The 29th UN Climate Change Conference (COP29), held in Baku, Azerbaijan, wrapped up early Sunday morning with outcomes that left developing nations and activists disheartened. 

Touted as the “Climate Finance COP,” the summit fell significantly short of expectations, pledging just $300 billion annually by 2035 to assist vulnerable nations—far below the $1.3 trillion that experts had deemed essential.

Developing nations had called for $500 billion annually in the form of grants—not loans—to avoid deepening their debt crises. However, wealthy nations refused binding agreements and resisted taking historical responsibility for their outsized contributions to greenhouse gas emissions.

Mohamed Ali, Chair of the African Group of Negotiators, struck a pragmatic tone, acknowledging the limitations of the multilateral process.

“While not all aspirations are fully reflected, these commitments are not acts of charity. They are acts of survival, shared prosperity, and solidarity,” he said.

Ali invoked the Southern African principle of Ubuntu, underscoring the interconnectedness of humanity. “When Africa loses, the world loses. When Africa thrives, the world thrives,” he declared, urging nations to rise above divisions.

Fractures Within

Tensions among vulnerable nations surfaced when Nigeria’s delegation argued for reclassifying China and India as developed nations, aligning with the stance of wealthier countries.

This controversial move highlighted fractures within the Global South and weakened the unity of climate-vulnerable nations.

Adding to the discord, small island states and least-developed countries staged a dramatic walkout on Saturday, accusing developed nations of stalling negotiations.

Fossil Fuel Influence

A heavy presence of fossil fuel lobbyists—outnumbering most country delegations—drew sharp criticism. CEOs from major oil firms, including Aramco and BP, engaged in talks, prompting accusations of undue influence. Activists denounced the summit as a “fossil fuel lobbyist’s playground,” and Saudi Arabia openly opposed phasing out fossil fuels.

Instead, the summit focused on controversial solutions like carbon markets, geoengineering, and the promotion of fossil gas as “clean energy,” diverging from the momentum gained at COP28, where fossil fuel transition was a central theme.

China provided one of the few bright spots by introducing greater transparency on climate finance and signaling openness to voluntary contributions from the Global South. Meanwhile, the European Union attempted to mediate between factions, but wealthier nations’ reluctance to scale up contributions undermined these efforts.

Looking Ahead To COP30

Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has set high expectations for COP30, calling it the “turnaround COP.” Scheduled to take place in Belém, the summit will prioritize transitioning away from fossil fuels and protecting forests.

UNFCCC head Simon Stiell framed the $300 billion pledge as “an insurance policy for humanity” but warned it would only work if commitments are honored promptly.

For many, however, the modest outcome of COP29 feels like a betrayal. Sierra Leone’s Minister of Environment, Jiwoh Abdulai, encapsulated the prevailing sentiment: “This deal is too little, too late. Vulnerable nations will continue to bear the brunt of inaction.”

As the climate crisis accelerates, the fight for justice and accountability remains far from over.

This story was produced as part of the 2024 Climate Change Media Partnership, a journalism fellowship organized by Internews’ Earth Journalism Network and the Stanley Center for Peace and justice Security.

The House of Representatives has concurred with the Senate on the removal of the Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal, CCT, Umar Danladi.

This resolution was a sequel to a motion moved by the Majority Leader of the House, Julius Ihonvbere, on Tuesday.

Ihonvbere’s motion asked the House to invoke Section 17(3) of the Fifth Schedule of the 1999 constitution. He listed some of the offences of the CCT chairman, including a public brawl with a security guard at the Banex Plaza Shopping Complex in Abuja.

“Aware of the conduct of the Chairman, Code of Conduct Tribunal, who recently engaged in a public brawl with a security guard at the Banex Plaza Shopping Complex, which necessitated an invitation from the Senate Committee on Ethics, Code of Conduct, and Public Petitions, and after his first appearance, where he admitted to having been involved in the brawl, he refused to attend subsequent sittings, thereby frustrating the efforts of the Committee to investigate the allegations against him,” the motion read.

Ihonvbere, in the motion, stated that Danladi Umar’s removal “seems to be the only way out to safeguard the sacred image of the Code of Conduct Tribunal, in line with the resolution of the 10th National Assembly to uphold the rule of law and sustain the ideals of corporate governance structure in Nigeria”.

Following the presentation of the motion, a constitutional point of order was raised by Mansur Soro that the House is not following the right procedure, noting that President Bola Tinubu ought to have written a letter to the House requesting the removal of the CCT chairman.

However, he was ruled out of order by the Speaker Tajudeen Abbas.

When the motion was put to vote, the “ayes” had it.

It would be recalled that a similar motion was moved, and passed in the Senate.

However, the resolution by the Senate was knocked by senior lawyers because of an error as the Senate used Section 157 of the Constitution, instead of Section 17(3) of the Fifth Schedule of the 1999 Constitution.

