OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

SUNDAY 1-DEC

 

Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date

Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele

Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki

CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties

Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling

Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president

OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra

Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju

‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi

[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team

[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria

Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans

‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama

Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary

Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage

Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi

How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists

2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion

Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate

 

It is said that seeing is believing. But for the Nigerian, seeing alone may not be enough. There must be certainty and palpability not only to the sensory apparatuses but also to logic. Bottomline, there must be plausibility. I will attempt to put some logic into what Nigerians are witnessing today as regards the overhauled Port Harcourt Refinery.

I was a witness to history yesterday, November 26, 2024 -- the inauguration of the old Port Harcourt Refinery. Yes, it has come alive again. It is operational. To put it in our lingo, ‘’it is working’’. It has received a new elixir after many years of lethargy.

The 60,000 barrels-per-day old Port Harcourt Refinery, which was established in 1965, had suffered a series of aborted potential. Certain previous administrations had failed to restart this critical national asset. In March 2021, the Buhari administration awarded the contract for the rehabilitation of the refinery and repair works began in phases.

In his statement welcoming the revival of the plant, President Bola Tinubu, whose strong and courageous leadership brought to realisation this seeming holy grail, acknowledged the elemental role of former President Muhammadu Buhari in initiating the comprehensive rehabilitation of all the refineries and thanked the African Export-Import Bank for its support in financing the project.

The President also directed the speedy reactivation of the new Port Harcourt Refinery, the Warri Refinery, and the Kaduna Refinery. This is in furtherance of his vision of ensuring the nation’s energy security and independence, as well as economic advancement.

The President has undertaken bold and surgical reforms in the oil and gas sector. He issued five executive orders to unlock over $2.5 billion in oil and gas investments, among other initiatives. With his support for achieving local refining capacity, today, the billions of dollars previously spent annually on petrol subsidy, which puts pressure on the naira, can be repurposed, and with new opportunities opening up in the sector.

The launch of the revamped plant on Tuesday was successful but not without an expected sputter of heterogenous reactions. Nigerians are happy to see the revival of this often noised but slumbering asset. It is happening in their lifetime. Most young people, including myself, were not born when this refinery was set up. In fact, many were not born when the refinery was functional and only grew to hear about its spasms of failures. It is a living, puffing, and breathing labyrinth of engines today.

Putting clarity to misleading claims over the resuscitated plant, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) explained thus: ‘’The Old Port Harcourt Refinery is currently operating at 70% of its installed capacity, with plans to ramp up to 90%. The refinery is producing the following daily outputs:

‘’Straight-Run Gasoline (Naphtha): Blended into 1.4 million liters of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS or petrol)

‘’Kerosene: 900,000 liters

‘’Automotive Gas Oil (AGO or Diesel): 1.5 million liters

‘’Low Pour Fuel Oil (LPFO): 2.1 million liters

‘’Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG): Additional volumes

‘’It is worth noting that the refinery incorporates crack C5, a blending component from our sister company, Indorama Petrochemicals (formerly Eleme Petrochemicals), to produce gasoline that meets required specifications. Blending is a standard practice in refineries globally, as no single unit can produce gasoline that fully complies with any country’s standards without such processes.

‘’Additionally, we have made substantial progress on the new Port Harcourt Refinery, which will begin operations soon without prior announcements.’’

During a guided tour, journalists, industry leaders, and other stakeholders were conducted around the organs of the facility. From the control room to the processing units, the tanks, and the loading area where trucks were stationed to lift products. The plant was well and running.

Speaking during a ceremony to herald the onset of product loading at the refinery, Mr. Mele Kyari, GCEO of NNPCL, described the beginning of the loadout activities as a significant achievement for Nigeria. He thanked President Tinubu for his support and understanding towards the project and for his persistence to ensure energy security for the country.

He also thanked the NNPC Ltd Board of Directors and the entire staff for their support and commitment, which led to the reactivation of the refinery, and Nigerians for their patience and for the genuine expectations on the company to deliver on the other refineries.

There are well-founded concerns about the sustainability of the refinery. This is the plausibility factor. But one thing is certain about the Tinubu administration, there will be no unfinished business as regards securing Nigeria economically and ensuring the best outcomes for citizens across all sectors. With every horizon comes fresh possibilities, the administration is determined in its purpose of advancing the nation.

 

Fredrick Nwabufo is Senior Special Assistant to President on Public Engagement

 

 

 

The impending return of Donald Trump to the White House – with an almost lily-white team of cabinet appointees – follows an overwhelming victory in which his Republican Party also won the Senate and the House, and represents one of the greatest political comebacks in history.

The twice-impeached Trump is the first convicted felon to become president having been found guilty of  paying hush money to a porn star called Stormy Daniels.

Snow White

Trump is truly a phenomenon. He is, though, more like the wicked witch who has picked seven political dwarfs than Snow White. A billionaire businessman and reality show host who metamorphosed into a hate-spewing, white supremacist, nativist politician, he narrowly won the 2016 presidency.

Trump has now been able to convince a multi-racial working class and struggling middle-class majority to vote against their own interests through alchemic appeals to improving their economic condition by launching  tariff wars (against China and the rest of the world) and deporting – at an initial estimated cost of $315 billion – most of the 13 million illegal immigrants in America.

Just as during Trump’s first chaotic presidency (2017-2020), these policies are likely to cause self-inflicted harm, massively increasing the $35.4 trillion national debt, resulting in widespread labour shortages (an estimated half of U.S. farm workers are illegal), and raising food prices for the bottom 80 per cent of Americans. During his first tenure, Trump enacted $1.5 trillion of tax cuts, mostly for the super-rich.

It is highly unlikely that any other Republican politician could have achieved this improbable victory. Ironically, the Latinos and blacks who voted for Trump in larger than expected numbers, have scarcely seen themselves represented in the incoming president’s ministerial nominees. Without Trump at the head of the ticket in 2028, Republicans may well struggle to mobilise a majority from the shrinking white population. The Grand Old Party’s Faustian bargain to sell its soul to the Devil, could ironically damage its long-term electoral prospects. America’s misogyny must also be probed, having rejected two flawless campaigns by the entitled Hillary Clinton and the joyful Kamala Harris.

While disgruntled voters may well have liked Harris’s optimistic message, they rejected the messenger. Paradoxically, while they accepted Trump as the messenger who best embodied their anger and frustration, they did not necessarily embrace his message. America’s liberal elite also has profound questions to answer, having clearly lost the country through what many Americans feel is a Wokeish abandonment of traditional values. The talking heads on CNN and MSNBC as well as the pundits in the New York Times and the Washington Post must finally realise that America has tuned out of their self-obsessed, rambling echo chamber, and that what is going on in their newsrooms and studios is totally detached from what is actually happening across the country. This election definitively showed that Beyoncé, Taylor Swift, and George Clooney may be talented artists, but have zero political clout.

The vengeful Trump has recently made cabinet appointments which suggest he has learned nothing from his first presidency. As he painfully discovered during his first term, running a government as complicated as America’s is not like running Facebook where you hire the best talent and get out of their way.

Trump recruited capable politicians, generals, and technocrats in his first term, but then fell out with many of them as they refused to enforce his sometimes autocratic whims, insisting on allegiance to the U.S. Constitution rather than to a mercurial King.

