The Lagos State Government has initiated a probe into the tragic maternal death of Mrs Kemi Folajimi, the pregnant woman who supposedly died because a private healthcare facility denied her crucial emergency care when her husband could not deposit N500,000 for her treatment. We have been Nigerians for long enough to know how the probe will go: embarrassed government officials will make the right noises, but very little structural change will be achieved by the end of the day. Mrs Folajimi did not die because of money; she died because Lagos is a disorganised city with a lack of infrastructure for emergency services.

Many commenters, including some respected television anchors, think the issue was solely about money. They unrealistically drew up how much money a man should have saved before having children. In a state where 93 per cent of workers reportedly earn less than N200,000, they think a man should have N500,000 tucked aside before he can be a father. Let me break this to you: in a chaotic society where facilities for primary healthcare and emergency services are absent, anyone can die like a dog even while their pockets bulge with money. People have so quickly forgotten that just weeks ago, a tech entrepreneur, Adetunji Opayele, also died in Lagos following a road accident where the bystanders were the ones transporting him from one hospital to the other in a public vehicle.

What killed Mrs Folajimi is a systemic issue that would not have been resolved by individual responsibility. Read the husband’s interview, and you will understand that the poverty that killed her was that of policy—a direct consequence of what is called “multi-dimensional” poverty. For their community to rely on midwives, it must mean that grassroots healthcare facilities are lacking. Now, before some clown pops out to remind us that even Western societies still use the services of midwives, please know they are not only highly regulated but also get to summon prompt emergency services when things go wrong. In Mrs Folajimi’s case, there was no such provision. From the private hospital in Lakowe that reportedly rejected her to the public hospital in Epe, where they referred her, was a journey of 40 minutes. That was a lot of time for a woman who needed emergency care.

According to Mr Folajimi, when they encountered a traffic jam on the way, he had to appeal to the traffic officers to negotiate a path for their vehicle, given the woman’s dire situation. Look at how much crucial time was lost doing all that! Money or no money, anyone could have died under such circumstances. In an organised society, she would have been transferred to another hospital in a siren-blowing ambulance while being attended to by medical professionals. Yet, Nigeria is a place where the only people who get to use sirens to shove us off the road are narcissistic public officials who serve no useful purpose to society. The major reason Oyinbo invented those devices has long been subverted by these highly placed miscreants running empty errands.

Yes, Lagos has initiated a probe, but you can bet the answer they will return would be some tame proclamations on what hospitals should do during emergencies. They are unlikely to indict their own failure to organise society to manage emergencies.

Beyond the shortcomings of Lagos on this matter is also the reality of multidimensional poverty. Over the weekend, President Bola Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Economic Affairs, Tope Fasua, got on television to downplay the reality of its impact. He said something to the effect that we (our society, I presume) do not know the meaning of the term, and it is one big jargon to bedazzle us and sensationalise poverty. He said, “They think multi-dimensional poverty is worse than food poverty. What multi-dimensional means is that maybe the school your children attend is too far from you or the hospital, and they categorise you as multi-dimensional.” But what exactly was his point? Is that multi-dimensional poverty’s denial of ready access to life-enhancing facilities any more or less desirable than food poverty? Either way, the point made no sense. Mrs Folajimi’s case is an illustrative instance of the distance (literal and otherwise) between death and life, and she is by no means unique. Life in Nigeria gets abridged daily due to multidimensional poverty.

Fasua made several points in that interview that confirm the fears that I have held about the moral vision of the Tinubu administration. These people have no agenda of prosperity and plenitude, and their deficiency is why they routinely valorise poverty. I used to think hyping poverty was the defining ethos of the Muhammadu Buhari administration given how the man not only likes to pretend that he is poor, but also treats poverty—in others, not for himself or immediate family—as some sort of virtue. However, between Tinubu, who narrated a story of how his “friend” became an ẹdun arinlẹ̀ and associates who think a Nigerian can survive on N1500 daily, the APC talakawa mentality is self-evident.

According to Fasua, while $10 won’t buy anyone lunch anywhere in the US, Nigerians can eat with as little as $1. First, he is wrong about the USA. In their poorer states, you can even have breakfast and lunch for $10. Here is the fun fact which one would not have expected an economist like Fasua to have missed: what it takes to earn lunch in the US vs. Nigeria. In the US, where the minimum wage per hour ranges from $7.50 to $15, it takes one hour (or less) of work to buy lunch. Whereas in Nigeria, where the daily minimum wage comes to N2560, you will need almost half a day of work, going by Fasua’s N1500. You dare not eat twice a day on a minimum wage.

At N1,500 per meal per day, you are also not supposed to afford any indulgence, no matter how small. Let us momentarily presume that this Nigerian, being asked to survive in this way, does not have any family, immediate or extended, who depend on them for money. There is no consideration for how our hypothetical Nigerian should be able to afford other necessities like shelter, clothing, hospital bills, and even have some savings! The present government’s idea of how a Nigerian should live is to work, eat basic meals, and die.

If they properly map the geography of poverty to understand its multi-dimensional impact, they would speak to the issues beyond food. Poverty is more than food; it cannot be solved if the average person on a minimum wage eats within their constricted means. Poverty is also about the social safety net and access to life-enhancing facilities. Rather than bending logic to mask the problem of “multi-dimensional” poverty, treating it as just a bunch of words strung together by economists who want to sensationalise administrative failings, they should open their eyes to its real-life impact. The poverty that killed Mrs. is not all about money.

There is also a great deal of incoherence in this administration’s understanding of what constitutes poverty. For instance, when they inaugurated the student loan scheme for indigent Nigerians, they pegged the income level of an eligible family at N500,000 annually (or N42,000 monthly). Yet the same government’s idea of a poor individual is a person who can eat N1,500 (N45,000 monthly) worth of food daily. Meanwhile, at N1,500 per meal daily, should a family of four not be earning a minimum of N180,000 monthly?

Even worse, this same society where the people who have the ears of the government tell us that a mere N1,500 is enough for daily survival also expects a man to have saved N500,000 to deposit for his pregnant wife’s treatment in the hospital. How many Nigerians even earn that much in a year? How many of those who do have that much saved up? The reality is far more twisted, and it is almost callous how the people blaming the Folajimis too easily overlooked the structural issues that took her life.