Earlier, the Senate corrected the mistake, and used the proper process to finalize the CCT chairman’s removal.

[DailyPost]

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will depart Abuja on Wednesday, November 27, for a three-day state visit to France at the invitation of French President Emmanuel Macron. 

The visit aims to strengthen political, economic, and cultural ties between Nigeria and France, with an emphasis on building partnerships in key sectors.

According to a statement issued on Tuesday by Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, during the visit, President Tinubu and his wife, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, will participate in a series of high-profile events and engagements.

On Thursday, they will be received at Les Invalides, a historic French military museum, and at the Palais de l’Élysée by President Macron and First Lady Brigitte Macron.

The two leaders are expected to hold bilateral discussions on key areas, including agriculture, security, education, health, youth engagement, innovation, and energy transition.

A significant portion of the talks will centre on creating opportunities for skill development, particularly for Nigerian youth, in automation, entrepreneurship, and leadership.

Additionally, the visit will feature political and diplomatic meetings, focusing on shared interests in finance, solid minerals, trade and investment, and communication.

Both presidents will attend a session of the France-Nigeria Business Council, a platform for private-sector collaboration in economic development.

The First Ladies will also engage in discussions, with Mrs. Macron set to hear from Senator Tinubu about her initiatives for empowering women, children, and vulnerable groups through the Renewed Hope Initiative.

The visit will conclude with a state dinner hosted by President Macron in honour of the Nigerian President and First Lady, underscoring the importance of the relationship between the two nations.

President Tinubu is expected to be accompanied by top government officials on this trip, reflecting the administration’s commitment to advancing Nigeria’s global partnerships and fostering economic growth.

The Nigeria Customs Service has said that West Africa has emerged as a notable destination hub in the global stolen vehicles trade network.

The service added that the network extends from Europe and North America to as far as South America and Australia.

The Comptroller General of Customs, Adewale Adeniyi, disclosed this on Tuesday in Lagos while displaying some seized vehicles to journalists.
He added that in the last few months, the service has intensified its tracking operations against vehicle trafficking syndicates operating within the borders.

“According to INTERPOL reports, West Africa has emerged as a notable
destination hub in the global stolen vehicle trade network, which extends from Europe and North America as far as South America and Australia,” he said.

Adeniyi lamented that the challenge is greater in Nigeria, adding that date from the National Bureau of Statistics shows that between 2013 and 2015, only 54 per cent of stolen vehicles were recovered, “highlighting the scale and sophistication of this criminal enterprise.”
He stated that in a bid to address this challenge, the service initiated Operation Hot Wheels, a targeted enforcement initiative aimed at disrupting the flow of stolen vehicles into Nigeria through the ports and borders.

Adeniyi stressed that the platform was launched as a collaborative effort between the NCS, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, and Canadian authorities, “the operation focused on intelligence sharing, coordinated surveillance, and strategic interdiction.”

According to him, the growing incidence of stolen vehicles finding their way into the region has become a serious concern, as it not only undermines the region’s legitimate automotive market but also strains the security infrastructure.

He reiterated that recent intelligence from international law enforcement agencies further confirms that “our region has become a preferred
destination for internationally stolen vehicles, a trend that not only tarnishes Nigeria’s international image but also impacts our economy through substantial revenue losses and increased security spending.”

Giving details of the seizures, Adeniyi explained that a recent intelligence-led operation at Area II Command, Onne Port, led to the interception of a 40ft container with registration number, MRSU-5028706 that was declared to contain used vehicles and auto spare parts.
Adeniyi, however, lamented that a physical examination of the container
revealed three undeclared 2021 Toyota Highlander vehicles, “two in Navy Blue and one in Red colour.”

He emphasised that through collaboration with Operation Screen West Africa and Interpol, “two of these vehicles were confirmed to have been stolen from Canada.”

The CGC pointed out that the Federal Operations Unit Zone A also demonstrated exceptional vigilance with strategic interdictions at various locations in Lagos.

“The interception includes, one Mercedes-Benz G550 with Range Rover Sport valued at N506m, intercepted along Trinity Axis in Lagos, one Mercedes-AMG GT with Lamborghini Huracan valued at N630m, one Rolls Royce intercepted at Victoria Island, valued at N231m,”

“Others include, one Lamborghini 2019 Model recovered at Victoria Island, valued at N239m, two Range Rovers (2023 & 2018 models) intercepted along Lekki, valued at N267m,” the CGC stated.
The customs boss mentioned that at the Tincan Island Command, the service, through intelligence, intercepted three 2021 models of Toyota Highlander.

He stated that the various recoveries highlighted both the sophistication of transnational vehicle theft syndicates and their evolving concealment methods.

“The criminals now employ various tactics, including false declarations and use of containerized shipments, attempting to circumvent our detection systems,” he narrated.

Adeniyi reiterated that the operation exposed how stolen vehicles are being smuggled through the ports using legitimate cargo as cover.

