OTHERS' VIEWS
SUNDAY 1-DEC
Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date
Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele
Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki
CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties
Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling
Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president
OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra
Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju
‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi
[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team
[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria
Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans
‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama
Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary
Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage
Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi
How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists
2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion
Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate
[OPINION] Port Harcourt Refinery and the many possibilities under President Tinubu - Fredrick Nwabufo
AdminIt is said that seeing is believing. But for the Nigerian, seeing alone may not be enough. There must be certainty and palpability not only to the sensory apparatuses but also to logic. Bottomline, there must be plausibility. I will attempt to put some logic into what Nigerians are witnessing today as regards the overhauled Port Harcourt Refinery.
I was a witness to history yesterday, November 26, 2024 -- the inauguration of the old Port Harcourt Refinery. Yes, it has come alive again. It is operational. To put it in our lingo, ‘’it is working’’. It has received a new elixir after many years of lethargy.
The 60,000 barrels-per-day old Port Harcourt Refinery, which was established in 1965, had suffered a series of aborted potential. Certain previous administrations had failed to restart this critical national asset. In March 2021, the Buhari administration awarded the contract for the rehabilitation of the refinery and repair works began in phases.
In his statement welcoming the revival of the plant, President Bola Tinubu, whose strong and courageous leadership brought to realisation this seeming holy grail, acknowledged the elemental role of former President Muhammadu Buhari in initiating the comprehensive rehabilitation of all the refineries and thanked the African Export-Import Bank for its support in financing the project.
The President also directed the speedy reactivation of the new Port Harcourt Refinery, the Warri Refinery, and the Kaduna Refinery. This is in furtherance of his vision of ensuring the nation’s energy security and independence, as well as economic advancement.
The President has undertaken bold and surgical reforms in the oil and gas sector. He issued five executive orders to unlock over $2.5 billion in oil and gas investments, among other initiatives. With his support for achieving local refining capacity, today, the billions of dollars previously spent annually on petrol subsidy, which puts pressure on the naira, can be repurposed, and with new opportunities opening up in the sector.
The launch of the revamped plant on Tuesday was successful but not without an expected sputter of heterogenous reactions. Nigerians are happy to see the revival of this often noised but slumbering asset. It is happening in their lifetime. Most young people, including myself, were not born when this refinery was set up. In fact, many were not born when the refinery was functional and only grew to hear about its spasms of failures. It is a living, puffing, and breathing labyrinth of engines today.
Putting clarity to misleading claims over the resuscitated plant, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) explained thus: ‘’The Old Port Harcourt Refinery is currently operating at 70% of its installed capacity, with plans to ramp up to 90%. The refinery is producing the following daily outputs:
‘’Straight-Run Gasoline (Naphtha): Blended into 1.4 million liters of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS or petrol)
‘’Kerosene: 900,000 liters
‘’Automotive Gas Oil (AGO or Diesel): 1.5 million liters
‘’Low Pour Fuel Oil (LPFO): 2.1 million liters
‘’Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG): Additional volumes
‘’It is worth noting that the refinery incorporates crack C5, a blending component from our sister company, Indorama Petrochemicals (formerly Eleme Petrochemicals), to produce gasoline that meets required specifications. Blending is a standard practice in refineries globally, as no single unit can produce gasoline that fully complies with any country’s standards without such processes.
‘’Additionally, we have made substantial progress on the new Port Harcourt Refinery, which will begin operations soon without prior announcements.’’
During a guided tour, journalists, industry leaders, and other stakeholders were conducted around the organs of the facility. From the control room to the processing units, the tanks, and the loading area where trucks were stationed to lift products. The plant was well and running.
Speaking during a ceremony to herald the onset of product loading at the refinery, Mr. Mele Kyari, GCEO of NNPCL, described the beginning of the loadout activities as a significant achievement for Nigeria. He thanked President Tinubu for his support and understanding towards the project and for his persistence to ensure energy security for the country.
He also thanked the NNPC Ltd Board of Directors and the entire staff for their support and commitment, which led to the reactivation of the refinery, and Nigerians for their patience and for the genuine expectations on the company to deliver on the other refineries.
There are well-founded concerns about the sustainability of the refinery. This is the plausibility factor. But one thing is certain about the Tinubu administration, there will be no unfinished business as regards securing Nigeria economically and ensuring the best outcomes for citizens across all sectors. With every horizon comes fresh possibilities, the administration is determined in its purpose of advancing the nation.
Fredrick Nwabufo is Senior Special Assistant to President on Public Engagement
The impending return of Donald Trump to the White House – with an almost lily-white team of cabinet appointees – follows an overwhelming victory in which his Republican Party also won the Senate and the House, and represents one of the greatest political comebacks in history.
The twice-impeached Trump is the first convicted felon to become president having been found guilty of paying hush money to a porn star called Stormy Daniels.
Snow White
Trump is truly a phenomenon. He is, though, more like the wicked witch who has picked seven political dwarfs than Snow White. A billionaire businessman and reality show host who metamorphosed into a hate-spewing, white supremacist, nativist politician, he narrowly won the 2016 presidency.
Trump has now been able to convince a multi-racial working class and struggling middle-class majority to vote against their own interests through alchemic appeals to improving their economic condition by launching tariff wars (against China and the rest of the world) and deporting – at an initial estimated cost of $315 billion – most of the 13 million illegal immigrants in America.
Just as during Trump’s first chaotic presidency (2017-2020), these policies are likely to cause self-inflicted harm, massively increasing the $35.4 trillion national debt, resulting in widespread labour shortages (an estimated half of U.S. farm workers are illegal), and raising food prices for the bottom 80 per cent of Americans. During his first tenure, Trump enacted $1.5 trillion of tax cuts, mostly for the super-rich.
It is highly unlikely that any other Republican politician could have achieved this improbable victory. Ironically, the Latinos and blacks who voted for Trump in larger than expected numbers, have scarcely seen themselves represented in the incoming president’s ministerial nominees. Without Trump at the head of the ticket in 2028, Republicans may well struggle to mobilise a majority from the shrinking white population. The Grand Old Party’s Faustian bargain to sell its soul to the Devil, could ironically damage its long-term electoral prospects. America’s misogyny must also be probed, having rejected two flawless campaigns by the entitled Hillary Clinton and the joyful Kamala Harris.
While disgruntled voters may well have liked Harris’s optimistic message, they rejected the messenger. Paradoxically, while they accepted Trump as the messenger who best embodied their anger and frustration, they did not necessarily embrace his message. America’s liberal elite also has profound questions to answer, having clearly lost the country through what many Americans feel is a Wokeish abandonment of traditional values. The talking heads on CNN and MSNBC as well as the pundits in the New York Times and the Washington Post must finally realise that America has tuned out of their self-obsessed, rambling echo chamber, and that what is going on in their newsrooms and studios is totally detached from what is actually happening across the country. This election definitively showed that Beyoncé, Taylor Swift, and George Clooney may be talented artists, but have zero political clout.
The vengeful Trump has recently made cabinet appointments which suggest he has learned nothing from his first presidency. As he painfully discovered during his first term, running a government as complicated as America’s is not like running Facebook where you hire the best talent and get out of their way.
Trump recruited capable politicians, generals, and technocrats in his first term, but then fell out with many of them as they refused to enforce his sometimes autocratic whims, insisting on allegiance to the U.S. Constitution rather than to a mercurial King.
This time, he is picking adherents of his right-wing MAGA (Make America Great Again) gospel, shamelessly prioritising loyalty over competence. Many of these nominees, however, have little experience of heading large bureaucracies. We can therefore expect more scandals, sackings, and stepping downs.
Four flawed dwarfs
There has already been an early casualty among Trump’s four flawed political dwarfs: his controversial pick for Attorney-General, Matt Gaetz, a Congressman who survived charges of child-trafficking before a report of a Congressional investigation into alleged sexual misconduct with a 17-year old minor, drug use, and illegal acceptance of gifts was recently concluded.
Gaetz threatened to defund or close down the Justice Department and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). Deeply unpopular even among Republican legislators, he recently stepped down amidst much unease in the Senate which confirms cabinet appointments.
Defence Secretary nominee, Peter Hegseth, is singularly unqualified to lead the three million-strong $2 trillion a year department. A presenter on the right-wing Fox News, Hegseth is a neo-conservative who was “radicalised” by the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the U.S. into supporting crusading wars in Afghanistan and Iraq which he now considers to have been a $5 trillion exercise in profligacy. Hegseth has thus opposed American spending in Ukraine, and described NATO as “totally corrupted.”
Trump’s pick for Defence Secretary wears prominent tattoos associated with Islamophobic crusading white Christian neo-Nazis, and has threatened to fire wokeish generals who promote diversity and inclusion in the military. Hegseth has vociferously attacked women and “trans-lesbian” soldiers who have patriotically served their country. He has defended American soldiers accused of war crimes. He has compared anti-racist U.S. civil society groups like Black Lives Matter and Antifa to Islamic terrorists. His second wife divorced him after he impregnated a fellow Fox news producer, and he also settled a rape allegation through a non-disclosure financial payment.
Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is the scion of the legendary Democratic family, chosen by Trump to head the Department of Health and Human Services with an annual budget of $1.7 trillion. Kennedy has argued that no vaccine is safe and effective. He was a one-time heroin-snorting addict and self-confessed sex addict who accused his family of being victims of “hypnosis”. Kennedy had an adulterous affair with journalist, Olivia Nuzzi, and three other women have since claimed sexual affairs with him.
Trump’s nominee for national intelligence director, Tulsi Gabbard, transformed from being a liberal Democrat to a right-wing Republican Trump loyalist. She has often been portrayed as a Putin-supporting Russian intelligence asset. Gabbard has also reportedly been involved with a secretive Hare Krishna-linked sect called the Science of Identity Foundation renowned for its Islamophobia, homophobia, and vegetarianism.
Three troublesome dwarfs
Among Trump’s three troublesome dwarfs, Secretary of State nominee, Hispanic Senator Marco Rubio, has experience but lacks substance. The Reversible Rubio has become a sycophantic Trump loyalist, having previously been one of his strongest critics during the 2016 Republican primaries. The Cuban-descended Rubio is an anti-China hawk who strongly despises the Chinese Communist Party which actually practices unbridled capitalism. Rubio also backs Trump’s calls for reducing American spending in Ukraine and getting Europeans to stump up more cash for their own defence. However, he previously led senatorial efforts to stall any American withdrawal from NATO.
National Security Adviser nominee, Mike Waltz, was a former Green Beret and former U.S. Congressman. A Trump loyalist, he has backed vice-president J.D. Vance’s MAGA approach of reducing spending on Ukraine and the Middle East to counter China more effectively. Waltz, however, has solid experience in this field, having served on Congressional committees on foreign affairs, armed services, and intelligence. He regards America’s military missions in Afghanistan and Iraq to have been hubristic, and has argued that ill-equipped NATO troops did more harm than good in Afghanistan.
