the prosecutors in Milan affirms the ethical standards required of their calling. It will be recalled that the Supreme Court of Nigeria had, as far back as 1966, in the case of Chief Odofin Bello V. State ( 1966) LPELR-25291(SC), reiterated the time-tested duty of the prosecution to disclose all facts in the following words: "We cannot do better than remind counsel that the prosecution must put all the facts at its disposal before the Court and not to hide any fact. Anything short of this is an attempt to conceal from the Court any evidence favourable to the accused." Per Ademola, JSC (P. 16, paras. C-D)

The Guidelines for Federal Prosecutors issued by the Attorney General of the Federation, which applies to all prosecutorial agencies and private prosecutors prosecuting on behalf of the State, also provide direction to prosecutors that “the essence of criminal prosecution is not to obtain conviction at all cost. It is to lay before the court what the prosecutor considers to be credible evidence relevant to the allegation of a crime”. Regarding fairness, the Guidelines require the prosecutor to “inform the defence and the court of directions, warning or authorities which may be appropriate in the circumstances of the case, even where unfavourable to the prosecution”. Prosecutors are further enjoined to weigh the strength of the evidence before embarking on the prosecution that: “no prosecution should be undertaken where essential evidence if the basic elements of the offence are lacking…it is not in the public interest to use public resources on the prosecution of a case which has no reasonable prospect of success”. To do otherwise may amount to an abuse of legal process and loss of public confidence in the criminal justice system, especially where the prosecution results in an acquittal.

Despite these Guidelines and the locus classicus of Bello v. State, prosecutorial agencies such as the EFCC continue to run roughshod over defendants’ rights without appropriate sanctions. Embolden by the apparent lack of accountability, they routinely file charges that they cannot substantiate just to satisfy their ego and that of their Bosses, intimidate accused persons to make implicating admissions, pressure witnesses to lie and conceal evidence favourable to the defence all in an attempt to secure a conviction at all costs. Such was my experience in the hands of the EFCC, where the EFCC prosecutors filed similar charges against me before the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory and the Federal High Court, Abuja, ostensibly to overwhelm me. Apart from concealing that the FHC, Abuja Coram Binta Nyako J, had delivered a judgment absolving me of any blame in the implementation of the Settlement Agreement of 2006 between Malabu Oil and Gas Limited and the Federal Government of Nigeria, the EFCC proceeded to file bogus charges against me on the same transaction.

 It is on record that the High Court of the FCT roundly deprecated the conduct of Mr Bala Sanga, one of the EFCC prosecutors for pressurising one of the witnesses to lie against me. Apart from filing unsubstantiated charges against me, it took the prosecution over four years to call their witnesses, after which the Court came to a reasoned ruling that I had no case to answer. Hon. Justice Kutigi, J expressed his disapproval thus: “As I round up and because of the rather unfortunate narrative relating to the length of time of nearly four (4) years for the prosecution to produce all their witnesses in proof of this case, it appears to me imperative to call on learned prosecuting counsel to show more circumspection in filing charges of this nature… A charge must, therefore, not be filed for the simple sake of doing so or to soothe the ego of any person or institution”.

The conviction and sentencing of the prosecutors in Italy for breaching their professional duty and ethics should serve as a lesson to their counterparts in Nigeria. It is a wakeup call for stakeholders in the justice sector, particularly the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, the Nigerian Bar Association, the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC), the Legal Practitioners Privileges Committee (LPPC), the Judiciary, and civil society. Urgent steps need to be taken to hold prosecutors accountable for any breach of their sacred duty of prosecution. This is crucial to maintaining the ethical standards that are fundamental to the justice system.

This was tough to write. My heart resisted it, but I yielded to my head. The petrol in my car, a 2.0-litre 2012 Tokunbo Camry, was at half-tank the day before writing.

When pump prices went from 195/litre to 617/litre between May and June 2023, I parked my Jeep and, despite being occasionally mistaken for an Uber driver, opted for the saloon, which, as of the third fuel price increase by September this year, cost about 65k to fill up.

After petrol pump price went up again by about 15 percent last week, it would now cost about 80k to fill up the saloon, depending on where you bought petrol from and how badly the pump was rigged.

The changes in petrol price and energy costs have affected everything else, from the price of fish to milk and the cost of bread and grains. Essential medicines are a different thing altogether. Life was hard. But it’s been a nightmare for millions more since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s government was inaugurated.

