In an era where entertainment serves as both an escape and a mirror to society, there are few who have mastered the art of storytelling and comedy as brilliantly as Nkem Owoh. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in his recent birthday tribute to the Nollywood icon, recognized this profound impact, acknowledging the immense joy Owoh has brought to millions. As the veteran actor celebrates his 70th birthday, it is worth reflecting on his extraordinary career, the laughter he has inspired, and the legacy he continues to build.

Without a doubt, Nkem Owoh’s career is steeped in excellence. This is as Nkem Owoh, fondly known as “Osuofia,” has spent decades enchanting audiences with his exceptional talent. His ability to blend humor with social commentary makes him not just a comedian but a master storyteller who captures the essence of Nigerian society. From the early days of Nollywood’s evolution to its global expansion, Owoh has remained a central figure, influencing both his peers and younger generations of actors.

Born in 1958 in Enugu State, Nkem Owoh’s journey into the world of acting was not accidental. With a background in engineering, he found his true calling in performing arts, making his mark in television dramas before transitioning to Nollywood. His breakthrough came with roles in classic movies that defined the industry’s golden era. Titles like Ukwa, Stronger Than Pain, and, most notably, Osuofia in London, cemented his status as one of Nigeria’s most beloved actors.

While many actors have graced Nollywood, few have captured the imagination of audiences like Nkem Owoh in Osuofia in London. This 2003 blockbuster was a landmark moment for Nollywood, introducing Nigerian cinema to a global audience. The film, which follows the adventures of a naive yet cunning village man navigating the complexities of Western society, was not only a commercial success but also a cultural touchstone. Owoh’s performance was both hilarious and insightful, highlighting the contrast between traditional African values and Western modernity.

Beyond Osuofia in London, Nkem Owoh’s filmography is filled with roles that showcase his versatility. Whether playing the comedic trickster, the wise elder, or the unsuspecting victim of his own mischief, his ability to embody different characters with authenticity makes him an exceptional talent. His performances are not just about making people laugh; they offer critical reflections on societal issues such as corruption, greed, and the struggles of the common man.

Given the undeniable fact that laughter is a unifying force, President Tinubu’s recognition of Owoh’s contributions highlights a fundamental truth: laughter is a powerful force that unites people. In a country often burdened by economic challenges, political uncertainty, and social unrest, humor serves as a much-needed relief. Nkem Owoh has provided that relief consistently, using his craft to bring Nigerians together across tribal, religious, and generational divides.

Comedy, when done right, is more than just entertainment; it is a commentary on life. Owoh’s unique brand of humor reflects everyday struggles, triumphs, and absurdities in ways that are relatable and memorable. His characters often embody the hopes, fears, and aspirations of ordinary Nigerians, making his work deeply resonant. Whether it is through his witty dialogue, exaggerated facial expressions, or impeccable comic timing, he has a way of turning even the most mundane scenarios into moments of brilliance.

In fact it is not a doubt that Nkem Owoh’s exploit in the Nollywood industry is a legacy that transcends generations. 

Without a doubt, the longevity of Nkem Owoh’s career is a testament to his talent and adaptability. Unlike many of his contemporaries who faded into obscurity, Owoh has remained relevant across different eras of Nollywood. His ability to reinvent himself while staying true to his comedic roots has allowed him to connect with both old and new audiences.

Moreover, his influence extends beyond film. As a musician, his song “I Go Chop Your Dollar” became an anthem, albeit a controversial one, highlighting the realities of fraud culture in a way that was both humorous and thought-provoking. Even though the song faced bans due to its sensitive subject matter, it showcased Owoh’s fearless approach to storytelling.

President Tinubu’s tribute serves as an important reminder of the role entertainers play in shaping national identity. While politicians craft policies and entrepreneurs build businesses, artists like Nkem Owoh shape culture and national consciousness. His ability to make people laugh in the face of adversity is a gift that deserves to be celebrated.

As he turns 70, it is only fitting that the nation honors him not just with words but with tangible recognition. The government, cultural institutions, and the Nollywood industry should ensure that his contributions are immortalized. From film festivals in his name to national honors, Nkem Owoh deserves to be remembered as one of Nigeria’s greatest cultural ambassadors.

Mr. President is right, Nkem Owoh has given Nigerians immense joy. Through his unparalleled acting skills, infectious humor, and deep understanding of society, he has created moments that will live on in the hearts of millions. As we celebrate his 70th birthday, we also celebrate a legacy of laughter, storytelling, and cultural preservation.

Nkem Owoh is more than just an actor or comedian; he is a symbol of resilience, creativity, and the enduring power of humor. As he continues to inspire new generations, one thing is certain, Osuofia will always be a name that brings smiles to Nigerian faces.

In her biography of Ayo Rosiji, one of the key politicians of Nigeria’s first republic, entitled Man With Vision, Australia-born historian, Nina Mba, citing a Holmes, called biographers “People who knead people.” In other words, biographers knead their subjects from raw flour into edible form. You then wonder what the late lecturer in the History department of the University of Lagos would have called autobiographers. Self-conjurers, perhaps. For, in the process of piecing together bits about themselves, those who write their life histories have been accused of selfishly adding together a mish-mash of two unrelated traditional soup recipes, (lúrú and sápá) falsifying realities and mis-painting the picture of truth. Last week, sidekick of the Nigerian president and former Chairman of the All Progressives Party, (APC) Chief Bisi Akande, chose to conjure the spirit of a dead dog. In a podcast interview with popular broadcaster, Edmund Obilo, which centered around his autobiography, My Paticipations, the 86-year old came under heavy shellacking on allegations of historical revisionism. The specifics were that he kneaded a wrong dough of history and made a wrong portrayal of himself. In that interview, Akande coasted home with a self portraiture as a man who sat by the edge of a smelly sewage but chose not to smell the rank odour of rot.

