
OTHERS' VIEWS
It is often said that time heals wounds, but history has shown us that time also demands accountability. After decades of evasion, former military president General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) has finally nurtured his wounded conscience with the truth regarding the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election.
Just as Uthman Dan Fodio once recommended that “conscience is an open wound, only truth can heal it,” the former military president has finally tended to his wounded conscience by admitting the truth about the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election in his book. For decades, the ghost of that historic injustice has haunted Nigeria’s democratic journey, but by coming clean, IBB has, at least, acknowledged the weight of his actions. While his confession does not erase the past, it aligns with Dan Fodio’s wisdom, which says only truth has the power to bring closure to history’s most painful wounds.
Though his somewhat confession has come late, long after many key players in that unfortunate monkeyshines have passed on, it still holds significance for the sake of posterity.
For years, Nigerians have yearned for an honest acknowledgment of the circumstances surrounding the annulment of what is still widely regarded as Nigeria’s freest and fairest election. The event that denied Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola his legitimate mandate remains a dark stain on our democratic journey. The excuses and justifications provided over the years never satisfied the thirst for truth. Now, IBB’s belated confession, though not a complete absolution of his role, serves as a historical document that at least gives Nigerians some clarity.
The question on the lips of many Nigerians is: “Why now?” “Why did IBB choose to reveal his truth at a time when the principal victims of his actions are no longer alive to react?” MKO Abiola, the man whose mandate was stolen, died under suspicious circumstances while still demanding justice. His wife, Kudirat Abiola, was assassinated in the course of the struggle. Other activists and journalists who fought relentlessly for the reversal of the annulment either suffered exile, imprisonment, or lost their lives. The Nigerian people endured political repression, economic hardship, and a prolonged transition to democracy. The confession, though welcomed, is coming at a time when justice can no longer be served to those directly affected.
Yet, it is better late than never. By admitting the truth, IBB has at least given Nigerians something tangible to hold onto. The significance of this confession cannot be overlooked. It reinforces the fact that Nigeria’s democratic struggle was not in vain. It also serves as a reminder that no matter how long it takes, the truth has a way of emerging. For those who doubted the sincerity of the opposition to the annulment, this confession is a validation that history had judged rightly.
In fact, IBB’s public acknowledgment should serve as a moral benchmark for others who have, at different political dispensations, contributed to Nigeria’s downfall. Nigeria has suffered repeated betrayals from individuals entrusted with power and responsibility. From electoral manipulations to corruption and governance failures, the country has been plagued by leaders who, like IBB, made self-serving decisions at the expense of the people.
Where are those who orchestrated the economic policies that plunged millions into poverty? Where are the architects of failed government programs that siphoned public funds while leaving citizens in suffering? Where are the political leaders who used ethnic and religious divisions to gain power, only to abandon the people when it mattered most? These individuals, like IBB, owe Nigerians the truth.
Confession is not just about admitting wrongdoing; it is about setting the record straight and giving future generations the opportunity to learn from past mistakes. Those who have played key roles in Nigeria’s political and economic sabotage should follow IBB’s example and admit their misdeeds. This is not about public shaming but about fostering a culture of answerability. Nigeria cannot move forward if its history remains shrouded in lies and deliberate misinformation.
Without a doubt, there is an urgent need for institutional truth-telling. Many countries that have suffered similar political betrayals have implemented truth and reconciliation commissions. South Africa’s post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission provided a platform for perpetrators of political crimes to confess their actions and seek forgiveness. Nigeria has never had such a structured approach to addressing its past.
Imagine a situation where past military rulers, corrupt politicians, and economic saboteurs come forward to acknowledge their wrongdoings. Imagine how much healing it would bring if those who orchestrated electoral frauds admitted their roles and sought national forgiveness. Such a process would not erase the damage done, but it would give Nigeria a stronger foundation for moving forward.
In fact, IBB’s confession has reignited discussions on the role of citizens in holding leaders accountable. While it is easy to blame those in power, Nigerians must also reflect on how they have enabled unpatriotic leadership. Too often, the electorate has been complicit in electing or tolerating corrupt politicians. The culture of political sycophancy, where individuals support leaders based on ethnic or religious affiliations rather than competence, has been detrimental to the nation’s progress.
The lessons from June 12 should go beyond IBB’s confession. Nigerians must demand better governance, transparency, and integrity from their leaders. If we do not hold our leaders accountable, history will continue to repeat itself. Confessions are useful, but they should lead to systemic change.
Beyond individual confessions, Nigeria must explore avenues for restorative justice. While some might argue that IBB’s confession is enough, others believe that justice must go beyond mere words. Should there be reparations for the damage caused by the annulment of June 12? Should there be legal consequences for historical political crimes? These are tough but necessary questions that Nigerians must begin to ask.
Furthermore, the government should take steps to formally document the history of June 12 in school curricula, civic education, and national discourse. We must not allow future generations to be misinformed or manipulated about the true events of the past. If we are to build a stronger democracy, we must learn from our past mistakes and ensure that the mistakes of history are never repeated.
IBB’s delayed confession about the June 12 annulment is not enough to erase the pain and damage caused, but it is still a step in the right direction. It is an acknowledgment that the Nigerian people were wronged, and that truth, no matter how long it takes, will always surface. Other political actors who have betrayed Nigeria in one way or another should take a cue from IBB and come forward with their own confessions.
For the sake of posterity, Nigeria must embrace truth as a necessary component of nation-building. Without honesty about our past, we cannot chart a clear course for the future. As we remember June 12 and its significance, let us also remember that democracy thrives on accountability. The journey to a better Nigeria begins with a commitment to truth, no matter how uncomfortable it may be. The time for silence and denial is over, Nigeria deserves the truth, and it deserves it now.