This time, he is picking adherents of his right-wing MAGA (Make America Great Again) gospel, shamelessly prioritising loyalty over competence. Many of these nominees, however, have little experience of heading large bureaucracies. We can therefore expect more scandals, sackings, and stepping downs.

 Four flawed dwarfs

There has already been an early casualty among Trump’s four flawed political dwarfs: his controversial pick for Attorney-General, Matt Gaetz, a Congressman who survived charges of child-trafficking before a report  of a Congressional investigation into alleged sexual misconduct with a 17-year old minor, drug use, and illegal acceptance of gifts was recently concluded.

Gaetz threatened to defund or close down the Justice Department and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). Deeply unpopular even among Republican legislators, he recently stepped down amidst much unease in the Senate which confirms cabinet appointments.

Defence Secretary nominee, Peter Hegseth, is singularly unqualified to lead the three million-strong $2 trillion a year department. A presenter on the right-wing Fox News, Hegseth is a neo-conservative who was “radicalised” by the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the U.S. into supporting crusading wars in Afghanistan and Iraq which he now considers to have been a $5 trillion exercise in profligacy. Hegseth has thus opposed American spending in Ukraine, and described NATO as “totally corrupted.”

Trump’s pick for Defence Secretary wears prominent tattoos associated with Islamophobic crusading white Christian neo-Nazis, and has threatened to fire wokeish generals who promote diversity and inclusion in the military. Hegseth has vociferously attacked women and “trans-lesbian” soldiers who have patriotically served their country. He has defended American soldiers accused of war crimes. He has compared anti-racist U.S. civil society groups like Black Lives Matter and Antifa to Islamic terrorists. His second wife divorced him after he impregnated a fellow Fox news producer, and he also settled a rape allegation through a non-disclosure financial payment.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is the scion of the legendary Democratic family, chosen by Trump to head the Department of Health and Human Services with an annual budget of $1.7 trillion. Kennedy has argued that no vaccine is safe and effective. He was a one-time heroin-snorting addict and self-confessed sex addict who accused his family of being victims of “hypnosis”. Kennedy had an adulterous affair with journalist, Olivia Nuzzi, and three other women have since claimed sexual affairs with him.

Trump’s nominee for national intelligence director, Tulsi Gabbard, transformed from being a liberal Democrat to a right-wing Republican Trump loyalist. She has often been portrayed as a Putin-supporting Russian intelligence asset. Gabbard has also reportedly been involved with a secretive Hare Krishna-linked sect called the Science of Identity Foundation renowned for its Islamophobia, homophobia, and vegetarianism.

 Three troublesome dwarfs

Among Trump’s three troublesome dwarfs, Secretary of State nominee, Hispanic Senator Marco Rubio, has experience but lacks substance. The Reversible Rubio has become a sycophantic Trump loyalist, having previously been one of his strongest critics during the 2016 Republican primaries. The Cuban-descended Rubio is an anti-China hawk who strongly despises the Chinese Communist Party which actually practices unbridled capitalism. Rubio also backs Trump’s calls for reducing American spending in Ukraine and getting Europeans to stump up more cash for their own defence. However, he previously led senatorial efforts to stall any American withdrawal from NATO.

National Security Adviser nominee, Mike Waltz, was a former Green Beret and former U.S. Congressman. A Trump loyalist, he has backed vice-president J.D. Vance’s MAGA approach of reducing spending on Ukraine and the Middle East to counter China more effectively. Waltz, however, has solid experience in this field, having served on Congressional committees on foreign affairs, armed services, and intelligence. He regards America’s military missions in Afghanistan and Iraq to have been hubristic, and has argued that ill-equipped NATO troops did more harm than good in Afghanistan.

The seventh dwarf is Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, who used Twitter/X to spread disinformation and spent $130 million to help Trump regain the White House.

An émigré whose formative years were spent in the militaristic milieu of apartheid South Africa, Musk appears to have embraced Trump’s white supremacy. He has long benefitted from U.S. government contracts, and has pending investigations with its Securities and Exchange Commission.

Musk has been tasked with heading up the Orwellian-sounding Department of Government Efficiency, with a pledge to slash $2 trillion (nearly a third of the budget) in government spending.

This would be politically suicidal given that popular programmes like Social Security and Medicare, which Trump has promised to protect, account for much of these costs.  Trump also seems determined to launch an ill-advised purge against what he calls the “deep state” by removing the job security of over 50,000 federal bureaucrats.

MAGA lunatics are about to take over the American asylum. This horror show is coming soon to a theatre near you. This will be no fairytale with a happy ending.

Professor Adebajo is a Senior Research Fellow at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship in South Africa.

 

 

The phenomenon of Nigerian support for Donald Trump, despite his stance on immigration, is indeed complex and seemingly paradoxical. During and after the U.S. election, many Nigerians, especially through social media, expressed strong support for Trump and shared his posts, including those who have never travelled to the U.S. Some even created sticker designs inspired by Nigerian culture featuring Trump. This phenomenon raises questions about whether these individuals have forgotten that Trump is a staunch supporter of strict immigration policies, with strong allegations of anti-Africa foreign policy stance. Obviously, many Nigerians seem to prioritise other aspects of his persona and policies that resonate with them, reflecting the complex nature of political support where certain values can overshadow conflicting positions.

Nigerians, and by extension Africans, are believed to be at the receiving end of Trump's anti-immigration policies. His previous administration imposed travel bans on Nigeria and other African countries, citing national security concerns, which could potentially be reinstated, limiting the ability of Nigerians to enter the U.S. His prior administration's policies led to considerable backlogs in visa processing, with current wait times for interviews reaching two to three years; these delays could worsen if similar policies are reintroduced.

Stricter immigration policies, including mass deportation operations and a focus on border control, may create a more hostile environment for all immigrants, even if not directly targeting Nigerians. While some experts suggest that legitimate students and professionals may not be heavily impacted, there are concerns about increased scrutiny and potential restrictions on study and work visas.

Trump's Consistent Hardline Stance on Immigration

Donald Trump's immigration stance has remained consistent from his 2016 campaign through his 2024 election victory. In 2016, he vowed to deport illegal immigrants. His 2017 executive order suspended visas from seven Muslim-majority countries and halted the refugee programme. After winning in 2024, Trump pledged to conduct "the largest domestic deportation operation in American history," stating, "We will pick them up and we will send them back to their countries." He also promised to "seal up the border" and implement "strong ideological screening of all immigrants."

These policies are seen as targeting non-white communities, particularly African Americans and Asian Americans. Critics argue that Trump's immigration policies disproportionately affect people of colour, citing mass deportations and travel bans. His use of racially charged language, such as referring to certain nations as "shithole countries" and describing immigration as an "invasion," has been criticised for supporting white supremacist ideologies and potentially contributing to increased hate crimes. Proposals to end birthright citizenship and implement "ideological screening" further fuel concerns about discrimination against non-white communities in the U.S.

Despite Trump's controversial rhetoric and policies perceived as targeting non-white Americans, somehow these demographic groups, including African Americans and Asian Americans, have shown support for him across political divides.