Generation crisis

In July, The Financial Times said the hardship under Tinubu has triggered “the worst cost of living crisis in a generation.” The newspaper gave the president credit for tackling two of the most malignant economic problems in decades – the petrol subsidy and fixed exchange rate – but said the shock therapy was so disjointed that calling it “Tinubunomics” would be a joke.

But Nigerians hardly need a foreign newspaper to render their misery in torrid colours. They know this was not the life promised. Tinubu pledged to prioritise security and jobs, tackle the mounting debt, and improve infrastructure when he took office. He came with a pro-business credential and a track record of success in Lagos that was difficult to ignore.

In the last year, however, with millions impoverished by the government’s economic policies and two major nationwide protests against hunger and bad governance, Tinubu’s reputation has taken such a severe beating that promises of light at the end of the tunnel have been brushed aside.

Turn of excuses?

His government has explained that the rot was worse than expected; that whereas previous governments since 1973 said oil money was not the problem, but how to spend it, President Muhammadu Buhari handed his successor an empty treasury, to which the response has been: yours is a continuation of the APC government, deal with it.

Complaints about post-Covid-19 supply chain problems, long-standing structural problems, the protracted legal challenge to his election, and a hostile opposition have also been dismissed as untenable for a man who said it was his turn to govern.

Temptation

Yet, I wouldn’t write off the government, however tempting. If Tinubu’s shock therapy has been disjointed, and his economic policies severely criticised by a despairing public, the tax-and-spend remedy by The Financial Times, the West’s standard response to budget deficits – apart from the added trope about transparency and corruption – is hardly the cure in Nigeria’s case for at least two reasons.

Apart from severe loopholes, rampant poverty makes it difficult to expand the tax net or improve the yield, except if the government wishes to levy taxes on blood. Poor industrialisation, even de-industrialisation, and heavy dependence on imports, especially food imports, compound the problem and further reduce wiggle room to raise badly needed cash.

For Tinubu to dig Nigeria out of its current hole – and I believe he still can – efforts to restructure government income, including taxes, by repurposing the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) must be matched by policies that create wealth.

Options for compound problems

The government should intentionally target industrialisation and food production, with reduced foreign input. Unfortunately, widespread floods have piled on insurgency and kidnapping to reduce farm supplies and worsen food inflation.

Yet, while elites like me complain the most and the loudest, the measure of Tinubu’s success is not how much petrol I’m able to buy in my car but the impact of government policies on the rural poor, mainly farmers, who make up the bulk of the country’s 220m population.

Tinubu must work with Nigeria’s state governors, who collect security votes monthly before thinking of what to do with it to fix the security problem so that farmers can return. The country needs a system to incentivise farming, one far better managed than the Anchor-borrowers’ scheme under which the Buhari government staged occasional shows of huge grain pyramids that disappeared as soon as the events were over.

Examples from elsewhere

There would be no easy options. Examples of countries that have turned things around show that their leaders defied the norm in pivotal moments. Deng Xiaoping reversed Zedong’s isolationism by introducing market reforms and imposing a one-child policy.

Lee Kuan Yew ignored Western prescriptions of democracy, even laying down markers for the foreign-owned Strait Times, limited protests, and restricted strikes and industrial actions.

Those who obsess about diversity and size would find India a good example. To the displeasure of the elite, Indira Gandhi focused on rural India. She achieved self-sufficiency in food production, reducing poverty and laying the groundwork for long-term national development.

One thing common to all three but lacking in Tinubu’s government is energy and speed of execution. For example, three months after he announced an interim measure to remove tariffs on grains and essential pharmaceuticals, the Customs have yet to get the memo – or perhaps they have, and it’s been washed up by red tape.

Sitting on the mines

Sadly, oil isn’t about to take the backstage soon. Yet, our assets, especially oil mining leases in seven blocks, including OML 111 and disputed Pan Ocean assets, have been poorly managed by NNPCL. The corporation that ought to be alarmed at divestments from the upstream and midstream is too busy piling on the government’s debt by brokering crude-for-loan deals to think of what to do with massive, fallow oil assets that it has cornered since 2009.

Experts estimate that prudent management of these assets could increase Nigeria’s production quota by between 500kbpd and 1mbpd and improve the pool of investible funds. How and why, despite his experience in the oil industry, Tinubu indulges NNPCL’s damaging and scandalous incompetence, only he can explain. 