The Africa Union, AU, 38th Summit from February 15-16, 2025 promised to be challenging as the body had to elect a new Chairperson for the African Union Commission, AUC, which is its engine room. The Commission is the AU Secretariat and its Chair, its chief executive officer.
In the last eight years, that seat had been occupied by Mr. Moussa Faki Mahamat who seemed to have been sleeping on duty. His country, Chad, was under the French orbit, and Faki, as Chadian Foreign Minister, and then President Idris Deby, carried out questionable activities in the Central African Republic. This led to Chadian troops fleeing that country in 2014.
When on April 20, 2021, there was a coup in Chad by current Head of State, General Mahamat Deby, Faki, as AUC Chair, refused to apply the organisation’s ‘Lome Declaration’ on unconstitutional change of government.
Faki was not particularly trusted, especially after he had smuggled Israel into the February, 2023 AU Heads of State Summit. This was detected and angry African countries led by South Africa got the Israeli mole, Ambassador Sharon Bar-li, walked out of the Summit after her accreditation and access badges were seized by the AU security.
So, for Africa, this Summit was an opportunity to rebuild, and the best place to begin was to elect a credible person to replace Faki. There were three main candidates.
Madagascar presented Richard Randriamandrato, its former Foreign Minister and later Minister of Economy and Finance. He had worked in the AU and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, COMESA, where he served for ten years. He did not appear to carry much weight and was clearly the least favoured.
Djibouti’s candidate was Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, who has been Foreign Minister since 2005. He had been educated in Djibouti, United Kingdom, France and Canada and served as Ambassador to Egypt before being Foreign Minister. He had previously served as both the Chairperson of the Council of Ministers of the Arab League and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, OIC. He had been Foreign Minister for two decades; it meant he had practically attended all Organisation of African Union, OAU/AU, Summits in the last 20 years.
The fact that Djibouti with a population of less than one million and a total land size of 23,200 square kilometres is one of the smallest countries in Africa, was not a disadvantage. In fact, it fits into the dream of the founding fathers of the OAU/AU, which is to give small countries greater say in the organisation. This is in line with the Constitutive Act of the AU which states that: “The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” So, to the AU, one way of ensuring equality between Seychelles with a population of about 100,000 people, and Nigeria with a 230 million population, is to cede leadership to small countries.
In line with this principle, since 1964, all the eleven elected chief executive officers of the OAU/AU except for South Africa’s Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, were from countries considered small. These were Diallo Telli, Guinea; Nzo Ekangaki and William Eteki, Cameroun; Edem Kojo, Togo; Ide Oumarou, Niger; Salim Salim, Tanzania; Amara Essy, Cote d’ Voire; Alpha Oumar Konaré, Mali; Jean Ping, Gabon and Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chad.
Except South Africa, 2012-2017, those from the big countries like Nigeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Morocco and Algeria were never considered. The Ethiopian, Kifle Wodajo, 1963-64, and the Nigerian, Peter Onu, 1983-1985 occupied those offices in acting capacity.
To me, my main concern about Djibouti is that it is like a ball played around by the big powers. Four countries have military bases in that tiny country. China has in the Port of Doraleh, Western Djibouti; in the Southern part, the United States has its base in Camp Lemonnier; the French, in Base Aerienne 188 and, even Japan without a conventional military has its Japan Self-Defence Force Base in Djibouti.
The big fish was Raila Amolo Odinga, a famous African figure who had been Kenyan Prime Minister for five years from 2008. He is the son of famous African Pan Africanist, Jeramogi Oginga Odinga.
Odinga had support amongst the big boys and in the first round of voting, Kenya had 20 votes, Djiboiti 18, Madagascar 10 with one abstention. In the second, Kenya had two more votes and Djibouti one. But in the third round, Kenya dropped to 20 votes while Djibuoti led with 23 votes and Madagascar maintained its bottom position with five votes. At this point, Madagascar dropped out and Djibouti maintained its lead into the seventh round where it won with 33 votes.
A possible reason for Djibouti’s victory is that after Madagascar dropped out, the French-speaking bloc might have consolidated its votes in the Djibouti vote basket. Also, the age difference between an 80-year-old Odinga, and a 59-year-old Youssouf might have counted in the latter’s favour. Again, some consider Odinga a bit brash and too assertive.
Not unexpectedly, the big countries took a the next big seats. Selma Malika Haddadi was elected the Deputy Chairperson. The 47-year-old is the Algerian Ambassador to Ethiopia, its Permanent Representative to the African Union and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, UNECA.
In line with the AU gender principle that if the elected AUC Chair is male, the Deputy Chairperson must be female and vice versa, only females remained in the Deputy Chair race. The Algerian had to gallop past Morocco’s Ms. Latifah Akharbach, Egypt’s Ms. Hanan Morsy and Ms Najat Elhajjaji of Libya.
Nigeria, the ‘Giant of Africa’ through Ambassador Bankole Adeoye retained the powerful position of Political Affairs, Peace and Security, PAPS, Commissioner.
South Africa’s Ms Lerato Mataboge, took the Infrastructure and Energy seat, Eswatini’s Mr. Moses Vilakati took that of Agriculture and, Ghana’s Ambassador Amma Twum-Amoah became Health, Humanitarian Affairs and Social development Commissioner.
It is difficult to say at this point if Africa has a strong enough team to move it forward. There is also the argument whether Political Affairs and Peace and Security, should remained merged or surgically separated.
The theme of the AU 2025 Summit was “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations.”
Reparations is an old struggle and for Africa to make any headway, the AU needs to team up with African American support groups and the 15-member countries of the Caribbean Community, CARICOM. It needs to link whatever programme it is working on with the CARICOM ‘Ten Point Plan for Reparatory Justice.’ On a practical level, this will include building “bridges of belonging” between Africa and the Caribbean and, allowing those in the Diaspora who want to return to Mother Africa, to do so freely.