Based on the exit poll data and analysis provided, Donald Trump made significant gains among minority voters in the 2024 election. Approximately 13% of Black voters supported Trump, an increase from previous elections. Latino voters showed a substantial shift, with about 45% to 46% backing Trump, up from 32% in 2020. This change was particularly pronounced among Latino men, with 45% voting for Trump. Research showed that Trump also performed well among younger voters, securing 43% of those under 30. This shift indicates that what political strategist Mike Madrid who noted that not all non-white Americans see themselves as marginalized is true, thereby contributing to Trump's appeal among diverse voter bases. Why?

Is there a connection between Trump's support and sympathy for his persecution during the elections?

Though there is no clear evidence regarding this, still seems that the 2024 election campaign saw a strong link between support for Trump and sympathy for his perceived persecution. The July 2024 assassination attempt tended to boost his support, casting him as a martyr figure. The ceaseless barrage of attacks from mainstream media tended to achieve the opposite result of attracting voters to Trump.

Similarly, Trump's campaign framed his legal battles as political persecution, resonating with his base while religious language portrayed him as a protector of faith, appealing to evangelical voters. Thus, the assassination attempt amplified Trump's narrative of being victimised by "enemies" or Democrats. Many Christian voters viewed his persecutions as spiritual warfare. Trump adviser Kash Patel once indicated that a second Trump administration would actively target journalists for prosecution, further emphasising the notion of political persecution against those who criticised or investigated him.

What About Nigerians Who Are Not in the US? Why Do They Support Trump?

It is also more surprising that some Nigerians outside the US still strongly support Trump. Despite Trump's controversial rhetoric about Africa, some Nigerians supported him due to his stance on conservative social issues, particularly abortion and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBTQ+) rights. This is evident in Daddy Hezekiah (Victor Onukogu), the founder of Living Christ Mission in Onitsha, Anambra State, who led his church members in a march supporting Trump's re-election in 2020.  They carried placards reading "Trump 2020" and "God for President Trump," singing songs that translated to "We will gain victory ... pray for Trump to win." 

No doubt, Daddy Hezekiah's support was largely based on Trump's conservative stance on abortion and LGBT issues. That is why Jude Feranmi Adejuwon, a Nigerian political activist and writer explained that; "If the church supports Trump, it would be because of the manifesto of the Republicans; namely a zero tolerance for abortion and LGBT issues. For example, Trump was the first sitting president to speak in person at the annual March for Life."

Hence, some of those supporters viewed Trump as a defender of traditional Christian values, particularly his opposition to abortion and LGBT rights. Consequently, Nigerian Christians, especially evangelicals, aligned with Trump's conservative stance on these social issues, seeing him as a bulwark against what they perceive as liberal threats to religious beliefs and traditional family values.

That is why Pastor. Samuel Adebayo from Lagos, Nigeria, in 2024 stated, "Trump stands for traditional Christian values in an increasingly secular world. That is why we have raised an altar praying for him to win so the Bible can become a reference point in not just America but the world."

Aside from the issues of Christian and traditional family values, there are other Nigerians and politicians like Hon. Ehiozuwa Agbonayinmma, a former member of Nigeria's House of Representatives who also expressed support for Trump, stating that Republican administrations have shown more support for Nigeria. Others support Trump's "America First" policy and wish Nigeria's leaders would also prioritise their own citizens the way Americans do.

No doubt, Trump's support for cryptocurrency is another significant factor contributing to his popularity among some Nigerians. His pro-crypto platform resonates with enthusiasts who view digital currencies as avenues for economic growth and financial inclusion. During his campaign, Trump pledged to make the US "the crypto capital of the planet" and promised to appoint crypto-friendly regulators, appealing to those frustrated with current regulations. Following his election victory, Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies saw significant price increases, reinforcing the belief that his presidency would benefit the crypto market. 

This particular stance contrasts with his opponents' skepticism, making Trump more appealing to crypto supporters in Nigeria. These voices span from 2019 to 2024, showing consistent support for Trump among certain Nigerian religious and political figures despite his controversial statements about African nations.

What About Those Who Do Not Support Trump?

While some Nigerians support Donald Trump, many do not for various reasons. His history of making derogatory comments about African nations, including calling them "shithole countries," has alienated many. Also, Trump's restrictive immigration policies, such as the 2020 travel ban affecting Nigeria, have been viewed negatively by those seeking opportunities in the US. Critics also highlight his perceived disregard for human rights and democratic norms and concerns that his "America First" policies could harm Nigeria's economy. Again, Trump's skepticism of climate change and behaviour especially his insensitivity that cryptocurrency could cause more global warming clashes with the cultural values of many Nigerians who are not in the crypto world.

Psychological and Emotional Factors of Trump's Support

Trump's support can be explained through various psychological and emotional factors. His rhetoric resonates with feelings of frustration and a desire for change while his blunt communication is seen as authentic. This creates a sense of belonging among supporters often overriding rational policy considerations. Furthermore, fear and anxiety about economic insecurity and cultural change drive his messaging while cognitive dissonance leads some to double down on their beliefs despite contradictory evidence. Hence, many view Trump as a straightforward leader who rejects the establishment. These factors combine to create a strong emotional attachment to Trump illustrating the sentimental nature of political support and his win in the just concluded US election. 

 

The Latin axiom “Corruptissima re publica plurimae leges” rings painfully true for Nigeria. It translates to “The more corrupt the state, the more numerous the laws.” This adage seems to encapsulate the nation’s convoluted legal landscape, a labyrinth of statutes that often serve as tools for manipulation rather than instruments of justice.

Nigeria, a nation blessed with abundant resources, has been plagued by endemic corruption for decades. This scourge has permeated every facet of society, from government institutions to the private sector. However, the problem isn’t merely the absence of ethical conduct; it’s also the overabundance of laws that are frequently ignored or selectively enforced.

The Nigerian legal system is a complex web of statutes, regulations, and by-laws. The sheer volume of legislation can be overwhelming, even for legal professionals.

 

So, let me address just one concern; our Tax Laws. The Nigerian government’s recent push for tax reform has ignited a firestorm of controversy, with proposed tax bills threatening to further burden an already struggling populace. The core of the issue lies in the perceived excessive taxation and the potential for increased government overreach.

At the heart of the debate are several key bills, including the Nigeria Tax Bill 2024, the Tax Administration Bill, the Nigeria Revenue Service Establishment Bill, and the Joint Revenue Board Establishment Bill. These bills aim to overhaul Nigeria’s tax system, with proponents arguing that they will modernize the system and boost government revenue. However, critics contend that these measures will disproportionately impact the middle class and small businesses, further stifling economic growth.

One of the most contentious aspects of the proposed reforms is the expansion of the tax net to include previously exempt sectors and individuals. This has raised concerns about the government’s ability to effectively monitor and enforce these new taxes, potentially leading to increased corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency. Additionally, the proposed establishment of a new tax authority, the Nigeria Revenue Service, has sparked fears of increased surveillance and potential abuses of power.

 

The timing of these proposed reforms has also come under scrutiny, with many arguing that they are ill-timed given the current economic climate. With rising inflation, unemployment, and poverty rates, many Nigerians fear that additional tax burdens will further erode their purchasing power and exacerbate social unrest.

Meanwhile, sometime last week, a military convoy had an altercation with a civilian driving and overtaking, whatever the real story was, the civilian was brutalised, Nigerians then went ahead especially those justifying the military right to brutality to reel out laws— Overtaking Military Convoy: Consequences Under Nigerian Law

Overtaking a military convoy is a serious offense in Nigeria, punishable under various laws. This article examines the consequences of overtaking a military convoy under Nigerian law.