In a country where leadership ought to be anchored on competence, integrity, and patriotism, Nigeria under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is sadly leaning towards a dangerous playbook: reward your loudest critics with plum positions, not for merit, but to silence them. It is politics of pacification masquerading as inclusion, and it is slowly eroding what little is left of the moral fabric in public service.

For instance, on March 30, 2025, during an Iftar dinner to mark his 73rd birthday, President Tinubu attempted to justify the controversial appointment of Dr. Bosun Tijani as Minister of Communications, Innovation, and Digital Economy. The president proudly claimed it was evidence of his open-mindedness, that he values “talent even in those who may have once been critics.”

But this is more than generous leadership. It is political optics, particularly as Tijani’s criticisms weren’t offhand comments, but cutting and calculated. Yet, today, he is saddled with one of the most strategic portfolios in the administration.

Where’s the proof that Tijani’s appointment was based on measurable competence or a vision for digital transformation? Nigerians are still waiting.

Another classic example is Dr. Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, formerly the spokesman of the Northern Elders Forum (NEF), and a fire-breathing critic of both the Buhari and Tinubu administrations. His appointment last year as Political Adviser to the President in the Office of the Vice President shocked many.

Many believed the appointment was not about tapping into Baba-Ahmed’s experience, but rather a strategic attempt to shut him up and mute the persistent criticisms emanating from the North.

As of now, sources report that Baba-Ahmed has tendered his resignation, though it is yet to be approved by the president. The silence surrounding his exit only raises suspicion. Was he disappointed by what he met in office? Or was his voice no longer useful now that the northern backlash against Tinubu is intensifying?

Indeed, prominent northern political and traditional leaders continue to lash out at Tinubu’s government over the worsening economy, political instability, and raging insecurity. Clearly, the “buy-the-critic” strategy has failed.

But perhaps the most astonishing twist is the reported nomination of Reno Omokri, the same man who relentlessly campaigned against Tinubu from the diaspora, at one point accusing him of links to drug crimes and organizing physical protests in the UK.

Reno’s nomination to a diplomatic role is not just ironic, it is utterly shameful. If his allegations were taken seriously, how does he now represent Nigeria on the global stage under the same administration he described as “tainted”?

This is not about forgiveness. This is about political transactionalism at its peak, critics being rewarded, not because they have changed their views or added value, but because their voices are too loud to ignore.

Without a doubt, it is rotten pattern of political pacification. The pattern is now predictable: Criticise, get noticed, get appeased, then go quiet.

What President Tinubu’s government is doing is weaponizing appointments as hush money, handing plum positions to critics in a bid to muffle dissent. It is a perversion of democracy, an insult to genuine loyalists, and a blow to qualified professionals who don’t play dirty politics.

It also creates mutual suspicion rather than national unity. Those who supported the president from day one now feel used and sidelined. Professionals who have served with diligence now believe noise, not merit, brings promotion. And the masses, watching from the sidelines, are reminded that this government rewards volume, not values.

In fact, appointments should be national assets, not political settlement tools. Nigerians are living in desperate times. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) confirms inflation has soared to over 33%, while the naira has been battered beyond recognition. Youth unemployment remains at alarming levels, and the spate of kidnapping and banditry is getting worse.

At a time like this, what the country needs is a government of reformers, not rebranded critics. Appointments should be engines of development, not political settlements for those who scream the loudest.

The long-term danger of this approach is clear: it encourages performative opposition. Aspiring appointees will begin to attack the government, not from a place of patriotic concern, but as a strategy to gain visibility and eventual favor. It breeds opportunism, not activism. It incentivizes hypocrisy, not truth.

Since this unarguable retrogressive mode of appointment came to the realization of this writer, the question has been “When did noise becomes a qualification?”

History will not be kind to a leadership that chooses to pacify rather than perform. As things stand, Tinubu’s appointment style suggests that you don’t need to be competent, just be controversial. Don’t show loyalty, just show up on the trending list.

However, to put it advisedly in this context, it is not out of place to opine that Nigeria deserves better.

In fact, if this government is truly serious about transformation, it must abandon this politics of reward for criticism and return to a politics of merit, transparency, and accountability. Otherwise, we will soon be governed, not by the best minds, but by the loudest mouths.

Senator Henry Seriake Dickson has renewed his call for the Federal Government to fast-track ranching as a solution to perennial farmers-herders clashes across the country. His position was contained in a condolence message to the governments and people of Benue, and Plateau over the most recent killings in the States.

“The time has come for everyone to see this problem as an existential Nigerian issue of national security that needs to be addressed, devoid of ethnicity, religion, politics and sentiments that normally colour national discourses. This was why, on the floor of the Senate while contributing to a motion on this issue, I urged the Senate to resolve to implementing mandatory ranching, support and orientation even for the herdsmen, followed by the prohibition of open grazing nationwide.

“Using the newly established Ministry of Livestock, the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Finance, the Central Bank of Nigeria and other institutions, we must create a mechanism and funding for compulsory ranching and support policy for livestock, herders, aquaculture and all other agribusinesses across the country,” the statement reads.

“Then a plan must be made to strengthen all the security agencies and community leaders to work together to combat and flush out all bandits and criminals from our rural areas and forests and enforce prohibition of open grazing throughout Nigeria. The Senate adopted the motion.

“We must do this as a national imperative without politics or sentiments,” Senator Dickson said.

The Senator representing Bayelsa West continued, “I have spoken with my brother and friend, the Governor of Benue State, H.E. Fr. Hyacinth Alia, as well as officials of the Plateau State Government, to offer my condolences on behalf of my family and the good people of my Senatorial District, and on behalf of all Nigerians of goodwill, over the dastardly and callous massacres that occurred recently in communities in those two States.

“Benue, Plateau, Zamfara, Southern Kaduna, and some other States have borne the brunt of criminality, lawlessness, and brutality in a genocidal magnitude and frequency. Not only are armed gunmen terrorising and ransacking hapless communities, and commiting mass murders in these States, but the level of banditry, kidnapping, and killing has affected many other States as well, almost to the point of eclipsing the Boko Haram insurgency that has bedevilled the North Eastern part of our country for years,” Senator Dickson said.