By the way, I passed Akande’s country-home, Ila-Orangun, Osun State, by about a week ago. I was on my way to the burial of the mother of Oba Adedokun Omoniyi Abolarin, the Orangun of Oke-Ila. You cannot fail to notice Akande’s house. Its arrogance and domineering spirit in the midst of abject poverty are worn on the mansion’s lapel. Architectured to sit imperially among natives’ poor houses, the mansion fittingly tells the story of a countryside-born boy made good. Don’t bother yourself with the architectural gaffe of such a mansion being surrounded with lock-up shops. It still doesn’t diminish the majesty you see in Akande’s home. Its outward finishing struck me as a repeat of same architecture of his house in Oluyole, Ibadan. Both bear similarities with the State Secretariat’s roofing and burnt brick finishing at Abere which I also saw. His government constructed the secretariat. So, when, in the Obilo interview, Akande kept referencing his retirement to his Ila country-home, planting pepper at his backyard and deliberately choosing not to live the posh life of a president’s consort in Abuja, do not be fooled to believe that the old man lives in less splendour.

Chief Bola Ige

Sorry, I digressed. Akande made two weighty assertions in his controversy-baiting interview. One is that the presidency under Olusegun Obasanjo allegedly killed Chief Bola Ige. The second was that the pan-Yoruba sociocultural group, Afenifere died with the assassination of the Attorney General of the Federation. As the Yoruba say of words in convoluted circumstances as this, they need to be surgically placed in their contexts (élá l’ọrọ ). In doing this, let me begin from Akande’s assertion on Afenifere’s purported death. There is no denying the fact that Chief Ige was the darling of Southwest Nigeria. At his death, the Yoruba lost its most valuable political leader who was famously referred to as Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s heir apparent. At campaign grounds, the evocative song sang to usher Ige into such arena was “Ige has arrived! Ige has arrived! Awolowo’s heir apparent has arrived!” (Ìgè dé, Ìgè dé o, Aróle Awolowo, Ìgè dé o!).

Ige was proud of his Yoruba heritage. He wasn’t one who prostrated on all fours to a cow for the sake of eating its protein. He never suffered fools gladly and belonged to the school of thought which says that every impulse a man strives to strangle broods in his mind and poisons him. So, he spoke his mind without caring whose ox was gored. A lawyer friend once told me of how Ige beckoned onto him and his friend at a public event and, in his usual lacerating words, tongue-lashed them for putting on other tribe’s cap, rather than the Yoruba’s. Though he spoke Hausa very fluently, having schooled in Kaduna, Ige took great pleasure in his mother tongue.

The truth however remains that the January 1999 D’Rovans hotel presidential primary election of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) which took place in Ibadan marked the beginning of the cracks in the wall of the AD and Afenifere. It has been alleged that Ige sponsored the creation of alternate sociocultural groups to get back at the so-called “Ijebu Mafia” who allegedly worked against his presidential aspiration. To that extent, Akande may be right that Ige saw the fractionalization of the original Afenifere. To however say that Afenifere died with Ige will be excessive hyperbole.

Again, after the death of Ige, there doesn’t seem to exist again, apart from the two factions of the sociocultural group – either Chief Reuben Fasoranti or Ayo Adebanjo’s – who deifies or factors in Yoruba’s recent ancestor, Chief Awolowo, in all they do as the two groups. I am sure the man Chief Akande is his sidekick, Tinubu, in his closet or among his coterie of Yoruba hangers-on, gloats, like Obasanjo did in his autobiography, that the presidency which Awolowo couldn’t  attain in his lifetime, was handed him on a platter. Since Tinubu became president, unless I missed it, I am yet to hear him pay tribute to Awolowo’s fabled sagacity in governance. I do not know if Bisi Akande, who is now mouthing Afenifere’s Catholicism, more than the Pope, has ever spoken to the president about this historical memory loss. It was good Obilo asked Akande if the Fasoranti who Tinubu visited in Akure as president wasn’t head of the same Afenifere he claimed was dead or if the members of the group Tinubu hosted in Aso Rock belonged to Ohanaeze Ndigbo. Such selective memory is said to be Akande’s stock-in-trade. When he engages in this kind of revisionism, his opponents remind us of his self-confession he made that he was never an Awoist until Chief SM Afolabi invited him to be a member of Awo’s Committee of Friends.

On the assassination of Ige in 2001, there is also no doubting the fact that the failure of the federal government to find the killers of this highly respected Nigerian is a blot on the Obasanjo government. On the list of assassins who possessed the raison d’être to kill Ige, the fact that the presidency ranks top is an unassailable fact. If you knew the awe with which Ige was held in Yorubaland, his resignation from the Obasanjo government would indeed have dented the Ota farmer’s second term presidential bid. However, with Ige’s obsession for his Yorubaness and the disdain and awe with which the north held an obsessive Yoruba in power at that time, Ige’s presidential aspiration could not have stopped Obasanjo’s second term bid. After all, even when the southwest refused to vote for him in the first term, Obasanjo still became president. If Akande was desirous of Ige’s killers being apprehended, why didn’t he factor in more theories on the assassination? For instance, could some persons, who nursed ambition to be Nigeria’s president someday, have stopped him, knowing that an Ige presidency in 2003 could put paid to their ambition? Yes, the theory of armed robbery has been eliminated due to the clinical planning of the assassination, but, is there any possibility that we cast our nets too narrowly?

