Donald Trump’s election overshadowed Kemi Badenoch’s emergence as the leader of the Tory Party of Britain. Yet, no one gets the worst political job in one of the world’s oldest political parties and walks away quietly.

This is especially the case when the candidate is a straight-talking, ideological woman and a child of an immigrant in a largely conservative society.

It was not a mistake that a section of the British press framed the last contest for the Tory leadership as one of the worst match-ups in recent times, if not in its history. 

Here was Badenoch, a black woman (who doesn’t like to be described in racial terms), in a contest against three men, two of them white, and the last man standing, Robert Jenrick, was snow white. Still, all, including Badenoch, were caricatured as the miserable, surviving heirs of a once-illustrious political party.

Like Trump like Kemi?

Some have compared her with Trump, which is nonsense. The only way she resembles Trump is in her plain speaking, which is a rare quality in politics. Comparing Badenoch to Trump for depth, intellect, or character is a disservice to demagoguery for which Trump has no equal.

Although she had only been in the House of Commons for seven years, her rise was forged in the extraordinary turmoil of British politics in the last decade. She held junior cabinet positions under Boris Johnson, Liz Truss and Rishi Sunak. She has been in politics since she was 25 and unsuccessfully contested a seat in the London Assembly in 2012.

Two years ago, after Johnson’s fall, Badenoch contested the Tory leadership position but lost to Truss, whose eventual reign was as brief and chaotic as her competence. In love, as in politics, familiarity ultimately undermines affection. That partly explains why the Tories lost the last general election long before Labour won.  However, the killer punch for the Tories was not this natural course of affairs but the rise of Johnson and his succession by Truss, two of the most incompetent Tory leaders in decades.

Scapegoats and guardian angels

More than any leader in modern British history, these two dragged the Tory party to the left at the expense of its traditional base, giving ground to right-wing clowns like Nigel Farage and others. But the besotted press did not see that—or they pretended they didn’t—until, despite Rishi Sunak’s best efforts at Tory house cleaning, the party suffered one of its worst defeats from years of accumulated rot. 

It’s to Badenoch’s credit that, despite that setback and criticisms of her political views – some deserved – she gave it another shot and has emerged as the first black leader of one of the world’s oldest political parties. 

But her foes in the culture brigade and the furious guardian angels of the Tory legacy won’t let her sit before fetching the long knives. They are upset. How did the party of the durable Winston Churchill, whose leadership saved his country and the world from Hitler, fall this low? 

What has become of the party of Margaret Thatcher, who transformed the UK economy with her free-market policies and laid the foundation for the most extended spell of Tory rule? How can Badenoch, a poor imitation of Thatcher’s ideals, even if she claims her an icon, save the Tories from what looks like a long winter?

‘Kemikaze’

In a baptism of fire after Badenoch’s second Prime Minister’s Question Time (PMQT), John Crace of The Guardian wrote that she is “turning out to be the gift that keeps on giving…to the Labour party…Behind her rather patronising, condescending façade, there’s a largely empty interior. 

“She is riddled with levitas. Her self-confidence is in inverse proportion to her abilities. She’s not nearly as bright as she thinks she is, and quite where she got the idea she is a brilliant performer in the Commons is anyone’s guess. It’s Liz Truss levels of delusion.”

Yet, this was the same Badenoch who, two months before she was elected Tory leader, was described by Andrew Marr, author and respected UK political journalist, as “scorchingly clever.” This quality, which is supposed to be her strength, is why she has attracted some of the most scathing criticisms, with some describing her as someone who can start a fight in an empty room. 

What she stands for

Badenoch is something of a shock to a largely conservative society where reticence, class and race play big. She doesn’t believe in being identified by race, for example, and has argued that identity politics only scratches the surface of why nations fail. 

She argues that just as the cloak does not make the monk, to say someone is black or white, gay or straight, does not explain who they are, but lazy politicians stoke race and identity because it saves them the real work of fixing society.

She doesn’t believe in “multiculturalism” either, insisting that cultures make sense not in their numbers or variety but in what each contributes to building and advancing a society. Many would find Badenoch’s position unsettling, being the child of an immigrant herself and for a country like Britain, which has prided itself on being Europe’s melting pot and multicultural capital.

Still on Sowell

I can’t entirely agree with Badenoch that multiculturalism and social cohesion are mutually exclusive, that denial of identity politics wishes it away, or that, as she loves to argue, Britain didn’t profit from colonial rule. Interestingly, in Migrations and Cultures: A World View, Thomas Sowell, one of those Badenoch claims shaped her political views, makes a strong point about the role of migrations and relocations in redistributing skills, knowledge and development worldwide. 

Whatever Donald Trump and the new right are teaching the world, migration by conquest, treaty, geography, or the sheer human desire for a better life is a fact of history. The unlikely rise of Badenoch to power—a Nigerian girl who, at age 16, returned to Britain, where she was born—proves that migration works. However, she might argue that the problem is not migration per se but the unwillingness to integrate with host communities.

My disagreement with the new Tory leader on this point does not suggest even remote support for the vicious attacks she has received from a section of the press in Britain or those in her native country who think she must bend a knee to those who want to exploit her Nigerian heritage before she has even settled down.

Not as brittle as they think

As I wrote, when Sunak emerged as Tory leader (and closet xenophobes may be squeamish all they want), the rise of a racially diverse and unconventional crop of politicians, not only in terms of cultural background but also the ideas they represent, is a good thing for politics – whether in Britain or elsewhere.

Sunak lost to Keir Starmer, not necessarily because Labour was very popular—Starmer won with less than 20 percent of eligible voters’ votes—but because the particularly catastrophic years of Johnson and Truss had eroded trust in politics. 