[OPINION] Is The Judiciary Complicit In The Osun State Local Government Debacle? - Mike Ozekhome, SAN
AdminIn a landmark decision in ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE FEDERATION V. ATTORNEY GENERAL OF ABIA STATE & ORS (2024) LPELR-62576(SC) last year, the Supreme Court gave the local government system full autonomy, warning governors to keep their political fingers off Local Government Councils (LGCs). The legal status of the LGCs in Osun State has however been the subject of intense political and judicial debate following the 2022 local government elections. The matter has seen multiple judicial determinations, culminating in two critical Federal High Court judgements; one obtained by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the other by the Action Peoples Party (APP). While both judgements invalidated the elections conducted by the Osun State Independent Electoral Commission (OSSIEC), the judgement secured by APP remains the extant, binding, and subsisting legal authority, as no superior court has set it aside.
DISTORTION OF THE ESSENCE OF THE JUDGMENTS
In recent times, misinterpretations and misinformation have sought to distort the legal position, with some claiming that a recent Court of Appeal judgement reinstated the sacked local government officials. However, a critical examination of the Court of Appeal’s latest decision shows that it merely struck out the PDP’s appeal on the ground that no cause of action had arisen at the time of its filing. The position of the law in this regard is that when judgements are not to the substance of a case, they do not change the rights and liabilities of parties. See the case of IGBUNBOR V. AFOLABI (2001) FWLR (Pt. 59) 1284 at 165. Importantly, the Court of Appeal did not nullify or overturn the subsisting Federal High Court judgement granted in favour of APP, which therefore remains the authoritative and binding authority affecting the rights of the parties.
It is therefore meet that we clarify the foggy situation by analyzing the relevant judgements, applicable laws, and legal principles that govern the status of the 2022 Osun local government elections. This analysis will demonstrate that the local government councils were legally dissolved and that no subsequent judicial pronouncement had restored them. It will also demonstrate that the latest foiled invasion of many LGCs across Osun State by some APC persons is unconstitutional, illegal and amounted to self-help.
THE 2022 OSUN LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS HALLMARKED LEGAL CHALLENGES
The dispute over the Osun local government elections actually commenced in 2022, following the conduct of the elections by OSSIEC. The elections were challenged in court on the basis that OSSIEC had failed to comply with the mandatory provisions of the Electoral Act, 2022, specifically sections 28, 29, 32, 98, and 150 thereof.
The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the Action Peoples Party (APP) had separately instituted legal actions at the Federal High Court, seeking to have the elections nullified. The basis of these suits was OSSIEC’s alleged non-compliance with statutory provisions and constitutional violations.
THE PDP SUIT IN BRIEF
In the case of PDP, it was alleged that OSSIEC was planning to conduct local government election in Osun State in violation of the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2022, specifically sections 28, 29, 30 and 150 thereof. PDP also called on the Federal High Court to apply the decision of the Supreme Court in OSSIEC & ANOR V. ACTION CONGRESS & ORS (2010) LLJR-SC (delivered in 2010), to the effect that any notice of a local government election which is not in compliance with the Electoral Act is null and void. The law in existence as at the time of filing the said suit was the OSSIEC Law, 2015 (as amended).
While the suit was pending, the Osun State House of Assembly repealed the existing 2015 amended OSSIEC Law, and enacted the new OSSIEC Law, 2022, which prescribed 360 days’ notice for election, same as contained in the Electoral Act, 2022. OSSIEC then, during the pendency of the action, published a notice of election prescribing only 60 days as against the 360 days specified by the OSSIEC Law and the Electoral Act.
PDP, then, by an order of court, amended its processes to bring in the new development. OSSIEC still went ahead with the conduct of the election and the All Progressives Congress (APC) participated despite the pendency of the suit at the Federal High Court. It was after the election that the APC and some of its candidates brought a joinder application to the suit in a representative capacity, for all its candidates who reportedly participated at the election. The Federal High Court granted their application for joinder and the whole court processes were amended to reflect all the parties and issues. On 25th November, 2022, the Federal High Court delivered a judgment in the suit, nullifying the election and consequentially sacking all the purported elected officials.
SUMMARY OF THE APP SUIT
The APP’s suit was similar to the PDP suit in all respects; the only difference being that the APP’s suit was filed after the enactment of the OSSIEC Law 2022 and after the publication of the 60-day election notice by OSSIEC, as against 360 days provided by the OSSIEC Law and the Electoral Act.
While both parties obtained favourable judgements, the judgement in the APP suit has become the legally binding decision, as APC’s appeal against it was dismissed by the Court of Appeal on the 13th of January, 2025, for want of diligent prosecution. This dismissal rendered the APP judgement the final and only subsisting authority on the matter.
JUDICIAL INTERVENTION ON THE VALIDITY OF THE ELECTIONS
- The FHC Judgement in APP v. OSIEC (Suit No. FHC/OS/CS/75/2022)
In this case filed by the Action Peoples Party (APP), the Federal High Court (FHC), delivered a landmark judgement that rendered the October 15, 2022, Osun Statw local government elections null and void. The court held that the elections violated the Electoral Act, 2022, and were also inconsistent with the 1999 Nigerian Constitution.
The FHC in the APP case held as follows:
- “The election into local government councils across Osun State held on the 15th of October 2022, pursuant to the notice of election issued on the 15th of August 2022, is hereby declared unconstitutional, invalid, null, and void for violation of the Constitution and breach of Sections 28, 29, 32, 98, and 150 of the Electoral Act, 2022.”