The seventh dwarf is Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, who used Twitter/X to spread disinformation and spent $130 million to help Trump regain the White House.
An émigré whose formative years were spent in the militaristic milieu of apartheid South Africa, Musk appears to have embraced Trump’s white supremacy. He has long benefitted from U.S. government contracts, and has pending investigations with its Securities and Exchange Commission.
Musk has been tasked with heading up the Orwellian-sounding Department of Government Efficiency, with a pledge to slash $2 trillion (nearly a third of the budget) in government spending.
This would be politically suicidal given that popular programmes like Social Security and Medicare, which Trump has promised to protect, account for much of these costs. Trump also seems determined to launch an ill-advised purge against what he calls the “deep state” by removing the job security of over 50,000 federal bureaucrats.
MAGA lunatics are about to take over the American asylum. This horror show is coming soon to a theatre near you. This will be no fairytale with a happy ending.
Professor Adebajo is a Senior Research Fellow at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship in South Africa.
The phenomenon of Nigerian support for Donald Trump, despite his stance on immigration, is indeed complex and seemingly paradoxical. During and after the U.S. election, many Nigerians, especially through social media, expressed strong support for Trump and shared his posts, including those who have never travelled to the U.S. Some even created sticker designs inspired by Nigerian culture featuring Trump. This phenomenon raises questions about whether these individuals have forgotten that Trump is a staunch supporter of strict immigration policies, with strong allegations of anti-Africa foreign policy stance. Obviously, many Nigerians seem to prioritise other aspects of his persona and policies that resonate with them, reflecting the complex nature of political support where certain values can overshadow conflicting positions.
Nigerians, and by extension Africans, are believed to be at the receiving end of Trump's anti-immigration policies. His previous administration imposed travel bans on Nigeria and other African countries, citing national security concerns, which could potentially be reinstated, limiting the ability of Nigerians to enter the U.S. His prior administration's policies led to considerable backlogs in visa processing, with current wait times for interviews reaching two to three years; these delays could worsen if similar policies are reintroduced.
Stricter immigration policies, including mass deportation operations and a focus on border control, may create a more hostile environment for all immigrants, even if not directly targeting Nigerians. While some experts suggest that legitimate students and professionals may not be heavily impacted, there are concerns about increased scrutiny and potential restrictions on study and work visas.
Trump's Consistent Hardline Stance on Immigration
Donald Trump's immigration stance has remained consistent from his 2016 campaign through his 2024 election victory. In 2016, he vowed to deport illegal immigrants. His 2017 executive order suspended visas from seven Muslim-majority countries and halted the refugee programme. After winning in 2024, Trump pledged to conduct "the largest domestic deportation operation in American history," stating, "We will pick them up and we will send them back to their countries." He also promised to "seal up the border" and implement "strong ideological screening of all immigrants."
These policies are seen as targeting non-white communities, particularly African Americans and Asian Americans. Critics argue that Trump's immigration policies disproportionately affect people of colour, citing mass deportations and travel bans. His use of racially charged language, such as referring to certain nations as "shithole countries" and describing immigration as an "invasion," has been criticised for supporting white supremacist ideologies and potentially contributing to increased hate crimes. Proposals to end birthright citizenship and implement "ideological screening" further fuel concerns about discrimination against non-white communities in the U.S.
Despite Trump's controversial rhetoric and policies perceived as targeting non-white Americans, somehow these demographic groups, including African Americans and Asian Americans, have shown support for him across political divides.
Based on the exit poll data and analysis provided, Donald Trump made significant gains among minority voters in the 2024 election. Approximately 13% of Black voters supported Trump, an increase from previous elections. Latino voters showed a substantial shift, with about 45% to 46% backing Trump, up from 32% in 2020. This change was particularly pronounced among Latino men, with 45% voting for Trump. Research showed that Trump also performed well among younger voters, securing 43% of those under 30. This shift indicates that what political strategist Mike Madrid who noted that not all non-white Americans see themselves as marginalized is true, thereby contributing to Trump's appeal among diverse voter bases. Why?
Is there a connection between Trump's support and sympathy for his persecution during the elections?
Though there is no clear evidence regarding this, still seems that the 2024 election campaign saw a strong link between support for Trump and sympathy for his perceived persecution. The July 2024 assassination attempt tended to boost his support, casting him as a martyr figure. The ceaseless barrage of attacks from mainstream media tended to achieve the opposite result of attracting voters to Trump.
Similarly, Trump's campaign framed his legal battles as political persecution, resonating with his base while religious language portrayed him as a protector of faith, appealing to evangelical voters. Thus, the assassination attempt amplified Trump's narrative of being victimised by "enemies" or Democrats. Many Christian voters viewed his persecutions as spiritual warfare. Trump adviser Kash Patel once indicated that a second Trump administration would actively target journalists for prosecution, further emphasising the notion of political persecution against those who criticised or investigated him.
What About Nigerians Who Are Not in the US? Why Do They Support Trump?
It is also more surprising that some Nigerians outside the US still strongly support Trump. Despite Trump's controversial rhetoric about Africa, some Nigerians supported him due to his stance on conservative social issues, particularly abortion and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBTQ+) rights. This is evident in Daddy Hezekiah (Victor Onukogu), the founder of Living Christ Mission in Onitsha, Anambra State, who led his church members in a march supporting Trump's re-election in 2020. They carried placards reading "Trump 2020" and "God for President Trump," singing songs that translated to "We will gain victory ... pray for Trump to win."
No doubt, Daddy Hezekiah's support was largely based on Trump's conservative stance on abortion and LGBT issues. That is why Jude Feranmi Adejuwon, a Nigerian political activist and writer explained that; "If the church supports Trump, it would be because of the manifesto of the Republicans; namely a zero tolerance for abortion and LGBT issues. For example, Trump was the first sitting president to speak in person at the annual March for Life."
Hence, some of those supporters viewed Trump as a defender of traditional Christian values, particularly his opposition to abortion and LGBT rights. Consequently, Nigerian Christians, especially evangelicals, aligned with Trump's conservative stance on these social issues, seeing him as a bulwark against what they perceive as liberal threats to religious beliefs and traditional family values.
That is why Pastor. Samuel Adebayo from Lagos, Nigeria, in 2024 stated, "Trump stands for traditional Christian values in an increasingly secular world. That is why we have raised an altar praying for him to win so the Bible can become a reference point in not just America but the world."
Aside from the issues of Christian and traditional family values, there are other Nigerians and politicians like Hon. Ehiozuwa Agbonayinmma, a former member of Nigeria's House of Representatives who also expressed support for Trump, stating that Republican administrations have shown more support for Nigeria. Others support Trump's "America First" policy and wish Nigeria's leaders would also prioritise their own citizens the way Americans do.
No doubt, Trump's support for cryptocurrency is another significant factor contributing to his popularity among some Nigerians. His pro-crypto platform resonates with enthusiasts who view digital currencies as avenues for economic growth and financial inclusion. During his campaign, Trump pledged to make the US "the crypto capital of the planet" and promised to appoint crypto-friendly regulators, appealing to those frustrated with current regulations. Following his election victory, Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies saw significant price increases, reinforcing the belief that his presidency would benefit the crypto market.
This particular stance contrasts with his opponents' skepticism, making Trump more appealing to crypto supporters in Nigeria. These voices span from 2019 to 2024, showing consistent support for Trump among certain Nigerian religious and political figures despite his controversial statements about African nations.
What About Those Who Do Not Support Trump?
While some Nigerians support Donald Trump, many do not for various reasons. His history of making derogatory comments about African nations, including calling them "shithole countries," has alienated many. Also, Trump's restrictive immigration policies, such as the 2020 travel ban affecting Nigeria, have been viewed negatively by those seeking opportunities in the US. Critics also highlight his perceived disregard for human rights and democratic norms and concerns that his "America First" policies could harm Nigeria's economy. Again, Trump's skepticism of climate change and behaviour especially his insensitivity that cryptocurrency could cause more global warming clashes with the cultural values of many Nigerians who are not in the crypto world.
Psychological and Emotional Factors of Trump's Support
Trump's support can be explained through various psychological and emotional factors. His rhetoric resonates with feelings of frustration and a desire for change while his blunt communication is seen as authentic. This creates a sense of belonging among supporters often overriding rational policy considerations. Furthermore, fear and anxiety about economic insecurity and cultural change drive his messaging while cognitive dissonance leads some to double down on their beliefs despite contradictory evidence. Hence, many view Trump as a straightforward leader who rejects the establishment. These factors combine to create a strong emotional attachment to Trump illustrating the sentimental nature of political support and his win in the just concluded US election.
The Latin axiom “Corruptissima re publica plurimae leges” rings painfully true for Nigeria. It translates to “The more corrupt the state, the more numerous the laws.” This adage seems to encapsulate the nation’s convoluted legal landscape, a labyrinth of statutes that often serve as tools for manipulation rather than instruments of justice.
Nigeria, a nation blessed with abundant resources, has been plagued by endemic corruption for decades. This scourge has permeated every facet of society, from government institutions to the private sector. However, the problem isn’t merely the absence of ethical conduct; it’s also the overabundance of laws that are frequently ignored or selectively enforced.
The Nigerian legal system is a complex web of statutes, regulations, and by-laws. The sheer volume of legislation can be overwhelming, even for legal professionals.
So, let me address just one concern; our Tax Laws. The Nigerian government’s recent push for tax reform has ignited a firestorm of controversy, with proposed tax bills threatening to further burden an already struggling populace. The core of the issue lies in the perceived excessive taxation and the potential for increased government overreach.
At the heart of the debate are several key bills, including the Nigeria Tax Bill 2024, the Tax Administration Bill, the Nigeria Revenue Service Establishment Bill, and the Joint Revenue Board Establishment Bill. These bills aim to overhaul Nigeria’s tax system, with proponents arguing that they will modernize the system and boost government revenue. However, critics contend that these measures will disproportionately impact the middle class and small businesses, further stifling economic growth.
One of the most contentious aspects of the proposed reforms is the expansion of the tax net to include previously exempt sectors and individuals. This has raised concerns about the government’s ability to effectively monitor and enforce these new taxes, potentially leading to increased corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency. Additionally, the proposed establishment of a new tax authority, the Nigeria Revenue Service, has sparked fears of increased surveillance and potential abuses of power.
The timing of these proposed reforms has also come under scrutiny, with many arguing that they are ill-timed given the current economic climate. With rising inflation, unemployment, and poverty rates, many Nigerians fear that additional tax burdens will further erode their purchasing power and exacerbate social unrest.
Meanwhile, sometime last week, a military convoy had an altercation with a civilian driving and overtaking, whatever the real story was, the civilian was brutalised, Nigerians then went ahead especially those justifying the military right to brutality to reel out laws— Overtaking Military Convoy: Consequences Under Nigerian Law
Overtaking a military convoy is a serious offense in Nigeria, punishable under various laws. This article examines the consequences of overtaking a military convoy under Nigerian law.