Badenoch has a lot of work ahead of her, but she has the competence, character, and energy to do it despite the snippers at home and abroad. You don’t get this far in the furnace of British politics by being a levitas. 

Ishiekwene, Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP, is the author of the new book Writing for Media and Monetising It. 

President Bola Tinubu, accompanied by First Lady Senator Oluremi Tinubu, arrived in Paris on Wednesday evening for a three-day State Visit to fortify Nigeria-France relations.

Touching down at Orly Airport around 5:10 p.m., President Tinubu was welcomed with full military honours by the French Republican Guard, marking a ceremonial start to his visit.

The official engagements will begin on Thursday at the historic Les Invalides, where French President Emmanuel Macron and First Lady Brigitte Macron will warmly receive President Tinubu. The visit will continue with a distinguished reception at the Palais de l'Élysée, honouring the Nigerian leader.

The visit aims to enhance bilateral ties, focusing on key areas such as agriculture, security, education, health, youth engagement, innovation, and energy transition. It promises substantial benefits for Nigeria.

In collaboration with President Macron, President Tinubu will address initiatives to boost youth exchange programs and enhance skills in automation, entrepreneurship, and leadership.

The visit includes strategic political and diplomatic discussions on shared values concerning finance, solid minerals, trade and investment, and communication.

Additionally, both leaders will attend a session hosted by the France-Nigeria Business Council, coordinating private sector involvement in economic development.

Brigitte Macron and Nigeria's First Lady will discuss empowering women, children, and vulnerable populations through Nigeria's First Lady's Renewed Hope Initiative.

President Tinubu and his wife will attend a state dinner hosted by the French President before their departure.

Bayo Onanuga

Special Adviser to the President

(Information & Strategy)

Saint Rachael’s Pharma has urged National Assembly to expedite action on establishment of a Health Development Bank.

 This comes as the country marks 2024 World Antimicrobial Resistance Awareness Week (WAAW).

 In a statement, Chairman,  Akinjide Adeosun, said the proposed bank would provide medium and long-term credit facilities to health institutions, fostering industrialisation, medicine manufacturing, and medicine security while creating employment.

 Adeosun noted the need for the specialised bank to address rising costs of healthcare and antibiotics in Nigeria.

 He said a full dose of antibiotics is N20,000, making them unaffordable for many.

 This situation, he warned, could exacerbate antimicrobial resistance (AMR) due to suboptimal dosing, increasing morbidity and mortality rates.

The enactment of Health Bank Bill would enable stakeholders in the value chain – manufacturing, wholesale, and retail – to access single-digit lending rates, reducing business costs and enhancing medicine accessibility. Adeosun noted that inflation, high energy costs, fluctuating currency values, and others have compounded affordability crisis for essential medicines.

He called for a multi-stakeholder approach to tackle AMR, urging professionals, from pharmacists to environmentalists, to collaborate in combating the menace. According to him, AMR threatens not only human health but also animal, plant, and environmental safety, posing a grave risk to life expectancy in low-income countries like Nigeria.

Nigeria’s healthcare-associated infection rates and high antibiotic usage – ranging from 65% to 79% in hospitalized patients – are significantly above global averages, exacerbating AMR.

The lack of potable water and poor sanitation further aggravates the spread of resistant microbes. Aligning with the WAAW 2024 theme, “Educate, Advocate & Act Now,” St. Racheal’s Pharma reiterated its commitment to improving Nigerians’ life expectancy through quality, affordable pharmaceuticals.

 St. Racheal’s Pharma, headquartered in Lagos, is dedicated to enhancing life expectancy through top-quality, affordable antibiotics.

In addition to its pharmaceutical operations, the company’s Akinjide Adeosun Foundation (AAF) supports free medical missions and leadership education in alignment with UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 3 and 4.

Like many Nigerians, I have sometimes briefly wondered about Olajumoke Orisaguna, the bread hawker who became famous after stumbling onto the active photo set of celebrity photographer TY Bello in 2016. In the age of internet-driven sensations, people rise out of seemingly nowhere; some just disappear into obscurity. For someone who practically had a Cinderella story, it was natural to enquire what Olajumoke did the morning after she was hurled off to the palace as a princess. Questions about her life after fame were answered when she resurfaced recently with a sad story about how she suffered domestic abuse, was exploited by her manager, and subsequently became impoverished.

Listening to her interview on City 105.1 FM, I felt very sorry for this woman who had risen to a height in the eyes of the public only to slide back down. Except after tasting glamour, the old life one returns to never feels the same anymore. Going from the level of fame that splashes your adorned face on billboards to being just another person struggling to eat can be tormenting. Then, you would have to deal with the questioning stares from those who do not expect to see you in de-glamorised conditions. It cannot be easy to put herself back out there and seek help again. I honestly commend her strength.

As much as I sincerely sympathise with her, I also pondered what her initial fame suggests about our society. What was it about our collective lives that we so badly needed to feel good about that we occasionally catapult random people doing their random things into a hero? When you really think about how her story unfolded, you wonder how it could have been different. While it was unfortunate that she was serially defrauded by her manager, who took advantage of her illiteracy, one still wonders, “What talent or expertise was that manager even managing anyway?”

She is a pretty woman, no doubt, but looks alone do not sell forever in a high turnover industry like modeling. The story of her discovery and the sentiment it dredged would have waned at some point. Compelling stories like a bread seller who turned into a model have a limited shelf life in a world of infinite distractions. The same public that was so quick to read her rise as a miracle cannot be trusted to keep buying what she was selling based on that story alone. Like swimming sharks, they are already sniffing for fresh blood. For how long would her good luck that did not seem based on anything substantial have lasted anyway? She would likely have peaked by now, even if her manager did not play a fast one on her.