It is of great importance for us to drill down further into Bisi Akande’s claim that the government headed by Senator Rashidi Ladoja, as Oyo State governor, demanded and got a nolle prosequi in the trial of alleged Ige murderers. Was it a deliberate attempt to play politics, attempt to even political score or share political banditry? Not only did Ladoja denounce this claim with facts, he went ahead to accuse Akande of a penchant for lying while threatening to drag Akande to court for defamation.

It should also be said that while Akande was enamoured of unraveling the killers of his mentor, Chief Ige, under his leadership and direction as governor of Osun State, his ‘boys’ supervised the impeachment of his deputy governor, Iyiola Omisore, allegedly so that the Ile-Ife-born politician could lose his immunity and be ready to face trial for the same murder. If I were Akande’s interviewer, I would have raised further question for his answer on what his government did to unravel the assassination, a few days before Ige’s murder, of an Osun State legislator, Odunayo Olagbaju. So, what moral right does he have to ask Obasanjo to find Ige’s killers when his own government equally looked the other way when Olagbaju was felled? In the interview, Akande made many other assertions on Ige’s death which should make the police ask him, instead of Ladoja, to come forward for interrogation so that the spirit of Bola Ige could get justice finally. He appeared to know more than he was telling the world, even by his own admission.

Let me go to another issue of importance in the Akande interview. Of recent, the power apparatchik that surrounds the Nigerian president must have discovered that the narrative that all his life, Bola Tinubu had wanted to become president, was flawed. At a meeting with some political operatives immediately after attending a Chatham House engagement in December, 2022, Tinubu was seen on video telling them that “Political power is not going to be served in a restaurant. They don’t serve it a la carte. At all cost, fight for it, grab it and run with it”. The vehemence with which then presidential aspirant Tinubu told these operatives of the cold-bloodedness of power had same cadence and grits with the vehemence with which a leopard pursues an impala. Tinubu sliced the words with his teeth with same clinical finish and precision with which the leopard slices the impala’s throat. So, when, a few weeks ago, some misguided fellows, without the president’s consent, impeached Mudashiru Obasa, erstwhile Lagos House Speaker who the Lagos Landlord installed by himself, they courted the wrath of a man who though shoulders the behemoth hunk of flesh of an elephant, is yet interested in the flesh of a grasshopper. Since 1999, Tinubu has held Lagos as a fief, his incisors tightened round the neck of the politics and economy of the state.

No political juggernaut in the Tinubu political clan had enough cognate sidekick ‘followership’ around the president to dissolve the above narrative in the minds of the world like Bisi Akande. Since they both left office as governors of Osun and Lagos in 2007, Akande has maintained his political ‘follow-follow’ role around Tinubu. He was the most qualified for the task. So, in the Obilo interview, Akande attempted to push a counter-narrative. Tinubu didn’t want to be president, he emphasized. There was a bedlam in the Tinubu camp when he told all the scroungers around him that he would not be contesting for the presidency, Akande said further. Pius Akinyelure attempted to convince him, yet he would not bulge. Akande then had to be enlisted to do the convincing. He then told Tinubu that his being Nigeria’s president was a clarion call which he must yield to. In other words, Tinubu was persuaded against his earlier wish to be Nigeria’s president.

But, as James Hadley Chase volunteered in one of his classics, a liar must have a very good memory. The interviewer then momentarily badged in. But, that same Tinubu told Nigerians it was his lifelong ambition to be Nigeria’s president? Obilo asked. In fact, at the famous but controversial Abeokuta campaign in June 2022 where it was believed he dared Muhammadu Buhari to do his worse, Tinubu actually told the world that he, the godfather, had come to take over a throne that rightly belonged to him. With that Emilokan pronouncement, Tinubu literally said he was tired of playing the second fiddle. When the interviewer confronted Akande with Tinubu’s claim of entitlement to the presidency, the Tinubu sidekick went into an incoherent waffle. With that Abeokuta speech whose summary was akin to “my feet are tired,” many of Tinubu’s followers have compared his audacity and self-entitlement mentality to the seat of Nigeria’s president to that of African-American rights activist, Rosa Parks, who refused to give up her seat on the American Montgomery City Lines on December 1, 1955.

As it is with politicians who play the ostrich with verifiable facts, in the interview, Akande also attempted to muffle the facts of Buhari’s opposition to Tinubu’s presidency. In the Abeokuta declaration, it was obvious that the “they” Tinubu knocked for putting barriers before his ambition were Buhari, Godwin Emefiele and their accomplices. So, why was Akande attempting to potato a glaring fact that is negative to his party, the APC?

The final issue of concern in the Akande interview is his claim that only lazy Nigerians are hungry. While the interviewer squared up with him admirably over this claim, Akande’s fabled gambit of playing the ostrich sprang up here. He couldn’t see hunger in the land, he claimed. To be fair to the ex-APC chairman, he may not see hunger if his impoverished kinsmen in Ila-Orangun have found him too insulated from their existential plights, so much that going to him for help is a waste. None of his children, it is obvious, with his role as consort of the Villa, would feel the hunger in the land. So, how could he see hunger? Even when confronted with palpable cases of hunger under the government of a man he claimed was next good news after the so-called discovery of River Niger by Mungo Park in 1795, he still defiantly claimed that the pepper he allegedly planted at his backyard was the antidote to the impoverishment sown by the Tinubu government. If I may ask, why did Chief Akande ask the president to put his daughter in charge of dollar-denominated National Agency for the Control of AIDS (NACA) and not ask that she heads Ogun Osun River Basin Authority so that she would plant “one grain of corn and reap a thousand cobs”?