Relevant Laws
The Armed Forces Act (AFA) 2004: Section 119 prohibits obstructing or interfering with military operations, including convoys.
The Road Traffic Act 2004: Section 35 prohibits reckless driving, including overtaking military convoys.
The National Security Agencies Act 2004: Section 15 empowers security agencies to take necessary actions to maintain national security.
Consequences of Overtaking Military Convoy
Arrest and Detention: Security personnel may arrest and detain anyone who overtakes a military convoy.
Prosecution: Offenders may be prosecuted under the AFA, Road Traffic Act, or National Security Agencies Act.
Imprisonment: Conviction may result in imprisonment for up to 5 years (AFA) or 2 years (Road Traffic Act).
Fine: Offenders may be fined up to ₦50,000 (AFA) or ₦20,000 (Road Traffic Act).
Vehicle Confiscation: The vehicle used to overtake the convoy may be confiscated.
Tort Liability: Offenders may be liable for damages or injuries caused to military personnel or equipment.
Court Rulings
In Aoku v. State (2017), the Court of Appeal upheld a 5-year imprisonment sentence for overtaking a military convoy.
Precautions
To avoid consequences:
- Exercise caution when approaching military convoys.
- Maintain a safe distance.
- Follow traffic rules and regulations.
- Avoid reckless driving.
Conclusion
Overtaking a military convoy is a serious offense in Nigeria, carrying severe consequences under various laws. It is essential to exercise caution and respect military operations to avoid prosecution and punishment.
Apart from the precautions everything in the piece is at best hogwash, some of those laws don’t even exist, but sadly it speaks to the legal proliferation I am referring to which leads to several unintended consequences.
The nation suffers Legal Uncertainty as a result of conflicting Laws, the sheer number of laws often leads to inconsistencies and contradictions, creating confusion and uncertainty for citizens and businesses alike.
These laws have plenty Overlapping Jurisdictions, multiple agencies may have overlapping regulatory authority, leading to bureaucratic hurdles and delays. Whether it is LASTMA, or FRSC and federal and local roads, or it is sharia or canon law.
With Selective Enforcement, Law enforcement agencies may prioritize certain laws over others, leading to selective justice and undermining the rule of law.
These laws open the doors for Corruption and Abuse of Power, as opportunities for Bribery and Extortion, corrupt officials to demand bribes or extort money from citizens and businesses. Leaving rooms open for Impunity for the Powerful as wealthy and influential can often use their connections to circumvent the law or delay legal proceedings.
The sheer volume of laws can make it difficult to hold public officials accountable for their actions. Sometimes in corruption cases when citizens hear the judgments passed you wonder under which law.
Do I need to emphasize how these laws stifle innovation and entrepreneurship, hindering economic growth, as a result of these regulatory burdens with red tapism, bureaucratic hurdles and delays that discourage foreign investment and hinder domestic businesses, we hardly make progress.
All these laws make it difficult for businesses to plan and invest, leading to economic stagnation. When laws are not enforced or are selectively applied, citizens lose faith in the legal system and the government. Leading to erosion of public trust and cynicism and distrust.
Whether it is a tax law, or a traffic law, our laws need simplification and codification, we need to combine overlapping and contradictory laws into a more streamlined and coherent legal framework. Loads of review and repeal by identifying outdated and unnecessary laws to reduce the regulatory burden.
Currently there is no effective enforcement, by strengthen law enforcement agencies, with the resources and training they need to enforce the law effectively. Ensuring independence of the judiciary and protecting judges from political interference is paramount.
Then we need robust accountability mechanisms to hold public officials accountable for their actions.
Let me add that half of the problem of these laws are lack of public participation. Involve citizens in the law-making process to ensure that laws reflect their needs and concerns. Promote legal literacy to empower citizens to understand their rights and responsibilities, because just as the proposed tax bills have ignited a fierce debate across various sectors of Nigerian society, with civil society organizations, labor unions, and business groups voicing their concerns. The government continues to push for these reforms, the truth is that you cannot strike a balance between generating revenue and ensuring that the tax burden is distributed fairly and equitably with a populace that does not know what the law is about.
By addressing the root causes of the problem, Nigeria can break free from the cycle of corruption and create a more just and equitable society. The path to progress lies in simplifying the legal framework, strengthening law enforcement, and fostering a culture of accountability and transparency, will Nigeria win these legal cycles—Only time will tell.
The 29th UN Climate Change Conference (COP29), held in Baku, Azerbaijan, wrapped up early Sunday morning with outcomes that left developing nations and activists disheartened.
Touted as the “Climate Finance COP,” the summit fell significantly short of expectations, pledging just $300 billion annually by 2035 to assist vulnerable nations—far below the $1.3 trillion that experts had deemed essential.
Developing nations had called for $500 billion annually in the form of grants—not loans—to avoid deepening their debt crises. However, wealthy nations refused binding agreements and resisted taking historical responsibility for their outsized contributions to greenhouse gas emissions.
Mohamed Ali, Chair of the African Group of Negotiators, struck a pragmatic tone, acknowledging the limitations of the multilateral process.
“While not all aspirations are fully reflected, these commitments are not acts of charity. They are acts of survival, shared prosperity, and solidarity,” he said.
Ali invoked the Southern African principle of Ubuntu, underscoring the interconnectedness of humanity. “When Africa loses, the world loses. When Africa thrives, the world thrives,” he declared, urging nations to rise above divisions.
Fractures Within
Tensions among vulnerable nations surfaced when Nigeria’s delegation argued for reclassifying China and India as developed nations, aligning with the stance of wealthier countries.
This controversial move highlighted fractures within the Global South and weakened the unity of climate-vulnerable nations.
Adding to the discord, small island states and least-developed countries staged a dramatic walkout on Saturday, accusing developed nations of stalling negotiations.
Fossil Fuel Influence
A heavy presence of fossil fuel lobbyists—outnumbering most country delegations—drew sharp criticism. CEOs from major oil firms, including Aramco and BP, engaged in talks, prompting accusations of undue influence. Activists denounced the summit as a “fossil fuel lobbyist’s playground,” and Saudi Arabia openly opposed phasing out fossil fuels.
Instead, the summit focused on controversial solutions like carbon markets, geoengineering, and the promotion of fossil gas as “clean energy,” diverging from the momentum gained at COP28, where fossil fuel transition was a central theme.
China provided one of the few bright spots by introducing greater transparency on climate finance and signaling openness to voluntary contributions from the Global South. Meanwhile, the European Union attempted to mediate between factions, but wealthier nations’ reluctance to scale up contributions undermined these efforts.
Looking Ahead To COP30
Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has set high expectations for COP30, calling it the “turnaround COP.” Scheduled to take place in Belém, the summit will prioritize transitioning away from fossil fuels and protecting forests.
UNFCCC head Simon Stiell framed the $300 billion pledge as “an insurance policy for humanity” but warned it would only work if commitments are honored promptly.
For many, however, the modest outcome of COP29 feels like a betrayal. Sierra Leone’s Minister of Environment, Jiwoh Abdulai, encapsulated the prevailing sentiment: “This deal is too little, too late. Vulnerable nations will continue to bear the brunt of inaction.”
As the climate crisis accelerates, the fight for justice and accountability remains far from over.
This story was produced as part of the 2024 Climate Change Media Partnership, a journalism fellowship organized by Internews’ Earth Journalism Network and the Stanley Center for Peace and justice Security.
From last week, continues the narrative of how ammbassadors in other countries are accorded respect which enables them to rise to higher positions, including the presidency. This is unlike what obtains in Ngeria where our diplomats are treated with little or no respect
Otto Von Bismarck, in 1859 was the Prussian ambassador to Russia and later to Paris in 1862 in the court of Napoleon III, he later became Prime Minister. George H. W. Bush (12 June 1924-30 November, 2018) was the 41st President of the United States of America. He was equally the 10th United States American ambassador to the United Nations from (March 1, 1971-January 18, 1973).
Mr. Benjamin William Mkapa (November 12, 1938- July 24, 2020) was Tanzania Ambassador to Nigeria in 1976. He was Tanzania Minister for Foreign Affairs from 1977 to 1980. In 1982, he served as High Commissioner to Canada and between 1983 and 1984 as Ambassador to the United States of America.
He returned home in 1984 where he was again appointed Member of Parliament and Minister for Foreign Affairs. In 1992, he served as Minister for Science, Technology and Higher Education, prior to being elected President in 1995, and Chairman of his Party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi(1996-2006). He was re-elected President in 2000 for another five-year term.
There was Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki (82). He was the second post-apartheid South African President. He was the African National Congress, ANC, envoy in Nigeria between 1976 and 1978. He established the ANC presence that eclipsed that of its rival Pan Africanist Congress, PAC. While in Lagos, he formed strong friendship with the then head of state, General Olusegun Obasanjo and top civil servants, including Yahaya Abubakar, Permanent Secretary, Cabinet Office, Mr. Bisi Ogunniyi and others.
Likewise, there are examples of those who have served in leadership positions yet ended up becoming ambassadors. Mr. Walter Frederick “Fritz” Mondale (January 5, 1928- April 19, 2021) was the 42nd Vice President of the United States of America, and served from 1977 to 1981 under President Jimmy Carter. He became the United States of America Ambassador to Japan between 1993 and 1996.
Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim was the Prime Minister of Tanzania between April 24, 1984 and November 5, 1985. He became the Secretary General of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, between 1989 and 2001, later African Union special envoy on Dafur between 2004 and 2008. Mr. Kevin Rudd(67) is at present the 23rd Australian Ambassador to the United States of America. He was the 26th Prime Minister of Australia and served between June 27, 2013 and September 18, 2018.
Nigeria in the past was never short of outstanding ambassadors. Almost all of them represented Nigeria without blemish. At the risk of offending many, let me mention some ambassadors we have had in the past. Joe Iyala, Tokunbo Awolowo Dosunmu, Joe Keshi, Lawal Abdullahi Kazaure, B. A. T. Balewa, Olu Adeniji, Oladele Akadiri, Olusegun Apata, G. Dove-Edwin, H. Harriman J. N. Ukaegbu, L. A. Fabunmi, A. G. P. Omotayo, S. A. Otuyelu, Segun Olusola, Ebun Oyagbola, Tobi Ogundipe, Olujimi Jolaoso, Christopher Kolade, Florentina Adenike Ukonga, Uzoma Eminike, Martine Gereng-Sen, Oladele Abiodun, Ijeoma Bristol, Laraba Bhutto, Sifawu Momoh, Zainab Ali Kotoko, Chigozie Obi Nnadozie, Francisca Olaide Marinho, Isaac Aluko-Olokun, Ignatius Chukuemeka Olisemeka, Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, Oladele Akadire, Dapo Fawora, Olu Saanu, Olu Ibunkun, etc. They are countless.
Let us dwell on the pioneer ambassadors.