He maintained that the success of these operations stems from an enhanced risk management system and strengthened collaboration with international partners.

Adeniyi stressed that working closely with Operation Screen West Africa, Interpol, and other international agencies, the service has significantly
improved their capacity to identify and intercept stolen vehicles.
“The interface between our systems and international databases has proven crucial in establishing the status of suspicious vehicles and enabling swift intervention,” he said.

He warned that the economic implications of this criminal enterprise are far-reaching and deeply concerning.

According to him, beyond damaging the legitimate automotive trade sector and international business relationships, it undermines President Tinubu’s economic reform agenda that aims to position Nigeria as a trusted hub for international commerce.

He lamented that the service is forced to divert substantial resources towards enhanced border management and rigorous verification processes – resources that should ideally be channeled toward trade facilitation initiatives and economic growth programmes.

“This criminal activity not only strains our operational capacity but also threatens the government’s efforts to attract foreign investment and establish Nigeria as a reliable partner in global trade,” he said.

The CGC added that the service will return the luxury vehicles to Canada.

[Punch]

From last week, continues the  narrative of how ammbassadors in other countries are accorded respect which enables them to rise to higher positions, including the presidency. This is unlike what obtains in Ngeria where our diplomats are treated with little or no respect 

Otto Von Bismarck, in 1859 was the Prussian ambassador to Russia and later to Paris in 1862 in the court of Napoleon III, he later became Prime Minister. George H. W. Bush (12 June 1924-30 November, 2018) was the 41st President of the United States of America. He was equally the 10th United States American ambassador to the United Nations from (March 1, 1971-January 18, 1973).

Mr. Benjamin William Mkapa (November 12, 1938- July 24, 2020) was Tanzania Ambassador to Nigeria in 1976. He was Tanzania Minister for Foreign Affairs from 1977 to 1980. In 1982, he served as High Commissioner to Canada and between 1983 and 1984 as Ambassador to the United States of America. 

He returned home in 1984 where he was again appointed Member of Parliament and Minister for Foreign Affairs. In 1992, he served as Minister for Science, Technology and Higher Education, prior to being elected President in 1995, and Chairman of his Party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi(1996-2006). He was re-elected President in 2000 for another five-year term.

There was Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki (82). He was the second post-apartheid South African President. He was the African National Congress, ANC, envoy in Nigeria between 1976 and 1978. He established the ANC presence that eclipsed that of its rival Pan Africanist Congress, PAC. While in Lagos, he formed strong friendship with the then head of state, General Olusegun Obasanjo and top civil servants, including Yahaya Abubakar, Permanent Secretary, Cabinet Office, Mr. Bisi Ogunniyi and others. 

Likewise, there are examples of those who have served in leadership positions yet ended up becoming ambassadors. Mr. Walter Frederick “Fritz” Mondale (January 5, 1928- April 19, 2021) was the 42nd Vice President of the United States of America, and served from 1977 to 1981 under President Jimmy Carter. He became the United States of America Ambassador to Japan between 1993 and 1996.

Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim was the Prime Minister of Tanzania between April 24, 1984 and November 5, 1985. He became the Secretary General of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, between 1989 and 2001, later African Union special envoy on Dafur between 2004 and 2008. Mr. Kevin Rudd(67) is at present the 23rd Australian Ambassador to the United States of America. He was the 26th Prime Minister of Australia and served between June 27, 2013 and September 18, 2018. 

Nigeria in the past was never short of outstanding ambassadors. Almost all of them represented Nigeria without blemish. At the risk of offending many, let me mention some ambassadors we have had in the past. Joe Iyala, Tokunbo Awolowo Dosunmu, Joe Keshi, Lawal Abdullahi Kazaure, B. A. T. Balewa, Olu Adeniji, Oladele Akadiri, Olusegun Apata, G. Dove-Edwin, H. Harriman J. N. Ukaegbu, L. A. Fabunmi, A. G. P. Omotayo, S. A. Otuyelu, Segun Olusola, Ebun Oyagbola, Tobi Ogundipe, Olujimi Jolaoso, Christopher Kolade, Florentina Adenike Ukonga, Uzoma Eminike, Martine Gereng-Sen, Oladele Abiodun, Ijeoma Bristol, Laraba Bhutto, Sifawu Momoh, Zainab Ali Kotoko, Chigozie Obi Nnadozie, Francisca Olaide Marinho, Isaac Aluko-Olokun, Ignatius Chukuemeka Olisemeka, Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, Oladele Akadire, Dapo Fawora, Olu Saanu, Olu Ibunkun, etc. They are countless.

Let us dwell on the pioneer ambassadors. 

Chief Julius Momo Udochi was the first Nigerian Ambassador to the United States of America(1960–1965). He was a Teacher (1931–1938); a Customs Officer in the Nigerian Civil Service 1938–1945; Assistant secretary, Nigerian Secretariat 1945–1947; Provincial Secretary, Nigerian Civil Service Union; Co-Editor The Nigerian Civil Servant (1939–1945). He was called to the English Bar as a Barrister at Law by the Middle Temple in 1950. 