Eat that frog!

But I’m not giving up on him yet. I’m hoping he was playing politics when the political pressure group, the Patriots, led by the statesman Chief Emeka Anyaoku, visited him, and he said he needed to fix the economy before restructuring the country.

Except he prioritises that, the current system, which puts revenue sharing ahead of innovation, competition, production and reward, but instead creates a phantom of Abuja as Father Christmas, will continue to retard the country’s progress.

It’s not Tinubu’s fault that the states are yoked to Abuja. However, he cannot make any lasting changes, keep his election promises on security, jobs, the economy, or infrastructure or even inspire the states to depart their waywardness without changing how the country is governed.

He starts to lose me, not when I pay a higher petrol price but when his actions show, irretrievably, that despite his solid credentials as an advocate of restructuring, he is determined to put the cart before the horse.

Ishiekwene, Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP, is the author of the new book Writing for Media and Monetising It.

By now, you have probably seen Seyi, the president’s son, at presidential meetings and functions where he, ideally, has no business. Remember, his father had to ban him from attending the weekly meetings of the Federal Executive Council, saying his access was “undue.” Undeterred, Seyi still showed up at the swearing-in ceremony of Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun as the Chief Justice of Nigeria. While his meddlesomeness has spurred some people to wonder if he has any other job besides being “daddy’s boy,” I have also wondered if he is just another self-unaware member of the Nigerian political class or is intentionally shaming his father.

Since his father got into office last year, Seyi has been doing public charity and ensuring he is seen doing so. Through his associates, he has given out relief items to people involved in a fire disaster in Nasarawa, gifted “palliatives” in Abuja, and sponsored some medical outreaches. In September, he donated N500m to victims of the Maiduguri flood. Seyi flew to Borno with a team of associate-sympathizers and was received by the state governor, Babagana Zulum. If Nigeria were not a place where even governors have been thoroughly emasculated into subservience, why would the governor set aside his official duties to host the president’s son? The president’s son is unrecognized by the constitution, and Seyi has no business interloping in official affairs.

Anyway, one of the striking parts about Seyi’s visit was not just the money he donated but the speech he gave. It was more thoughtful than the perfunctory one his father had delivered a week earlier when he too visited. Seyi also assured the victims of the flood that he—or his foundation―would be further intervening until they were back on their feet. But in what capacity would he be making this “further” intervention when, as the son of the president, he is neither a private individual nor possesses an official designation? He cannot claim to be a neutral observer who is merely concerned about people’s welfare because the basis on which he does what he does is his filial connection to the president. If he were not the president’s son, Zulum would not have rolled out the carpet to receive him in Borno. Yet, it was not his place to intervene in the Borno crisis. He has no business doing any of these things.

Just last week, Seyi announced that he would once again be saving Nigerians from a bad fate. A foundation he had founded said they would be alleviating the financial hardship Nigerians face while procuring prescribed medication by creating a drug bank that would serve over 10,000 indigent people in 60 hospitals around the country. Just like in Borno, Seyi’s speech, read by a representative, as the scheme launched was compassionate, better than the yawnfest his father reads on national television on the few days in a year he deigns to talk to people. Seyi’s speechwriter managed to throw in all the right phrases about the burden people face accessing life-saving medications. This drug bank, they say, is more than medicine but a “commitment to dignity, to equality, and to the fundamental human right to healthcare.”

Now, that is where the problem lies. It is not enough that the president’s son is taking up initiatives that should be carried out by designated government officials—and in the process spending a humongous amount of money no one knows where he gets it from—but he also subtly disrespects his father in the process. Because there is no way Seyi is talking about the necessity of his drug bank initiative and the “added weight of crushing financial hardship” people confront without indicting his father whose poorly wrought policies have so impoverished the populace that they now need the son’s charity.

A couple of days ago, Seyi also shared bags of rice branded with his visage to some poor women who were then pressed to pray for him for his generosity. You know that it was not those women’s prayers he needed; he just wanted to be seen as a benefactor. Look, if Seyi truly cared about those women, he would not give them rice. He would face his father and tell him to take his paws off their destiny.

One can, of course, argue that Seyi has a prior record of charity, but still doing it especially while his father’s administration is falling apart gives the impression that Seyi is trying too hard to be seen as the successful son of a failing man.