 

Relevant Laws

The Armed Forces Act (AFA) 2004: Section 119 prohibits obstructing or interfering with military operations, including convoys.

The Road Traffic Act 2004: Section 35 prohibits reckless driving, including overtaking military convoys.

 

The National Security Agencies Act 2004: Section 15 empowers security agencies to take necessary actions to maintain national security.

Consequences of Overtaking Military Convoy

Arrest and Detention: Security personnel may arrest and detain anyone who overtakes a military convoy.

 

Prosecution: Offenders may be prosecuted under the AFA, Road Traffic Act, or National Security Agencies Act.

Imprisonment: Conviction may result in imprisonment for up to 5 years (AFA) or 2 years (Road Traffic Act).

Fine: Offenders may be fined up to ₦50,000 (AFA) or ₦20,000 (Road Traffic Act).

 

Vehicle Confiscation: The vehicle used to overtake the convoy may be confiscated.

Tort Liability: Offenders may be liable for damages or injuries caused to military personnel or equipment.

Court Rulings

 

In Aoku v. State (2017), the Court of Appeal upheld a 5-year imprisonment sentence for overtaking a military convoy.

Precautions

To avoid consequences:

 
  1. Exercise caution when approaching military convoys.
  2. Maintain a safe distance.
  3. Follow traffic rules and regulations.
  4. Avoid reckless driving.

Conclusion

Overtaking a military convoy is a serious offense in Nigeria, carrying severe consequences under various laws. It is essential to exercise caution and respect military operations to avoid prosecution and punishment.

Apart from the precautions everything in the piece is at best hogwash, some of those laws don’t even exist, but sadly it speaks to the legal proliferation I am referring to which leads to several unintended consequences.

The nation suffers Legal Uncertainty as a result of conflicting Laws, the sheer number of laws often leads to inconsistencies and contradictions, creating confusion and uncertainty for citizens and businesses alike.

 

These laws have plenty Overlapping Jurisdictions, multiple agencies may have overlapping regulatory authority, leading to bureaucratic hurdles and delays. Whether it is LASTMA, or FRSC and federal and local roads, or it is sharia or canon law.

With Selective Enforcement, Law enforcement agencies may prioritize certain laws over others, leading to selective justice and undermining the rule of law.

These laws open the doors for Corruption and Abuse of Power, as opportunities for Bribery and Extortioncorrupt officials to demand bribes or extort money from citizens and businesses. Leaving rooms open for Impunity for the Powerful as wealthy and influential can often use their connections to circumvent the law or delay legal proceedings.

 

The sheer volume of laws can make it difficult to hold public officials accountable for their actions. Sometimes in corruption cases when citizens hear the judgments passed you wonder under which law.

Do I need to emphasize how these laws stifle innovation and entrepreneurship, hindering economic growth, as a result of these regulatory burdens with red tapism, bureaucratic hurdles and delays that discourage foreign investment and hinder domestic businesses, we hardly make progress.

All these laws make it difficult for businesses to plan and invest, leading to economic stagnation. When laws are not enforced or are selectively applied, citizens lose faith in the legal system and the government. Leading to erosion of public trust and cynicism and distrust.

 

Whether it is a tax law, or a traffic law, our laws need simplification and codification, we need to combine overlapping and contradictory laws into a more streamlined and coherent legal framework. Loads of review and repeal by identifying outdated and unnecessary laws to reduce the regulatory burden.

Currently there is no effective enforcement, by strengthen law enforcement agencies, with the resources and training they need to enforce the law effectively. Ensuring independence of the judiciary and protecting judges from political interference is paramount.

Then we need robust accountability mechanisms to hold public officials accountable for their actions.

 

Let me add that half of the problem of these laws are lack of public participation. Involve citizens in the law-making process to ensure that laws reflect their needs and concerns. Promote legal literacy to empower citizens to understand their rights and responsibilities, because just as the proposed tax bills have ignited a fierce debate across various sectors of Nigerian society, with civil society organizations, labor unions, and business groups voicing their concerns. The government continues to push for these reforms, the truth is that you cannot strike a balance between generating revenue and ensuring that the tax burden is distributed fairly and equitably with a populace that does not know what the law is about.

By addressing the root causes of the problem, Nigeria can break free from the cycle of corruption and create a more just and equitable society. The path to progress lies in simplifying the legal framework, strengthening law enforcement, and fostering a culture of accountability and transparency, will Nigeria win these legal cycles—Only time will tell.

The 29th UN Climate Change Conference (COP29), held in Baku, Azerbaijan, wrapped up early Sunday morning with outcomes that left developing nations and activists disheartened. 

Touted as the “Climate Finance COP,” the summit fell significantly short of expectations, pledging just $300 billion annually by 2035 to assist vulnerable nations—far below the $1.3 trillion that experts had deemed essential.

Developing nations had called for $500 billion annually in the form of grants—not loans—to avoid deepening their debt crises. However, wealthy nations refused binding agreements and resisted taking historical responsibility for their outsized contributions to greenhouse gas emissions.

Mohamed Ali, Chair of the African Group of Negotiators, struck a pragmatic tone, acknowledging the limitations of the multilateral process.

“While not all aspirations are fully reflected, these commitments are not acts of charity. They are acts of survival, shared prosperity, and solidarity,” he said.

Ali invoked the Southern African principle of Ubuntu, underscoring the interconnectedness of humanity. “When Africa loses, the world loses. When Africa thrives, the world thrives,” he declared, urging nations to rise above divisions.

Fractures Within

Tensions among vulnerable nations surfaced when Nigeria’s delegation argued for reclassifying China and India as developed nations, aligning with the stance of wealthier countries.

This controversial move highlighted fractures within the Global South and weakened the unity of climate-vulnerable nations.

Adding to the discord, small island states and least-developed countries staged a dramatic walkout on Saturday, accusing developed nations of stalling negotiations.

Fossil Fuel Influence

A heavy presence of fossil fuel lobbyists—outnumbering most country delegations—drew sharp criticism. CEOs from major oil firms, including Aramco and BP, engaged in talks, prompting accusations of undue influence. Activists denounced the summit as a “fossil fuel lobbyist’s playground,” and Saudi Arabia openly opposed phasing out fossil fuels.

Instead, the summit focused on controversial solutions like carbon markets, geoengineering, and the promotion of fossil gas as “clean energy,” diverging from the momentum gained at COP28, where fossil fuel transition was a central theme.

China provided one of the few bright spots by introducing greater transparency on climate finance and signaling openness to voluntary contributions from the Global South. Meanwhile, the European Union attempted to mediate between factions, but wealthier nations’ reluctance to scale up contributions undermined these efforts.

Looking Ahead To COP30

Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has set high expectations for COP30, calling it the “turnaround COP.” Scheduled to take place in Belém, the summit will prioritize transitioning away from fossil fuels and protecting forests.

UNFCCC head Simon Stiell framed the $300 billion pledge as “an insurance policy for humanity” but warned it would only work if commitments are honored promptly.

For many, however, the modest outcome of COP29 feels like a betrayal. Sierra Leone’s Minister of Environment, Jiwoh Abdulai, encapsulated the prevailing sentiment: “This deal is too little, too late. Vulnerable nations will continue to bear the brunt of inaction.”