Chief Julius Momo Udochi was the first Nigerian Ambassador to the United States of America(1960–1965). He was a Teacher (1931–1938); a Customs Officer in the Nigerian Civil Service 1938–1945; Assistant secretary, Nigerian Secretariat 1945–1947; Provincial Secretary, Nigerian Civil Service Union; Co-Editor The Nigerian Civil Servant (1939–1945). He was called to the English Bar as a Barrister at Law by the Middle Temple in 1950.
He practised Law (1950–1960); was Chairman of the Federal Non-Government Teacher’s Salary Commission and a member of the Mission to the World Bank, 1958; Secretary of the Nigerian Bar Association and member of the Committee on Legal Education, 1955–1959; member of the House of Representatives of Nigeria, 1954-1959 and 1965–1966; Attorney-General and Commissioner of Justice, Mid-Western State of Nigeria, 1967–1975.
To be concluded
THERE have been daggers out for Dr Reuben Abati, co-host of the Arise TV’s ‘Morning Show’, following his recent comments on Senator Godswill Akpabio’s witty remark at the night of tributes for the late Senator Ifeanyi Ubah. Senator Akpabio had declared that the Igbos are “mercantile” people, who build houses and settle wherever they go. He contrasted the Igbos with members of other ethnic groups, who, he said, can live in his state of Akwa Ibom for 15 years without trying to build their homes there.
The subtext of Senator Akpabio’s remark is that members of other ethnic groups come for what they can get from the state, while the Igbos who build homes and houses come with the intention to settle and live there. Senator Akpabio’s remark, made at Nnewi, the late Senator Ubah’s hometown, to fit the mood of the moment, was obviously an exaggeration, but people understood the point he was trying to make.
Dr Abati, while commenting on Senator Akpabio’s quip, took exception to the use of the word ‘mercantile’ and admitted the said industry of the Igbos. And to a remark that the Igbos took over and “developed” about two local government areas in Lagos State, Dr Abati humorously remarked that the Oba of Lagos, Rilwan Akiolu, who in 2015 threatened to drown the Igbos in the Lagos Lagoon if they failed to vote for his preferred candidate in the state governorship election, Akinwunmi Ambode, candidate of the All Progressives Congress, APC, would not be happy to hear that. Dr Abati further commented on the said Igbo enterprise, including mentioning that if you go to anywhere and do not see an Igbo, you should pack your things and leave because “there is nothing there”. He then added the story of T.O.S Benson, in his words, “for balance”.
As Dr Abati put it: “Chief TOS Benson, former minister of information, now late, on one occasion at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs — and I’m not making this up — he said it publicly, if anybody can contradict me let them do so… he said something about Igbo people…. He said he had an Igbo wife, and had an Igbo daughter, that he wanted to buy land in Igbo land for his daughter, for his wife, and he said: ‘I’m getting old, let me build in this place for my wife’. He said that his in-laws told him that they don’t sell land to outsiders.”
Dr Abati then concluded: “The same Igbos who are so industrious that they are all over and do well in other parts of Nigeria, you go as a non-Igbo man to go and buy umunna (kindred) land, you will be told that you don’t belong even as an in-law.”
Dr Abati has been in the eyes of the storm since these statements, drawing condemnations from many Igbos, especially the ‘Internet warriors’, some of who called him an Igbo hater, and not surprisingly, support from mostly his Yoruba kith and kin. I believe Dr Abati has done no wrong, and that the furore, if anything, raises some fundamental issues that need to be addressed: One, Dr. Abati’s critics have failed to appreciate that academics and public intellectuals employ different methodologies in their research and public commentaries. Public intellectuals – people who try to shape public opinion through commentaries in the mass media– can be broadly categorized into two, based on their methods of inquiry and intervention: You have those I can call “polemicists”.
These are strongly opinionated and passionate commentators, who leave their readers or listeners in no doubt where they stand in the issue they are commenting on. Whatever data they have are usually to buttress their predetermined position. They speak or write with unmistakable passion and gusto, sometimes using strong language to buttress their points. Public intellectuals in this category include Professor Farooq Kperogi of the Tribune and The News Chronicle, Abimbola Adelakun of The Punch, Rufai Oseni of Arise TV and Professors Chidi Odinkalu and Udenta O. Udenta who are ‘itinerant’ commentators and writers.
There are also public intellectuals I can call ‘academic analysts’. This category of public intellectuals, unlike the polemicists, try to have a level of detachment from the subject they are writing or commenting about. They often present various perspectives on an issue and allow the readers or their listeners to draw their own conclusion. The examples here include Dr Reuben Abati, and Simon Kolawole of The Cable. I also include myself in this category of writers. In my opinion, Professor Sam Amadi and Segun Adeniyi straddle or vacillate between these two broad methodologies in their commentaries.
A common criticism of the ‘academic analysts’ is that they either lack the courage to take a definite position on contentious issues (as the polemicists do), or that they hide their preferences in obfuscations, semantics and waffling. I can’t count the number of times some people have called me ‘on the other hand’ writer – meaning that I tend to concede so much to all the perspectives in a contentious issue that it becomes difficult to know where I stand on the issue. Remarkably, academics and people with academic inclinations seem very comfortable with the style of the ‘academic analyst’.
Two, following the above categorisation of public intellectuals, it becomes easier to understand why Dr Abati felt he needed to bring the T.O.S Benson story to ‘balance the narrative” in accordance with the methodology of the ‘academic analyst’. In fact, since he studied Law, I have observed that Dr Abati, who was also a university lecturer, seems to have consciously tried to infuse the legal process in his mode of commentary. I believe that is why you would often hear him preface his commentaries with remarks like: “what are the facts in the case?” (to enable him identify the contending perspective in any issue before responding to them in the manner of lawyers). He would also often conclude by saying something like: to ‘balance it’ or ‘what is the other side of the argument’?
I believe that another point that has influenced the methodology of the ‘academic analysts’ is the debate in the arts and humanities on whether it is possible for an analyst to be neutral in social science research or commentaries. The argument is that even an academic’s choice of topic of investigation embodies some biases. The consensus in the literature therefore is that while neutrality may be difficult to achieve in social science research or commentary, objectivity is possible even when the analyst is not neutral.
Some of the ways of ensuring objectivity include full disclosure (disclosing upfront any potential biases that may influence your conclusion) and making sure that the various perspectives on contentious issues are x-rayed individually so that the conclusions are either obvious from the analyses or the readers/listeners are allowed to make their own judgements on the issue.
This is what I believe Dr Abati has done by bringing up the T.O.S Benson matter. Could he have done it slightly differently in order not to suggest that T.O.S Benson was right, or even if he was right, that it was applicable to all Igbos? Perhaps. But it is also important to bear in mind that it was a live TV commentary and that there are “rhetorical flourishes” when one speaks live – as opposed to when one writes and has the privilege of editing one’s script before publishing.
Three, the furore over the remarks by Dr Abati raises a fundamental question of what should be a drawing line between respect for the spirit of critical inquiry which sometimes requires interrogating issues dominant in an ethnic group other than one’s own, and being an ethnic chauvinist. To love your ethnic or religious in-group, or to make critical commentaries on issues predominant in another ethnic group does not make one an ethnic bigot. The crucial line is whether such a statement deliberately tries to accentuate or weaponise the conflictual elements in inter-ethnic relations. If I call Dr Abati an ethnic chauvinist on the basis of his T.O.S Benson story, what would I call Bayo Onanuga, Femi Fani Kayode and Reno Omokri? I think it would be wrong of any one to even remotely lump Dr Abati in the same category as these three.
As a student of identity, I know that an identity that is perceived to be under threat or insulted is the one most vociferously defended. For this, I can understand when some members of an ethnic group take it personal any non-complimentary remark by a non-member of the ethnic group. However, I also know that every individual embodies a mosaic of identities – not just the primordial identities of ethnicity and religion. I also know that identities can be cross-cutting.
For instance, we can be members of different primordial identities but share other identities in common such as belonging to the same profession, political party or sports club. It is possible that my different perspective on the Dr Abati furore is influenced by our shared identity as public intellectuals who use similar methods in our commentaries. Remarkably, I had to quit a particular WhatsApp group not long ago when most of the members felt enraged by some comments by Professor Ahmed Bako’s Inaugural Lecture at Usman Danfodio University entitled the ‘Igbo Factor in the History of Inter-Group Relations and Commerce in Kano’.
While I could understand why some Igbos were offended by sections of the lecture if read in silos, I argued that in the context of the objectives of the research, the justifications for choosing the topic, its methodology, and demands for academic freedom, the Professor did no wrong. Here again it is possible that my shared identity with the Professor as researchers cum lecturers who value academic freedom, informed my different perspective on his lecture.
*Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science at Nasarawa State University, Keffi.
When he was asked at dinner with associates and officials last week, how he intended to celebrate his 78th birthday, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, GCON, retorted that he had never decidedly marked the date over time. “For me, it is an occasion for thankfulness to God, for reflection and prayers, and for reaching out to the less privileged,” he explained. “The American University of Nigeria, (AUN), Yola, adopting an American model, hosts me to a “Founder’s Day” event every year, as part of the convocation activities of the institution. If you’ve followed the pattern over time, there is usually a guest speaker who delivers a lecture on issues of local and global relevance. I’m also allocated a slot to address the gathering as the Founder of the institution.” Continuing, Atiku noted: “Participating in the graduation ceremony of youngsters the age of my grandchildren fills me with tremendous joy.”
Further still, Atiku submits: “I’m delighted that the vision of the AUN, that of availing young people from across the globe, world-class, American-style education in an African context, is being achieved. The university is cosmopolitan in every sense of the word with respect to the diversity of the faculty and the students. The last time I checked, we had about a dozen nationalities in the university community. The President is usually an American. Apart from Nigerians, there are students from South Africa, Rwanda, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Niger, Uganda, Cameroun, and so on.
AUN is training world class, future professionals and leaders, who will drive the future of Africa and the world at large. That alone gives me tremendous joy and fulfilment.”
While Atiku is entitled to his idea of commemorating his birthday, his associates and staff had their own plans. The AUN programme is scheduled for Saturday November 30, 2024. This year’s edition of the event has Peter Obi, CON, former Governor of Anambra State and presidential candidate of the Labour Party, (LP), as guest lecturer. Atiku’s birthday is on Monday November 25, 2024. They could at least get him a cake and lay out lunch buffet for him. By the time Atiku descended into the main lounge in his house that day to go observe the midday prayer, the Dhuhr, associates had begun to congregate. Adamu Maina Waziri and Ibrahim Bio, both former Ministers in the administration of former President Umaru Yar’Adua; Kolawole Ogunwale, who formerly represented Osun Central in the Senate, and Sajo Mohammed, former Director of Compliance at the National Lottery Regulatory Commission, (NLRC), were waiting. So was Ekene Onwuka, one of Atiku’s proteges. A spontaneous birthday song rent the air as the “birthday boy” blew the candle of the cake to the applause of his “hosts.”