As much as Olajumoke’s second coming is a chance for her, it should also be a cautionary tale for the do-gooders of the internet to learn that, as much as certain people’s stories might tug at the strings of our hearts, we should also resist the temptation to play God. I have been part of public fundraising for people who needed an education or medical care several times, so this is not a campaign against philanthropy. Instead, this is about the anxiety that propels charity to the point that we forget we might be overly disrupting the beneficiary’s life. Sometimes the best help one can give to a person is to refrain from overwhelming them with the unstructured support that will eventually paralyse their ability to take the right initiative in their own life.

In the case of Olajumoke, she would probably have been better off if—instead of trying to make her a model—she had been put in school to get an education while learning a trade. Yes, that would have been far less glamorous than appearing on the cover of fashion magazines and perhaps less satisfying for people who badly wanted her to represent some magical tale, but guess what? She would have completed that training by now. She would probably have been more motivated to stick through the adult education classes that one of her benefactors paid for but which she failed to complete. With formal education and vocational training, she would have been independent and self-confident.

Eight years after her surprising “discovery,” she is unsurprisingly back under the custodianship of her benefactors. During her radio interview, Olajumoke mentioned her poor living conditions in Mowe, Ogun State. One cannot blame her for holding the place in disdain. After living in a well-furnished apartment paid for by a benefactor, the reality of living in a place where thousands of other hard-working Nigerians live every day must have been horrifying. But what exactly has she done that entitles her to live any differently? Those who live in that same Mowe and must regularly endure similar horrid environmental conditions did not uniquely offend God; it is just that life has not afforded them the opportunity to stray into the set of a celebrity photo shoot.

Four years after Olajumoke also came the story of Risikat Azeez, the woman with blue eyes cast out of her marriage by her husband, who did not understand her appearance as a rare genetic mutation. Hardly had the story hit the internet that those who saw the makings of another Olajumoke’s story quickly arranged a photo shoot for the woman. Someone instantly appointed herself the woman’s manager! You cannot help but wonder what was there to be managed. While the woman’s transformed appearance was useful to raise funds to empower her, how many photographs of her will the public gorge on before being satiated?

There are several more instances of supposed life-changing encounters propagated by the internet. What is common to them all is that our eagerness to see someone whose story has touched us magically transformed makes us overlook the larger systemic issues of poverty and, in some cases, domestic abuse. At times, charity just makes us use people for our own ends, as in the case of Deborah Olaki—another random social media user—who tweeted that she wakes up at 4.50am to make her husband’s lunch.

After being heckled for it by some fellow women—regular internet behaviour—some men started falling over themselves to donate money to her to spite the cyber feminists. Corporate organisations joined the fray, giving her money and their products. Even the NNPC jumped on the bandwagon (now you see why that organisation is perpetually dysfunctional), donating public funds to an internet-fuelled cause. This is a woman who does what millions of women (including the wives of the men donating) do every day, but somehow fragile masculinity made her a shining example of feminine virtue.

At first, the spectacle of men proving themselves to enrich a woman was delightsome. If the woman had tried to recruit more hecklers to trigger the men into giving more, I would have gladly joined the train. But it got to a point where the degree of their private life she had to trade for donation started feeling invasive. It got me wondering what would become of their lives when the public glare fades. This was a woman who said she began to wake up early to make lunch for her husband because another woman at work was feeding him. If she could not take his fidelity to his marital vows for granted despite his poverty—he could not even afford to buy lunch—what would become of their relationship after making so much money? Until you have money, you really do not know your own virtues. I wondered if any of the male donors, in their eager game of one-upmanship against critical women, paused to reflect how they were dramatically altering the dynamics of this couple’s relationship by playing sugar daddy to them.

The Federal Government, through the Office of the Accountant General of the Federation, said the payment of accrued rights of pensioners under the Contributory Pension Scheme is subject to the availability of funds from the government.

The OAGF made this known in a memo signed by Musa Raheem, Director of Administration addressed to the National Union of Pensioners.

“I am directed to inform you that the January – March and April to June 2024 allocations have been released to the National Pension Commission. Subject to the availability of funds, efforts are also ongoing to make further releases before the end of the year in order to reduce the outstanding pension liabilities under the Contributory Pension Scheme.

“Please, accept the assurances of the warm regards of the Accountant-General of the Federation.”

The PUNCH reported on Wednesday that the pensioners threatened to occupy the Ministry of Finance on December 16 should their 21-month backlog pension not be paid.

The pensioners had earlier staged a peaceful rally at the Ministry of Finance on November 12, 2024 and had written the Coordinating Minister of Finance and National Economy, Wale Edun, expressing appreciation for the minister’s “mature and civilized“ handling of their grievances.

However, they lamented that despite promises, the accrued rights account remained uncredited.

The pensioners are demanding the immediate release of the outstanding 21 months of accrued rights to retired public workers from March 2023 to November 2024.

They are also seeking payment of unpaid pension increments, including a 15% increase in 2007, a 33% increase in 2010, and a 20% to 28% increase in 2024.

They called on the Federal Government to declare a state of emergency in the CPS sector and take immediate steps to clear all government liabilities before December 16, 2024.

The pensioners’ union leadership stated that they had the mandate of their members nationwide to take this action, and they would not back down until their demands were met.

[Punch]

Former Head of state and elder statesman, General Yakubu Gowon (retd), has given insight into why he championed the creation of states in Nigeria, among others, while he was in the office as head of state, even as he urged Northern elites to build a consensus around issues that would better serve the greater interest of Nigeria as a whole.

He spoke when a delegation of the Senator Ibrahim Shekarau-led League of Northern Democrats, LND, visited him yesterday at the Yakubu Gowon Centre, in Abuja.

Gowon who governed between 1966 and 1975, told his visitors that it was aimed at dousing tension and removing the fear of northern domination by other component parts of the federation.