“It is not acceptable in this country or any other,” he emphasised, “for people wherever they are to be attacked, maimed, killed, and communities ransacked at will without consequences, while the rest of the country and the world move on. It is the clearest evidence of State failure and collapse.

“At this point, the leadership of this country and the topmost hierarchy of the security architecture need to have a frank and honest conversation about what to do, and do it fast”.

He listed the factors involved in the national security crisis to include competition for resources leading to farmers/herders clashes, activities of illegal miners, criminal displacement of indigenous people for land acquisition, and activities of criminals, kidnappers, bandits, and climate crisis.

“While there are elements of banditry and sheer criminality that have nothing to do with competition for resources, there is also a well-known angle that has to do with perennial clashes between herdsmen and farmers in communities across the country,” he said.

Senator Dickson promised “to raise these issues with the relevant authorities, in the coming day”.

Even if Tinubu is in France and Wike is in London receiving care, there is nothing dishonorable in falling ill—they are human, like all of us. What is truly unsettling is the persistent silence and lack of transparency that keeps Nigerians uninformed and excluded from the realities of those who lead them.

Nigerians were told that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu would be in France on a “working holiday.” Yet, circulating reports, long-standing suspicions, and commentary from figures like Omoyele Sowore strongly suggest that the trip may be medical in nature. Around the same period, Nyesom Wike, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), was seen visibly limping within Nigeria, sparking concern about his health. Shortly after, he reportedly traveled to London, where he is believed to have hosted the 27 suspended Rivers State legislators. If Wike has gone abroad to seek neurological or related treatment, that is understandable and well within the human experience. After all, these men—whether they sit in Aso Rock or preside over federal appointments—are still human beings. They are not immune to the physical and mental pressures that come with life and public service. There is nothing wrong with needing rest, care, or treatment. Illness is not a scandal—it is a fact of existence.

What is troubling, however, is not the fact of illness itself, but the manner in which public officials in Nigeria—just as in many African nations—treat health-related information as a state secret. The deliberate silence, calculated deflections, and vague explanations only further alienate the public and promote distrust. This pattern of secrecy is a deeply ingrained tradition in African political culture, where leaders often choose silence over transparency and image over accountability. This silence does not project strength; instead, it suggests insecurity, elitism, and a complete disregard for the public’s right to know. Leaders forget that the people they govern are not foolish. They observe. They analyze. And when there is no information, they fill the gaps with speculation. The result is unnecessary anxiety, misinformation, and a growing distance between citizens and those in power.

The case of Tinubu mirrors a recurring pattern seen during the administrations of former President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and President Muhammadu Buhari. Both men faced major health crises while in office, yet the public was kept in the dark until situations worsened or could no longer be hidden. Tinubu’s previous trips to France, often labeled “private visits,” have long been suspected to be medically motivated. This current visit, under the label of a “working holiday,” echoes the same lack of candor. Nigerians are right to be skeptical. When a president is absent or unwell, it is not merely a private matter—it affects national decision-making, leadership continuity, and governance stability.

Similarly, the public appearance of Wike, visibly limping before his travel to London, raised natural concern. As a senior government official, his health is of public interest—not for sensationalism, but for assurance. His reported engagements abroad with Rivers State legislators, despite his physical state, further fueled curiosity. And yet, his camp has remained silent, offering no general update or clarity to the public. Nigerians are left watching blurry video clips, comparing walking patterns, and speculating on what should be addressed simply and respectfully. This is a psychological burden no citizenry should have to bear. In democratic governance, silence from power breeds fear and suspicion, not confidence.

The truth is, this issue is not political—it is psychological. It speaks to how a government respects or disregards the mental and emotional reality of its people. Psychological transparency matters. Leaders must not only appear accountable—they must be accountable. When they vanish without explanation or appear visibly unwell without acknowledgment, it signals that they owe no answers. It reinforces the dangerous idea that public servants serve only themselves. This is a crisis of trust. And Nigeria has seen it far too often. From Yar’Adua’s disappearance to Saudi Arabia, to Buhari’s extended medical stays in the UK, to this very moment with Tinubu and Wike—the cycle continues. A culture of concealment remains intact, while the public remains in the dark.

This must change. Holding public office comes with public responsibility. Tinubu and Wike are not private businessmen; they are public figures, carrying the hopes and mandates of millions. When a public official’s health directly impacts their ability to lead, the people deserve a general update. Nigerians are not asking for hospital charts or personal diagnoses. They are not demanding intimate medical details. All they want is a simple, respectful, and honest acknowledgment—something like: “Yes, I am currently receiving care; I remain stable and able to fulfill my duties.” That statement alone would reduce tension and restore calm. It is not hard. It is basic leadership.

In many real democratic nations, periodic health updates from public officials—especially heads of state—are the norm. In the United States, presidents undergo regular medical checkups, and the results are shared publicly in summary. In France, Germany, Canada, and other functioning democracies, transparency around a leader’s health is not seen as an intrusion, but as a necessary part of public service. This openness does not weaken leadership; it reinforces it. It builds trust. It affirms that the people matter and that the government has nothing to hide. The same standard should apply in Nigeria. There is nothing African or noble about secrecy.

Speaking openly about one’s health is not a sign of weakness—it is a sign of responsibility. It humanizes the leader and connects them with the people they serve. When citizens know their leaders are not gods, but humans doing their best, it creates empathy, not mockery. The current trend of silence, evasion, and image-protection only widens the emotional gap between Nigeria’s rulers and its people. And over time, that silence becomes noise—noise filled with rumors, conspiracy theories, and public resentment.

Even if Tinubu is in France receiving treatment… even if Wike is limping through London for medical reasons… there is nothing shameful about that. What is shameful is the state-sponsored silence that turns human vulnerability into political taboo. Nigerians deserve more than staged appearances and cryptic statements. They deserve a government that treats them with dignity—by simply telling them the truth.

As the writer and a psychologist, I must be clear: I do not know if either Tinubu or Wike is receiving medical attention while in France or London. I do not know if that is even the case. But assuming they are taking time for medical follow-up or recovery, I see absolutely nothing wrong with that. What I do wish, however, is that Nigeria’s healthcare system was strong and reliable enough that no leader—or citizen—would feel the need to travel abroad for care.