At lunch, the influx of dignitaries was such that guests who arrived earlier had to constantly yield their seats to newcomers. Reminds of “shifting cultivation,” one of several templates of crop farming which we learnt in elementary school. Senator Ben Obi, CON, Chairman of the Board of Trustees of AUN and Emeka Ihedioha, CON, former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives and Governor of Imo State, kept faith. Dino Melaye, former Senator representing Kogi West District; Jide Adeniji, a former Managing Director of the Federal Emergency Road Maintenance Agency, (FERMA), and Maxwell Gidado, SAN, Professor and former Special Adviser to Atiku, joined the party.
In the event that Atiku thought that was all, more faces showed up when it was time for a photoshoot after lunch, at the entrance of his home. Mohammed Kumalia, two-term Member Representing Maiduguri Metropolitan Constituency and Kola Ologbondiyan, Emeritus spokesperson of the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), were in the house. They joined Atiku’s ever loyal principal officers, notably Dr Azu Ndukwe, Chief Physician; Dr Andy Okolie, Head of Special Duties; Ibrahim Zango, Emeritus diplomat and Principal Secretary; Siddiki Buba Jauro and Eta Uso, Special Assistants on Domestic Affairs Information Technology respectively. You run through the list of attendees at the impromptu birthday and the cosmopolitanism of Atiku rings through. Atiku then personally invite his other aides: Security personnel; protocol officers; police escorts; kitchen staff; drivers, to join him for the photoshoot.
The “birthday programme” thereafter shifted to Atiku’s office wing within his princely complex, even as telephone calls kept coming, customised birthday cards popping up and new arrivals, streaming. Abdul Ahmed Ningi, Senator Representing Bauchi Central Zone; Musa Elayo Abdullahi, Minister of State for Justice under the Obasanjo/Atiku administration; Abdullahi Mai Basira, former PDP National Financial Secretary and Michael Ikeagwonu Ugochinyere, Member Representing Ideato federal constituency, Imo State, all stopped by. Atiku didn’t need to crack his head at any point before engaging with his guests. He knew everyone by name and so addressed them as they shook hands with him and exchanged robust pleasantries, a smile ever playing around his lips.
The highpoint of the unscheduled birthday was the presentation to Atiku, a branded t-shirt of the high-flying English Premier League, (EPL) football club, Arsenal, by Eta Uso, one of his aides. I always knew Atiku was a “Gunner,” the moniker with which we Arsenal friends are known. His doctor, Azu Ndukwe, is as passionate. Atiku knows I’m one as well, and this is one of our areas of mutual convergence. Arsenal was playing this tricky game which we watched together in his comfy living room, one of those midweek evenings. Atiku had to go observe the Isha’a prayer so he assigned me the responsibility of monitoring proceedings so I could brief him after the supplication. “Analyst Tunde, what are the scores,” he shot at me immediately he returned. “We are two goals up, Your Excellency.” His face lit up, you would think he had stakes in the club!
So Eta Uso presented this specially branded Arsenal jersey to Atiku, cameras and that flashlights clicking away, that afternoon. That was the prompter to other Gunners in the house who wanted to share the joy of the moment with the celebrant. Emeka Ihedioha, Dino Melaye, Jide Adeniji and I, all rose to join Atiku in celebrating a birthday gift, otherwise simple, but which meant so much to him. Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote is equally a very well known Arsenal aficionado who once contemplated buying over the London-based club. High flyers are human after all, and indeed share some of the fascinations of regular people.
After witnessing just how beautifully an unplanned milestone unfolded, you could not but wonder what the colour of the event would have been if it had been intentionally structured. For a man with such overflowing bank of goodwill, onshore and offshore; for a man who has remained a constant in Nigeria’s political dynamics nearly 20 years after he left office; for a man who stands strong and stolid despite serial betrayals and short circuiting over time even by allies, that will be the ultimate carnival. This is wishing the enigmatic Gooner Atiku Abubakar, Wazirin Adamawa, Prime Minister of Adamawa, a million happy returns of his special day. May pleasant surprises denominate our pathways in life as we rejoice with those who celebrate.
Olusunle, PhD, a Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja
Since the inauguration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on May 29, 2023, Nigerians have endured an unprecedented level of economic hardship. The steep rise in fuel prices, skyrocketing cost of living, devaluation of the naira, and the attendant ripple effects on businesses and households have created an environment of despair. Amid this growing frustration, a curious pattern has emerged among Tinubu’s supporters: a tendency to explain away the situation with defensive rhetoric, arguing that the hardship could have been worse if not for Tinubu’s emergence as president.
Such claims are becoming increasingly frequent. At first, the narrative was that the president inherited a battered economy from his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, and thus should not be held accountable for the suffering of Nigerians. More recently, a new spin has emerged, with supporters claiming that the exchange rate of the naira to the dollar, despite its rapid depreciation, would have been much worse had Tinubu not been in power. This refrain has been echoed by notable figures, including Pastor Enoch Adeboye and Dr. Doyin Okupe, but it is evident that these narratives are failing to resonate with the masses.
The realities on the ground tell a different story from the defensive rhetoric. Since Tinubu took office, the naira has weakened significantly against the dollar. At the time of his inauguration, the naira was trading at around ₦461 to the dollar in the official market, with black market rates slightly higher. Today, the currency is significantly weaker, trading far beyond ₦1000 to the dollar in parallel markets at certain points in recent months.
The removal of the fuel subsidy, a controversial move Tinubu announced in his inaugural speech, has had catastrophic effects. While proponents of subsidy removal argued that it was necessary for fiscal stability, the government has failed to cushion the impact on ordinary Nigerians. Transportation costs have soared, food prices have spiraled out of control, and businesses reliant on fuel for operations are struggling to survive.
These dire economic conditions have left many Nigerians questioning the credibility of the administration’s promises. Tinubu’s team has touted its plans to stimulate economic growth and attract foreign investment, but these promises have yet to yield tangible results for the average citizen.
One of the most glaring issues with the defensive rhetoric from Tinubu’s camp is its lack of accountability. Claims that the economy was already in shambles when Tinubu assumed office do not absolve the current administration of responsibility. While it is true that Buhari’s tenure left the country in a precarious state, Nigerians expected Tinubu to bring solutions, not excuses. After all, he campaigned on a platform of competence, touting his economic expertise and track record as governor of Lagos State.
The argument that the naira’s exchange rate could have been worse also rings hollow. For most Nigerians, the exchange rate is not just a number; it determines the cost of essential goods, many of which are imported. A weaker naira translates to higher prices for food, medicine, and other necessities. Telling people that it “could have been worse” offers no comfort when they can barely afford a meal.
Pastor Adeboye’s recent comment that the naira’s devaluation could have been more severe if Tinubu were not in power reflects this flawed rhetoric. Similarly, Okupe’s assertion that Tinubu’s policies have averted economic catastrophe fails to address the palpable suffering in the country. These narratives, rather than reassuring the populace, only deepen their frustration by appearing dismissive of their struggles.
The disconnect between the government’s rhetoric and the lived experiences of Nigerians is glaring. For the millions of citizens who cannot afford to pay school fees, cover medical expenses, or put food on the table, debates over what might have been are irrelevant. What matters is the here and now: a Nigeria where life has become unbearably difficult.
Small and medium-sized enterprises, which form the backbone of the Nigerian economy, are collapsing under the weight of inflation and unstable exchange rates. Families are making impossible choices, between paying rent and buying food, between educating their children and covering healthcare costs. These are the realities that no amount of spin can obscure.
The government’s supporters may find solace in rhetorical gymnastics, but ordinary Nigerians are demanding action. They need policies that deliver measurable results, not platitudes.
Rather than focusing on hypothetical scenarios and defending the indefensible, the Tinubu administration must acknowledge the severity of the crisis and take bold, decisive steps to address it. While it is true that reforms often come with short-term pain, there are ways to mitigate their impact. For instance, palliatives must be meaningful and targeted, reaching those who need them most. Half-hearted measures or token gestures, like the widely criticized cash transfer scheme, only serve to deepen mistrust.
The administration must also prioritize policies that stabilize the exchange rate. Encouraging transparency in the forex market, combating corruption, and fostering an environment conducive to investment will help restore confidence in the naira. Additionally, efforts to boost local production and reduce reliance on imports can help shield the economy from external shocks.
Finally, the government must communicate honestly with the people. Nigerians are resilient and willing to endure hardship if they believe it will lead to a better future. However, this resilience should not be taken for granted. The administration must provide a clear roadmap for economic recovery, complete with timelines and measurable milestones. Empty assurances and defensive rhetoric will only breed further disillusionment.
There is no denying the fact that the Tinubu administration is at a crossroads. It can continue to rely on narratives that absolve it of responsibility, or it can rise to the occasion and deliver the transformative leadership Nigerians were promised. The defensive rhetoric about the naira and the economy is not only unconvincing but also a disservice to a populace desperate for real solutions.
Excuses won’t fix the economy. Nigerians deserve better. The question now is whether President Tinubu and his team will rise to the challenge or whether history will remember this administration as one that talked the talk but failed to walk the walk. The clock is ticking.
[OPINION] Reno Omokri Vs. Davido: A Tale Of Patriotism, Criticism, And Nigeria’s Economy - Isaac Asabor
AdminReno Omokri, a social commentator known for his incisive takes on politics and society, recently found himself at odds with Afrobeat superstar David Adeleke, popularly known as Davido, over comments the latter made about Nigeria’s economy. In an explosive post on LinkedIn, Reno took a firm stance against Davido’s assertion that “Nigeria’s economy is in shambles,” made during a podcast appearance. While Davido’s statement resonated with many Nigerians facing daily economic challenges, Reno’s counterargument sheds light on a broader discussion about patriotism, celebrity responsibility, and the true state of Nigeria’s economy.
During his appearance on “The Big Homies House” podcast, Davido lamented Nigeria’s leadership and economic state, labeling the economy as being in “shambles” and criticizing the country’s governance. He also openly acknowledged Nigeria’s lack of strong leadership. This candid criticism did not sit well with Reno, who, in his response, accused Davido of ignorance, unpatriotism, and poor judgment, especially when speaking to a global audience.
Reno Omokri took issue with Davido’s grim characterization of Nigeria’s economy, presenting data to argue otherwise. He pointed to Wizkid’s recent record-breaking album launch, where the album “Morayo” amassed an unprecedented 12.12 million streams on Spotify Nigeria within 24 hours. For Reno, this accomplishment underscores a critical economic principle: people can only spend on entertainment if they have disposable income.
“Streaming music is purchased with disposable income,” Reno argued. “People do not have disposable income in an economy in shambles, not to mention breaking streaming records, especially on Spotify, where the average streaming cost is $10.99 monthly.”