According to him, “May I thank you sincerely, as a former governor and now the chairman-am I correct?-of the League of Northern Democrats. I hope you’re not suggesting that Baba Tafawa Balewa was not both a northern and a national democrat.

“I firmly believe, as I have always said, that the responsibility of maintaining Nigeria’s true democracy rests on the north, and Baba Tafawa Balewa embodied this ideal.

“Let me also say that I hope your visit is not just about returning to the old thinking where the north prioritises the north, the west prioritises the west, and the east prioritises the east-until, of course, the Mid-West emerged to think for itself.

“My position has always been that whatever the north does must serve the greater interest of Nigeria.
“From your speech, I understand that this is your intention-to ensure the north, in its current state, focuses on national unity.

“It was for this reason that I supported the creation of multiple states, to prevent any one region from becoming too powerful and threatening the country’s unity.

“This perspective was born out of extensive discussions with political leaders, chiefs, and various groups.

“The north had to make sacrifices to address fears of domination by one region, especially given the size and population of the north.

” At that time, there was considerable anxiety from the south about the north’s dominance, which nearly led to calls for secession from all regions-the west, the east, and even the north.

“This deeply worried me. I was born in Nigeria, raised in Nigeria, and served a profession that represented the country’s collective interest.

“My decision to advocate for states creation stemmed from a desire to prevent the fragmentation of our nation.

“Even now, I recall that at one point, people believed the north wanted to secede, just as similar claims were made about the east and the west. This fear of disintegration weighed heavily on me. If we had allowed it, what would we call ourselves today? We might have ended up with separate nations-whether Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, or otherwise. I hesitate to say more, as I might risk offending someone here.”

Why I opted out of partisan politics

“You know I’m not affiliated with any political party. My only allegiance is to Nigeria. My profession shaped my belief in serving the country above all else, and I’ve avoided partisan politics.

“I encourage others to think beyond regional interests and focus on Nigeria as a whole. Differences in opinion are natural, but they should never prevent us from working together to resolve issues for the good of the country.

“Nigeria’s population and diversity are strengths. If we can unite despite our differences, we can build the Nigeria we all envision. You have shared your paper with me, and I’ll review it carefully. As you mentioned, you can return at any time for further discussions or my thoughts on your proposals.

“I joked earlier that your League of Northern Democrats isn’t yet a party. It appears to be a northern group, but it’s made up of individuals from all parts of the country.

“The north is incredibly diverse, encompassing various tribes, such as the Igbo-speaking communities in Benue and the Yoruba presence there as well. These differences enrich our region and should encourage unity rather than division.

“The northern identity, however, is often associated with the Hausa-Fulani. Even within that label, there is significant diversity. For instance, among the Angas people, we have distinct names like “Ngas,” and they call us “Ngali.” The cultural nuances are fascinating and a testament to our rich heritage.”

On current security challenges

“Unfortunately, I feel saddened by the challenges currently facing the north, such as the emergence of groups like the Lukurawa from Mali. Their activities have only created more problems for us.

“Nonetheless, I’m honoured and delighted by your visit. Your introductions touched me deeply. Many of you are descendants of respected leaders such as Tafawa Balewa and Shagari. I see this gathering as a continuation of their legacy.

“I must commend your group’s efforts to bring over 700 members together. It’s a remarkable achievement. However, I urge you to remember that the north’s division into states was meant to preserve national unity.

“Whatever you do, always prioritise the nation’s interest. While cooperation among states is vital, it should never compromise Nigeria’s collective good.

“I’m impressed by your initiative and wish you success. Perhaps your movement will evolve into a national party that unites all Nigerians. While various groups work on a new constitution, I encourage you to engage with them to ensure their proposals serve the country’s best interests.

“I’ve always believed in taking the best from all ideologies-be it socialism, capitalism, or others-and applying them for the greater good.

“During my time in government, we valued diverse perspectives, but decisions were always made in the interest of the people and the nation.

“You’ve started something significant, and I hope you’re prepared to collaborate with others for the future of Nigeria. Your dedication gives me hope for the nation’s future.

Earlier, the Chairman of the LND, Senator Ibrahim Shekarau, described Gowon as a symbol of Nigeria’s unity, strength and resilience.

While congratulating the retired general on his 90th birthday, he prayed for his continued health and strength to contribute to national development.

Explaining the desire behind the formation of the LND, Shekarau said, “Your Excellency, the League of Northern Democrats was born out of a shared sense of urgency and responsibility among Northern elites to address the critical challenges facing our region.

“Together, we seek to reposition the North as a bastion of political, economic and cultural influence – a North that reclaims its historical role as a beacon of leadership in Nigeria!

[Vanguard]

Shell is starting arbitration hearings over the supply of liquefied natural gas from Venture Global’s Calcasieu Pass facility, Shell CEO Wael Sawan has said, according to a Reuters report.

Shell and other companies including BP, Galp and Repsol have also launched contract arbitration cases in the United States over inability to obtain contract cargoes for more than two years.

“Frustratingly, we have got no volumes against our term agreement which underpinned the financing for the project. We’re going through arbitration hearings this quarter,” Sawan said on a call with Reuters analysts.

Shell and others say they have lost billions of dollars in profit from gas promised under long-term contracts but it was not delivered. Venture Global LNG contends it has not fully commissioned the Louisiana plant.

Previously, Venture Global LNG had criticised Shell for its poor performance record at its own LNG facilities.

Industry observers see this accusation by Venture Global as reminiscent of the legal issues faced by NLNG, a Shell subsidiary, where it was found that the company had breached a contract by failing to deliver at least 19 cargoes of LNG under a contract signed in January 2020.

This led to a London arbitration panel and an England and Wales High Court of Justice ruling against NLNG in July 2024.