As the climate crisis accelerates, the fight for justice and accountability remains far from over.

This story was produced as part of the 2024 Climate Change Media Partnership, a journalism fellowship organized by Internews’ Earth Journalism Network and the Stanley Center for Peace and justice Security.

From last week, continues the  narrative of how ammbassadors in other countries are accorded respect which enables them to rise to higher positions, including the presidency. This is unlike what obtains in Ngeria where our diplomats are treated with little or no respect 

Otto Von Bismarck, in 1859 was the Prussian ambassador to Russia and later to Paris in 1862 in the court of Napoleon III, he later became Prime Minister. George H. W. Bush (12 June 1924-30 November, 2018) was the 41st President of the United States of America. He was equally the 10th United States American ambassador to the United Nations from (March 1, 1971-January 18, 1973).

Mr. Benjamin William Mkapa (November 12, 1938- July 24, 2020) was Tanzania Ambassador to Nigeria in 1976. He was Tanzania Minister for Foreign Affairs from 1977 to 1980. In 1982, he served as High Commissioner to Canada and between 1983 and 1984 as Ambassador to the United States of America. 

He returned home in 1984 where he was again appointed Member of Parliament and Minister for Foreign Affairs. In 1992, he served as Minister for Science, Technology and Higher Education, prior to being elected President in 1995, and Chairman of his Party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi(1996-2006). He was re-elected President in 2000 for another five-year term.

There was Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki (82). He was the second post-apartheid South African President. He was the African National Congress, ANC, envoy in Nigeria between 1976 and 1978. He established the ANC presence that eclipsed that of its rival Pan Africanist Congress, PAC. While in Lagos, he formed strong friendship with the then head of state, General Olusegun Obasanjo and top civil servants, including Yahaya Abubakar, Permanent Secretary, Cabinet Office, Mr. Bisi Ogunniyi and others. 

Likewise, there are examples of those who have served in leadership positions yet ended up becoming ambassadors. Mr. Walter Frederick “Fritz” Mondale (January 5, 1928- April 19, 2021) was the 42nd Vice President of the United States of America, and served from 1977 to 1981 under President Jimmy Carter. He became the United States of America Ambassador to Japan between 1993 and 1996.

Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim was the Prime Minister of Tanzania between April 24, 1984 and November 5, 1985. He became the Secretary General of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, between 1989 and 2001, later African Union special envoy on Dafur between 2004 and 2008. Mr. Kevin Rudd(67) is at present the 23rd Australian Ambassador to the United States of America. He was the 26th Prime Minister of Australia and served between June 27, 2013 and September 18, 2018. 

Nigeria in the past was never short of outstanding ambassadors. Almost all of them represented Nigeria without blemish. At the risk of offending many, let me mention some ambassadors we have had in the past. Joe Iyala, Tokunbo Awolowo Dosunmu, Joe Keshi, Lawal Abdullahi Kazaure, B. A. T. Balewa, Olu Adeniji, Oladele Akadiri, Olusegun Apata, G. Dove-Edwin, H. Harriman J. N. Ukaegbu, L. A. Fabunmi, A. G. P. Omotayo, S. A. Otuyelu, Segun Olusola, Ebun Oyagbola, Tobi Ogundipe, Olujimi Jolaoso, Christopher Kolade, Florentina Adenike Ukonga, Uzoma Eminike, Martine Gereng-Sen, Oladele Abiodun, Ijeoma Bristol, Laraba Bhutto, Sifawu Momoh, Zainab Ali Kotoko, Chigozie Obi Nnadozie, Francisca Olaide Marinho, Isaac Aluko-Olokun, Ignatius Chukuemeka Olisemeka, Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, Oladele Akadire, Dapo Fawora, Olu Saanu, Olu Ibunkun, etc. They are countless.

Let us dwell on the pioneer ambassadors. 

Chief Julius Momo Udochi was the first Nigerian Ambassador to the United States of America(1960–1965). He was a Teacher (1931–1938); a Customs Officer in the Nigerian Civil Service 1938–1945; Assistant secretary, Nigerian Secretariat 1945–1947; Provincial Secretary, Nigerian Civil Service Union; Co-Editor The Nigerian Civil Servant (1939–1945). He was called to the English Bar as a Barrister at Law by the Middle Temple in 1950. 

He practised Law (1950–1960); was Chairman of the Federal Non-Government Teacher’s Salary Commission and a member of the Mission to the World Bank, 1958; Secretary of the Nigerian Bar Association and member of the Committee on Legal Education, 1955–1959; member of the House of Representatives of Nigeria, 1954-1959 and 1965–1966; Attorney-General and Commissioner of Justice, Mid-Western State of Nigeria, 1967–1975.

To be concluded 

THERE have been daggers out for Dr Reuben Abati, co-host of the Arise TV’s ‘Morning Show’, following his recent comments on Senator Godswill Akpabio’s witty remark at the night of tributes for the late Senator Ifeanyi Ubah. Senator Akpabio had declared that the Igbos are “mercantile” people, who build houses and settle wherever they go. He contrasted the Igbos with members of other ethnic groups, who, he said,  can live in his state of Akwa Ibom for 15 years without trying to build their homes there.

The subtext of Senator Akpabio’s remark is that members of   other ethnic groups come for what they can get from the state, while the Igbos who build homes and houses come with the intention to settle and live there. Senator Akpabio’s remark, made at Nnewi, the late Senator Ubah’s hometown,  to fit the mood of the moment, was obviously an exaggeration, but people understood the point he was trying to make. 

Dr Abati, while commenting on Senator Akpabio’s quip, took exception to the use of the word ‘mercantile’ and admitted the said industry of the Igbos. And to a remark that the Igbos took over and “developed” about two local government areas in Lagos State, Dr Abati humorously remarked that the Oba of Lagos, Rilwan Akiolu, who in 2015 threatened to drown the Igbos in the Lagos Lagoon if they failed to vote for his preferred candidate in the state governorship election, Akinwunmi Ambode, candidate of the All Progressives Congress, APC, would not be happy to hear that. Dr Abati further commented on the said Igbo enterprise, including mentioning that if you go to anywhere and do not see an Igbo, you should pack your things and leave because “there is nothing there”. He then added the story of T.O.S Benson, in his words, “for balance”.  

 
 

As Dr Abati put it: “Chief TOS Benson, former minister of information, now late, on one occasion at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs — and I’m not making this up — he said it publicly, if anybody can contradict me let them do so… he said something about Igbo people…. He said he had an Igbo wife, and had an Igbo daughter, that he wanted to buy land in Igbo land for his daughter, for his wife, and he said: ‘I’m getting old, let me build in this place for my wife’. He said that his in-laws told him that they don’t sell land to outsiders.”

Dr Abati then concluded: “The same Igbos who are so industrious that they are all over and do well in other parts of Nigeria, you go as a non-Igbo man to go and buy umunna (kindred) land, you will be told that you don’t belong even as an in-law.”

Dr Abati has been in the eyes of the storm since these statements, drawing condemnations from many Igbos, especially the ‘Internet warriors’, some of who called him an Igbo hater, and not surprisingly, support from mostly his Yoruba kith and kin. I believe Dr Abati has done no wrong, and that the furore, if anything, raises some fundamental issues that need to be addressed:  One, Dr. Abati’s critics have failed to appreciate that academics and public intellectuals employ different methodologies in their research and public commentaries. Public intellectuals – people who try to shape public opinion through commentaries in the mass media–  can be broadly categorized into two, based on their methods of inquiry and intervention:  You have those I can call “polemicists”. 