Reno contrasted this with countries like Venezuela and Argentina, where economic collapse has eroded citizens’ spending power, resulting in diminished cultural exports. In his view, the ability of Nigerians to contribute to a vibrant entertainment economy undermines the claim that the country is in economic disarray.
Reno went further to present hard data to bolster his stance. He highlighted that Nigeria had achieved a ₦14.07 trillion trade surplus in the first half of 2024, a historic high, and noted the Nigerian Stock Exchange’s remarkable performance, with a 39.84% year-to-date increase. According to Reno, these milestones are proof that recent economic reforms, while painful, are bearing fruit.
These reforms, he argued, were essential to halt wastage, including the $1.5 billion spent monthly defending the naira and $15 billion annually on fuel subsidies. He acknowledged the short-term challenges brought about by these reforms but maintained that measures such as the increase in the minimum wage from ₦30,000 to ₦70,000 were designed to cushion the impact and enhance purchasing power.
A major thrust of Reno’s critique was aimed at Davido’s perceived lack of patriotism. Drawing a parallel with Barbadian pop icon Rihanna, who has consistently used her celebrity status to elevate her home country’s image, Reno chastised Davido for “talking down” Nigeria on a global platform.
“Rihanna never talks down on her country and instead uses her celebrity to promote Barbados,” Reno noted. “Which is why Rihanna was named a national hero and cultural ambassador for Barbados in 2018.”
Reno implied that Davido, with his dual citizenship and familial ties to Nigerian politics, ought to emulate Rihanna by speaking positively about Nigeria and contributing to its global image.
While Reno’s arguments may resonate with those who see potential in Nigeria’s economic reforms, many Nigerians might relate more to Davido’s bleak assessment. Rising inflation, unemployment, and the high cost of living paint a stark picture for the average citizen. The recent removal of fuel subsidies, though economically justified, has resulted in skyrocketing transportation and energy costs, pushing many Nigerians further into poverty.
Davido’s comments, therefore, can be seen as a reflection of this lived reality, a reality where millions struggle to afford basic necessities, let alone Spotify subscriptions.
Reno’s post raises an important question: what role should celebrities play in shaping the narrative about their countries? Should they, as Reno suggests, prioritize patriotism and highlight progress, or should they, like Davido, amplify the challenges to demand accountability?
In the age of social media, celebrities wield significant influence. For many, Davido’s criticisms may serve as a wake-up call for leaders to address the plight of ordinary Nigerians. However, Reno’s counterpoint is also valid: public figures have a responsibility to project their country in a positive light, particularly on international platforms.
The debate between Reno Omokri and Davido underscores the tension between expressing genuine concern for a nation’s challenges and maintaining a sense of national pride. While Reno’s data-driven optimism provides a counter-narrative to the prevailing pessimism, it’s crucial to acknowledge that statistics alone cannot capture the full scope of an economy’s impact on its citizens.
For Nigeria to truly move forward, both perspectives must coexist. Leaders and policymakers must take constructive criticism, like Davido’s, seriously, while influencers like Reno encourage citizens to appreciate progress and remain hopeful.
Nigeria stands at a critical juncture, where economic reforms and challenges coexist. While Reno Omokri’s optimism highlights the strides being made, Davido’s critique serves as a reminder of the work still to be done. Both voices, in their unique ways, contribute to a larger conversation about Nigeria’s future, one that requires collaboration, resilience, and a shared commitment to progress.
In the end, whether through data or song, it is clear that the dialogue about Nigeria’s economy is far from over. As citizens, we must engage with both the triumphs and the trials, finding ways to build a nation that works for everyone.
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The possibility of Seyi Tinubu, the son of the President of Nigeria, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu contesting for the Lagos State governorship in 2027 has become a significant topic of public discourse, raising important questions about the dynamics of political dynasties and democratic values in Nigeria. While his constitutional eligibility to vie for the position under Section 177 of the Nigerian Constitution is undisputed, the discussion brings to light broader issues of political inclusivity, leadership by merit, and the role of family legacy in modern democracy.
The Nigerian Constitution outlines clear qualifications for anyone aspiring to the office of governor. A candidate must be a citizen of Nigeria by birth, at least 35 years old, a member of a political party, and educated to at least the secondary school level or its equivalent. Based on these criteria, Seyi Tinubu, as a citizen by birth and meeting the age and educational requirements, is constitutionally qualified to run for the office, provided he secures the sponsorship of a political party.
Political dynasties are not exclusive to Nigeria; they are a global phenomenon that has influenced governance in many parts of the world. In the United States, for example, the Bush family has held significant political positions, including George H.W. Bush as the 41st President, George W. Bush as the 43rd President and former Governor of Texas, and Jeb Bush as the Governor of Florida. Similarly, the Kennedy family produced John F. Kennedy, the 35th President, and prominent figures like Robert Kennedy, a U.S. Senator and Attorney General, and Ted Kennedy, a long-serving U.S. Senator. The Clinton family also left its mark, with Bill Clinton serving as the 42nd President and Hillary Clinton as a Secretary of State and presidential candidate. These families earned their positions through electoral victories, reinforcing the importance of public trust and the democratic process.
If Seyi Tinubu decides to run, his candidacy will face considerable scrutiny. Questions about whether his aspirations are rooted in personal merit or familial advantage will dominate public discourse. In Nigeria, where perceptions of nepotism and concerns about equitable access to leadership persist, the candidacy of a high-profile figure like Seyi Tinubu will polarize opinions. To succeed in such an environment, he would need to present a compelling policy agenda and demonstrate his capability to govern effectively. His father’s legacy as a former Lagos governor and current president could either bolster his credibility or attract criticism, depending on public sentiment.
Ultimately, the decision rests with the electorate. Lagosians possess the constitutional authority to evaluate candidates based on their merits and to choose leaders who align with their aspirations for the state. Democracy thrives on the principle that leadership is determined by the people, not inherited by default. Seyi Tinubu’s constitutional right to contest for the governorship reflects the democratic ideals enshrined in Nigeria’s laws. However, his candidacy, like that of any other aspirant, must be judged on its merit, the policies he proposes, and the competence he demonstrates. In the end, the will of the people should guide leadership selection, ensuring that governance remains a reflection of collective choice rather than familial legacy.
Kenechukwu Aguolu
[OPINION] Petrol Price Slash By Dangote Refinery: Wetin Be N20 Wey Nor Fit Buy Chewing Gum? - Isaac Asabor
AdminThe announcement of a N20 reduction in the ex-depot price of petrol by Dangote Refinery, from N990 to N970 per litre, has sparked widespread reactions across Nigeria. While some applaud the gesture as a step towards addressing the nation’s high fuel costs, others see it as negligible, given the current economic realities. This divide was evident in a conversation overheard between two drivers washing their company vehicles in Ogba, Ikeja. One driver dismissed the price cut with disdain, remarking, “Wetin be N20 wey nor fit buy chewing gum?” This sentiment encapsulates the skepticism many Nigerians feel about the purported relief.
The Dangote Refinery’s statement, signed by its Group Chief Branding and Communication Officer, Anthony Chiejina, framed the price reduction as an end-of-year gesture of appreciation to Nigerians and a nod to the government’s support. The company emphasized its commitment to ensuring the availability of quality, environmentally friendly fuel while ramping up production to meet domestic demand.
Despite the goodwill attached to this reduction, the economic landscape makes it difficult for the average Nigerian to celebrate. Current pump prices range between N1,025 and N1,090 per litre across different marketers. For a country grappling with economic hardship, inflation, and a rising cost of living, the N20 reduction appears more symbolic than substantial.
To understand the frustration of Nigerians, one must delve into the economic context of inflation and diminished purchasing Power. This is as Nigeria’s inflation rate has skyrocketed, eroding the purchasing power of its citizens. Items that were affordable a year ago now cost multiples of their previous prices. Chewing gum, used metaphorically by the driver, indeed costs more than N20 in most urban areas today.
In a similar vein, looking at the issue from the perspective of high cost of transportation, there is no denying the fact that the fuel prices directly impact transportation costs, which in turn affect the prices of goods and services. With fuel already selling at over N1, 000 per litre, a N20 reduction is unlikely to significantly lower transport fares or bring relief to consumers.
Again, from the prism of household budget constraints, it is pragmatic that for an average household that consumes 50 litres of petrol per month, the N20 reduction translates to a savings of just N1,000 monthly. This amount barely covers the cost of basic groceries or utilities in today’s Nigeria.
Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to opine that Dangote Refinery, though, operates as a private enterprise, must strike a balance between profitability and public goodwill. Critics argue that the refinery’s prices remain uncompetitive compared to other suppliers, as evidenced by previous complaints from the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN). Dangote’s reported stockpile of 500 million litres of petrol suggests capacity, but pricing remains a contentious issue.
The refinery’s effort to work directly with stakeholders like PETROAN and IPMAN signals a willingness to address these concerns. However, the logistics of fuel distribution and the associated costs could continue to hinder a significant reduction in pump prices.
In fact, the public’s lukewarm reception to the price cut underscores a broader disillusionment with Nigeria’s economic management. Citizens feel that the government and major players in the oil sector, like Dangote Refinery, must do more to alleviate their plight.
While symbolic gestures like price reductions may garner media attention, they fail to address the structural issues plaguing Nigeria’s energy sector. Nigerians need substantial reforms that translate to real savings and improved living standards.
In a similar vein, the public remains skeptical of promises to lower pump prices. Past assurances by government officials and private entities have often fallen short, leaving Nigerians to bear the brunt of rising costs.
At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “Which way forward?” To answer the foregoing salient question, it is germane to opine that the skepticism surrounding the N20 reduction calls for a more robust approach to tackling fuel affordability in Nigeria. Some key recommendations cut across comprehensive subsidy reform, enhancing refining capacity, strengthening competition, and addressing distribution inefficiencies.
In fact, the removal of subsidies earlier this year has left Nigerians struggling with higher fuel costs. While subsidy removal is a necessary reform, its implementation should be accompanied by targeted palliatives to cushion the impact on vulnerable populations.
Given the foregoing, there is an urgent need to enhance refining capacity in Nigeria. In fact, beyond Dangote Refinery, Nigeria must invest in reviving its moribund refineries to reduce reliance on imports and bring down production costs.
Again, there is also the expediency and exigency of strengthening competition. This is as encouraging more players in the oil refining sector could lead to competitive pricing and better deals for consumers.
Not only that, there is equally an urgent need to address distribution inefficiencies. The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched as streamlining the logistics of fuel distribution can lower costs and ensure that price reductions at the ex-depot level reflect at the pumps.
In fact, the N20 reduction in petrol prices by Dangote Refinery, while commendable in principle, has been met with skepticism due to its minimal impact on the daily lives of Nigerians. As aptly captured by the disillusioned driver in Ikeja, “Wetin be N20 wey nor fit buy chewing gum?”, the statement highlights the growing frustration of a populace yearning for meaningful economic relief.