The arbitration panel included John Beechey CBE, J. William Rowley KC, and Nevil Phillips.

Shell accuses Venture Global LNG of wrongfully earning $3.5 billion, according to an earlier report by the Financial Times.

[TheCable]

Upon the inauguration of the Bola Tinubu administration last year, new SUVs were purchased and distributed to the members of the Federal Executive Council and the National Assembly. Such public officers were never assembled in a public place to receive the vehicles. At about the same time, judges whose cars were replaced after about 10 years were assembled by governors who handed the car keys  to them.

The humiliation of judges by the executive was recently taken to an embarrassing level when the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike assembled senior judges to witness the flag off ceremony of 40 housing units to be constructed for judges. The Minister has since announced that he would give 20 houses to Judges of the Federal Capital Territory High Court, 10 to the Judges of the Federal High Court and the remaining 10 to the Justices of the Court of Appeal.

A few colleagues who have forgotten the struggle that culminated in the constitutional recognition of financial autonomy for judges as part of the independence of the judiciary have attempted to justify the distribution of cars and houses to Judges by the executive organ of governments. In fact, those who are not familiar with the current constitutional dispensation have said that the executive should continue to build houses for Judges since it was done before in a particular state.

With respect, it is pertinent to remind such lawyers that sections 81 (3) and 121 (3) of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 which granted financial autonomy to the Federal and State  Judiciaries in the country has been confirmed by the Federal High Court and the National Judicial Council in the following cases:

1. Suit No FHC/ABJ/CS/667/13, Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria  v National Judiciary Council & Ors;

2. Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/63/2013: Olisa Agbakoba, SAN v  National Judicial Council & Anor;

3. Suit No. NAD/56/2013 :Olisa Agbakoba v Attorney-General of Ekiti State & 2 others;

4. Suit No. NICABJ/142/2022: Chief Sebastian Hon v National Assembly & 2 Ors.

Section 81(3) of the Constitution  provides that:”(3) Any amount standing to the credit of the judiciary in the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Federation shall be paid directly to the National Judicial Council for disbursement to the heads of the courts established for the Federation and the State under section 6 of this Constitution.” Although the federal judiciary is better funded than state judiciary but the question of financial autonomy has not been properly addressed.

But due to the refusal of state governments to allow the judiciary to operate its budgets, former President Muhammadu Buhari issued Executive Order No 10 of 2020. State Governors successfully challenged the validity of the Executive Order as it was struck down by the Supreme Court.

Thereafter, section 121(3) of the Constitution was amended  to the effect that any amount standing to the credit of the House of Assembly in the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the State “shall be paid directly into wethe account of the Assembly”, and that of the Judiciary “shall be paid directly to the heads of the courts.” A new subsection 4  provides that the state accountant-general of a state must pay the judiciary and the house of assembly their due amounts in monthly installments.

It is public knowledge that the salaries and allowances of Nigerian Judges were increased a few months ago by an Act of the National Assembly. However, the National Judicial Council and the Nigerian Bar Association should prevail on the National Assembly and the various Houses of Assembly to actualise financial autonomy for judges in the 2025 budgets of the Federal Government and the various state governments in strict compliance with  Sections 81(3) and 121(3)  of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended.

In other words, with effect  from  2025, the budgets of the judiciary at the federal and state levels should make adequate financial provision to enable the judiciary to build houses and buy cars for judges. This is only way to insulate judges from the overbearing control of the Executives. Therefore, the Nigerian Bar Association should be prepared to challenge any breach of the relevant provisions of the Constitution which have guaranteed financial autonomy for the nation’s judiciary.

The rule of law is underwritten by fundamental assumptions. One, that the law is fair to all and that citizens can approach the court expecting to obtain justice irrespective of their station in life. Two, that judges who interpret the law and dispense justice will be above reproach and remain impartial. Three, that an independent, orderly judiciary will be self-regulating. Unfortunately, recent developments in Nigeria only point to a betrayal of nearly all these foregoing assumptions.

Last week, the Senate passed a resolution asking President Bola Tinubu to sack Danladi Umar as chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) over sundry allegations of corruption and misconduct. But the provisions of Section 157 (1) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) on which the resolution was anchored do not support what the Senate did. There is a difference between the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) and the CCT and you expect Senators to know that. It would take the votes of two thirds of members of both chambers (Senate and the House of Representatives) for the president to remove the CCT chairman. Apparently mindful of this lacuna, the House on Tuesday invoked the proper law, Section 17 (3), Part 1, Fifth Schedule of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) to complete the process with their concurrence that Umar be removed.  

The second issue is the presidential action that preceded the two resolutions. On 13th July this year, then presidential spokesman, Ajuri Ngelale, announced “the appointment of Dr. Mainasara Umar Kogo as the Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT),” as directed by the president. “Kogo is a seasoned lawyer and analyst in the fields of law, security, economy, politics, and international diplomacy,” Ngelale further said. I assumed at the time that Umar’s tenure had lapsed, or he had quietly resigned. Evidently, that is not the case. With both Umar and Kogo claiming to be CCT chairman, the National Assembly has merely covered up for a presidential lapse of judgement on the matter.

The third and perhaps most substantive issue relates to the charges against Umar. First sworn-in as acting CCT chairman in 2007 at age 36 despite his thin résumé, Umar became the substantive chairman in 2011. And in the past 13 years, there have been several allegations of impropriety against him. In January 2018, for instance, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) accused Umar of demanding and receiving bribes from one Rasheed Owolabi Taiwo, a defendant standing trial before the CCT for “favours to be afterwards shown” to him. Besides, Umar also has a notorious reputation in Abuja.