He practised Law (1950–1960); was Chairman of the Federal Non-Government Teacher’s Salary Commission and a member of the Mission to the World Bank, 1958; Secretary of the Nigerian Bar Association and member of the Committee on Legal Education, 1955–1959; member of the House of Representatives of Nigeria, 1954-1959 and 1965–1966; Attorney-General and Commissioner of Justice, Mid-Western State of Nigeria, 1967–1975.

To be concluded 

THERE have been daggers out for Dr Reuben Abati, co-host of the Arise TV’s ‘Morning Show’, following his recent comments on Senator Godswill Akpabio’s witty remark at the night of tributes for the late Senator Ifeanyi Ubah. Senator Akpabio had declared that the Igbos are “mercantile” people, who build houses and settle wherever they go. He contrasted the Igbos with members of other ethnic groups, who, he said,  can live in his state of Akwa Ibom for 15 years without trying to build their homes there.

The subtext of Senator Akpabio’s remark is that members of   other ethnic groups come for what they can get from the state, while the Igbos who build homes and houses come with the intention to settle and live there. Senator Akpabio’s remark, made at Nnewi, the late Senator Ubah’s hometown,  to fit the mood of the moment, was obviously an exaggeration, but people understood the point he was trying to make. 

Dr Abati, while commenting on Senator Akpabio’s quip, took exception to the use of the word ‘mercantile’ and admitted the said industry of the Igbos. And to a remark that the Igbos took over and “developed” about two local government areas in Lagos State, Dr Abati humorously remarked that the Oba of Lagos, Rilwan Akiolu, who in 2015 threatened to drown the Igbos in the Lagos Lagoon if they failed to vote for his preferred candidate in the state governorship election, Akinwunmi Ambode, candidate of the All Progressives Congress, APC, would not be happy to hear that. Dr Abati further commented on the said Igbo enterprise, including mentioning that if you go to anywhere and do not see an Igbo, you should pack your things and leave because “there is nothing there”. He then added the story of T.O.S Benson, in his words, “for balance”.  

As Dr Abati put it: “Chief TOS Benson, former minister of information, now late, on one occasion at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs — and I’m not making this up — he said it publicly, if anybody can contradict me let them do so… he said something about Igbo people…. He said he had an Igbo wife, and had an Igbo daughter, that he wanted to buy land in Igbo land for his daughter, for his wife, and he said: ‘I’m getting old, let me build in this place for my wife’. He said that his in-laws told him that they don’t sell land to outsiders.”

Dr Abati then concluded: “The same Igbos who are so industrious that they are all over and do well in other parts of Nigeria, you go as a non-Igbo man to go and buy umunna (kindred) land, you will be told that you don’t belong even as an in-law.”

Dr Abati has been in the eyes of the storm since these statements, drawing condemnations from many Igbos, especially the ‘Internet warriors’, some of who called him an Igbo hater, and not surprisingly, support from mostly his Yoruba kith and kin. I believe Dr Abati has done no wrong, and that the furore, if anything, raises some fundamental issues that need to be addressed:  One, Dr. Abati’s critics have failed to appreciate that academics and public intellectuals employ different methodologies in their research and public commentaries. Public intellectuals – people who try to shape public opinion through commentaries in the mass media–  can be broadly categorized into two, based on their methods of inquiry and intervention:  You have those I can call “polemicists”. 

These are strongly opinionated and passionate commentators, who leave their readers or listeners in no doubt where they stand in the issue they are commenting on. Whatever data they have are usually to buttress their predetermined position.  They speak or write with unmistakable passion and gusto, sometimes using strong language to buttress their points. Public intellectuals in this category include Professor Farooq Kperogi of the Tribune and The News Chronicle, Abimbola Adelakun of The Punch, Rufai Oseni of Arise TV and Professors Chidi Odinkalu and Udenta O. Udenta who are ‘itinerant’ commentators and writers. 

There are also public intellectuals I can call ‘academic analysts’. This category of public intellectuals, unlike the polemicists, try to have a level of detachment from the subject they are writing or commenting about. They often present various perspectives on an issue and allow the readers or their listeners to draw their own conclusion. The examples here include Dr Reuben Abati, and Simon Kolawole of The Cable. I also include myself in this category of writers. In my opinion, Professor Sam Amadi and Segun Adeniyi straddle or vacillate between these two broad methodologies in their commentaries.

A common criticism of the ‘academic analysts’ is that they either lack the courage to take a definite position on contentious issues (as the polemicists do), or that they hide their preferences in obfuscations, semantics and waffling. I can’t count the number of times some people have called me ‘on the other hand’ writer – meaning that I tend to concede so much to all the perspectives in a contentious issue that it becomes difficult to know where I stand on the issue. Remarkably, academics and people with academic inclinations seem very comfortable with the style of the ‘academic analyst’.