All the above put together remind me that, in their daily fight for dominance and conquest, a fleeting nature of power and dominance exists among Nigerian politicians. It is the type of desperation found among the lion and a warthog. In Nigerian politics, there is an unending, constant and relentless struggle between preys and predators, with each seeking dominance and conquest. In doing this, politicians deploy worldly cunning to foist false narratives on the populace. Bisi Akande’s interview and a huge chunk of his autobiography are a further reinforcement of this frightening fight in the political wild.

After he lost his bicycle, the village elder was so distraught that he asked their Congregation pastor to preach about the Ten Commandments and dwell especially on the 8th commandment which says “Do not steal ” so that the message might touch the thief.

On Sunday during the church service, the Pastor taught about the 10 Commandments, when he mentioned the 7th commandment which says “Do not commit adultery” the village elder then remembered where he had left his bicycle.

Often, I say I believe the things I write about, are as important for our nation as they are for other countries, but when it appears to me, Nigerians especially those in authority do not react to these issues as people in other lands do, I repeat them in new essays to remind old readers and recruit new ones to participate in the continuing dialogue.

Sadly, this is Nigeria where nothing works and no one cares, when it works, it is because someone’s interest is about to be served and not the people’s interest. We talk about our institutions despairingly. Our leaders do not watch network news except when their faces are there on the occasion of their sons/daughters’ weddings or such. They do not need the newspapers anymore because it is full of their lies, or paid adverts exchanging banters together.

Government bashing remains a national past time and every drinking joint, and suya spot has a sitting parliament with an expert on every and any issue but we forget that no matter the input, if the politicians and actors in our national scene have questionable lives both on a personal and domestic level, nothing will change, the best government policy cannot change the individual. It is because the policies are formulated on a bad foundation and by people with warped thinking.

Again, Nigeria’s educational system, which has long been a subject of passionate debate, characterized by recurrent policy flip-flops and inconsistencies that have left lasting impacts on both its children and the nation’s future is on the front burner. The recent announcement by the Federal Government—scrapping all Junior Secondary Schools (JSS) and Senior Secondary Schools (SSS) in favor of a compulsory 12 years of uninterrupted basic education, and replacing the 6-3-3-4 system with a 12-4 structure—reflects an ambitious effort to align the country with global best practices. Yet, as laudable as these reforms may appear on paper, they also underscore the enduring challenges and systemic inconsistencies that have beleaguered Nigeria’s educational landscape for decades.

Historically, Nigeria’s education system has undergone multiple revisions. The 6-3-3-4 system once heralded as a structured pathway from primary education to tertiary institutions, was implemented with the intent of standardizing learning and promoting a well-rounded academic and vocational foundation. However, over time, the system revealed critical weaknesses. It inadvertently created segmentation and frequent interruptions in the academic journey, contributing to high dropout rates. Financial constraints, regional disparities, and systemic barriers—factors deeply entrenched in the fabric of the Nigerian education sector—compounded these problems, leaving many students unable to complete their education. Each policy revision, often introduced with great fanfare, has tended to offer a temporary fix without addressing the underlying structural issues.

The recent reform, as outlined by Minister of Education Dr. Tunji Alausa during the extraordinary National Council on Education (NCE) meeting in Abuja, represents a radical departure from previous models. By subsuming what was traditionally known as secondary education into a unified, uninterrupted 12-year basic education program, the government intends to offer Nigerian children a seamless learning experience up to the age of 16. In addition, the proposal to adopt 16 years as the minimum entry age for tertiary institutions is aimed at ensuring that students enter higher education with a more mature and robust academic foundation. Proponents argue that these changes are not only aligned with global educational trends but also positioned to reduce dropout rates by mitigating financial and systemic impediments. In theory, a consistent and longer basic education would allow for a more focused and uninterrupted development of cognitive and social skills, potentially leading to a more competent workforce in the long term.

Yet, while the vision behind these reforms is commendable, the execution remains fraught with challenges. The history of flip-flopping educational policies in Nigeria has bred a sense of skepticism among educators, parents, and even policymakers. The abrupt discontinuation of established school structures such as JSS and SSS could lead to transitional disarray if not managed with careful planning and adequate resource allocation. Teachers, who are the backbone of any educational system, must be retrained and equipped with new curricula and pedagogical strategies that fit the 12-4 model. Without comprehensive teacher training programs and curriculum reform initiatives, the shift may exacerbate existing issues, further disenfranchising students who are already vulnerable.

The ripple effects of these inconsistencies on children are profound. Frequent changes in the structure of education often lead to curriculum discontinuity, leaving students confused about expectations and learning outcomes. Moreover, families that have already invested in the old system might find themselves facing financial uncertainties and logistical challenges during the transition. Children in rural or economically disadvantaged areas, who already contend with limited access to quality education, might be disproportionately affected. In the long run, these challenges could undermine the quality of human capital that Nigeria needs to drive its economic growth and social development.

Beyond the immediate impact on students, these policy inconsistencies have long-term implications for Nigeria’s socio-economic fabric. A robust educational system is foundational to national progress. When students are caught in a cycle of discontinuity and systemic barriers, the country risks cultivating a generation that is less prepared to meet the demands of an evolving global economy. The potential talent drain, coupled with the frustration and demotivation of capable youth, could impede innovation and competitiveness on both the national and international stages.