- “All persons or individuals occupying offices in the state local government councils by virtue of the said election are accordingly sacked from holding such offices.”
- “Sections 25 and 26 of the Osun State Independent Electoral Commission Law, 2022, having been enacted in contravention of Paragraph 12 of Part II of the Second Schedule to the Constitution and being inconsistent with Sections 29 and 32 of the Electoral Act, 2022, are hereby struck down.”
I agree with the decision of the FHC because it is trite law that any law that is inconsistent with the Constitution is null and void and must be struck down because the Constitution is the grundnorm of the land (see section 1(3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 [as amended]). The Supreme Court, Per JAURO, JSC, pronounced on the supremacy of the Constitution in NPF & ORS V POLICE SERVICE COMMISSION (2023) LPELR-60782(SC) (P.154, paras. A-F), thus:
“It is equally imperative to restate the elementary principle of the supremacy of the Constitution. The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is the grundnorm, the basic law of the land. It stands head and shoulders above any other law or instrument enacted by the National Assembly, State House of Assembly or any other person or authority empowered in that regard. It is from the Constitution that every other enactment or instrument derive their validity and binding force. The doctrine of the Supremacy of the Nigerian Constitution is traceable to Section 1(1) and (3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as altered), which provides thus: "1. Supremacy of the Constitution (1) This Constitution is supreme and its provisions shall have binding force on all authorities and persons throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria. (3) If any other law is inconsistent with the provisions of this Constitution, this Constitution shall prevail, and that other law shall to the extent of the inconsistency be void.”
Consequently, as was decided by the Supreme Court in the case of PEENOK INVESTMENTS LIMITED V HOTEL PRESIDENTIAL (1982) 12 SC 1, there is undoubted power in the Court to declare null and void any law that conflicts with the provisions of the Constitution”. See also the cases of HON. INAJOKU & ORS V. ADELEKE & ORS (2007) ALL FWLR; OLAFISOYE V. FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA (2004) ALL FWLR 1106; AINABEBHOLO V. EDO STATE UNIVERSITY WORKERS FARMERS MULTIPURPOSE COOPERATIVE SOCIETY LTD (2007) ALL FWLR 712; PDP v. EDEDE & ANOR (2022) LPELR-57480(CA); PRESIDENT OF THE FRN & ORS v. ISA & ORS (2015) LPELR-25981(CA); and, AG FEDERATION & ORS v. ABUBAKAR & ORS (2007) LPELR-3(SC).
The legal implication of this judgement cannot be overstated. By declaring the 2022 Osun State LG elections unconstitutional, null and void, the court completely erased any legal foundation for the existence of the local government councils elected through that flawed process. The said APP judgement was also a judgement in rem, meaning that it applied to the whole world, all parties and stakeholders, and non-parties alike, irrespective of whether or not they participated in the litigation. In DIKE & ORS V. NZEKA II & ORS (1986) LPELR-945 (SC), the Supreme Court underscored this point most lucidly when it held:
“... A judgment is said to be in rem when it is an adjudication pronounced upon the status of some particular thing or subject matter by a Tribunal having the jurisdiction and the competence to pronounce on that Status. Such a judgment is usually and invariably founded on proceedings instituted against or on something or subject-matter whose status or condition is to be determined. It is thus a solemn declaration on the status of some persons or thing. It is therefore binding on all persons in so far as their interests in the status of the property or person are concerned. That is why a judgment in rem is a judgment contra mundum - binding on the whole world - parties as well as non-parties. ...."
See also the cases of OYETOLA & ANOR v. INEC & ORS (2023) LPELR-60392(SC); and, A.G. ABIA STATE & ORS V. A.G. OF THE FEDERATION (2022) LPELR-57010 (SC).
- The Dismissal of APC’s Subsequent Appeal and the Finality of the APP Judgement
Following the Federal High Court’s judgement, the All Progressives Congress (APC), which had benefited from the October 2022 elections, appealed the judgement in the case filed by APP. However, the Court of Appeal dismissed the appeal on the 13th of January, 2025, for want of diligent prosecution.
The legal implication of that dismissal is that the FHC’s judgement in the APP case remains the extant and binding position of the law. Under section 287(3) of the 1999 Constitution, all authorities and persons within Nigeria, including government institutions, political parties, and law enforcement agencies are obligated to enforce and abide by the said judgement, the appeal arising therefrom having been dismissed.
The current legal position on the status of the Osun State LGCs following these decisions of both the FHC, Oshogbo, and the Court of Appeal is that the earlier judgment of the FHC, which nullified the local government elections conducted on October 15, 2022, remains binding and validly subsisting. The election conducted by OSSIEC in 2022 therefore stands nullified, while all candidates in that election remain sacked. This will continue to be the position of the law until the judgment is set aside by the apex court of the land at the instance of the APP.
- The PDP Case and the Court of Appeal’s Technical Dismissal of Same
The PDP had in a separate case similar to APP’s, also challenged the legality of the OSSIEC conducted elections. The FHC sitting in Oshogbo had held in its favour. However, upon appeal, the Court of Appeal sitting at Akure struck it out on technical grounds. The court held that the PDP’s case was premature and speculative, having been filed prematurely when notice of the election had not yet been issued at the time of filing. This, in the intermediate Court’s view, deprived the FHC of jurisdiction to entertain the case. It is respectfully submitted that the Court of Appeal was right as is trite that where a matter is instituted when no cause of action has arisen, the doctrine of ripeness applies and such a matter becomes merely speculative and amounts to an academic exercise. This position of the law was upheld in the cases of EDEVIE V. OROHWEDOR & ORS (2022) LPELR-58931 (SC); OGBIMI V. OLOLO & ORS (1993) LPELR-2280(SC); and, UWAZURUONYE v. GOVERNOR OF IMO STATE & ORS (2012) LPELR-20604(SC).