Two, following the above categorisation of public intellectuals, it becomes easier to understand why Dr Abati felt he needed to bring the T.O.S Benson story to ‘balance the narrative” in accordance with the methodology of the ‘academic analyst’. In fact, since he studied Law, I have observed that Dr Abati, who was also a university lecturer, seems to have consciously tried to infuse the legal process in his mode of commentary. I believe that is why you would often hear him preface his commentaries with remarks like: “what are the facts in the case?” (to enable him identify the contending perspective in any issue before responding to them in the manner of lawyers). He would also often conclude by saying something like:  to ‘balance it’ or ‘what is the other side of the argument’?  

I believe that another point that has influenced the methodology of the ‘academic analysts’ is the debate in the arts and humanities on whether it is possible for an analyst to be neutral in social science research or commentaries. The argument is that even an academic’s choice of topic of investigation embodies some biases. The consensus in the literature therefore is that while neutrality may be difficult to achieve in social science research or commentary, objectivity is possible even when the analyst is not neutral.

Some of the ways of ensuring objectivity include full disclosure (disclosing upfront any potential biases that may influence your conclusion) and making sure that the various perspectives on contentious issues are x-rayed individually so that the conclusions are either obvious from the analyses or the readers/listeners are allowed to make their own judgements on the issue.

This is what I believe Dr Abati has done by bringing up the T.O.S Benson matter. Could he have done it slightly differently in order not to suggest that T.O.S Benson was right, or even if he was right, that it was applicable to all Igbos? Perhaps. But it is also important to bear in mind that it was a live TV commentary and that there are “rhetorical flourishes” when one speaks live – as opposed to when one writes and has the privilege of editing one’s script before publishing.

Three, the furore over the remarks by Dr Abati raises a fundamental question of what should be a drawing line between respect for the spirit of critical inquiry which sometimes requires interrogating issues dominant in an ethnic group other than one’s own, and being an ethnic chauvinist. To love your ethnic or religious in-group, or to make critical commentaries on issues predominant in another ethnic group does not make one an ethnic bigot. The crucial line is whether such a statement deliberately tries to accentuate or weaponise the conflictual elements in inter-ethnic relations.  If I call Dr Abati an ethnic chauvinist on the basis of his T.O.S Benson story, what would I call Bayo Onanuga, Femi Fani Kayode and Reno Omokri? I think it would be wrong of any one to even remotely lump Dr Abati in the same category as these three. 

As a student of identity, I know that an identity that is perceived to be under threat or insulted is the one most vociferously defended. For this, I can understand when some members of an ethnic group take it personal any non-complimentary remark by a non-member of the ethnic group. However, I also know that every individual embodies a mosaic of identities – not just the primordial identities of ethnicity and religion. I also know that identities can be cross-cutting.

For instance, we can be members of different primordial identities but share other identities in common such as belonging to the same profession, political party or sports club. It is possible that my different perspective on the Dr Abati furore is influenced by our shared identity as public intellectuals who use similar methods in our commentaries. Remarkably, I had to quit a particular WhatsApp group not long ago when most of the members felt enraged by some comments by Professor Ahmed Bako’s Inaugural Lecture at Usman Danfodio University entitled the ‘Igbo Factor in the History of Inter-Group Relations and Commerce in Kano’.

While I could understand why some Igbos were offended by sections of the lecture if read in silos, I argued that in the context of the objectives of the research, the justifications for choosing the topic, its methodology, and demands for academic freedom, the Professor did no wrong. Here again it is possible that my shared identity with the Professor as researchers cum lecturers who value academic freedom, informed my different perspective on his lecture. 

*Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science at Nasarawa State University, Keffi.

The Conference of United Political Parties (CUPP) has expressed concerns over the recently announced 3.46% GDP growth rate for Nigeria in the third quarter of 2024, describing it as disconnected from the lived experiences of most Nigerians.

Chief Peter Ameh, National Secretary of the CUPP, made this known in a statement issued yesterday in Abuja.

He noted that while the GDP figures released by the Nigeria Bureau of Statistics (NBS) may seem promising, they fail to reflect the economic hardships marked by rising food inflation, unemployment, and decaying infrastructure.

Ameh stated: “The NBS recently announced that the country’s GDP grew by 3.46% in the third quarter of 2024. At first glance, this may seem like a positive development, but the reality on the ground tells a different story.

“The widespread hunger, starvation, unemployment, inflation, and crumbling infrastructure paint a picture of a nation in distress. It is alarming to see the stark contrast between the reported GDP growth and the harsh economic realities faced by Nigerians.

“The frequency of national grid collapses, worsening road conditions, and the depreciating value of the naira underscore the disconnect between the data and real-life challenges.”