These are strongly opinionated and passionate commentators, who leave their readers or listeners in no doubt where they stand in the issue they are commenting on. Whatever data they have are usually to buttress their predetermined position.  They speak or write with unmistakable passion and gusto, sometimes using strong language to buttress their points. Public intellectuals in this category include Professor Farooq Kperogi of the Tribune and The News Chronicle, Abimbola Adelakun of The Punch, Rufai Oseni of Arise TV and Professors Chidi Odinkalu and Udenta O. Udenta who are ‘itinerant’ commentators and writers. 

There are also public intellectuals I can call ‘academic analysts’. This category of public intellectuals, unlike the polemicists, try to have a level of detachment from the subject they are writing or commenting about. They often present various perspectives on an issue and allow the readers or their listeners to draw their own conclusion. The examples here include Dr Reuben Abati, and Simon Kolawole of The Cable. I also include myself in this category of writers. In my opinion, Professor Sam Amadi and Segun Adeniyi straddle or vacillate between these two broad methodologies in their commentaries.

A common criticism of the ‘academic analysts’ is that they either lack the courage to take a definite position on contentious issues (as the polemicists do), or that they hide their preferences in obfuscations, semantics and waffling. I can’t count the number of times some people have called me ‘on the other hand’ writer – meaning that I tend to concede so much to all the perspectives in a contentious issue that it becomes difficult to know where I stand on the issue. Remarkably, academics and people with academic inclinations seem very comfortable with the style of the ‘academic analyst’.

Two, following the above categorisation of public intellectuals, it becomes easier to understand why Dr Abati felt he needed to bring the T.O.S Benson story to ‘balance the narrative” in accordance with the methodology of the ‘academic analyst’. In fact, since he studied Law, I have observed that Dr Abati, who was also a university lecturer, seems to have consciously tried to infuse the legal process in his mode of commentary. I believe that is why you would often hear him preface his commentaries with remarks like: “what are the facts in the case?” (to enable him identify the contending perspective in any issue before responding to them in the manner of lawyers). He would also often conclude by saying something like:  to ‘balance it’ or ‘what is the other side of the argument’?  

I believe that another point that has influenced the methodology of the ‘academic analysts’ is the debate in the arts and humanities on whether it is possible for an analyst to be neutral in social science research or commentaries. The argument is that even an academic’s choice of topic of investigation embodies some biases. The consensus in the literature therefore is that while neutrality may be difficult to achieve in social science research or commentary, objectivity is possible even when the analyst is not neutral.

Some of the ways of ensuring objectivity include full disclosure (disclosing upfront any potential biases that may influence your conclusion) and making sure that the various perspectives on contentious issues are x-rayed individually so that the conclusions are either obvious from the analyses or the readers/listeners are allowed to make their own judgements on the issue.

This is what I believe Dr Abati has done by bringing up the T.O.S Benson matter. Could he have done it slightly differently in order not to suggest that T.O.S Benson was right, or even if he was right, that it was applicable to all Igbos? Perhaps. But it is also important to bear in mind that it was a live TV commentary and that there are “rhetorical flourishes” when one speaks live – as opposed to when one writes and has the privilege of editing one’s script before publishing.

Three, the furore over the remarks by Dr Abati raises a fundamental question of what should be a drawing line between respect for the spirit of critical inquiry which sometimes requires interrogating issues dominant in an ethnic group other than one’s own, and being an ethnic chauvinist. To love your ethnic or religious in-group, or to make critical commentaries on issues predominant in another ethnic group does not make one an ethnic bigot. The crucial line is whether such a statement deliberately tries to accentuate or weaponise the conflictual elements in inter-ethnic relations.  If I call Dr Abati an ethnic chauvinist on the basis of his T.O.S Benson story, what would I call Bayo Onanuga, Femi Fani Kayode and Reno Omokri? I think it would be wrong of any one to even remotely lump Dr Abati in the same category as these three. 

As a student of identity, I know that an identity that is perceived to be under threat or insulted is the one most vociferously defended. For this, I can understand when some members of an ethnic group take it personal any non-complimentary remark by a non-member of the ethnic group. However, I also know that every individual embodies a mosaic of identities – not just the primordial identities of ethnicity and religion. I also know that identities can be cross-cutting.

For instance, we can be members of different primordial identities but share other identities in common such as belonging to the same profession, political party or sports club. It is possible that my different perspective on the Dr Abati furore is influenced by our shared identity as public intellectuals who use similar methods in our commentaries. Remarkably, I had to quit a particular WhatsApp group not long ago when most of the members felt enraged by some comments by Professor Ahmed Bako’s Inaugural Lecture at Usman Danfodio University entitled the ‘Igbo Factor in the History of Inter-Group Relations and Commerce in Kano’.

While I could understand why some Igbos were offended by sections of the lecture if read in silos, I argued that in the context of the objectives of the research, the justifications for choosing the topic, its methodology, and demands for academic freedom, the Professor did no wrong. Here again it is possible that my shared identity with the Professor as researchers cum lecturers who value academic freedom, informed my different perspective on his lecture. 

*Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science at Nasarawa State University, Keffi.

When he was asked at dinner with associates and officials last week, how he intended to celebrate his 78th birthday, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, GCON, retorted that he had never decidedly marked the date over time. “For me, it is an occasion for thankfulness to God, for reflection and prayers, and for reaching out to the less privileged,” he explained. “The American University of Nigeria, (AUN), Yola, adopting an American model, hosts me to a “Founder’s Day” event every year, as part of the convocation activities of the institution. If you’ve followed the pattern over time, there is usually a guest speaker who delivers a lecture on issues of local and global relevance. I’m also allocated a slot to address the gathering as the Founder of the institution.” Continuing, Atiku noted: “Participating in the graduation ceremony of youngsters the age of my grandchildren fills me with tremendous joy.”

Further still, Atiku submits: “I’m delighted that the vision of the AUN, that of availing young people from across the globe, world-class, American-style education in an African context, is being achieved. The university is cosmopolitan in every sense of the word with respect to the diversity of the faculty and the students. The last time I checked, we had about a dozen nationalities in the university community. The President is usually an American. Apart from Nigerians, there are students from South Africa, Rwanda, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Niger, Uganda, Cameroun, and so on.
AUN is training world class, future professionals and leaders, who will drive the future of Africa and the world at large. That alone gives me tremendous joy and fulfilment.”

While Atiku is entitled to his idea of commemorating his birthday, his associates and staff had their own plans. The AUN programme is scheduled for Saturday November 30, 2024. This year’s edition of the event has Peter Obi, CON, former Governor of Anambra State and presidential candidate of the Labour Party, (LP), as guest lecturer. Atiku’s birthday is on Monday November 25, 2024. They could at least get him a cake and lay out lunch buffet for him. By the time Atiku descended into the main lounge in his house that day to go observe the midday prayer, the Dhuhr, associates had begun to congregate. Adamu Maina Waziri and Ibrahim Bio, both former Ministers in the administration of former President Umaru Yar’Adua; Kolawole Ogunwale, who formerly represented Osun Central in the Senate, and Sajo Mohammed, former Director of Compliance at the National Lottery Regulatory Commission, (NLRC), were waiting. So was Ekene Onwuka, one of Atiku’s proteges. A spontaneous birthday song rent the air as the “birthday boy” blew the candle of the cake to the applause of his “hosts.”