Now for me, these are the issues, I doubt if comprehensive stakeholder engagement took place, policy reform must be inclusive. Engaging teachers, school administrators, parents, students, and community leaders in the planning and implementation process will help ensure that reforms are responsive to on-the-ground realities.

Where are the teachers, do we currently have a robust teacher training and curriculum development programme? Are we ready for Investment in curriculum development that focuses on integrating technology, critical thinking, and vocational skills, ensuring that students are prepared for the demands of the 21st century?

Educational reforms must be matched by commensurate financial investments. We know the reality on the ground regarding our education budgets.

In conclusion, Nigeria’s journey toward a reformed educational system is both a bold opportunity and a formidable challenge. The recent announcement to replace the traditional 6-3-3-4 model with a 12-4 system, coupled with the adoption of a 16-year minimum entry age for tertiary education, is a reflection of an earnest attempt to align with global educational standards and reduce dropout rates. However, the historical inconsistencies and frequent flip-flops in policy have left deep-seated scars that threaten to undermine these well-intentioned reforms.

For Nigeria to truly harness the potential of its youth and create a sustainable, forward-thinking society, policymakers must approach reform with a holistic, inclusive, and well-resourced strategy. Only by addressing the systemic issues that have long plagued the educational landscape can Nigeria hope to transform its human capital into the long-term driver of national prosperity and innovation. We must find who stole our bicycle or remember where we left it—May Nigeria win!

Prince Charles Dickson PhD

Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar has warned the federal government that the $1.07 billion allocated to the health sector in the 2025 budget should not be misused.

Atiku in a statement in Abuja asked that mechanisms must be put in place to ensure the funds are used to improve healthcare services rather than vanish under suspicious circumstances.

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential candidate in the last election noted that claims that animals such as snakes, termites, and monkeys were responsible for the disappearance of public funds should not befall the allocation to the health sector.

He also called for a transparent and accountable framework to track how the allocated money is spent for the benefit of the people.

Atku said, “To this end, the Federal Government has to be deliberate about putting mechanisms in place for public audit and accountability in its US$1.07 billion budgetary appropriation in the health sector.”

The former Vice President specifically queried the Federal Government for not providing comprehensive information on how it plans to expend the over one billion dollars in the primary health sector.

Atiku noted that while healthcare, especially the primary sector deserves rapid investment in order to promote access to quality and affordable health services to Nigerians, “it will be immoral of the government not to provide extensive details of how the money allotted for the purpose would be dispensed.

“We have read that the Federal Government has a plan to expend a whooping sum of  $1.07 billion in the primary health sector. This amount is in addition to the N2.48 trillion, which had earlier been proposed for the health sector in the initial draft of the budget.

“This development gets even more troubling when the government equally announced that the $1.07 billion it is adding to the health sector at the sub-national level was mainly sourced through foreign loans and a fraction of it being provided through an international donor agency.

“In other words, Nigeria is expected to pay these loans back and it is required that the Nigerian people know the details of these loans and that its expenditure must be conveyed in a policy envelop that will explain how it will be spent,” Atiku noted.

He said further that the ”failure of the Federal Government not to commit to a single physical infrastructure in expending the budgetary provision smacks of fraud”, warning that  claims  “of animals such as snakes, termites, gorillas and monkeys swallowing public funds must never be the fate of the funds budgeted for the critical sector of health in the 2025 Budget.”

[DailyTrust]

…recalls sending Iyabo back home for lateness at Ota farm

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has advised the newly appointed Chairman of the Board of Management, Federal Medical Centre (FMC) Idi-Aba, Abeokuta, Dayo Israel, to brace for challenges ahead and be prepared to step on toes if necessary to ensure a successful tenure.

Obasanjo noted that no effective leader he has encountered ever succeeded without making tough decisions.

“If you’re doing a job and you’re not stepping on toes, then you’re not effective,” he emphasized.

According to a statement by the hospital’s Head of Public Relations, Dr. Segun Orisajo, Obasanjo made these remarks while hosting Dr. Israel, who visited him alongside the hospital’s Medical Director, Prof. Adewale Musa-Olomu, and other management team members.

Recalling a personal experience, Obasanjo shared how he once fired his own daughter from his farm for arriving late to work, underscoring his stance on discipline and effective leadership.

“Shortly after I left Office as Head of State, my first daughter, then at University of Ibadan studying Veterinary Medicine was engaged on my farm to gain some practical experience during long vacation.

“On day one , she resumed a quarter past seven in the morning as against the usual 7 O’clock. I warned her, reminding her that she has an obligation to be of good example to other workers. I told her I will not hesitate to wield the big stick should the same be repeated going forward.

“To my amazement, the following day she was late to work again. I did not hesitate to send her back right from the gate.”

“Not surprisingly, this had an indescribable effect on all my employees, saying ” if Baba could do this to his daughter, who are we?”

Chief Obasajo however advised the new Chairman to be ” just, fair and humane” even when it became obvious that certain toes have to be stepped on.

He applauded the Medical Director Prof Musa-Olomu for the monumental achievements of his administration over the past seven and half years at the Centre.

Earlier, the FMCA Board Chairman, Dr Israel had described Baba Obasanjo as an international Colossus, full of wisdom and wits.

“Meeting Baba Obasanjo is always so much fun. As we begin this journey of transformation at FMC Abeokuta, Baba’s wisdom and experience are invaluable.”

The Chairman reiterated his lofty ambition of transforming the Centre into a world class health institution where people from far and near will visit the Centre to receive comprehensive medical care.