Asked to repark his vehicle that was obstructing other customers at Banex Plaza on 8th April 2021, Umar (who drove himself that day and would later make a big deal of it in a reckless statement) adopted the usual Nigerian Big Man disposition of ‘Do you know who I am?’ by assaulting a security man. When the video went viral, he claimed to be the victim of assault by ‘Biafran boys’, thus profiling shop owners at the commercial complex. In calling for a full investigation into the incident at the time, the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) expressed its displeasure at the “display of naked power by a public officer especially one who, by virtue of his high office, is expected to exhibit a high standard of conduct.”

Given the foregoing, Umar’s removal is long overdue. But what I find rather surprising is that his defenders are citing the crisis orchestrated by the removal of a former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Onnoghen to canvass for due process on the matter. This same Umar was a willing tool in the hands of President Muhammadu Buhari and his Attorney General and Justice Minister, Abubakar Malami, SAN, for that judicial act of infamy. Now that his misdeeds have caught up with him, Umar is seeking equity with unclean hands.

However, the bigger lesson in this saga is for the judiciary. In my presentation at the 2024/2025 Legal Year ceremony of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria (NICN) in Abuja on 9th October, I made a general point about justice administration in Nigeria with a clear distinction between ‘rule of law’ and ‘rule of judges’. The latter, as I said, is a situation in which a judge places himself/herself above the law. “Regrettably, the loud and overpowering noise of the latter is becoming definitive of Nigeria’s judiciary in the perception of most people,” I concluded. “Nothing gives better expression to that than the statement, ‘Go to Court’ by conscious wrong-doers, often followed by ‘Go on appeal’ by their hand-in-glove judges.”

In his highly entertaining book, ‘Judges’ which I once referenced on this page, Lord David Philip Pannick used the lesson of history in both the United Kingdom and United States to highlight what could happen when the people lose faith in the judicial process. “Some judges have received more than their just deserts for injudicious behaviour. In the 13th century, Andrew Horn alleged that in one year, King Alfred caused 44 judges to be hanged as homicides for their false judgments. In 1381, a mob pursued the Lord Chancellor, Simon de Sudbury, and cut off his hand. One year later, Lord Chief Justice Cavendish was killed after being apprehended by a mob and subjected to a mock trial in which he was sentenced to death,” Pannick, a member of the House of Lords and the Blackstone Chambers, wrote. “In 1688, the infamous judge Jeffreys, by then the Lord Chancellor, went into hiding when James II fled the country. Jeffreys was captured in Wapping when he was recognized in a tavern by a man who had been a dissatisfied litigant in his court. (The man had won his case, but Jeffreys had been rude to him and kept him waiting). Jeffreys was put in the Tower of London, where he died in 1689.”

We are living in an age when the past bears an uncanny resemblance to the present. It is therefore important for the National Judicial Council (NJC) to begin dealing with deviant behaviours among its members. Authorities in the judicial sector must not allow a situation in which the people would openly turn against our men and women on the bench. This requires an urgent need for internal cleansing. May the day never come in Nigeria when an enraged public would begin to disrobe otherwise eminent judges in the marketplace!

What the Yoruba People Have Lost

“Chief Lóògò Bámútùlá explains, ‘I grew up amid deities…In the house, the gods talked audibly and clearly. They spoke precise human language…’ This is a Chief who actively remembers his ancestors, who offers his own stories of a life lived through the Nigerian Civil War and beyond, and whose clients include those of many different affiliations. His practices include prayer, festival, charms, psychiatric care, pharmaceutical and medical interventions, and resolving curses, reminding us of the complex rituals and acts that make up what we call religion…”

The foreword by Laura Nasarallah, Scholar of Ancient Christianity and Buckingham Professor of New Testament Criticism and Interpretation at Yale University, United States, leads us to the story of an extraordinary man who had no formal education yet imbued with the power/knowledge to cure many ailments. Described as a “ritual specialist, native botanist and family patriarch” by Arthur Kleinman, Professor of Psychiatry at Harvard Medical School in the blurb, Chief David Akinsawe Bámútùlá of Ile-Oluji in Ondo State is not only a cultural avatar but also a symbol of the body of knowledge in Yorubaland that is gradually going into extinction. But how did I get to read the manuscript of the coming book by Harvard Professor, Jacob Olupona, co-authored with Oluwole Akinyosoye who worked briefly at The Guardian newspaper before venturing into the oil and gas industry?

To get away from the drama of ‘birthday’ which holds no significance for me (village people don’t celebrate birthday), I try to take my annual holiday from the first week in November though the get-away gambit almost failed this year due to a delayed visa renewal process. But in the past two weeks, I have visited New York, Washington DC and Toronto (Canada) before finally arriving at my main destination in Boston, Massachusetts. For the past 15 years, Professor Olupona and his wife, Josephine Modupe, have been guardian angels for my family. But for me the real attraction in always holidaying with them is not so much the warm hospitality but rather the knowledge and insights I gain from Professor Olupona who always enjoys having me around. It’s much like being in school. In the process of discussing the current situation with the traditional institution in Yorubaland, Olupona told me of a coming book, ‘In the Twilight of Time: A Biography of an African Medicine Man’ he co-authored with Akinyosoye. And the moment he handed me the manuscript, I could not put it down.

Chief Lóògò and the late Professor Thomas Adeoye Lambo were contemporaries and friends who pursued the same vocation in psychiatric healing though the latter was trained by the best Universities around the world. Lambo, a globally renowned psychiatrist and former Vice Chancellor, University of Ibadan (1967 to 1971) later became the World Health Organisation (WHO) Deputy Director General. Being senior to Lambo who was born on 29 March 1923, that means Chief Lóògò is well beyond 100 years in age. Lambo, Chief Lóògò recalls, usually sent a vehicle to pick him up for meetings of the association of Nigerian traditional healers where they always sat beside each other. “He was not much of a herbalist; he was a professor, an audacious fellow, ever ready to experiment,” Chief Lóògò told the authors in one of the numerous interviews conducted for the book. “Lambo chose to test me, when we needed to display the efficacy of charms at a conference in Iganmu, Lagos. Everybody was thrilled at the results.”  