Let us hope that both men return looking well. No more signs of visible fatigue on President Tinubu’s face. No more limping or struggling movements from Minister Wike. Whatever their conditions may be, I simply wish them well as humans.

But when power limps—whether physically or metaphorically—the people should not be left in the dark. They deserve to be told something—something honest, something respectful, and something true.

This writer does not know any of the individuals involved; the focus is solely on upholding democracy, truth, and justice.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has a new acting chairman, Mr. Sam Olumekun, Naija News reports.

Olumekun, who is INEC’s National Commissioner and Chairman of the Information and Voter Education Committee, was referred to as the acting INEC Chairman during a meeting with the Labour Party leadership on Wednesday.

According to The Whistler, Professor Yakubu, the current INEC chairman, is in the Gambia attending the ECONEC (ECOWAS Network of Electoral Commissions) meeting.

According to constitutional provisions, the tenure of an INEC chairman is five years, and they typically leave at the end of their term unless their appointment is renewed. Yakubu assumed the role on November 9, 2015, and became the first INEC chairman to be sworn in for a second term after former President Muhammadu Buhari renewed his appointment in 2020.

Section 157 of the constitution states that the president can only remove the INEC chairman with the support of two-thirds of the Senate.

On Monday afternoon, a message circulated on WhatsApp, falsely claiming that Prof. Yakubu had been replaced by Prof. Olamilekan Bashiru.

The message, which lacked credible attribution, stated: “INEC Chairman Prof. Mahmood Yakubu has been replaced with Prof. Bashiru Olamilekan by President Tinubu.”

In response to the report, the Senior Special Adviser to President Tinubu on Digital Media and New Media, O’tega Ogra, in a post on his ? handle on Monday afternoon, described it as ‘fake news.’

Yakubu, who is nearing the end of his second term as INEC Chairman, is expected to exit the position towards the end of this year.

[NaijaNews]

The United States government has announced that it will begin screening the social media accounts of foreigners applying for American visas, including students and immigrants, to detect anti-semitic activities.

The new directive, which takes effect immediately, will apply to those seeking permanent residency (Green Card), student visas, and even applicants connected to universities or organisations accused of practices that are hostile, discriminatory, or prejudiced against Jewish people.

According to a statement by the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) obtained by Daily Trust, foreigners who have supported or encouraged violent religious extremism — including online posts backing groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, or Yemen’s Houthi rebels — risk being automatically disqualified from obtaining a US visa or residency permit.

“There is no room in the United States for the rest of the world’s terrorist sympathizers, and we are under no obligation to admit them or let them stay here,” said DHS Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs, Tricia McLaughlin. “Sec. Noem has made it clear that anyone who thinks they can come to America and hide behind the First Amendment to advocate for anti-Semitic violence and terrorism – think again. You are not welcome here.”

The statement, issued on Wednesday, says the crackdown is in line with executive orders signed by President Donald Trump aimed at combating religious extremism and terrorism.

The statement partly reads, “Today U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) will begin considering aliens’ antisemitic activity on social media and the physical harassment of Jewish individuals as grounds for denying immigration benefit requests.

“This will immediately affect aliens applying for lawful permanent resident status, foreign students and aliens affiliated with educational institutions linked to antisemitic activity.

“Consistent with President Trump’s executive orders on combating anti-semitism, additional measures to combat anti-semitism and protecting the United States from foreign terrorists and other national security and public safety threats, DHS will enforce all relevant immigration laws to the maximum degree, to protect the homeland from extremists and terrorist aliens, including those who support antisemitic terrorism, violent antisemitic ideologies and antisemitic terrorist organizations such as Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah, or Ansar Allah aka: “the Houthis.

“Under this guidance, USCIS will consider social media content that indicates an alien endorsing, espousing, promoting, or supporting antisemitic terrorism, antisemitic terrorist organizations, or other antisemitic activity as a negative factor in any USCIS discretionary analysis when adjudicating immigration benefit requests. This guidance is effective immediately.”

Analysts say the policy could affect international students from the Middle East, Africa, and Asia, especially those active on social media platforms like X (formerly Twitter), Instagram, Facebook, or TikTok.

Critics have raised concerns that the policy could be used to target pro-Palestinian voices or human rights activists, blurring the line between legitimate criticism of Israeli policies and promoting religious hate speech.

The US government insists that it is not targeting any religion but is focused on violent extremists, regardless of faith.

[DailyTrust]

The Presidency, through Sunday Dare, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, has provided a list of the President’s appointments to date as it tries to defend alleged lopsided appointments.

In the list, South West has 29 appointees of the President as against 24 stated by Dare.

For instance, Femi Gbajabiamila, who is one of the first appointees of the President, appointed as Chief Of Staff on Friday, June 2, 2023, was not mentioned in the list.

The South East has fewer appointments.

Also, it appears that the West Eest, where the President comes from, has the majority of the key appointments into ‘juicy’ positions.

Here is the list of Tinubu’s appointments to day:

South West:

1. Bosun Tijani
Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy
2. Wale Edun
Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy
3. Bunmi Tunji-Ojo
Minister of Interior
4. Adebayo Adelabu
Minister of Power
5. Dele Alake
Minister of Solid Minerals Development
6. Dr. Jumoke Oduwole
Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment
7. Adegboyega Oyetola
Minister of Marine & Blue Economy
8. Olayemi Cardoso
CBN Governor
9. Lieutenant General Taoreed Lagbaja
Chief of Army Staff
10. Kayode Egbetokun
Inspector General of Police
11. Zaccheus Adedeji
Chairman, FIRS
12. Adeola Ajayi
Director General of the Department of State Services (DSS)
13. Bashir Adewale Adeniyi
Comptroller-General of Customs
14. Olanipekun Olukoyede
Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)
15. Kayode Isiak Opeifa
Managing Director, Nigeria Railway Corporation
16. Oluwasegun Faleye
Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer of the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund
17. Vincent Olatunji
(NSITF)
18. Raji Kazeem Kolawole
Managing Director /CEO, Nigerian Communications Satellite Limited (NIGCOMSAT)
19. Bayo Onanuga
Director General, National Board for Technology Incubation (NBTI)
20. Sunday Dare
Special Adviser on Information and Strategy
21. Tope Kolade Fasua
Special Adviser on Public Communications Orientation
22. Peju Adedajo
Special Adviser to the President on Economic Matters (Office of the VP)
23. Temitola Asekunle-Johnson
Senior Special Assistant to the President on Investment & Privatisation (Office of VP)
24. Mariam Temitope
Senior Special Assistant to the President, Job Creation & NSMEs (Office of VP)
25. Tunde Rahman
Senior Special Assistant to the President, Regional Development Programmes
26. Moremi Ojudu
SSAP on Community Engagement
27. Tope Ajayi
SSA, Media and Public Affairs
28. Segun Dada
Special Assistant, Social Media
29. Demola Oshodi
SSA, Protocol
North Central:

1. Shuaibu Audu
Minister of Steel Development
2.Muhammed Idris
Minister of Information
3. Zaphanian Jisalo
Minister of Special Duties
4. Lateef Fagbemi
Minister of Justice
5. Joseph Utsev
Minister of Water Resources and Sanitation
6. Nentawe Yilwatde
Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction
7. Imaan Sulaiman Ibrahim
Minister of State, Police Affairs
8. Aliyu Sabi Abdullahi
Minister of State, Agriculture and Food Security
9. Bashir Bayo Ojulari
GMD, NNPC Limited
10. Ambassador Mohammed Mohammed
Director General, National Intelligence Agency
11. Dr. Idris A. Sulaimon
Director General, Nigerian Broadcasting Commission (NBC)
12. Dr. Ahmed Abubakar Audi Commandant General, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps

13. Engr. Jaji O. Abdulganiyu Controller General of the Federal Fire Service

14. Kemi Nandap
Comptroller-General of the Nigeria Immigration Service
15. Haruna Y. Usman
Chairman, Upper Niger River Basin Development Authority
16. Dangajere Shuaibu Bawa Jaja Managing Director, Upper Niger River Basin Development Authority

17. Dr. Amos Gizo Yadukso
Chairman, Lower Benue River Basin Development Authority
18. Engr. Ninga Terese
Managing Director, Lower Benue River Basin Development Authority
19. Abiodun Essiet SSAP on Community Engagement

20. Gimba Kakanda
Senior Special Assistant to the President, Research and Analytics (Office of the VP)
21. Isaq Ahmed Ningi,
Senior Special Assistant to the President on Digital media & Emergency Management
22. Mr. Aliyu Audu,
Special Assistant to the President, Public Affairs
23. Sen. Ibrahim Oloriege
Chairman, NHIA
24. Tunde Ajibulu,
Deputy Executive Secretary (Services), UBEC
25. Sunday Sylva Togo Echono Executive Secretary, TETFUND

North East:

1. Abubakar Kyari
Minister of Agriculture and Food Security
2. Idi Mukhtar Maiha
Minister of Livestock Development
3. Sa’idu Alkali
Minister of Tranportation
4. Yusuf Tuggar
Minister of Foreign Affairs
5. Muhammad Ali Pate
Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare
6. Ibrahim Gaidam
Minister of Police Affairs
7. Uba Maigari Ahmadu
Minister of State for Regional Development
8. Ahmadu Musa Kida
NNPCL Non-executive Chairman.
9. Nuhu Ribadu
National Security Adviser
10. Mohammed Buba Marwa Chairman, National Drug Law Enforcement Agency

11. Hajiya Hafsat Bakari
CEO, Nigeria Financial Intelligence Unit
12. Prof. Abdu Dauda
Chairman, Chad Basin Development Authority
13. Tijjani Musa Tumsa
Managing Director, Chad Basin Development Authority
14. Alh. Sanusi Mohammed Babantanko
Chairman, Upper Benue River Basin Development Authority
15. Abdulhamid Yahaya Abba SSAP on Community Engagement

16. Dr. Bala Mohammed
Deputy Governor, CBN
17. Aliyu Modibbo Umar
Special Adviser (SAD), General Duties
18. Sadiq Wanna Special Adviser (SAD), to the President on Power Infrastructure (Office of the VP)

19. Usman Muhammad
SSA to the President on Administration & Office Accommodation (Office of the VP)
20. Nasir Yammama
Senior Special Assistant to the President on Innovation (Office of the VP)
21. Bashir Maidugu
Deputy State House Counsel (Senior Special Assistant to the President)
22. Dr. Daniel Bwala,
Special Adviser on Media and Policy Communications
23. Mr. Francis Adah Abah
Personal Assistant to the President, Special Duties
24. Mumuni Dagazau
Executive Vice President for Downstream
North West:

1. Mohammed Badaru Abubakar Minister of Defence

2. Hannatu Musawa
Minister of Art, Culture and the Creative Economy
3. Ahmed Dangiwa
Minister of Housing and Urban Development
4. Bello Goronyo
Minister of State for Water Resources
5. Yusuf Tanko Sununu
Minister of State for Education
6. Bello Matawalle
Minister of State for Defence
7. Hajiya Hafsat Bakari
CEO, Nigeria Financial Intelligence Unit
8. General Christopher Gwabin Musa Chief of Defence Staff

9. Air Marshal Hasan Bala Abubakar Chief of Air Staff

10. Haliru Nababa
Controller General of the Nigerian Correctional Service
11. Shehu Usman Mohammed Corps Marshal of the Federal Road Safety Commission

12. Aminu Maida
EVC, Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC)
13. Kashifu Inuwa Abdullahi Director-General, National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA)

14. Brig Gen YD Ahmed
Director-General, National Youth Service Corps
15. Mohammed Buba Marwa Chairman, National Drug Law Enforcement Agency

16. Abdullahi U. Ganduje
Chairman, Federal Airport Authority of Nigeria (FAAN)
17. H. E. Abdullahi U. Ganduje Chairman, Federal Airport Authority of Nigeria

18. Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu
Chairman, Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission
19. Nasiru Gawuna
Chairman, Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria
20. Musa Sarkin Adar
Chairman, National Inland Waterways Authority
21. H. E. Nasiru Gawuna
Chairman, Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria
22. H.E Aminu Bello Masari
Chairman, TETFUND
23. Alh. Bashir Usman Gumel Chairman, Federal Medical Centre, Yola