He also renewed his determination to support the hospital Management in taking ” FMC Abeokuta to the next level, attract needed equipment and help build relationship for sustainability.

“My first priority is to help us move us away from national grid to renewable energy. We are open to partnership ” the Chairman added.

Apart from the former President, the Chairman’s familiarization trail took him to the Palaces of Alake, Osile and Olowu where the royal fathers blessed him and prayed for a successful tenure.

The Chairman also visited the former Commandant General of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps ( NSCDC ) Dr. John Ade Abolurin.

[TheNation]

Former Adamawa State Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC), Barrister Hudu Ari, has reiterated his claim that Senator Aisha Binani, the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate in the 2023 gubernatorial election, was the rightful winner of the poll.
Speaking to journalists at his private residence in Bauchi State on Saturday, Ari swore by God that his actions were based on truth and evidence.

He insisted that he possessed documentary proof showing Binani defeated the incumbent governor, Umaru Ahmadu Fintiri of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Ari, who was suspended in 2023 and officially dismissed last week following National Assembly approval, expressed frustration that his evidence of electoral irregularities was ignored by both the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Adamawa State Governorship Election Petitions Tribunal.

He alleged that he and other electoral officials were pressured to declare Governor Fintiri the winner under threats to their personal safety.

Ari further accused INEC’s Head of ICT in Adamawa State, Bala Aji, of manipulating the election process by handing over about 20,000 election documents to the governor.

He claimed that, alongside the Commissioner of Police and other security agencies, he raided a private residence allegedly linked to the governor, where electoral malpractices were taking place.

“It took time to open the door, and when we finally gained access, we found the Secretary to the State Government (SSG) and other officials working with election documents that covered the entire state,” he alleged.

Additionally, Ari accused Aji of distributing BVAS machines and bribing INEC staff with foreign currency on Election Day.

“This was a clear abuse of responsibility, and I took immediate steps against these actions, expecting INEC headquarters to intervene. Instead, my reports were ignored,” he lamented.

He maintained that he was denied a fair hearing by both INEC and the Tribunal, stating that his evidence in support of Binani’s victory was dismissed without proper consideration.

According to him, his biggest concern was not his dismissal by the President but the “media trial” that had damaged his reputation.

Addressing allegations that he received a ₦2 billion bribe from politicians, Ari flatly denied the claim.

He stated that he was consulting his family on whether to pursue legal action, adding, “Nigeria belongs to all of us, and it is up to us to either make it or mar it.”

Reflecting on his tenure in Adamawa, he noted that he successfully conducted the 2023 Presidential and National Assembly elections without controversy.

However, he claimed that irregularities in 69 polling units during the gubernatorial and State Assembly elections led to the crisis that ultimately resulted in his dismissal.

[DailyPost]

Hundreds of youths from Omagwa Community in Ikwerre Local Government Area of Rivers State on Sunday blocked the Omagwa session of the Port Harcourt-Owerri Road to protest the alleged killing of a father of six identified as Bright Egbule by a policeman.

Egbule was allegedly shot dead by an officer from Omagwa Police Division on Saturday in his compound.

PUNCH Metro gathered that the angry youths were heading to the Images Police Station with Egbule’s corpse when the Chairman of Ikwerre LGA, Israel Agbosi, met them halfway and promised to ensure the officers responsible for the killing were identified and made to face the law.

A family source told PUNCH Metro that the deceased was at home with his wife on Saturday night when the policemen stormed the compound, as one of the trigger-happy operatives allegedly opened fire on him.

The source who pleaded anonymity said, “The officers came here last night with full force. The said they are looking for drug dealer, but they came into the compound here and killed an innocent man.

“It was on that note that the community mobilised and blocked the federal road with the corpse. We want the police to provide those officers who killed Chukwuma. All we need is justice for Chukwuma.”

The protest, however, caused gridlock on the road as motorists and travellers were stranded until the intervention of the local government chairman.

Addressing the protesters, the Chairman of Ikweree, LGA, Abosi, described the incident as unfortunate and unacceptable and appealed to the angry youths not to take laws into their own hands.

Abosi, however, called on the Commissioner of Police to investigate the killing and ensure that the officers are fished out and made to face justice.

When contacted, the spokesperson for the State Police Command, Grace Iringe-Koko, confirmed the incident, saying the policeman had been arrested.

While commiserating with the family of the deceased, she said his remains had been deposited in a morgue

Iringe-Koko said, “The command is aware, and we are on top of the situation. The officer has been detained. Normalcy has now been restored, and adequate security is on the ground to prevent any breach of peace.

“The man’s corpse has been deposited at the morgue and an investigation is ongoing.

[Punch]

Human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Mr. Femi Falana, has instituted a $5,000,000 (Five Million US Dollars) lawsuit before a Lagos High Court against Meta Platforms Inc., the U.S.-based tech giant owned by Mark Zuckerberg, over alleged invasion of his privacy

In the originating motion brought pursuant to Section 37 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and section 24(1)(A) and (E) & Section 34(1)(D) of Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023, Order 2 Rule 1 Fundamental Rights Enforcement Procedure Rules, 2009, by his lawyer, Olumide Babalola, the human rights Lawyer accused the organization of publishing motion images and voice captioned, “AfriCare Health Center,” in their website to the effect that Falana has suffered a disease known as ‘Prostatitis’, which the lawyer claimed constitutes an invasion of his privacy as guaranteed by section 37 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.

Falana claimed the publication and the video as released through the organization’s platform -www.facebook.com, is “false, inaccurate, misleading and unfair to the Applicant and thereby violates the provision of section 24(1)(a) and (e) of the Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023.”