It must be understood that this judgement did not invalidate the decision earlier obtained by APP at the FHC. Rather, it was a purely procedural decision that had no bearing whatsoever on the substantive matter – the validity or invalidity of the Osun State LG elections. The Court of Appeal held as follows:
“As at the time the PDP brought the suit, the cause of action had not arisen because the notice of election had not been issued. The suit was therefore premature.”
This judgement merely struck out the PDP’s appeal without ruling on the legality or otherwise of the elections. Nor were consequential orders made. More significantly, no declaration or consequential orders were made reinstating the ousted local government officials. When no consequential orders are made in a suit, the status quo remains as contained in the judgement appealed against. See the cases of AKINBOBOLA V. PLISSON FISKO (NIG) LTD & ORS (1991) LPELR-343(SC) and FCDA STAFF MULTI-PURPOSE (COOP) SOCIETY & ORS V. SAMCHI & ANOR (2018) LPELR-444380(CA). The fundamental issues that could have propelled the Court of Appeal to pronounce on the validity or otherwise of the notice of election and the propriety or otherwise of sacking the APC purported elected council officials who had participated in the said election were never considered by the Court of Appeal as they were treated as academic.
LEGAL IMPLICATIONS: THE INCONTROVERTIBLE DISSOLUTION OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCILS
- The 2022 Osun State LG Elections Were Null and Void
By virtue of the APP FHC judgement, the 2022 Osun local government elections were clearly unconstitutional and void from the outset. As a matter of law, a void act confers no legal right. When an act is void, it is void for all times and is not required to be set aside. In the case of OYENEYIN & ANOR V. AKINKUGBE & ANOR (2010) LPELR-2875 (SC), the apex court held that:
“In law, a void act is an act which has no legal effect or consequence. It does not confer any legal right or title whatsoever, and it does not impose any legal obligation or liability on any one or make any party liable to suffer any penalty or disadvantage.”
In simple terms, one cannot put something upon nothing and expect it to stand. It will collapse. See the cases of LEONARD MACFOY V. UAC LIMITED (1962) AC 152; OKWUOSA V. GOMWALK & ORS (2017) LPELR-41736 (SC); IFEANYI V. OGBA & ORS (2022) LPELR-58787(SC); and, MUSTAPHA & ORS V. ADENOPO & ORS (2020) LPELR-51409(CA). Consequently, no political party, individual or group can lay any valid claim to any Osun State local government offices based on the voided election.
- All Purported Local Government Officials Remain Legally Removed from Office
Since the FHC in the APP case had expressly sacked all persons occupying the local government positions and no appellate court has reversed that judgement, all the said officials remain legally removed from office. The said judgement remains binding on all parties and the whole world until set aside.
Indeed, the Supreme Court had upheld this position of the law in NGERE & ANOR v. OKURUKET & ORS (2014) LPELR-22883(SC), where it held:
“...The judgment of a Court of competent jurisdiction subsists until upset on appeal. While the judgment subsists, every person affected by it or against whom an order is made must obey it even if it appears wrong. Judgments take effect immediately they are delivered and every Court has inherent power to proceed to enforce judgments at once. The enforcements on delivery can only be interrupted by a stay of execution provided there is an appeal.”
- The Court of Appeal’s Judgement in the PDP Appeal Did Not Reinstate Anyone
Contrary to the position of the sacked LG officials who had sought to forcibly gate-crash into their offices, the Court of Appeal never reinstated any sacked LG officials. It merely struck out the PDP’s case without considering or commenting on the validity or otherwise of the voided elections. Consequently, any claim that the Court of Appeal reinstated the ousted chairmen is a deliberate distortion of facts and a result to sophistry.
- The APP Judgement Is Binding on All Parties
Since APC’s appeal against the APP FHC judgement was dismissed by the Court of Appeal, that judgement remains final and binding on all political parties, individuals and institutions in Osun State. See the case of NOEKOER V. EXECUTIVE GOVERNOR OF PLATEAU STATE & ORS (2018) LPELR-44350(SC), where the apex court held that:
“it is well settled law that the judgement of a competent court subsists and remains binding until it is set aside on appeal”.
- Any Attempt to Reoccupy Local Government Offices Is Unconstitutional and Amounts to Self Help
Any action taken by political actors to forcefully invade and reoccupy LG offices as was witnessed few days ago is not only illegal but also constitutes a contemptuous disregard of a valid and subsisting court judgement; and indeed a resort to self help, viet armis. The law forbids such resort to self-help by parties in a pending matter with a view to usurping the functions of a court of law. The Supreme Court in AGBAI & ORS V. OKOGBUE (1991) LPELR-225 (SC) 69-70, F-A, trenchantly cautioned that:
“The ratio decidendi of the decision of this Court in Ojukwu’s case is that once there is lis inter partes and the Courts of law are seised with the dispute, no person or authority, whether parties to the lis or not, is allowed by the Constitution to usurp the functions of the Court of law. It is the duty of every person or authority not to interfere with the legal and judicial process from taking its due course.”
The Supreme Court further confirms this position in NWAKIRE v COP (1992) LPELR-2097 (SC) 42-43, A-D, where it held thus:
“That self-help is not allowed in adjudication has been firmly ensconced in the jurisprudence of this nation like the Rock of Gibraltar, which position remains as constant, in Caesar’s words in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, “as the Northern Star”.
See the causa celere case of MILITARY GOVERNOR OF LAGOS STATE V. OJUKWU & ANOR (1986) LPELR-3186 (SC). See also GARBA V. FCSC (1988) LPELR-1304 (SC) 28-29.