24. Dr. Mohammed Gusau Hassan Chairman, Federal Medical Centre Birnin Kudu

25. Isa Sadiq Achida
Chairman, Raw Materials Research and Development Council
26. Amb. Abubakar Shehu Wurno Chairman, Sokoto-Rima River Basin Development Authority

27. Major Gen. Jubril Abdulmalik Secretary, Civil Defence, Immigration and Prisons Services Board

28. Dr Mohammed Mohammed Aminu
Registrar/Chief Executive Officer (NABTEB)
29. Abdullahi Tanko Yakassai SSAP on Community Engagement

30. Sani Dattijo
Deputy Governor, CBN
31. Rukaiya El-Rufai
Special Adviser to President on NEC & Climate Change (Office of the VP)
32. Hakeem Baba Ahmed
Special Adviser (SAD), on Political Matters (Office of VP)
33. Muhammad Bulama
Senior Special Assistant to the President on Politics/Special Duties (office of the VP)
34. Zainab Yunusa
Senior Special Assistant to the President on NEC (Office of the VP)
35. Abdulaziz Abdulaziz
Senior Special Assistant to the President, Print Media
36. Ibrahim Masari
SSA Politics
South South:

1. Festus Keyamo
Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development
2. Ekperipe Ekpo
Minister of State, Gas Resources
3. Heineken Lokpobiri
Minister of State, Petroleum Resources
4. John Enoh
Minister of State, Industry, Trade and Investment
5. Nyesom Wike
Minister of Federal Capital Territory
6. Abubakar Momoh
Minister of Regional Development
7. Vice Admiral Emmanuel Ikechukwu Ogalla
Chief of Naval Staff
8. Major General Emmanuel Undiandeye
Chief of Defence Intelligence
9. Emomotimi Agama
Director General, Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC)
10. Mrs. Glory Ekpo Oho
Managing Director, Cross River Basin Development Authority
11. Sen. Magnus Abe
Chairman, National Agency for the Great Green Wall
12. Chief (Barr.) Ebikemi Boi Bosin Chairman, Niger Delta Basin Development Authority

13. Hon. Amgbare Ebitimi
Managing Director, Niger Delta Basin Development Authority
14. Mr. Saleh Abubakar
Director-General, National Agency for the Great Green Wall (NAGGW)
15. Dr. Dakorinama Alabo George Director-General, Border Communities Development Agency (BCDA).

16. Gift Johnbull SSAP on Community Engagement

17. Emem Nnana Usoro
CBN Deputy Governor
18. O’tega Ogra SSA, Digital/New Media to the President

19. Mrs. Linda Nwabuwa Akhigbe SSA, Strategic Communications

20. Rowland Ewubare
Group Chief Operating Officer, NNPCL
21. Nosa Asemota
Special Assistant, Visual Communications to the President
22. Prof. Nenibarini Zabbey
Project Coordinator, HYPREP
South East:

1. Dr. Doris Anite Uzoka
Minister of State for Finance
2. Bianca Ojukwu
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs
3. Nkeiru Onyejiocha
Minister of State for Labour
4. Sen. Dave Umahi
Minister of Works
5. Dr. Uche Nnaji
Minister of Science and Technology
6. Uzoma Nwagba
MD, Credicorp
7. Rt. Hon. Emeka Nduka
Managing Director, Anambra-Imo River Basin Development Authority
8. Adesua Dozie
Company Secretary and Chief Legal Officer, NNPCL
9. Hon. Mark Okoye
MD/CEO, South-East Development Commission (SEDC)
10. Philip Ikeazor
Deputy Governor for Financial System Stability, CBN
11. Sophia Mbakwe
Executive Vice President of Business Services, NNPCL
12. Mr. John Ugochukwu Uwajumogu Special Adviser, Industry, Trade and Investment

13. Chioma Nweze
SSAP on Community Engagement
14. Kingsley Stanley Nkwocha SSA to the President, Media and Communication (Office of VP)

15. Kingsley Uzoma
SSA to the President on Agribusiness & Productivity Enhancement (Office of VP)
16. Mr. Fredrick Nwabufo
SSA to the President on Public Engagement

Train passengers from Delta State were stranded for hours on Wednesday after the train travelling through Kogi State broke down in a forest.

Kola Edokpayi, who was among the stranded passengers, took to Facebook on Wednesday to explain the ordeal.

According to him, he had opted to travel by train from Agbor, Delta State to Itakpe, Kogi State after being unable to secure a flight to Abuja.

However, the journey took a dramatic turn when the train developed technical issues in a location he described as an “evil forest,” devoid of mobile network coverage and surrounded by cattle herders.

His caption read, “I couldn’t get a flight to Abuja today, I decided to board a train from Agbor to Itakpe, Kogi State en route Abuja.

“On getting to an evil forest without network in Kogi, the train developed technical issues that couldn’t be fixed immediately.

“Passengers became apprehensive while stranded in the forest dominated by Fulani herders and their cows.”

As panic grew among passengers, Edokpayi said many opted to begin an “endurance trek” through the forest in a desperate bid to reach a nearby town or train station.

The trek reportedly lasted for over three hours, with elderly passengers struggling and some near collapse.

“We decided to embark upon an endurance trek to quickly get to town. We trekked for more than three hours and are still trekking to the train station.

“What interests me is that all the Fulani herders in the forest we encountered were so friendly and they assisted us while we were navigating the evil forest,” he said.

In a follow-up post on Thursday after arriving in Abuja, Edokpayi described the experience as “terrible and horrific.”

He likened the journey to a biblical test of faith, quoting Psalm 23:4 to describe how he found comfort while trekking through what he called “the valley of the shadow of death.”

He wrote, “Thank God for safe arrival in Abuja this morning. It was a terrible and horrific experience in the wilderness.

“While embarking upon the unsolicited endurance trek, I took solace in the book of Psalm 23:4, which says ‘Yea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I fear no evil: for thou art with me; thy rod and thy staff they comfort me.'”

He narrated how they got exhausted from trekking and how an elderly man almost died in the forest.

Edokpayi wrote, “Having trekked for hours, I became sinewless with no water to drink to resuscitate myself, we kept on trekking in the forest until we saw bike riders coming with bikes, they told us point-blank that they wanted to go and rescue their co-workers who were also stranded in the forest.