To this end, the reputable lawyer was praying the court for a declaration that the “Respondents continued publication of the Applicants name, still and motion images and purported voice on a page and video captioned “AfriCare Health Centre on their platform – www.facebook.com to the effect that the Applicant suffered from a disease known as ‘Prostatitis constitutes an invasion of the Applicants privacy guaranteed by section 37 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.”

Besides, he is praying the court for an order mandating the “Respondents to forthwith remove, erase and delete the video captioned “AfriCare Health Centre on their platform – www.facebook.com.”

For the damages the publication has caused him, Falana, was asking for a general damages in the sum of $5, 000, 000 (Five Million US Dollars) and a consequential order that the court may deem fit to grant in the circumstance.

Falana who claimed that the published false video about his health status, which is his private life has rubished his image and the name he built over the years.

He argued that the publication by the Respondent which is false, offensive and disturbing paints him in a false light, that has caused him mental and emotional disturbances.

The grounds upon which the originating processes was instituted was that the Applicant as a reputable person is guaranteed the enjoyment of fundamental right to privacy under Section 37 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) and that the Respondents published the Applicants name and images and ascribed a false illness to him and thereby violated his right to privacy guaranteed by the Constitution and Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023 and he has suffered emotional and psychological distress as a result of the false story.

In the affidavit in support of the motion, Falana claimed that he is known for his fearless legal battles, often taking on cases against government policies and actions that infringe upon the rights of citizens and that his law practice covers a broad range of areas, including constitutional law, civil rights, public interest litigation, and international human rights law.

He said further that he is recognized for his work in defending freedom of expression, advocating for the rights of marginalized groups, and challenging governmental overreach.

He alleged that the Respondent is a media company operating a global social media platform known as www.facebook.com. and that on the 16th day of January 2025, he discovered a video of his person was posted on the Respondent’s platform under the page named “AfriCare Health Centre on Respondent’s platform – www.facebook.com. which he tendered as an Exhibit in the suit.

He noted: “In video that carries my name, picture and purported video, I am reported to have said that: “My name is Femi Falana, and I have been battling prostatitis for over 16 years. At the age of 50, I was diagnosed with this condition. Every day I faced pain, discomfort and constant fatigue. I had trouble urinating lower back pain and other symptoms that made it difficult to live a full life. Despite consulting the best urologist in the country, no one could offer me effective treatment, I was prescribed numerous medications, physical therapy even surgery but the problem was that these methods only temporarily relived the symptoms.”

He bemoaned the wrongful publication that he has been greatly prejudiced by the video of the Respondent’s on the grounds that his health life is part of his private life and he has never suffered any disease known as ‘Prostatitis’ in his life.

He averred that, “I have never had any dealing with the Respondent or its pages on issues with my health life.
The video and its contents are false, inaccurate, misleading and unfair to me. The video paints me in a false light and as such an invasion of my privacy.”

He claimed that the Respondent operates global platforms and anything published on these platforms are accessed and viewed by millions of people around the world. Hence, the stories have been viewed by millions of people since January 2023 when they were published on the Respondents platforms.

He said, “For the purpose of this suit, I do not find these stories libelous but since they are false and fabricated against me, I find them offensive, reckless, insensitive, disturbing and unjustifiable intrusion into my privacy by painting me in a false light.

“By the video, the Respondent’s page has given me a publicity that paints me in false light as the insinuations in the video are false and they infringe my right to privacy right to be let alone.

“At the time of deposing to this affidavit, the video has been published to the entire world on the Internet, and it has remained there for several weeks.

“For their failure to verify the page and video before publishing, I believe the Respondent’s publicity of my name and image in a false light was done carelessly and recklessly to draw traffic to the Respondent’s platform to boost its advertisement revenues.

“I believe that the Respondents use of my name and image in the video is unfair and insensitive to my feelings since they never verified the claims as expected.

“I find the Respondents’ publicity of my photograph and name in a false light highly offensive and emotionally disturbing. This continues to cause me anxiety, sadness and exposure to ridicule.”

He therefore prayed the court for a rescue and save his image from being ruined.

[Vanguard]

Shafi’u Bawa, a mobile police officer, has reportedly committed suicide in Kontagora, Niger state.

Bawa, an assistant superintendent of police (ASP) attached to the 61 police mobile force, was “found hanging from the ceiling of his room” on Saturday afternoon.

The officer’s father, Usman Bawa, raised the alarm after finding his son’s lifeless body and reported the incident to the Kontagora police division.

Confirming the incident, Wasiu Abiodun, spokesperson for the Niger state police command, said an investigation is underway to determine the circumstances surrounding the officer’s death.

“On 8/2/2025 at about 2 p.m., it was reported that one ASP Shafiu Bawah of 61 PMF Kontagora committed suicide by hanging himself on the ceiling due to a yet-to-be ascertained reason,” he said.

Abiodun added that the remains of the deceased has been released to the family for burial in accordance with Islamic rites.

[TheCable]

In 1954, Sir John Verity lost his job because he won an argument. It was in his ninth year in office as chief justice of colonial Nigeria. Sir John arrived in Nigeria in October 1945 from British Guyana, where he had served in a similar position since 1941. At the time, Nigeria was still a unitary system under colonial rule. 