The second foreword to the manuscript, by HRM Oba Olufaderin Oluwole Adetimehin, Jimoko II of Ile-Oluji Kingdom, Ondo State, is significant in several respects. “I found his (Baba Lóògò’s) elucidation on Yoruba culture fascinating, especially his explanations of conceptual nuances of Olóògún (Ògún devotees) and Olóògùn (traditional pharmacist) and the differences between Babaláwo (Ifá diviner) and Onísègùn (traditional healer)” wrote the royal father, a former president of the Chartered Insurance Institute of Nigeria (CIIN). “The elucidations reveal Baba Lóògò’s rich repository of Yoruba lore and culture.”

I am sure the Ile Oluji Monarch must also have learnt a great deal about our past, especially considering how Yoruba Obas are now being abducted right in their palaces. In the days of yore, criminals who dared such a sacrilegious enterprise would have had to contend with ‘Sìgìdì’. Explaining how Sìgìdì provided security for powerful people in the past, Chief Lóògò illustrated his point with the experience of his own father from whom he inherited trado-medicine. “If an evil person is approaching, the Sìgìdì would ambush them before we know and announce their arrival after the task, ‘Baba, we are back.’ Father would respond, ‘You are welcome…You will eat tomorrow. Your mealtime is tomorrow’. I knew then that a goat would be slaughtered the following day. The Sìgìdì often alerted my father whenever danger lurked. Sometimes, Father would command the Sìgìdì to confront the attackers, and they (the attackers) would shoot, unaware that they were not aiming at physical objects.”

In Yoruba cosmology, according to the authors, “sacred beings are presented in hidden forms. When one greets a king, either he will move his Ìrùkẹ̀rẹ̀ (flywhisk, a symbol of office) or have his courtiers speak on his behalf,” while expanding on how traditional authority was revered in the past. “The king himself is an Òrìṣà, and silence reflects his elevation and divinity; it is part of the reason that the king garners respect and honour.” Not these days when traditional rulers compete with ‘slay queens’ to throw tantrums on social media!

Allow me to make an upfront admission here. I am a Christian who believes in the Bible, and I take my faith very seriously. But I have often wondered about some of the things I witnessed growing up in the village. I can still picture in my mind several traditional healing methods we now consider ‘occultic’. What makes knowledge and wisdom valid? Should knowledge be only those which cement or affirm the existing power structure and epistemology? These, according to Olupona, were some of the questions that prompted their research into the life and career of Chief Lóògò, and it is something I could relate with regarding the way we dismiss (or even criminalise) what we do not understand in Nigeria, because of a lack of curiosity that now defines public engagement and the intellectual space.

I recall the controversy that trailed the release about two decades ago of Tunde Kelani’s ‘Agogo Èèwò’ (the gong of taboo). Written by the late acclaimed authority on Yoruba tradition and culture and National Merit Award Winner, Professor Akinwumi Isola, the National Films and Censors Board wanted to ban it at the time. Some of the parts they queried were when the character played by Abiola Atanda (aka Madam Kofo) was carrying rituals and where the herbalist (Akinwunmi Isola) was consulting the Ifa oracle with chants. The verses they considered objectionable are: “Af’ipá l’ówó won kìí kádún” (Seekers of wealth by forceful means do not last); “Afi wàràwàrà l’ówó bí ológun kìí dòla…” (Seekers of instant wealth who employ military brute force do not live long). Not much has changed since then.

Chief Lóògò explained the different types of preventive traditional medicines to the authors. “Apparently, ‘Ayeta’ (bullet repellent medicine) as described by Chief Lóògò is not designed for a continuous assail of bullets but to protect against ambush or assassination and allow one to readjust himself for a fight or flight in a war situation,” they wrote. But the authors also lament how “Important trees, leaves and herbs are disappearing in their large numbers, even in Chief Lóògò’s backyard, due to human-induced climate change,” while revealing the contradictions in our society based on the revelations by Chief Lóògò fully captured in the manuscript. “Despite their outrage on his methods and their keeping public distance from him, we find from his dispositions that Christians and Muslims, including notable politicians, secretly patronise him.”

It is interesting that Chief Lóògò believes that only God can heal, while also admitting that the same God can use anything and any vessel. “Look at Moses with only a rod. He did great wonders. There was nothing in that rod; It was just a symbol of God’s power,” said Chief Lóògò who then argues, “God is not averse to using medicine to heal the sick. They call the ‘trado-medical’ practitioner ‘Agbomolà’, one who saves the lives of men and women, young and old. Can God be upset with someone for saving another man’s life?”

Meanwhile, Chief Lóògò has abandoned his practices and the family deities after embracing Christianity. “I converted to retrace, redirect my path, and change my family’s fortunes…I beg God daily to forgive my sins and those of my lineage.” When the authors inquired whether jettisoning Ògún, the deity he once served as its high priest, was due to pressure from his children, Chief Lóògò replied, “Ògún came to earth on his own volution just like Sàngó and other Yoruba deities. God did not send him here. I discovered that Ògún is opposed to God, so I decided to part ways with him and embrace God.” And the depth of his new-found faith can be glimpsed from this line: “I know my time (on earth) is far spent; my prayer is for Jesus to help me make it to heaven.”