Seyi’s adult life has been tied to his father; everything he has ever achieved professionally was muscled for him through daddy’s totalitarian politics. Given how that same father is diminishing in value and therefore unlikely to hand over valuable political capital to his children as their inheritance, the hope of a dynasty on which politicians’ scions calibrate their future political ambitions is tanking. The son seems to have read the handwriting scribbled everywhere and wants to cut loose to build something apart from daddy. That is why he jumps from Maiduguri to Ibadan, trying to prove he has the compassion—even if not the capacity—his father sorely lacks.

Seyi’s struggle to win the hearts of the folk even as his father is losing them is not exactly a political patricide—it is doubtable if he is even gutsy enough to even dream of attempting that—but impressioneering a better image for himself and generating some social capital, that while can be related to Tinubu, is still not Tinubu. While the savviness is consistent with the character of high-stakes politics, Seyi is not doing anything excitingly different from the jeun sókè jeun sápò political calculations that made his father. One would think a man that young would depart from his father’s politics of orifice that swings back and forth between mouths and agbada pockets, to try something refreshingly new, but Seyi seems wedded to the old and, frankly, boring methods of giving people a mere 0.000000001 percent of what has been stolen from them.

His aspirations might be legitimate enough, but there are challenges ahead. There is a good reason dynasties hardly hold up in this part of the world. First is the issue of the competitors. Far too many people want what Seyi’s father has, but since they know they will not get it, they have settled for subordinate positions. While they may have submitted to Tinubu’s powerful grip after serially losing in the power game against him, they are somewhere seething, raging, and biding their time. When the time comes to bid for the throne, they will easily oust daddy’s boy. They are far more desperate and more practiced in the Game of Thrones, and he is no match for them. Besides, our people too get tired of serving successive generations. When that time comes, they will remind him that they cannot serve his father and still serve him. Whatever they owe their family patriarch must be considered paid off at some point.

Second is that money, the basis on which the public relates to the Tinubus is the flimsiest of all the grounds on which one can build a lasting relationship. Love that flows with the tide of money will ebb when it ebbs. The Tinubu family is one that nobody will love if not for their money. That, of course, includes Mrs Tinubu who needed to hand out huge sums of money just to stimulate interest in her farming and fabric projects. Even now that she has had a Nebuchadnezzar-sized statue carved for her, nobody who has not been pre-paid will bow before her graven image. So, yes, Seyi too can try his desperate best but the love he will get will come with a receipt.

When my authority inspires sycophancy, I have no followers, only resentful manipulators of my power for their own selfish gain—George Kunz

Released last week, the World Bank’s Food Security Update Report listed Nigeria among countries that have seen a significant rise in the number of people facing acute food shortages when compared with the previous year. If the situation in the country is worse than the 2023 Global Hunger Index (GHI) report which classified Nigeria as having “a level of hunger that is serious,” one can only imagine the gravity of the deprivation our people are facing. And just Tuesday, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) released the latest Consumer Price Index report revealing that the headline inflation rate for September rose to 32.70 percent. Year-on-year inflation surged by 5.98 percent points. Sadly, our lawmakers gleefully tell us to scavenge for food anywhere we can find a free meal. That’s the latest ‘gospel’ according to St. Akpabio. But then, we have a National Assembly whose members seem blind, deaf and dumb about the existential challenges in Nigeria today.

To satisfy the preference of President Bola Tinubu for the old national anthem, the National Assembly initiated and passed the ‘National Anthem Bill, 2024’ for Nigerians to move from singing ‘Arise O Compatriots,’ to ‘Nigeria, We Hail Thee’ on the first anniversary of the current administration. A day later, the same National Assembly named their library after the president. Two months after that, lawmakers amended the police act in one day (first, second and third reading) so that the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun could enjoy an elastic tenure at the pleasure of the president. And now, a bill seeking to establish the Bola Tinubu University in Aba, Abia State to teach Nigerian languages has passed the first reading in the House of Representatives. Sponsored by Deputy Speaker Ben Kalu, the co-sponsors are Inuwa Garba, Nasiru Shehu, Alex Ikwechegh, Bako Useni, Amobi Ogah, Akin Rotimi, Halims Abdullahi, and Felix Nwaeke.