For the reduction to resonate positively with Nigerians, it must be part of a larger, sustained effort to address the root causes of high fuel prices and their ripple effects on the economy. Only then can gestures like these move from symbolic to impactful, bringing genuine relief to millions of Nigerians struggling to make ends meet.
[OPINION] Governor Fubara Is Right About IGP’s “Fraudulent” Actions: Who Orchestrated Lifu’s Judgment? Otisi Panel Exposes the Truth; The Police and Judiciary Owe Rivers State an Apology - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminIn a pivotal moment for Rivers State’s political landscape, Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s defiance against the Nigerian Police and their alleged interference in the state’s local government elections shines a spotlight on the deepening conflict between state sovereignty and judicial overreach. Fubara’s refusal to abide by the Federal High Court’s “fraudulent “judgment from justice peter Lifu, coupled with his dramatic confrontation with Inspector General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, exposes the growing divide between state leadership and federal judicial decisions that seem to overstep constitutional boundaries. At the core of this battle stands the Otisi panel’s recent ruling, which nullified the Federal High Court’s decision, which sought to bar the Rivers State Electoral Commission (RSIEC) from holding elections. This ruling holds significant weight, not just for Rivers State but for Nigeria’s broader democratic processes.
Governor Fubara’s Critique of the IGP: “Fraudulent” and “Wicked”
Governor Fubara did not hold back in his critique of IGP Egbetokun, accusing him of fraudulent and wicked actions in relation to the October 5, 2024 local government elections. Fubara’s strong condemnation of the IGP underscores the frustration and betrayal felt by local leaders when judicial rulings appear to undermine their constitutional rights and democratic processes. “We don’t need your security,” Fubara boldly declared, refusing to accept police intervention in what he viewed as the state’s rightful election process. This was not just about election security—it was about asserting Rivers State’s autonomy.
The standoff between Fubara and police officers on October 4, 2024 in Port Harcourt was a turning point. Fubara’s personal intervention, when police attempted to disrupt the operations of the RSIEC, was an act of defiance that sent a strong message about Rivers State’s commitment to self-governance, especially in the face of judicial decisions that seemed more concerned with obstructing elections than protecting the right to vote.
The Otisi Panel’s Ruling: A Victory for State Sovereignty
At the heart of this judicial struggle is the Court of Appeal’s ruling, which nullified the decision of Justice Peter Lifu of the Federal High Court in Abuja. Justice Onyekachi Otisi’s panel found that the Federal High Court had no jurisdiction over Rivers State’s local elections, especially in light of Section 28 of the Electoral Act, which only governs federal elections, governorship elections, and area council elections in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). This ruling is a monumental affirmation of state sovereignty and the separation of powers.
The panel’s decision is a landmark victory for Rivers State, confirming that the state has the right to manage its electoral process without interference from federal courts or law enforcement. By overturning Lifu’s “fraudulent judgement”, the Otisi-led panel reaffirmed that the RSIEC could proceed with the October 5 elections despite the federal court’s attempt to block them. This ruling marks a critical step in asserting the autonomy of state governments and local electoral commissions across Nigeria.
The Complex Web of Political Manipulation and Judicial Overreach
The dispute over Rivers State elections underscores a dangerous pattern of political manipulation and judicial overreach. Governor Fubara’s accusations against IGP Egbetokun reveal a growing concern about the compromise of federal institutions, particularly in Rivers State. The governor suggested that the IGP’s actions were part of a coordinated effort with former Governor Nyesom Wike to obstruct the October 5 elections.
This suspicion of political collusion between law enforcement and political figures has raised serious questions about the integrity of Nigeria’s judicial and law enforcement systems. Fubara’s allegations suggest that the Nigerian Police, under the leadership of IGP Egbetokun, may be playing a dangerous role in political interference, rather than fulfilling their constitutional duty to ensure the safety of the electoral process.
In light of this, the Otisi panel’s ruling serves as a refreshing reminder of the integrity of state authority. It emphasizes that state governments must not be held hostage by federal judicial overreach or political manipulation, particularly when such actions are designed to derail the democratic process.
Fubara’s Defiance: The Fight for Judicial Independence
Governor Fubara’s defiance of federal court rulings represents more than a political act; it is a stand for judicial independence. By insisting that the elections proceed, even in the face of legal opposition and police intervention, Fubara has placed himself at the forefront of the battle for Rivers State’s democracy. His declaration that “we don’t need your security” reveals the deep mistrust he has for federal institutions that he believes have been compromised by political interests.
Fubara’s actions—and the Otisi panel’s subsequent ruling—reflect a broader movement in Nigeria where states are challenging the growing overreach of federal judicial power. The question remains: will the Nigerian judiciary continue to be manipulated by political forces, or will it rise above these pressures and uphold the principles of fairness, independence, and autonomy?
A Call for Judicial Accountability and Apology
The ongoing saga between Governor Fubara, IGP Egbetokun, and the Federal High Court in Abuja under Justice Lifu is a glaring example of judicial abuse and political manipulation at its worst. The Otisi panel’s ruling cuts through the political smoke and mirrors, exposing the blatant flaws and overreach in Justice Lifu’s decision. This ruling wasn’t just legally flawed; it was a deliberate abuse of jurisdiction, one that undermined the constitutional rights of Rivers State and disrupted the democratic process with reckless disregard. The manipulation at play here has not only caused unnecessary turmoil in the state but has shown the depths to which some are willing to go to subvert justice for political gain. This is a scathing indictment of a judiciary that must be held accountable for its failures.
In light of this ruling, it is time for the Nigerian Police and Judiciary to own up to their errors and offer a public apology to Rivers State. Their actions in undermining the state’s electoral rights and interfering with the democratic process must be acknowledged, and the damage caused must be rectified.
As Governor Fubara asked, “What kind of a country is this?”—a country where state rights are trampled upon by a compromised judiciary and political manipulation. The Otisi panel’s ruling is a victory for justice, but it is also a call for greater accountability within Nigeria’s judicial system. It is time for the police and federal courts to acknowledge their role in undermining Rivers State’s sovereignty and to offer an open apology for their interference in the state’s electoral process.
A Path Forward: Restoring Integrity and Upholding Justice
The future of Rivers State’s democracy depends on the ability of the judiciary to rise above political pressures and act impartially. The Otisi panel’s ruling is just one step in the ongoing fight for state sovereignty and judicial independence. The people of Rivers State have shown their resolve in the face of injustice, and now the judiciary and law enforcement must step up to restore integrity to the system and apologize for the damage caused by their misguided actions.
The battle for justice in Rivers State is far from over, but it represents a critical moment in the fight for fairness, transparency, and democratic integrity across Nigeria. This recent ruling serves as a reminder that justice must be blind to political influence and that state governments have the right to govern their own elections without external interference. The people of Rivers State have spoken—now, it’s time for the judiciary and law enforcement to take responsibility and make things right.
As Nigeria awaits the outcome of Hamma Barka’s panel on the remaining Rivers State cases, the significance of Rivers State in the nation’s political and economic landscape cannot be overstated. Rivers, as a major oil-producing state, plays a central role in Nigeria’s economic stability, being one of the key contributors to the nation’s oil revenue. The stakes are extremely high, not just for Rivers State, but for the entire country. Any further interference with its governance, especially through fraudulent judicial rulings and political manipulation, risks destabilizing a critical pillar of Nigeria’s economy. Rivers State cannot be treated as a political battleground for power-hungry elites without facing dire consequences.
For this reason, those in positions of power must be extremely careful. No more fraudulent judgments must be allowed to take root, especially when they threaten the very foundations of democratic governance in Rivers State. President Tinubu, who is deeply involved in the political currents surrounding these events, must take heed and avoid being complicit in these dark and dangerous maneuvers. Aligning with figures like Nyesom Wike and engaging in schemes that undermine the state’s autonomy could lead to irreversible consequences. The people of Rivers are resilient, and if the forces of political manipulation continue to push them to the brink, there will be a reckoning—a fire that will be impossible to contain once ignited.
Rivers State’s fight for sovereignty is not just a local issue; it has national implications. The nation’s future depends on whether the rule of law and democracy can be preserved in Rivers, or if political figures, judicial overreach, and law enforcement corruption will continue to dictate its fate. Those in power must choose carefully—any attempt to undermine Rivers State and its people will not be without consequence. The fire will burn, and history will remember those who tried to extinguish it.
Furthermore, the leadership of the Nigerian Police, particularly IGP Egbetokun, must take a hard look at the nonsensical and counterproductive nature of their involvement in this situation. The actions of IGP Egbetokun have shown a disregard for professionalism and the law in the service of political expediency. The police leadership must learn from this stupidity and reassess their role in ensuring the security of the electoral process, rather than being pawns in the political games of the powerful. This is a moment for self-reflection and a clear recognition of the importance of acting in the best interests of the law and democracy, not serving political agendas. The consequences of failing to act with integrity will echo far beyond this moment—into the very future of Nigeria’s democracy.
[OPINION ] Kemi Badenoch’s Remarkable Ascent in UK Politics: A Milestone for the Black Community - Magnus Onyibe
AdminAs Great Britain, once a colonial power ruling over 56 nations now part of the Commonwealth, transitions into a more inclusive society, a symbolic form of “reverse colonization” seems to be unfolding. This phenomenon, exemplified by individuals from formerly colonized nations rising to leadership roles in the UK, highlights the open-mindedness of Britons. Their inclusive approach has afforded immigrants, including those born in the UK, equal opportunities alongside the native population.
The adventurous spirit of the British has also contributed to London’s evolution into a cosmopolitan hub. Home to people from various former colonies, London has become a melting pot of cultures and a global financial center rivaling cities like New York, Shanghai, and Hong Kong.
Historically, Britain’s dominance as a seafaring nation beginning after the founding of the country in 1707 enabled it to build an empire that spanned nearly a quarter of the globe. Through its control of vast territories in Africa, India, Australia, Canada, the United States, and the Caribbean, the British Empire left an indelible mark on the world. While the UK is no longer the imperial force it once was, it remains a vital player on the global stage.
Should Kemi Badenoch—of Nigerian heritage now the leader of the Tory party currently in opposition—one day become the UK’s Prime Minister, it would be a monumental achievement not just for Nigerians but for Africans and the global Black community. Her rise would echo that of Barack Obama, whose election as the first Black President of the United States inspired millions worldwide.
However, it’s unlikely that Nigerians had a direct hand in Badenoch’s political success. Her ascent in the UK’s political sphere did not hinge on support from Nigerian-majority constituencies. Therefore, Nigerians must allow her to continue climbing the political ladder without the negativity that sometimes characterizes reactions to such achievements as evidenced by the vilification from Nigerians she is currently contending with.
In my view, if Badenoch reaches the pinnacle of UK politics, she may remember her Nigerian roots. But even if she doesn’t, her success is still significant. It would serve as an inspiration for Nigerian-born Britons and the broader Black community in the UK and other countries in Europe and North America to pursue political leadership, marking a meaningful step forward for the Black race.