Quoting Benjamin Disraeli, he added: “There are three kinds of lies: Lies, Damned Lies, and Statistics. This rings true in Nigeria’s case, as the government relies on statistical manipulation to create a false narrative of economic growth.”

Ameh attributed Nigeria’s economic challenges to a “defective political system” that enables incompetent and dishonest leaders to manipulate electoral systems, fostering corruption and mismanagement.

He stressed the need for urgent reforms, stating: “Nigeria needs comprehensive economic reforms prioritizing transparency, accountability, cost-cutting measures, and good governance. Investments in critical infrastructure, such as roads, electricity, and healthcare, are essential to creating an enabling environment for growth.”

Ameh concluded by urging the government to shift focus from statistical embellishments to actionable policies, emphasizing that only through genuine reform can Nigeria achieve inclusive and sustainable economic progress.

[Vanguard]

When he was asked at dinner with associates and officials last week, how he intended to celebrate his 78th birthday, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, GCON, retorted that he had never decidedly marked the date over time. “For me, it is an occasion for thankfulness to God, for reflection and prayers, and for reaching out to the less privileged,” he explained. “The American University of Nigeria, (AUN), Yola, adopting an American model, hosts me to a “Founder’s Day” event every year, as part of the convocation activities of the institution. If you’ve followed the pattern over time, there is usually a guest speaker who delivers a lecture on issues of local and global relevance. I’m also allocated a slot to address the gathering as the Founder of the institution.” Continuing, Atiku noted: “Participating in the graduation ceremony of youngsters the age of my grandchildren fills me with tremendous joy.”

Further still, Atiku submits: “I’m delighted that the vision of the AUN, that of availing young people from across the globe, world-class, American-style education in an African context, is being achieved. The university is cosmopolitan in every sense of the word with respect to the diversity of the faculty and the students. The last time I checked, we had about a dozen nationalities in the university community. The President is usually an American. Apart from Nigerians, there are students from South Africa, Rwanda, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Niger, Uganda, Cameroun, and so on.
AUN is training world class, future professionals and leaders, who will drive the future of Africa and the world at large. That alone gives me tremendous joy and fulfilment.”

While Atiku is entitled to his idea of commemorating his birthday, his associates and staff had their own plans. The AUN programme is scheduled for Saturday November 30, 2024. This year’s edition of the event has Peter Obi, CON, former Governor of Anambra State and presidential candidate of the Labour Party, (LP), as guest lecturer. Atiku’s birthday is on Monday November 25, 2024. They could at least get him a cake and lay out lunch buffet for him. By the time Atiku descended into the main lounge in his house that day to go observe the midday prayer, the Dhuhr, associates had begun to congregate. Adamu Maina Waziri and Ibrahim Bio, both former Ministers in the administration of former President Umaru Yar’Adua; Kolawole Ogunwale, who formerly represented Osun Central in the Senate, and Sajo Mohammed, former Director of Compliance at the National Lottery Regulatory Commission, (NLRC), were waiting. So was Ekene Onwuka, one of Atiku’s proteges. A spontaneous birthday song rent the air as the “birthday boy” blew the candle of the cake to the applause of his “hosts.”

At lunch, the influx of dignitaries was such that guests who arrived earlier had to constantly yield their seats to newcomers. Reminds of “shifting cultivation,” one of several templates of crop farming which we learnt in elementary school. Senator Ben Obi, CON, Chairman of the Board of Trustees of AUN and Emeka Ihedioha, CON, former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives and Governor of Imo State, kept faith. Dino Melaye, former Senator representing Kogi West District; Jide Adeniji, a former Managing Director of the Federal Emergency Road Maintenance Agency, (FERMA), and Maxwell Gidado, SAN, Professor and former Special Adviser to Atiku, joined the party.

In the event that Atiku thought that was all, more faces showed up when it was time for a photoshoot after lunch, at the entrance of his home. Mohammed Kumalia, two-term Member Representing Maiduguri Metropolitan Constituency and Kola Ologbondiyan, Emeritus spokesperson of the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), were in the house. They joined Atiku’s ever loyal principal officers, notably Dr Azu Ndukwe, Chief Physician; Dr Andy Okolie, Head of Special Duties; Ibrahim Zango, Emeritus diplomat and Principal Secretary; Siddiki Buba Jauro and Eta Uso, Special Assistants on Domestic Affairs Information Technology respectively. You run through the list of attendees at the impromptu birthday and the cosmopolitanism of Atiku rings through. Atiku then personally invite his other aides: Security personnel; protocol officers; police escorts; kitchen staff; drivers, to join him for the photoshoot.