To be sure, sycophancy has always been a national pastime in Nigeria. That explains why the birthday ceremonies of political office holders and that of their spouses as well as the burial ceremonies of their parents have become state functions. Even within religious institutions, we see how the Papas and Mamas are worshipped sometimes more than the God from whom those individuals claim to have secured their spiritual mandates. Yet, as I have argued in the past on this same issue, when you create an environment in which leaders are hero-worshipped, as is the case in Nigeria today, development is a mirage, and the people are the ultimate losers.

In her piece on the danger of sycophancy, Aasha Mehreen Amin, a famous Bangladeshi journalist, wrote that leaders who surround themselves with sycophants are vulnerable to the malaise of becoming blinded in the smog created by these yes men and yes women. “These are not the people who genuinely care about the leader or act in the leader’s best interest,” she wrote. “No, these are the individuals who will never fail to flatter the leader at the drop of a hat and will always agree with whatever the leader says – just so they stay in favour and accrue some benefit.” But it will take perceptive leaders to understand that. 

My main concern is that sycophancy is being institutionalised under the current administration. A few days before leaving office in May last year, President Mohammadu Buhari directed that 15 of the federal airports in the country be named after prominent Nigerians and it was difficult to fault the list. The one in the Niger State capital was named ‘Mallam Abubakar Imam International Airport, Minna’. But early this year, Governor Umar Bago renamed the airport ‘Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Airport’. Beyond sullying the memory of the late Imam—a respected journalist and contemporary of the late Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe in precolonial days who is regarded as a premier figure in Hausa literature—the Niger State governor was allowed to overturn the decision of a former president on something within the Exclusive (federal) List in the Constitution!

That provides a ready backdrop to some of the decisions being taken by the National Assembly. Sadly, when an institution saddled with the primary responsibility of serving as a check on the excesses of the executive would rather play the role of sycophant, the needs and aspirations of the people they are supposed to serve are lost. That point was made so eloquently by Dr Gai Chol Paul, a South Sudanese scholar and author of ‘The Stolen Nation’ in the piece, ‘How Sycophancy Destroys a Nation’. The reason why some nations are unable to progress despite having all the resources and potential, according to him, lies in the toxic culture of sycophancy. “In a nation where sycophancy is rampant, meritocracy is replaced by favouritism and nepotism, leading to the downfall of the nation.”

Sycophancy creates a culture of mediocrity where people are rewarded not for their competence and hard work, but for their ability to flatter and please those in power, Paul further argued. “The brilliance of sycophants lies in the way they will make the leader believe that the conclusion that has been arrived at, the decision that has been made, is completely of their own accord. The fact that the leader has been influenced with slow poisoning, that the outcome serves the sycophant’s agenda, will never be detected,” he wrote. “It will leave the leader more and more clueless about what is really going on while pushing them further away from the people they are leading. It will give them a false sense of invincibility and grandeur. The leader will become more and more vulnerable to the lies of the sycophants. Eventually, they will stand helpless in front of a wall that has cracked in too many places.”

The first inclination of leaders surrounded by sycophants is to believe they are above the law. Once hooked on such an idea, they begin to crave constant applause from these professional flatterers, even when the people they are supposed to serve are no longer with them. It is a dangerous place to be for any leader. Seven years ago, when I wrote on this same issue of sycophancy to warn then President Muhammadu Buhari, I illustrated my point with the Biblical story of King Ahab of Israel, who sought the collaboration of King Jehoshaphat of Judah in his bid to reclaim a city. While Jehoshaphat agreed to the request, he advised Ahab to first seek God’s counsel. “Go, for the Lord will give it into the king’s hand”, the 400 prophets quickly assembled by Ahab roared. But being more circumspect, Jehoshaphat asked: “Is there not a prophet of the Lord here whom we can inquire of?”

Jehoshaphat must have seen through these 400 palace prophets, the leading advisers of Ahab, and concluded there was no point relying on the prophecy of sycophants. His question provoked a predictable response from Ahab, as recorded in second Chronicles Chapter 18, Verse 7: “The King of Israel answered Jehoshaphat, ‘There is still one man through whom we can inquire of the Lord, but I hate him because he never prophesies anything good about me…He is Micaiah the son of Imlah.”