In the United States, Barack Obama deliberately distanced himself from Black identity politics during his presidential campaign, recognizing that such an approach might limit his appeal in a nation where Black Americans constitute just 13% of the population. In contrast, Hispanics account for approximately 14%, while Caucasians make up around 67%. The significant role of rural Caucasian voters in Donald Trump’s 2016 and 2024 victory—and their contribution to Keir Starmer’s Labour Party overtaking the Conservatives earlier this year, which Kemi Badenoch currently represents—underscores the importance of appealing to the broader majority in diverse democracies.
For candidates from minority backgrounds aspiring to lead multi-ethnic nations, emphasizing racial or ethnic identity can create barriers. Hence Badenoch, like others before her, has to navigate this challenge.
Historically, Rev. Al Sharpton and Rev. Jesse Jackson both campaigned for the U.S. presidency by centering on Black identity, but neither achieved electoral success. Barack Obama learned from these missteps, avoiding identity politics and instead galvanizing young voters through social media, ultimately winning the presidency in 2008. Similarly, Kamala Harris, the current U.S. Vice President, distanced herself from minority-focused identity politics. That is why she did not openly emphasize her Black heritage during her campaign, but celebrated her marriage to Doug Emhoff, a Caucasian, to further broaden her appeal.
Kemi Badenoch appears to be following a comparable path in the UK. Her husband, Mr. Hamish Badenoch, is a successful Caucasian banker, a detail that could work in her favor when elections are called. As leader of the Conservative Party, this positioning may enhance her chances of becoming the UK’s next Prime Minister.
Meanwhile, the debate over reparations for the historical atrocities of slavery perpetrated against Africans continues to stir emotions. At the recent Commonwealth meeting in Apia, Samoa, African representatives renewed their call for reparations, but King Charles dismissed the demands, and Prime Minister Keir Starmer brushed them aside. This response frustrated African advocates and reignited debates about the relevance of the Commonwealth, especially if it primarily serves to promote the economic interests of the UK as the former colonial power, particularly the African continent as a market for her goods and services.
The UK’s resistance to reparations—unlike Germany, which compensated Israel for the Holocaust—is likely rooted in the immense financial strain such a commitment would impose, particularly given the UK’s current economic difficulties.
Nevertheless, Britons like Americans have demonstrated a commendable level of inclusivity and liberalism by granting citizens of foreign ancestry the same rights and opportunities to rise to the highest echelons of political power. This inclusive approach could, for now, be seen as a symbolic form of reparation for the UK’s inability to meet Africa’s demands for financial reparations.
In this context, Kemi Badenoch’s rise to prominence—an African woman occupying one of the most significant positions in British politics—offers a powerful symbolic acknowledgment of historical injustices and readiness of the former colonizer to atone for past atrocities such as slavery and the pillaging of the economic resources of the continent. Her potential candidacy for Prime Minister would reaffirm this gesture of non-financial reparation, serving as a tribute to the historical exploitation of Africa, particularly the West African region.
That said, I do not support those in Nigeria who have criticized Badenoch for her disparaging remarks about the country during her bid for Conservative Party leadership. As Otto von Bismarck once said: “Politics is the art of the possible.” This pragmatic view mirrors the boldness that led Bismarck to organize the infamous Berlin Conference of 1884/85, where Africa was partitioned among European powers whose vestiges have been sustained and a reason the continent remains underdeveloped.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, the 32nd President of the United States, is famously associated with the statement: “In politics, nothing happens by accident.” This highlights that political events and decisions are rarely spontaneous but are typically the result of meticulous planning, strategy, and deliberate manipulation.
Kemi Badenoch’s ambition to become the next Prime Minister of the UK is legitimate, and her approach reflects this aspiration. By aligning herself with the expectations of the British electorate, she has positioned herself as a candidate who embodies British political ideals. However, her portrayal of Nigeria, which has drawn criticism from Nigerians, likely serves to reassure skeptical voters in the UK of her commitment to those ideals, which differ markedly from the political climate in her ancestral home.
Critics who find her comments about Nigeria disparaging may view them as unnecessary, but Napoleon Bonaparte’s assertion that “In politics, absurdity is not a handicap” offers a counterpoint. This underscores the reality that political maneuvering often includes statements or actions perceived as controversial or unconventional.
The ruthless ambition often associated with political pursuits is exemplified by Nicolae Ceaușescu, the former communist leader of Romania, who reportedly declared: “I will sell my mother to buy power. After getting power, I will buy my mother back.” While the literal feasibility of such a claim is questionable, it reflects the unrelenting drive and willingness to sacrifice personal relationships for political gain. Similarly, Ghanaian politician Freddie Blay echoed this sentiment, stating: “I love politics, and I would spend money to win power. If you are not careful, I will even be ready to sell my mother for money to retain my position.”
This stark perspective highlights an inconvenient truth: such a mindset underpins the actions of many politicians globally, particularly in authoritarian systems. Politics, after all, is a game of power and influence, often involving the orchestration of events to achieve specific objectives. While this doesn’t always imply malicious intent, it does illustrate the calculated nature of political strategy. As Groucho Marx wittily observed: “Politics is the art of looking for trouble, finding it everywhere, diagnosing it incorrectly, and applying the wrong remedies.”
From a historical standpoint, Badenoch’s current political strategy in the UK parallels that of Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR), whose rise to the U.S. presidency (1933–1945) was shaped by significant challenges, including the Great Depression and World War II. FDR’s leadership was marked by calculated and strategic decisions, much like Badenoch’s tactical rise to the top of the Tory party as she positioned herself for a shot at the premiership.
As the saying goes: “There is no smoke without fire.”
Badenoch’s seemingly critical stance on Nigeria may be driven by the significant obstacles she faces in her political journey. These include her non-Caucasian identity, which may lead some to question whether her African heritage aligns with British identity. This skepticism is compounded by concerns that her Nigerian background might influence her leadership style if she were to become Prime Minister. Overcoming these challenges requires Badenoch to carefully navigate perceptions and prove her commitment to the ideals and values expected by the British electorate.
Given the unconscious bias that her non-Caucasian background might invite, Kemi Badenoch appears to have strategically distanced herself from Nigeria. This move is likely aimed at improving her chances of securing the top political position in the UK—Prime Minister and resident of 10 Downing Street. To achieve this, she has deliberately redefined herself as a quintessential Briton, fully embodying British political ideals and values.
Therefore, Badenoch’s public criticism of Nigeria’s poor political standards plays into this strategy, enhancing her appeal to the UK electorate who need to be assured that her values as a politician are higher than the typical Nigerian standard. These voters, to whom she must demonstrate her allegiance, are the ones whose support she needs to succeed in her political ambitions, not the Nigerians who have no voting rights in the UK that are unbraiding her because she is not pandering to them.
Given the above reality, it is essential to view Badenoch’s actions through the lens of political survival. She faces significant challenges as she navigates her role as the first Black woman to lead a major political party in the UK, and her situation can be compared to popular cultural phenomena. For instance, her political journey resembles contestants on the Big Brother House reality television show, where individuals use charm, wit, and strategy to outlast competitors and win over audiences to clinch the coveted prize. Similarly, it mirrors the power struggles and scheming seen in Game of Thrones another reality television show, where characters fight for survival and dominance in a high-stakes, ruthless environment.
Understanding the immense pressures Badenoch faces should prompt Nigerians to support her rather than criticize her, hence this intervention aimed at sharing another Point of View, PoV on the matter. Unfortunately, many Nigerians, despite sharing a common ancestry with her, have been quick to attack her leadership style and political stance. Hopefully, this article will help to explain the rationale behind her political posture, which has drawn ire from Nigerians who perceive it as disloyal or unflattering. By recognizing the challenges Badenoch confronts, critics may better understand her choices and judge her more fairly.
In stark contrast to the criticism Badenoch has received for not openly embracing her Nigerian heritage, Rishi Sunak, the former UK Prime Minister of Indian descent, enjoyed overwhelming support from both the Indian diaspora in the UK and Indians back home.
Based on my research, the following factors may help explain why Nigerians have reacted more critically to Badenoch’s candidacy compared to the widespread celebration of Sunak’s rise to power:
1. Distinct diaspora dynamics:
The Indian diaspora in the UK is larger, more established, and maintains stronger cultural and economic ties to India. On the other hand, while the Nigerian community in the UK is growing, it lacks the same level of organization and connection to Nigeria.
2. Nigerian political challenges and skepticism:
Nigeria’s history of political instability and corruption has created a sense of skepticism among its citizens. Consequently, many Nigerians may hesitate to celebrate a politician, especially one who has achieved success within a foreign political system.
3. Limited connection or representation:
Unlike Rishi Sunak, who openly embraces and celebrates his Indian heritage, Kemi Badenoch has not prominently highlighted her Nigerian roots but discountenanced them. Her apparent reluctance, possibly influenced by the challenges facing Nigeria, may contribute to the lack of enthusiasm among Nigerians.
4. Divergent expectations from diaspora figures:
Nigerians tend to focus on the tangible contributions their diaspora representatives make toward Nigeria’s development, rather than celebrating individual achievements abroad. This difference in priorities may explain the muted reception to Badenoch’s political ambitions.
5. Media portrayal and controversy:
The role of social and traditional media cannot be ignored. Badenoch’s controversial remarks about Nigeria have sparked significant backlash, with media platforms amplifying these sentiments and shaping public opinion.
In conclusion,
Rishi Sunak and Kemi Badenoch (if she becomes Prime Minister) will not be the first politicians from minority backgrounds to lead the UK. Several British Prime Ministers have had diverse ancestries:
William Pitt the Younger: Born in England, he became Prime Minister at the age of 24 and had Irish ancestry through his father, a British politician.
Benjamin Disraeli: An English-born Prime Minister whose father was an Italian immigrant.
Harold Wilson: Also born in England, Wilson’s father, a chemist, had Scottish roots.
Kemi Badenoch, an African of Nigerian heritage, could similarly rise to lead the UK, following the precedent set by these figures.
Some critics might attempt to frame her success as “reverse colonialism.” However, she will not be the first minority from a former colony to rule the UK because India, like Nigeria, was colonized by Britain, and Rishi Sunak served as UK Prime Minister for two years (2022–2024) without significantly favoring Indians or enriching India as a country. This demonstrates that such fears are baseless.
As Badenoch appears to have a strong chance of becoming the next UK Prime Minister, Nigerians should refrain from actions or criticisms that could undermine her ambitions.
To Kemi Badenoch, my advice is simple: remain composed (translated in Yoruba as -farabale). Although you are British, your umbilical cord is still tied to Nigeria, and you will need the blessings of Nigerians as you ascend to the highest office in your current country of citizenship.
I join others in wishing her as well as other politicians of Nigerian heritage climbing up the ladder of the political ecosystems in their respective countries of citizenship, the best of luck as they chase the dream of becoming prime minister/president.
Magnus Onyibe
Entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.