The “birthday programme” thereafter shifted to Atiku’s office wing within his princely complex, even as telephone calls kept coming, customised birthday cards popping up and new arrivals, streaming. Abdul Ahmed Ningi, Senator Representing Bauchi Central Zone; Musa Elayo Abdullahi, Minister of State for Justice under the Obasanjo/Atiku administration; Abdullahi Mai Basira, former PDP National Financial Secretary and Michael Ikeagwonu Ugochinyere, Member Representing Ideato federal constituency, Imo State, all stopped by. Atiku didn’t need to crack his head at any point before engaging with his guests. He knew everyone by name and so addressed them as they shook hands with him and exchanged robust pleasantries, a smile ever playing around his lips.

The highpoint of the unscheduled birthday was the presentation to Atiku, a branded t-shirt of the high-flying English Premier League, (EPL) football club, Arsenal, by Eta Uso, one of his aides. I always knew Atiku was a “Gunner,” the moniker with which we Arsenal friends are known. His doctor, Azu Ndukwe, is as passionate. Atiku knows I’m one as well, and this is one of our areas of mutual convergence. Arsenal was playing this tricky game which we watched together in his comfy living room, one of those midweek evenings. Atiku had to go observe the Isha’a prayer so he assigned me the responsibility of monitoring proceedings so I could brief him after the supplication. “Analyst Tunde, what are the scores,” he shot at me immediately he returned. “We are two goals up, Your Excellency.” His face lit up, you would think he had stakes in the club!

So Eta Uso presented this specially branded Arsenal jersey to Atiku, cameras and that flashlights clicking away, that afternoon. That was the prompter to other Gunners in the house who wanted to share the joy of the moment with the celebrant. Emeka Ihedioha, Dino Melaye, Jide Adeniji and I, all rose to join Atiku in celebrating a birthday gift, otherwise simple, but which meant so much to him. Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote is equally a very well known Arsenal aficionado who once contemplated buying over the London-based club. High flyers are human after all, and indeed share some of the fascinations of regular people.

After witnessing just how beautifully an unplanned milestone unfolded, you could not but wonder what the colour of the event would have been if it had been intentionally structured. For a man with such overflowing bank of goodwill, onshore and offshore; for a man who has remained a constant in Nigeria’s political dynamics nearly 20 years after he left office; for a man who stands strong and stolid despite serial betrayals and short circuiting over time even by allies, that will be the ultimate carnival. This is wishing the enigmatic Gooner Atiku Abubakar, Wazirin Adamawa, Prime Minister of Adamawa, a million happy returns of his special day. May pleasant surprises denominate our pathways in life as we rejoice with those who celebrate.

Olusunle, PhD, a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja

The federal high court in Abuja has struck out the suit seeking to restrain the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) from arresting Babajide Sanwo-Olu, governor of Lagos, at the end of his tenure.

NAN reports that Joyce Abdulmalik, the presiding judge, dismissed the suit after Gbenga Femi Akande, the counsel who appeared for Sanwo-Olu, moved the motion to discontinue the case.

The court struck out the case on October 31.

BACKGROUND

In October, a lawsuit instituted on behalf of Sanwo-Olu against the EFCC over an alleged plan to arrest and prosecute him after his tenure was heard in court.

Darlington Ozurumba, a lawyer, filed the suit on behalf of the Lagos governor, who will complete his eight-year tenure on May 29, 2027.

In the suit, the lawyer argued that the alleged plan to arrest Sanwo-Olu is “unconstitutional and a flagrant violation of his fundamental right to personal liberty and freedom of movement as stipulated under sections 35(1) & (4) and 41(1) of the constitution”.

The suit sought an order to restrain the EFCC from harassing, intimidating, arresting, detaining, interrogating, or prosecuting Sanwo-Olu in connection with his tenure as the governor of Lagos state.

THE CONTROVERSY

Reacting to the suit, the Lagos government had said Sanwo-Olu did not instruct anyone to file a case against the EFCC.

Lawal Pedro, the Lagos attorney-general, said the state will investigate “how the case came to be without the knowledge” of the governor.

Pedro said neither the governor nor his aides are under investigation by the EFCC, adding that there is no threat of arrest by the anti-graft agency.

In a counter affidavit, Ufuoma Ezire, a superintendent and litigation secretary in the legal and prosecution department of the antigraft agency, said the EFCC is not investigating the governor and has never threatened to arrest him or his staff.

The anti-graft agency described the legal action as speculative and a “mere conjecture”.

MILD DRAMA IN COURT

On Tuesday, Hadiza Afegbua, counsel of the EFCC, appeared in court for the case.

However, NAN reports that the lawyer was disappointed that the case was not among the 10 listed for hearing at the court.

The counsel was reported to have expressed surprise when she learnt that the suit had been struck out on October 31.

However, the enrolled order dated October 31 shows that only Akande, the counsel who represented Sanwo-Olu, attended the proceedings leading to the dismissal of the suit.

[TheCable]

Since the inauguration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on May 29, 2023, Nigerians have endured an unprecedented level of economic hardship. The steep rise in fuel prices, skyrocketing cost of living, devaluation of the naira, and the attendant ripple effects on businesses and households have created an environment of despair. Amid this growing frustration, a curious pattern has emerged among Tinubu’s supporters: a tendency to explain away the situation with defensive rhetoric, arguing that the hardship could have been worse if not for Tinubu’s emergence as president.