- The Court of Appeal did not make any consequential Order of Re-instatement of the Sacked LG Officials
It must again be emphasised for the umpteenth time that the Court of Appeal in the PDP appeal decision never validated the election conducted by OSSIEC in 2022 under any guise as the issues on the validity of the election that could have led to a pronouncement on whether or not the APC candidates were rightly sacked were never considered. As a result, there was no consequential order for reinstatement by the Court of Appeal. The only consequential order by the Court of Appeal was an order directing PDP to pay a cost of N250,000 to the Appellants. NO MORE, NO LESS!
CONCLUSION
UPHOLDING THE RULE OF LAW
The Judiciary’s intervention in both the PDP and APP cases rather than show a Judiciary that is complicit, actually underscored the supremacy of the Electoral Act over state laws in regulating local government elections. Under Nigerian legal jurisprudence, the doctrine of “covering the field” applies here, which provides that all state laws which are inconsistent with federal laws are to the extent of those inconsistencies, null and void. In the case of A.G LAGOS STATE V. EKO HOTELS (2017) LPELR-43713(SC), the apex court expounded on the doctrine of covering the field thus:
“If any law enacted by the House of Assembly of a State is inconsistent with any law validly made by the National Assembly, the Law made by the National Assembly will prevail, and that other law shall to the extent of its inconsistency be void” – Section 4(5) CFRN 1999 {As Amended}. This, in clear language, means that only the law validly enacted by the federal legislature will prevail on that which is also validly made by the state house of assembly but this is only where that State Law is inconsistent with that of the Federal law.”
Similarly, in FRIDAY & ORS v. GOV OF ONDO STATE & ANOR (2012) LPELR-7886(CA), the appellate court held thus:
“...It is thus legal and legitimate for both the National Assembly and a State House of Assembly to legislate on same subject matter provided there is no inconsistency from the State law. Where there is inconsistency however, the State law will be declared null and void to the extent of its inconsistency, and in order not to create any vacuum, resort will be had to the old jurisprudential principle of covering the field, that is to say, that since there is a Federal Legislation on the subject matter, it is not necessary for a Federating State to legislate on that area and the provision made by the National Assembly covers the subject matter in question."
See also the cases of O.S.I.E.C. V. A.C (2010) 19 NWLR (Pt. 1226) 273; NPF & ORS V. POLICE SERVICE COMMISSION (2023) LPELR-60782 (SC); INEC V. MUSA (2003) LPELR-24927 (SC); and, AIRTEL NETWORKS LTD V. AG OF KWARA STATE & ANOR (2014) LPELR-23790 (CA).
All the judgements involved in these cases actually reaffirmed the necessity for electoral bodies to adhere strictly to established legal frameworks, ensuring transparency and compliance in the electoral process. See the cases of AUGUSTINE & ANOR V. INEC & ORS (2024) LPELR-61876(SC) and BUHARI Vs. INEC (2008) 19 NWLR (1120) 246. Such a judgement serves as a significant precedent for future electoral disputes in Nigeria, thus emphasizing the importance of lawful conduct in the governance process. The Court of Appeal in the PDP appeal having struck out the suit without considering the merit of the decision as regards the validity or otherwise of the election conducted by OSSIEC in 2022, the effect is that the suit filed by the PDP never existed in the eyes of the law.
However, the Court of Appeal in the PDP case did not strike down the judgment of the FHC in the APP case, nor did it validate the 2022 LG election and re-instate the sacked LG officials. The FHC’s decision in the APP case thus remains the only definitive legal authority on the status of the 2022 Osun State LG elections. Until and unless the Supreme Court decides otherwise, the said elections remain null, void, and of no effect whatsoever. No person elected in that flawed process can lay any lawful claim to any office.
Any claim to the contrary is a deliberate misinterpretation of the legal position and constitutes an attempt to undermine the rule of law and subvert the judicial process. Such would also serve as a subterfuge to the powers and decisions of arguably the most important arm of government – the Judiciary.
THE COURT’S DECISION IN THE OSUN LG BROUHAHA MUST BE EXECUTED
It is now the duty of law enforcement agencies and government institutions to ensure that all judicial decisions involved in these cases are respected and upheld. It is trite that all persons and authorities must obey judgements of courts and parties are not permitted to pick and choose which judgements to obey, or which to disobey. This legal principle was emphasised in the case of PDP v. LALONG & ORS (2023) LPELR-61629(CA), where the intermediate court held thus:
“By the provision of Section 287 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, all authorities and persons, including this Court, are expected to observe and ensure the compliance of order/judgments of the Court including High Court particularly orders/judgments that are in rem...An order of a competent Court of law, no matter its nature, is absolute and binding on all and sundry without question until it is legally and legitimately set aside by a competent Court of appellate jurisdiction. The fact of its being final or interim does not therefore affect its application and effectiveness. It remains valid and enforceable and must be obeyed”.
See also the cases of NGERE & ANOR v. OKURUKET & ORS (2014) LPELR-22883(SC); SHUGABA V. U.B.N. PLC (1999) LPELR – 3068 (SC); and, OBOH & ANOR V. NFL & ORS (2016) LPELR-50559 (CA).
THE LAW MUST BE VISITED ON THOSE WHO RESORTED TO SELF-HELP
I watched with dismay and disgust the act of certain LG officials who forcefully barged into the LG headquarters, attempting to reclaim office in the false and erroneous belief that the judgment of the Court of Appeal in the PDP case had re-instated them to their official positions, such was nothing short of brigandage and crude resort to self help. It must be condemned in the strongest terms and I so condemn it. It was selfish and uncalled for. In the same vein, all those who aided and abetted this democratic aberration must be fished out and charged before the law courts, however highly placed they are.
ANY AVAILABLE REMEDY?