At lunch, the influx of dignitaries was such that guests who arrived earlier had to constantly yield their seats to newcomers. Reminds of “shifting cultivation,” one of several templates of crop farming which we learnt in elementary school. Senator Ben Obi, CON, Chairman of the Board of Trustees of AUN and Emeka Ihedioha, CON, former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives and Governor of Imo State, kept faith. Dino Melaye, former Senator representing Kogi West District; Jide Adeniji, a former Managing Director of the Federal Emergency Road Maintenance Agency, (FERMA), and Maxwell Gidado, SAN, Professor and former Special Adviser to Atiku, joined the party.

 

In the event that Atiku thought that was all, more faces showed up when it was time for a photoshoot after lunch, at the entrance of his home. Mohammed Kumalia, two-term Member Representing Maiduguri Metropolitan Constituency and Kola Ologbondiyan, Emeritus spokesperson of the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), were in the house. They joined Atiku’s ever loyal principal officers, notably Dr Azu Ndukwe, Chief Physician; Dr Andy Okolie, Head of Special Duties; Ibrahim Zango, Emeritus diplomat and Principal Secretary; Siddiki Buba Jauro and Eta Uso, Special Assistants on Domestic Affairs Information Technology respectively. You run through the list of attendees at the impromptu birthday and the cosmopolitanism of Atiku rings through. Atiku then personally invite his other aides: Security personnel; protocol officers; police escorts; kitchen staff; drivers, to join him for the photoshoot.

The “birthday programme” thereafter shifted to Atiku’s office wing within his princely complex, even as telephone calls kept coming, customised birthday cards popping up and new arrivals, streaming. Abdul Ahmed Ningi, Senator Representing Bauchi Central Zone; Musa Elayo Abdullahi, Minister of State for Justice under the Obasanjo/Atiku administration; Abdullahi Mai Basira, former PDP National Financial Secretary and Michael Ikeagwonu Ugochinyere, Member Representing Ideato federal constituency, Imo State, all stopped by. Atiku didn’t need to crack his head at any point before engaging with his guests. He knew everyone by name and so addressed them as they shook hands with him and exchanged robust pleasantries, a smile ever playing around his lips.

The highpoint of the unscheduled birthday was the presentation to Atiku, a branded t-shirt of the high-flying English Premier League, (EPL) football club, Arsenal, by Eta Uso, one of his aides. I always knew Atiku was a “Gunner,” the moniker with which we Arsenal friends are known. His doctor, Azu Ndukwe, is as passionate. Atiku knows I’m one as well, and this is one of our areas of mutual convergence. Arsenal was playing this tricky game which we watched together in his comfy living room, one of those midweek evenings. Atiku had to go observe the Isha’a prayer so he assigned me the responsibility of monitoring proceedings so I could brief him after the supplication. “Analyst Tunde, what are the scores,” he shot at me immediately he returned. “We are two goals up, Your Excellency.” His face lit up, you would think he had stakes in the club!

 

So Eta Uso presented this specially branded Arsenal jersey to Atiku, cameras and that flashlights clicking away, that afternoon. That was the prompter to other Gunners in the house who wanted to share the joy of the moment with the celebrant. Emeka Ihedioha, Dino Melaye, Jide Adeniji and I, all rose to join Atiku in celebrating a birthday gift, otherwise simple, but which meant so much to him. Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote is equally a very well known Arsenal aficionado who once contemplated buying over the London-based club. High flyers are human after all, and indeed share some of the fascinations of regular people.

After witnessing just how beautifully an unplanned milestone unfolded, you could not but wonder what the colour of the event would have been if it had been intentionally structured. For a man with such overflowing bank of goodwill, onshore and offshore; for a man who has remained a constant in Nigeria’s political dynamics nearly 20 years after he left office; for a man who stands strong and stolid despite serial betrayals and short circuiting over time even by allies, that will be the ultimate carnival. This is wishing the enigmatic Gooner Atiku Abubakar, Wazirin Adamawa, Prime Minister of Adamawa, a million happy returns of his special day. May pleasant surprises denominate our pathways in life as we rejoice with those who celebrate.

 

Olusunle, PhD, a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja

Since the inauguration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on May 29, 2023, Nigerians have endured an unprecedented level of economic hardship. The steep rise in fuel prices, skyrocketing cost of living, devaluation of the naira, and the attendant ripple effects on businesses and households have created an environment of despair. Amid this growing frustration, a curious pattern has emerged among Tinubu’s supporters: a tendency to explain away the situation with defensive rhetoric, arguing that the hardship could have been worse if not for Tinubu’s emergence as president.

Doyin Okupe A Question That Has No Answer

Doyin Okupe

Such claims are becoming increasingly frequent. At first, the narrative was that the president inherited a battered economy from his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, and thus should not be held accountable for the suffering of Nigerians. More recently, a new spin has emerged, with supporters claiming that the exchange rate of the naira to the dollar, despite its rapid depreciation, would have been much worse had Tinubu not been in power. This refrain has been echoed by notable figures, including Pastor Enoch Adeboye and Dr. Doyin Okupe, but it is evident that these narratives are failing to resonate with the masses.

The realities on the ground tell a different story from the defensive rhetoric. Since Tinubu took office, the naira has weakened significantly against the dollar. At the time of his inauguration, the naira was trading at around ₦461 to the dollar in the official market, with black market rates slightly higher. Today, the currency is significantly weaker, trading far beyond ₦1000 to the dollar in parallel markets at certain points in recent months.

The removal of the fuel subsidy, a controversial move Tinubu announced in his inaugural speech, has had catastrophic effects. While proponents of subsidy removal argued that it was necessary for fiscal stability, the government has failed to cushion the impact on ordinary Nigerians. Transportation costs have soared, food prices have spiraled out of control, and businesses reliant on fuel for operations are struggling to survive.

 

These dire economic conditions have left many Nigerians questioning the credibility of the administration’s promises. Tinubu’s team has touted its plans to stimulate economic growth and attract foreign investment, but these promises have yet to yield tangible results for the average citizen.

One of the most glaring issues with the defensive rhetoric from Tinubu’s camp is its lack of accountability. Claims that the economy was already in shambles when Tinubu assumed office do not absolve the current administration of responsibility. While it is true that Buhari’s tenure left the country in a precarious state, Nigerians expected Tinubu to bring solutions, not excuses. After all, he campaigned on a platform of competence, touting his economic expertise and track record as governor of Lagos State.

The argument that the naira’s exchange rate could have been worse also rings hollow. For most Nigerians, the exchange rate is not just a number; it determines the cost of essential goods, many of which are imported. A weaker naira translates to higher prices for food, medicine, and other necessities. Telling people that it “could have been worse” offers no comfort when they can barely afford a meal.

 

Pastor-Enoch-Adeboye

Pastor Adeboye’s recent comment that the naira’s devaluation could have been more severe if Tinubu were not in power reflects this flawed rhetoric. Similarly, Okupe’s assertion that Tinubu’s policies have averted economic catastrophe fails to address the palpable suffering in the country. These narratives, rather than reassuring the populace, only deepen their frustration by appearing dismissive of their struggles.