The main concern for me is that we have lost the traditional healing methods embraced by other societies. Having visited China several times, I have had the opportunity of seeing expansive herbal/traditional medical centres. During the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, China’s National Health Commission revealed that about 90 percent of their nationals infected with the virus took some form of traditional medicine to treat their symptoms. These traditional remedies, according to the Chinese, helped to alleviate symptoms, reduced the severity of the virus, improved recovery and reduced mortality rate. Growing up in the village, most of us also took these herbs that are now being derided, so we are aware of their efficacy.

In the past, I have used Richard Niebuhr’s book, ‘Christ and Culture’, to demonstrate how Christians have attempted to deal with the challenge of their faith against the background of traditional beliefs and customs. Niebuhr identifies five approaches which he listed as: Christ against Culture; The Christ of Culture; Christ above Culture; Christ and Culture in Paradox and Christ the Transformer of Culture. Unfortunately, as I have also argued, the Pentecostalism embraced in Nigeria today fits into the paradigm of ‘Christ against Culture’, a notion which rejects all ancient mores and body of knowledge, including for traditional healing, as archaic, backward, and evil.

• You can follow me on my X (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com  

In an economy touted to have been “saved” by $20 billion due to policy reforms under President Bola Tinubu’s administration, the recent approval by the Senate for a $2.2 billion loan raises significant questions about fiscal discipline, economic priorities, and public accountability. The juxtaposition of these two stories, a declaration of financial salvation and the eagerness to incur more debt, reveals an apparent inconsistency in Nigeria’s economic management.

Finance Minister Wale Edun recently celebrated the gains of Tinubu’s reforms, notably the removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira. According to Edun, these measures have saved Nigeria $20 billion, approximately 5% of the nation’s GDP. This figure has been presented as a monumental achievement, promising the redirection of funds toward critical sectors such as infrastructure, healthcare, education, and social services.

If this is accurate, then Tinubu’s reforms represent a watershed moment, signaling the administration’s ability to tackle rent-seeking practices and foster a more productive economy. The $20 billion, as Edun highlighted, is a resource that could catalyze transformative projects to uplift the nation’s socio-economic fabric.

In stark contrast to the triumphant announcement of these savings, the Senate recently approved Tinubu’s request to borrow $2.2 billion to fund the 2024 budget and bolster foreign reserves. The loan, according to Senate reports, will be sourced through Eurobonds and other international financial instruments. Proponents argue that borrowing at this scale will strengthen Nigeria’s external reserves and facilitate ongoing capital projects.

However, this decision raises a fundamental question: why borrow a relatively modest $2.2 billion when $20 billion has allegedly been saved? The optics are troubling. It suggests either a lack of fiscal coherence or a misrepresentation of the government’s financial position.

The essence of saving, whether in personal finance or national budgeting, is to build a buffer against future expenses. If Nigeria truly has $20 billion in savings, it is logical to draw a portion of these funds to cover the $2.2 billion requirement rather than incurring additional debt.

Borrowing comes at a cost, including interest payments, currency risks, and the burden of repayment for future administrations. By contrast, utilizing saved funds would reduce these financial liabilities while signaling to Nigerians that the government is committed to fiscal responsibility.

Nigeria’s debt profile is already worrisome, with debt servicing consuming a significant portion of national revenue. Borrowing more, even at favorable terms, perpetuates a cycle of dependency and limits the government’s ability to invest in long-term growth. Furthermore, the issuance of Eurobonds ties Nigeria to global financial markets, exposing the economy to external shocks.

By opting to borrow instead of utilizing savings, the government risks eroding public trust. Many Nigerians, already grappling with the economic fallout of subsidy removal and naira devaluation, may perceive this as a sign that the promised benefits of these reforms are either exaggerated or inaccessible.

If the government cannot allocate $2.2 billion from the purported $20 billion savings, it raises critical questions:  “Are the Savings Real?” “Is the $20 billion a tangible, accessible sum, or is it merely a theoretical figure derived from avoided expenditures? If it exists, where is it held, and under what conditions can it be deployed?”

Also to be asked in this context is, “If the savings are indeed available, why is the government prioritizing external borrowing over deploying these funds to critical sectors?”

There is no denying the fact that for the Tinubu-led administration to engender transparency and accountability that Nigerians deserve to know how these savings are being managed. Without clarity, the narrative of $20 billion savings risks becoming another political sound bite.

In fact, the government’s decision-making should reflect the principles of fiscal discipline and strategic allocation of resources.

Against the foregoing backdrop it is expedient to suggest in this context that the government should draw from the saved $20 billion to meet immediate funding needs, such as the $2.2 billion loan request. This would reduce debt exposure and demonstrate a commitment to prudent financial management.

Thirdly, the government should provide a detailed breakdown of how the $20 billion is being utilized. Nigerians need assurances that these funds are not languishing in accounts or being redirected for less critical purposes.

In a similar vein, borrowing should be a last resort, not a default option. The government must explore alternative funding mechanisms, including public-private partnerships, to finance capital projects.

Again, the government should utilize savings to fund transformative projects that directly impact the lives of Nigerians, such as infrastructure, healthcare, and education. This will help mitigate the economic pain caused by subsidy removal and naira devaluation.

In fact, the contrasting narratives of saving $20 billion and borrowing $2.2 billion highlight the need for greater coherence in Nigeria’s fiscal policies. The government’s actions must align with its rhetoric, demonstrating that it is capable of managing the nation’s resources judiciously.

If Tinubu’s administration truly seeks to transform Nigeria’s economy, it must embrace transparency, accountability, and fiscal discipline. The $20 billion savings should not be an abstract concept but a tangible resource deployed to uplift the nation. Anything less undermines the sacrifices Nigerians have made and erodes confidence in the government’s reform agenda.

The choice is clear: draw from the savings or risk perpetuating a cycle of debt that future generations will bear. It is time for the government to practice what it preaches and ensure that its economic decisions reflect the interests of the Nigerian people.