My above take is not to say that there is no remedy available to the sacked officials; they still have a right of appeal to the Supreme Court in the APP case. But until the Supreme Court overturns the valid and subsisting judgment in rem of the FHC in the APP case, the said judgment remains binding on all parties.
The irresistible conclusion to be drawn from these events is that all LG offices across Osun State remain vacant and that the sacked APC officials cannot lay claim to the benefit of any judgement to occupy the council offices until they obtain a different outcome, if any, from the apex court. This is the LAW.
THE WAY FORWARD
To save themselves from needless orchestrated violence, all the political parties in Osun State should go for fresh polls and test their popularity in a free, fair and credible election. Politicians should leave the Judiciary alone by playing clean politics. As to the title of this piece, my humble submission is that the Judiciary was not in any way complicit in the Osun State LG imbroglio. Rather, it acted in good faith, striving fiercely to defend the rule of law and uphold electoral integrity.
Recent happenings in the United States of America got me thinking; especially since the ascension to office, on Monday, January 20, 2025, as the 47th president of the United States of America, of Mr. Donald Trump. But more appropriately right from the party primaries and, later, the presidential campaign that pitted Trump, first against the then incumbent President Joe Biden, and later Vice-President Kamala Harris. Kamala became the Democratic candidate after Biden bowed to pressure from his own party to step aside from running. Right from his first minute in office, President Trump began to trump everything in sight, living up not just to his campaign promises but also to the meaning of his name!
As to the question of what's in a name, we must now answer, a lot! There is plenty in a name! Google says what’s in a name “means a name itself is not important, and the essence or true nature of something is more significant than what it is called; essentially, a label doesn’t define the thing itself. This phrase is commonly used to suggest that a name is just a convention and what matters is the substance behind it”. In other words, “what something is called can never fully capture the full meaning of what that something is”.
What’s in a name originated from William Shakespeare’s tragic play “Romeo and Juliet” where Juliet argued that the Montague family name, which was the source of conflict, was irrelevant compared to her lover, Romeo’s character. Juliet and everyone else were to find out later, and to their chagrin, that there was, really, something to a name!
To “trump” something means “to outdo, surpass, or get the better of that something”. To “trump” also means “to outrank or defeat someone or something, often in a highly public way” Does that fit into what President Donald Trump was, has been, is and promises to still be all the way? If you still think there is nothing to a name, ask the governor of Ondo State, Lucky Orimisan Aiyedatiwa!
As President Trump trumps everything and everyone in sight, I began to ask myself whether the US is still the democracy it is touted to be. This is, perhaps, the world’s longest-running modern democracy; a people that fought a war of Independence and made their hair-splitting “We hold these truths to be self-evident…” declaration in 1776 in a speech that has never stopped rousing the patriotic zeal and nationalistic fervour of peoples of all colour, in every clime, and through the ages!
Tell me, is the United States still a democracy - with one man, weilding a pen and hauling Executive Order as nuclear bombs right, left, and centre, re-writing history, shredding hallowed tenets, wilfully and whimsically redrawing borders, threatening to eliminate ancient landmarks, and holding everyone spell-bound? Where are America’s famed “strong institutions”? Where is its all-powerful Congress? What’s happened to the theory of separation of powers upheld so loftily by America? Where are the American people themselves, famous for defending their own freedoms and liberties?
Many are already comparing Trump with Adolf Hitler. Demagogues usually start by commanding popular appeal. Hitler dismantled German democracy and imposed his demagoguery and dictatorship through the ballot box and not by making a coup or revolution. The people at first support and hail but by the time they have seen enough to want to pull back from the edge of the abyss, it would have become too late to act.
Some other commentators have likened Trump to the USSR’s Mikhail Gorbachev whose goal was to make the Soviet Union great but his twin policies of “glasnot” and “perestroika” ended up achieving the very opposite of what he intended. Trump seeks to Make America Great Again but will he, like Gorbachev, end up achieving its direct opposite? If he cares to listen he would hear warnings that many of his policies are like a two-edged sword: as he cuts his intended adversaries, so also does he cut himself. You hit them; they hit you back. And because he fights on multiple war fronts at one and the same time, like Hitler perilously did, he forgets the lessons of history. Is he not making the same mistakes that led to Hitler’s downfall?
German philosopher, Georg Hegel, says: “The only thing we learn from history is that we learn nothing from history” Says George Santayana: "Those who fail to learn from history are often condemned to repeating its mistakes". On his own, Karl Marx says “History repeats itself, first as a tragedy, second as a farce” Tragedy or farce - which one do you think is trending with President Trump? Or is it both?
President Trump is fighting on more than two fronts. He is fighting both internal and external “enemies”. He is up in arms against millions of alleged illegal immigrants in his own country; in the process, he runs the risk of disrupting the smooth running of goods and services that will imperil many businesses and hike the cost of living for American citizens. He is threatening to seize countries, territories, and canals, some of which had existed ever before the birth of the US itself! Canada, Mexico, Panama, Palestine (Gaza) are on his radar. He is pulling the US out of international treaties, obligations, and organisations thereby endangering global peace and security.
One man is imposing policies and making decisions whose debilitating and deleterious consequences will be difficult to reverse or repair years, even decades, after he has left office. He has only four years to spend in the White House. The few days he has been there already looks like eternity!
President Trump does things that will be considered unthinkable even in some of the countries he arrogantly and derisively called shitholes. He wears vengeance and vendetta like a badge of honour; he sacks with relish those he branded as personal enemies, and hands over the country to the financiers of his electoral victory, not under the table but in the full glare of all. The things President Trump shoves down the throat of everyone - Americans and foreigners alike - baffle me. But will he get away with all of this?