Doyin Okupe

Such claims are becoming increasingly frequent. At first, the narrative was that the president inherited a battered economy from his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, and thus should not be held accountable for the suffering of Nigerians. More recently, a new spin has emerged, with supporters claiming that the exchange rate of the naira to the dollar, despite its rapid depreciation, would have been much worse had Tinubu not been in power. This refrain has been echoed by notable figures, including Pastor Enoch Adeboye and Dr. Doyin Okupe, but it is evident that these narratives are failing to resonate with the masses.

The realities on the ground tell a different story from the defensive rhetoric. Since Tinubu took office, the naira has weakened significantly against the dollar. At the time of his inauguration, the naira was trading at around ₦461 to the dollar in the official market, with black market rates slightly higher. Today, the currency is significantly weaker, trading far beyond ₦1000 to the dollar in parallel markets at certain points in recent months.

The removal of the fuel subsidy, a controversial move Tinubu announced in his inaugural speech, has had catastrophic effects. While proponents of subsidy removal argued that it was necessary for fiscal stability, the government has failed to cushion the impact on ordinary Nigerians. Transportation costs have soared, food prices have spiraled out of control, and businesses reliant on fuel for operations are struggling to survive.

These dire economic conditions have left many Nigerians questioning the credibility of the administration’s promises. Tinubu’s team has touted its plans to stimulate economic growth and attract foreign investment, but these promises have yet to yield tangible results for the average citizen.

One of the most glaring issues with the defensive rhetoric from Tinubu’s camp is its lack of accountability. Claims that the economy was already in shambles when Tinubu assumed office do not absolve the current administration of responsibility. While it is true that Buhari’s tenure left the country in a precarious state, Nigerians expected Tinubu to bring solutions, not excuses. After all, he campaigned on a platform of competence, touting his economic expertise and track record as governor of Lagos State.

The argument that the naira’s exchange rate could have been worse also rings hollow. For most Nigerians, the exchange rate is not just a number; it determines the cost of essential goods, many of which are imported. A weaker naira translates to higher prices for food, medicine, and other necessities. Telling people that it “could have been worse” offers no comfort when they can barely afford a meal.

Pastor Adeboye’s recent comment that the naira’s devaluation could have been more severe if Tinubu were not in power reflects this flawed rhetoric. Similarly, Okupe’s assertion that Tinubu’s policies have averted economic catastrophe fails to address the palpable suffering in the country. These narratives, rather than reassuring the populace, only deepen their frustration by appearing dismissive of their struggles.

The disconnect between the government’s rhetoric and the lived experiences of Nigerians is glaring. For the millions of citizens who cannot afford to pay school fees, cover medical expenses, or put food on the table, debates over what might have been are irrelevant. What matters is the here and now: a Nigeria where life has become unbearably difficult.

Small and medium-sized enterprises, which form the backbone of the Nigerian economy, are collapsing under the weight of inflation and unstable exchange rates. Families are making impossible choices, between paying rent and buying food, between educating their children and covering healthcare costs. These are the realities that no amount of spin can obscure.

The government’s supporters may find solace in rhetorical gymnastics, but ordinary Nigerians are demanding action. They need policies that deliver measurable results, not platitudes.

Rather than focusing on hypothetical scenarios and defending the indefensible, the Tinubu administration must acknowledge the severity of the crisis and take bold, decisive steps to address it. While it is true that reforms often come with short-term pain, there are ways to mitigate their impact. For instance, palliatives must be meaningful and targeted, reaching those who need them most. Half-hearted measures or token gestures, like the widely criticized cash transfer scheme, only serve to deepen mistrust.

The administration must also prioritize policies that stabilize the exchange rate. Encouraging transparency in the forex market, combating corruption, and fostering an environment conducive to investment will help restore confidence in the naira. Additionally, efforts to boost local production and reduce reliance on imports can help shield the economy from external shocks.

Finally, the government must communicate honestly with the people. Nigerians are resilient and willing to endure hardship if they believe it will lead to a better future. However, this resilience should not be taken for granted. The administration must provide a clear roadmap for economic recovery, complete with timelines and measurable milestones. Empty assurances and defensive rhetoric will only breed further disillusionment.

There is no denying the fact that the Tinubu administration is at a crossroads. It can continue to rely on narratives that absolve it of responsibility, or it can rise to the occasion and deliver the transformative leadership Nigerians were promised. The defensive rhetoric about the naira and the economy is not only unconvincing but also a disservice to a populace desperate for real solutions.

Excuses won’t fix the economy. Nigerians deserve better. The question now is whether President Tinubu and his team will rise to the challenge or whether history will remember this administration as one that talked the talk but failed to walk the walk. The clock is ticking.