“An old man who trekked with us for about 30 minutes almost died, we had to assist him to be alive. Thank God that he is alive to share the testimony of what God did for him and other travellers.”

Eventually, the group encountered motorcyclists and rescue vehicles heading toward the stranded train.

With the last of their strength, Edokpayi said, passengers rushed to board the vehicles and were taken to safety.

He wrote, “The genuine Fulani cattle herders in the forest were very friendly. We give thanks to God that at the time of the unsolicited endurance trek in the forest, the terroristic bandits were in deep slumber.

“We trekked to almost where there was a hill before we sighted vehicles coming to pick up passengers. At that point, we started rushing into the vehicles with the last strength. Thank God that we all arrived at our various destinations safely.”

While grateful for the safe outcome, the man criticised the state of Nigeria’s transport infrastructure, warning that the incident could have ended in tragedy.

He wrote, “The Federal Government needs to be proactive enough to ensure that the trains are in a better state for the safety of passengers.

“Airline operators go dey cancel flight anyhow, we fear kidnappers for road wey still bad. Train dey spoil for evil forest dominated by herders.

“Make God continue to help us ooo in Bongo. Welcome to Bongo, the heartbeat of abracadabra.

“I don kawalelogran for train oooo until government address the issue. The fear of train for me is the beginning of wisdom.”

The Presidency has apologised for the errors in the list of appointments released to counter the narrative about President Bola Tinubu’s alleged lopsided appointments.

The President’s appointments have been a topic of conversation lately as opposition politicians accuse him of favouring his tribesmen and women over Nigerians from other ethnic groups.

In a recent interview with Arise Television, Senator Ali Ndume, an APC lawmaker representing Borno South, accused the President of violating the federal character principle in his appointments.

Ndume said he decided to call the President’s attention to his ‘lopsided appointment’ because, as a lawmaker, he has the right to criticize the President even though they belong to the same party.

To counter the allegation, the Presidency released a list of President Tinubu’s appointees and their geo-political zones. 

The list showed that the President had appointed 29 people from the South West, his home region, 35 from the North West, 22 from the South-South, 16 from the South East, 25 from North Central and 24 from the North East.

However, the President’s critics have pointed out that the list was not comprehensive, as the name of a major appointee from the President’s home region was missing. 

The omission of the President’s Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, from the list further strengthened the regional imbalance narrative against President Tinubu’s administration, as the list clearly showed that the South East is highly underrepresented in his government.

As the document sparked debate on social media, Sunday Dare, the Special Adviser, Media & Public Communication/Spokesperson to the President, has tendered an apology for the errors in the list.

“We have noticed a number of errors in the list of appointments tweeted. We are sorry. We will provide an updated list later. Thank you,” Dare appealed to Nigerians on X.

However, Dare did not explain why Gbajabiamila’s name was omitted from the list. 

Vanguard News

The question that continues to agitate many minds in Nigeria today is: Will Siminalayi Fubara return as the governor of Rivers State after serving out the six-month suspension imperiously slammed on him by President Bola Tinubu on Tuesday, March 18?

I have a hunch he won’t be reinstated by those who contemptuously and unconstitutionally shoved him off his high perch, unless Nigerians show proof that they will no longer tolerate the impunity of the Tinubu presidency as South Koreans did recently.

On June 3, South Korea will hold a snap presidential election to choose President Yoon Suk Yeol’s successor after the conservative leader was ousted over his imposition of martial law in December 2024. The announcement from acting President Han Duck-soo came four days after the country’s Constitutional Court – equivalent of Nigeria’s Supreme Court – unanimously removed Yoon from office.

Just like Tinubu’s narrow victory in the 2023 presidential election, the former president narrowly defeated Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party by less than a percentage point on March 9, 2022 and assumed office in May. Going by the country’s presidential term, which has been set at five years since 1988, he should be leaving office on May 10, 2027.

But like Tinubu did in Rivers State, the 64-year-old Yoon made an unprecedented power grab on December 3, 2024 when he declared martial law in South Korea, sending hundreds of soldiers and police officers to the National Assembly on the excuse that he sought to maintain order, a move which shocked all.

But hearkening to the admonition of John Philpot Curran, an Irish lawyer, who famously stated that “the condition upon which God hath given liberty to man is eternal vigilance” in a July 10, 1790 speech in Dublin, South Korean lawmakers, acutely aware that their president had just carried out a “coup” by taking actions “beyond the powers provided in the constitution,” indignantly stepped up to the legislative plate and the state of emergency and concomitant martial law only lasted about six hours. The parliament voted to block the decree.

Not even President Yoon’s excuse that martial law was needed to defend the country from nuclear-armed North Korea and protect free constitutional order could sway the piqued lawmakers, who voted to impeach him on December 14, 2024. In January, he was arrested and indicted by prosecutors for rebellion.

The hunter, having become the hunted, the disgraced president went to court to quash his impeachment. On Friday, April 4, South Korea’s apex court confirmed his dismissal and upheld his impeachment on the ground that he “violated his duty as Commander-in-Chief by mobilising troops” when he declared martial law.

Calling the former president’s action “a serious challenge to democracy,” Acting Chief Justice Moon Hyung-bae said, “(Yoon) committed a grave betrayal of the people’s trust.” Human Rights Watch concurred, calling the ruling a win for the country’s resilience, quest for human rights and democratic values.

In a message to South Koreans through his lawyers shortly after the ruling, a humbled Yoon apologised: “I am so sorry and regretful that I wasn’t able to live up to your expectations.”

Now, President Yoon failed in his gambit because the critical institutions of the Korean State – legislature and judiciary – held him to account.

Contrast that with Tinubu’s impunity. On Tuesday, March 18, 2025, he exercised powers he does not have by imposing a state of emergency in Rivers State and suspending Governor Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and all elected members of the House of Assembly for “an initial period of six months.” The implication is that if after the “initial period of six months,” Tinubu is not convinced that his ultimate goal has been achieved, he may well extend the suspension.

Tinubu said the decision was taken to restore stability in the state that has been witnessing political turmoil as a result of the disagreement between the governor and the lawmakers. But he was being economical with the truth, which is: Fubara’s disagreement is with his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory and Tinubu’s ally, and not with the lawmakers who are only pawns on the Rivers political chessboard.