Invariably, Ahab was simply seeking validation for a decision he had already taken, even if it was wrong. And those 400 prophets were ‘his men’—people who always told him what he wanted to hear. We have several such well-placed individuals at practically all levels of governance in Nigeria. They are, as George Kunz described them, resentful manipulators of power for their own selfish gain. But for dancing to the tune of sycophants, the story ended tragically for King Ahab.

This dreadful culture of sycophancy is deeply rooted in our society so President Tinubu should be wary of the antics of bootlickers. Nigeria is in a very bad place today and millions of citizens are going through harrowing times, not knowing where the next meal would come for their families. Since that is not what his sycophants are telling him, the president must begin to immunize himself against the ‘400 prophets’ in the National Assembly, Federal Executive Council and among State Governors. They do not mean well for him, and they care even less about the country.

DNA and the Crisis of Paternity

The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) recently published a damning report on Deoxyribonucleic Acid (DNA) testing trends in Nigeria based on findings by a leading DNA testing centre in Lagos. According to the report, 27 per cent of paternity tests conducted came back negative, indicating that more than one in four men tested are not the biological fathers of the children in question. Most of the tests (85.9 per cent), the report further reveals, were conducted for ‘Peace of Mind’, rather than legal motivations. “These findings offer a unique window into the changing dynamics of Nigerian families and society” said Elizabeth Digia, the operations manager at Smart DNA which conducted the survey. “The high rate of negative paternity tests and the surge in immigration-related testing are particularly noteworthy. They reflect broader societal trends that merit further discussion and research. The concentration of testing in Lagos also raises important questions about accessibility and awareness of DNA testing services across Nigeria.”

Four years ago, a Delta State High Court Judge claimed that DNA tests conducted on three children from his first marriage revealed that he is not their biological father. The Judge detailed how he first received an anonymous message questioning the fatherhood of the youngest. When that information proved to be true, DNA tests were extended to the others. The Judge further explained that his decision to address the press on the matter was “to prevent damaging speculations, half-truths and outright lies from persons who may want to cash in on the tragedy that has befallen” his home while leaving his ex-wife “and her boyfriend or boyfriends to their conscience”.

Following the publication, I wrote a column, ‘I am Not Your Father’. Although the DNA tests may have brought to light infidelities concealed for two decades, the real damage of that tragic saga, as I wrote back then, was to the innocent children who had become young adults. By publicly disowning them, the Judge conferred on them the ‘bastard’ stigma in a society where victims suffer consequences for the transgressions of others.

Ordinarily, DNA tests are used in forensic criminal investigations to match suspect(s) with evidence collected from crime scenes. They also help to determine victims of mass disasters, (for instance, an earthquake or plane crash) and now also for immigration purposes. While most countries have laws governing the use of DNA in paternity matters, Nigeria appears not to have any, leading to a gross abuse of this scientific method. In countries where DNA has become common, there are strict laws to protect the privacy and rights of the child whose paternity may be in question.

In the age in which we live, people must understand the limits of DNA, current trends in parenting and family dynamics as well as how nurture has literally supplanted nature. In the end, a child (whether biological or by adoption) brings us comfort and is a product of our love and care. In the United States, federal agencies that regulate genetic tests include the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), and the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). They are regulated and evaluated on three criteria, including how well the test predicts the presence or absence of a particular gene or genetic change and whether the tests consistently and accurately detect whether a specific genetic variant is present.

Considering the increasing popularity of DNA testing in Nigeria, we need to borrow from other countries by putting in place the requisite regulation that will address all salient issues in the sector.

NICN Lecture: What I Said

Dear Mr Adeniyi,

I attended the National Industrial Court of Nigeria Legal Year lecture on 9 October 2024 where you delivered a lecture which I commented on. In your column in THISDAY Newspaper last week, you noted my comment but did not reflect it fully. In your said column, you wrote that I said that the (Federal High) Court did not restrain the Police (in the case filed by the APC against the Police, INEC and others). But you did not go further to state the full position in my comment being that the court in that case did not restrain the Police from carrying out its duties but rather ordered them not to give security cover to the Rivers State Electoral Commission regarding the conduct of the local government election of 5th October in the State, as the condition precedent for having it had not been met. The above position is clearly spelt out in orders 3 and 6 of the judgment, a certified true copy of which you acknowledged has been availed you by Mr Jibrin Okutepa, SAN. Please, it is hoped that you will clarify my position in your next column.

–Nnamonso Ekanem, SAN