The disconnect between the government’s rhetoric and the lived experiences of Nigerians is glaring. For the millions of citizens who cannot afford to pay school fees, cover medical expenses, or put food on the table, debates over what might have been are irrelevant. What matters is the here and now: a Nigeria where life has become unbearably difficult.

Small and medium-sized enterprises, which form the backbone of the Nigerian economy, are collapsing under the weight of inflation and unstable exchange rates. Families are making impossible choices, between paying rent and buying food, between educating their children and covering healthcare costs. These are the realities that no amount of spin can obscure.

 

The government’s supporters may find solace in rhetorical gymnastics, but ordinary Nigerians are demanding action. They need policies that deliver measurable results, not platitudes.

Rather than focusing on hypothetical scenarios and defending the indefensible, the Tinubu administration must acknowledge the severity of the crisis and take bold, decisive steps to address it. While it is true that reforms often come with short-term pain, there are ways to mitigate their impact. For instance, palliatives must be meaningful and targeted, reaching those who need them most. Half-hearted measures or token gestures, like the widely criticized cash transfer scheme, only serve to deepen mistrust.

The administration must also prioritize policies that stabilize the exchange rate. Encouraging transparency in the forex market, combating corruption, and fostering an environment conducive to investment will help restore confidence in the naira. Additionally, efforts to boost local production and reduce reliance on imports can help shield the economy from external shocks.

 

Finally, the government must communicate honestly with the people. Nigerians are resilient and willing to endure hardship if they believe it will lead to a better future. However, this resilience should not be taken for granted. The administration must provide a clear roadmap for economic recovery, complete with timelines and measurable milestones. Empty assurances and defensive rhetoric will only breed further disillusionment.

There is no denying the fact that the Tinubu administration is at a crossroads. It can continue to rely on narratives that absolve it of responsibility, or it can rise to the occasion and deliver the transformative leadership Nigerians were promised. The defensive rhetoric about the naira and the economy is not only unconvincing but also a disservice to a populace desperate for real solutions.

Excuses won’t fix the economy. Nigerians deserve better. The question now is whether President Tinubu and his team will rise to the challenge or whether history will remember this administration as one that talked the talk but failed to walk the walk. The clock is ticking.

Reno Omokri, a social commentator known for his incisive takes on politics and society, recently found himself at odds with Afrobeat superstar David Adeleke, popularly known as Davido, over comments the latter made about Nigeria’s economy. In an explosive post on LinkedIn, Reno took a firm stance against Davido’s assertion that “Nigeria’s economy is in shambles,” made during a podcast appearance. While Davido’s statement resonated with many Nigerians facing daily economic challenges, Reno’s counterargument sheds light on a broader discussion about patriotism, celebrity responsibility, and the true state of Nigeria’s economy.

During his appearance on “The Big Homies House” podcast, Davido lamented Nigeria’s leadership and economic state, labeling the economy as being in “shambles” and criticizing the country’s governance. He also openly acknowledged Nigeria’s lack of strong leadership. This candid criticism did not sit well with Reno, who, in his response, accused Davido of ignorance, unpatriotism, and poor judgment, especially when speaking to a global audience.

Reno Omokri took issue with Davido’s grim characterization of Nigeria’s economy, presenting data to argue otherwise. He pointed to Wizkid’s recent record-breaking album launch, where the album “Morayo” amassed an unprecedented 12.12 million streams on Spotify Nigeria within 24 hours. For Reno, this accomplishment underscores a critical economic principle: people can only spend on entertainment if they have disposable income.

 

“Streaming music is purchased with disposable income,” Reno argued. “People do not have disposable income in an economy in shambles, not to mention breaking streaming records, especially on Spotify, where the average streaming cost is $10.99 monthly.”

Reno contrasted this with countries like Venezuela and Argentina, where economic collapse has eroded citizens’ spending power, resulting in diminished cultural exports. In his view, the ability of Nigerians to contribute to a vibrant entertainment economy undermines the claim that the country is in economic disarray.

Reno went further to present hard data to bolster his stance. He highlighted that Nigeria had achieved a ₦14.07 trillion trade surplus in the first half of 2024, a historic high, and noted the Nigerian Stock Exchange’s remarkable performance, with a 39.84% year-to-date increase. According to Reno, these milestones are proof that recent economic reforms, while painful, are bearing fruit.

 

These reforms, he argued, were essential to halt wastage, including the $1.5 billion spent monthly defending the naira and $15 billion annually on fuel subsidies. He acknowledged the short-term challenges brought about by these reforms but maintained that measures such as the increase in the minimum wage from ₦30,000 to ₦70,000 were designed to cushion the impact and enhance purchasing power.

A major thrust of Reno’s critique was aimed at Davido’s perceived lack of patriotism. Drawing a parallel with Barbadian pop icon Rihanna, who has consistently used her celebrity status to elevate her home country’s image, Reno chastised Davido for “talking down” Nigeria on a global platform.

“Rihanna never talks down on her country and instead uses her celebrity to promote Barbados,” Reno noted. “Which is why Rihanna was named a national hero and cultural ambassador for Barbados in 2018.”

 

Reno implied that Davido, with his dual citizenship and familial ties to Nigerian politics, ought to emulate Rihanna by speaking positively about Nigeria and contributing to its global image.

While Reno’s arguments may resonate with those who see potential in Nigeria’s economic reforms, many Nigerians might relate more to Davido’s bleak assessment. Rising inflation, unemployment, and the high cost of living paint a stark picture for the average citizen. The recent removal of fuel subsidies, though economically justified, has resulted in skyrocketing transportation and energy costs, pushing many Nigerians further into poverty.

Davido’s comments, therefore, can be seen as a reflection of this lived reality, a reality where millions struggle to afford basic necessities, let alone Spotify subscriptions.

 

Reno’s post raises an important question: what role should celebrities play in shaping the narrative about their countries? Should they, as Reno suggests, prioritize patriotism and highlight progress, or should they, like Davido, amplify the challenges to demand accountability?

In the age of social media, celebrities wield significant influence. For many, Davido’s criticisms may serve as a wake-up call for leaders to address the plight of ordinary Nigerians. However, Reno’s counterpoint is also valid: public figures have a responsibility to project their country in a positive light, particularly on international platforms.

The debate between Reno Omokri and Davido underscores the tension between expressing genuine concern for a nation’s challenges and maintaining a sense of national pride. While Reno’s data-driven optimism provides a counter-narrative to the prevailing pessimism, it’s crucial to acknowledge that statistics alone cannot capture the full scope of an economy’s impact on its citizens.

 

For Nigeria to truly move forward, both perspectives must coexist. Leaders and policymakers must take constructive criticism, like Davido’s, seriously, while influencers like Reno encourage citizens to appreciate progress and remain hopeful.

Nigeria stands at a critical juncture, where economic reforms and challenges coexist. While Reno Omokri’s optimism highlights the strides being made, Davido’s critique serves as a reminder of the work still to be done. Both voices, in their unique ways, contribute to a larger conversation about Nigeria’s future, one that requires collaboration, resilience, and a shared commitment to progress.

In the end, whether through data or song, it is clear that the dialogue about Nigeria’s economy is far from over. As citizens, we must engage with both the triumphs and the trials, finding ways to build a nation that works for everyone.