Two years before Sir John arrived in Nigeria, the Native Courts (Colony) Ordinance of 1943 had created a “Supreme Court of Justice” for the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria. Taslim Elias, the distinguished academic who was destined to play a significant role in the administration of law and courts in post-colonial Africa, described the structure of the colonial court system that Sir John met on arrival in Nigeria as comprising “a Supreme Court, which is the highest court for the territory. It consists of two parts, a Divisional Court and a Full Court (as in the West African colonies), or a High Court and a Court of Appeal (as in several other colonies such as Jamaica, Singapore and Kenya), or simply a High Court (as in Uganda and Northern Rhodesia).”

That system had existed with modest adaptation since the Amalgamation in 1914. In his Amalgamation Report in 1919, Frederick Lugard, Nigeria’s founding governor-general, pointed out that it was made up of a chief justice and puisne judges who “sat at certain places and visited on Assize the ‘District Courts.’”

Six years into Sir John’s tenure as chief justice, in 1951, the colonial government turned the country into a federation. Two years later, one of the issues to engage the constitutional conference that began in London was the implication of this new structure for judicial administration. As the conference began, the delegates – mostly politicians who preferred in the language of the day to be called “nationalists” – advocated the decentralisation of the judiciary. Sir John opposed the proposal, venturing with what proved to be accurate foresight, that such a step “might lead to judges and magistrates becoming tools in the hands of politicians” and “might eventually lead to the control of the judiciary by the executive.” 

The conference relocated to Lagos in 1954 where the politicians overwhelmingly approved the proposal to regionalise the judiciary. Having lost the fight over the future of the judiciary that he led, Sir John opted to take early retirement from the office of chief justice. He was the penultimate English man in the role. 

In the reorganisation of the court system that followed upon the conclusion of the constitutional conference, the Federal Supreme Court (FSC) was created in 1954. The regions had high courts from which appeals could go to the FSC. The highest court for the country remained the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London. 

By 1963, the nationalists fighting for independence one decade earlier had metamorphosed into political incumbents seeking control of the courts (like their colonial predecessors). The privy council had effectively ruled in favour of the opposition Action Group (AG) on whether the regional governor could remove renegade premier, Ladoke Akintola, without a formal vote in the regional parliament. 

Confronted with the loss of a prized ally helpfully decimating the ranks of a loathed political foe (like a certain minister is doing today for the ruling party), the then-ruling federal coalition led by the Northern Peoples’ Congress (NPC), legislated the privy council out of existence, abolished the Judicial Service Commission, and made the Supreme Court Nigeria’s apex court. Sir John’s prophecy had become a reality. 

Although the 1963 Constitution enabled the court to sit “in such other places in Nigeria as the Chief Justice of Nigeria may appoint”, the supreme court has functioned from its seat, first in Lagos when it was the capital city for the first three decades after independence and, thereafter, from Abuja, the current federal capital. The fortunes of the court have waxed and waned in symmetry with the political economy of Nigeria. Unlike other courts in the country, there are no divisions of the supreme court. 

For much of its life, the supreme court was an all-comers affair for appeals “on questions of law.” As the claims on the court’s judicial bandwidth rose and the political economy of the country grew more complex, it was predictable that its docket would increase. The sensible thing to do was to reform the law governing access to the Supreme Court – as well as its doctrine – to keep pace with the increasing demand for the rarefied attention of the court and preserve its authority. This was not done.

Instead, since the onset of the current elective dispensation in 1999, the supreme court became preoccupied with electoral and political disputes. Among the many consequences from this, two are notable. First, the preoccupation of the court (and of the judiciary below it) with political and electoral disputes increasingly tasks its credibility. Second, the resulting prioritization accorded by the court to political cases has created an intolerable backlog to which there is no sensible solution under the current system of judicial administration. The result is that appeals not involving senior politicians or election results vegetate interminably in the bowels of the supreme court with no reasonable chance of getting heard. 

It is right that this situation should engage the attention of senior lawyers and senior politicians. Manu Soro, the member of the house of representatives representing Darazo/Ganjuwa federal constituency of Bauchi state, has decided to bell the proverbial cat. On World Anti-Corruption Day, 9 December 2024, his bill for supreme court reform was gazetted. 

The bill proposes – among other things – to authorise the establishment of five regional divisions of the supreme court, with the one in Abuja serving as the headquarters. The bill comes complete with a political geography of the proposed divisions: Umuahia (Abia state) to serve the south-east; Bauchi (Bauchi state) for the north-east; Uyo (Akwa Ibom) for the south-south; Lagos (Lagos state) for the south-west; and Kano (Kano state) for the north-west. The declared objective of the bill is “to enhance access to the highest justice, to minimise the logistical cost of accessing justice and to ensure timely dispensation of matters brought before the apex court”.

Commendable as it is for the initiative, this bill is plainly misguided for many reasons. First, it misconceives and mischaracterises the mission of the supreme court. Second, it has no diagnosis for the problems that ail the supreme court and, to the extent that it evinces any, offers no reasonable solution to them. Third, it offers a misplaced geographical and genealogical solution for a crisis of jurisdictional sclerosis and unimaginative judicial administration that it is unable to see.

The most charitable anyone can be about this bill is that it is hare-brained. The solution that it offers is guaranteed to make the situation worse, not better. It will also disestablish the court because a “supreme court” that sits in judicial divisions will be neither apex nor supreme. 

The crisis of appellate throughput and its consequences which presently afflicts Nigeria’s supreme court is too serious to be banished to post-codes defined by geographies of genealogy. To address it, the supply of appeals to the court will need to be constrained significantly. The administration of the court needs to be overhauled and professionalised, and case management needs attention too. The one thing the court cannot afford is precisely what this bill seeks – to cannibalise it into a collection of judicial Bantustans.

A lawyer & a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.