Having successfully executed a coup d’état in the oil-rich state by the sudden and unlawful seizure of power from a democratically elected government with the apparent acquiescence of both the National Assembly and Supreme Court, Tinubu went ahead to unconstitutionally appoint former Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ette Ibas (retd.) as the sole administrator and sent hundreds of soldiers and police officers out on the streets of Port Harcourt. On Wednesday, March 19, Tinubu stretched the illegality when he swore in Ibas at Aso Rock cheered by his Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi.

Although the president claims that his action was informed by the security situation in Rivers and the need to forestall a total breakdown of law and order, no one knows what mandate he gave Ibas. Meanwhile, to consolidate power, the sole administrator appointed a serving Naval Officer, Commodore Aminu Shehu, as his Chief of Staff.

Since then, he has been systemically and diligently dismantling all the institutions of governance in Rivers. Having been given all the money accruing to the state government contrary to Supreme Court order, the sole administrator proposed a fresh budget. Last week, he suspended all heads of MDAs and dissolved their boards with immediate effect. He also cancelled all pending procurement and tender processes. Then, on April 9, he announced the reconstitution of some of the boards, populating them with Wike’s loyalists.

It is laughable that the same Ibas who claimed the cancellation of all pending procurements became necessary following the Supreme Court judgment and the absence of an appropriation law, and even went as far as directing all MDAs that carried out such tender processes for projects to immediately refund such fees to the contractors, has been spending the billions of naira Tinubu is throwing on his laps without appropriation.

He has also appointed sole administrators to take charge of the 23 local government areas and reconstituted the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RISIEC) with Dr. Michael Odey as Chairman. These appointments were announced barely 24 hours after a Federal High Court sitting in Port Harcourt restrained him from doing so.

Truth be told, right now, there is no transparency in the handling of Rivers State resources. What is happening is tantamount to stealing the people’s patrimony. Meanwhile, as Tinubu disingenuously blames Fubara for all the crisis, quarantining him in Port Harcourt, Wike, the real villain is having a ball. This week, he hosted the suspended lawmakers to a lavish dinner in the United Kingdom.

So, as the days roll by and the sole administrator continues to consolidate power on behalf of those who sent him on the unsavory mission, the question that is concentrating many minds is: what happens after six months?

I am amused that some Nigerians are actually surprised at the sole administrator’s conduct. The truth is that he is never, as envisioned by the Dalai Lama, “a force for good” whose actions are inspired by a genuine concern for others. The idea of a sole administrator became tempting for Tinubu and Wike when the first option which was to use the House of Assembly to impeach both Fubara and his deputy failed. And it failed because the Rivers State Chief Judge, Justice Simeon Chibuzor Amadi, whose responsibility it is, as outlined in Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution, to appoint a seven-member panel to investigate the allegations against the governor refused to be arm-twisted. Had Justice Amadi acquiesced to the bullying, there wouldn’t have been need for a state of emergency. Fubara would have been sacked constitutionally.

And to justify the declaration, pipelines had to go up in flames with Fubara, who does not even control the police officers posted to Rivers Government House, as the fall guy. President Tinubu is the country’s chief security officer and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Security of lives and property is the exclusive remit of his office. So, why punish Fubara for a dereliction of duty that falls within the presidential purview? In any case, is it not possible that those behind the two alleged attacks on oil pipelines prior to the declaration of the state of emergency were the same forces who declared the emergency? Why has there been no investigations since the explosions served their purpose?

So, those who appointed Vice Admiral Ibas sole administrator of Rivers neither meant well for this much-abused country nor the survival of its constitutional democracy. His appointment, as has been globally acclaimed is illegal. Is it therefore any surprise that his actions, particularly the appointments he is making are patently illegal?

As Mr. Mohammed Abeny, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), rightly noted when the news of the appointment of sole administrators for the 23 local governments broke on Wednesday, “Apart from the subsisting court order which he has wilfully and recklessly flouted, Vice Admiral Ibas has also disobeyed the apex court’s various judgments declaring the appointment of administrators to run local governments as illegal and unconstitutional.”

A full panel of the Supreme Court, delivering a landmark judgment on July 11, 2024, in a suit which was ironically filed by this same Tinubu administration, unanimously affirmed the financial autonomy of Nigeria’s 774 local government councils and frowned against the use of unelected officials to govern at the third tier of government. And when Edo State Governor Monday Okpebholo suspended elected chairmen, Fagbemi called him out. But the same Attorney-General has kept mute in the face of Tinubu’s illegalities.

Going forward, I foresee the sole administrator hurriedly conducting local government elections that will be “won” by Wike’s surrogates. The idea is to hand back the grassroots to the former governor preparatory to the 2027 elections.

Does Fubara have a blame in all this? I believe he does but for a different reason altogether. I blame him for given up without a fight. As the saying goes, in a lawless society, it is criminal to be law abiding. Granted, he is a reluctant governor, but having been railroaded into the position, it was criminal of him not to have asserted himself when Tinubu came calling. If the suspension was illegal, then why obey it? Tinubu, as a governor, wouldn’t have obeyed any president’s illegality.

It would have been obvious to Fubara that he was the sole target. The inclusion of the 27 lawmakers was just a smokescreen. And anyone who believes that after six months, Tinubu will recall Fubara must be living in a fool’s paradise. That is definitely not Tinubu’s plan and it won’t happen unless he sees fire in the eyes of the people. If the idea was for Fubara to come back after six months, then there would have been no need for the state of emergency in the first place. If at all he comes back, it will only be because the impeachment plot has been firmed up with cast-iron guarantees and a Chief Judge that will deliver just as the sole administrator is delivering.

Nigerians must brace up for the battles ahead. It is not about Fubara but our collective freedoms that Tinubu and his enablers have sworn to take away. The Rivers State governor is only but a metaphor. If he goes down as Tinubu and Wike have plotted, then we are all dead men walking. The state capture project must have been completed, with our patrimony to boot. In South Korea, the institutions of state did the job on behalf of the people. In Nigeria, those same institutions – National Assembly and Judiciary – are criminally compromised. As it is, the only thing that can bring Fubara back to power and restore our collective dignity is the people’s righteous anger.