Gains of centuries of struggle for a better America - and a safer world - have been wiped away with just a stroke of his pen, throwing the World Health Organization, UNICEF, USAID, the International Criminal Court and lots of other multilateral agencies into grief. He is opposed to the promotion of a safer environment for all. He has given notice he would exit arms treaties with Russia that have helped to starve off the prospects of a nuclear holocaust.
As we speak, the humanism of the United States stands threadbare - stripped by Trump's pen! But in every disappointment, they say, there is a blessing. The revelations coming out of Trump’s scrapping of USAID may be one of such for Nigeria.
Trump, the son of immigrants, is not just trumping everything; he is trampling them as well! To “trample” means “to tread on and crush; to treat with contempt”. That’s exactly what President Trump is doing right now to American citizens; some of whom, ironically, elected him as president. Hundreds of Nigerians have been deported on his orders. That is what he is also doing to alleged illegal immigrants. He has declared "war" on China, Canada, Panama, and Mexico.
The other day I watched the Canadian leader, Justin Tradeau, almost in tears as he roused his citizens to rise up as one man to the Trump challenge. Trump's threats alone are said to have already started “affecting business and household confidence” in Canada and Mexico. Little Panama, bracing up to suffer what it must, tries feverishly to reach accommodation with Trump over the Panama canal. Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum has ordered retaliatory tariffs in response to any from Trump. Ordinary Americans, now stirring, are hitting the street with strindent anti-Trump rhetorics. China has announced its own retaliatory tariffs on US goods.
Isaac Newton’s third law of motion says action and reaction are equal and opposite. So we must expect reactions from everyone President Trump tramples. He has said even Europe and the United States’ NATO allies will not be spared.
In a sense, there is a way Trump’s bull in a chinashop may help to offload many of those who, customarily and for decades, rode on the back of the United States; now, they will be compelled to become more circumspect, be more responsible, be more responsive, and be more alive to their responsibilities. I hope Nigerians will be one such people. But if this does not teach Third World countries especially to look inward and become more self-reliant, nothing else will!
Now is the saying, there is no such thing as a free lunch, come alive practically before our very eyes!
Many Nigerians experience visa refusal daily. They don’t need the National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu, to invoke hell against any country to make the point.
Unfortunately, Ribadu’s fury after the Canadian High Commission refused visas to Chief of Defence Staff General Christopher Musa and other officials for the winter Invictus Games in Vancouver Whistler was directed at an unlikely target. Canada can be criticised for many things, but Ottawa’s faults do not include consular meanness.
In the last five years, Canada has been the third-biggest destination for Nigerian immigrants, especially students, after the US and the UK. Multiple sources, including reports by Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship Canada (IRCC), suggest that Canada, New Zealand, and the United Arab Emirates have relatively friendly visa policies for Africans.
Schengen refusals
If Ribadu needs any idea of what a visa hell looks like, he should look at Europe, specifically the Schengen area. According to a BusinessDay report, Nigeria ranked among the top five countries globally for Schengen visa refusals between 2022 and 2023.
Nigerian applicants submitted 86,815 requests three years ago, with 39,189 rejected—a 45.1 percent refusal rate. By 2023, the number of applications had increased to 105,926, but 42,920 were denied, reflecting a slightly lower rejection rate of 40.8 percent. At the rate at which President Donald Trump is going, sooner than later, the US might upstage Schengen as the world’s meanest visa gateway.
There will hardly be anyone to speak up for the casualties. When ordinary citizens are denied visas, they must deserve it, right? But General Musa is not an ordinary citizen. He is the jewel of Nigeria’s military top brass and should receive full consular courtesies on a good day without a fuss.
What happened?
So, what happened? Why did the Canadian High Commission refuse to issue visas to General Musa and the delegation of military officers for the Invictus Games? Let’s dial back.
Many years ago, citizens didn’t need visas to visit other Commonwealth countries, at least for the first 60 days.
Even by 1962, when many of these countries imposed visa requirements due to immigration pressures, a few, including Canada, maintained visa-free policies longer than most. It still maintains a visa-free policy for a few Commonwealth countries, while Britain has a much longer list of visa exemptions for some Commonwealth countries, including Malawi and Botswana.
Africa talks the talk
Today, even intra-African travel is a big struggle for Nigerian passport holders, despite all the talk by AU about visas on arrival. Thanks to the shameful conduct of a few desperadoes who have elevated the risk factor of the green passport and successive irresponsible governments that have plunged the country into the current mess, travelling with a Nigerian passport is not easy.
If the country’s status has moved from visa-on-arrival up to the early 1970s in many Commonwealth (and even non-Commonwealth countries) to a status of cautious admission and even outright hostility toward ranking government officials, Ribadu does not need to invoke hell. It’s a metaphor that painfully reminds us of our odyssey. Why was a four-star general in the Nigerian army denied a visa in a manner that has turned into a street brawl?
Cracks within
A few days after Ribadu asked the Canadian High Commission to “go to hell”—an expression that might have shocked even the hosts of hell’s consular services—it came to light that the refusal may have had more to do with the tardiness of a desk officer at the army’s protocol department than with the Canadian High Commission in Abuja.
The Nation newspaper quoted competent sources as saying that the Army failed to attach the note verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that should have accompanied the visa applications.
If that is correct – and the military authorities have not denied the report – how was that Canada’s fault? The question still needs to be asked: How did 14 of the 21 soldiers enrolled get visas when the officials and delegation leader could not be processed?
Calm down…
Ribadu is not just another government official. He would be justified in feeling slighted about a perceived diplomatic slight on Nigeria’s contingent, even if it was a contingent attending the Munich beer festival. But his office demands a sober and dignified response, not the sort of thing Idi-Amin might have said on the eve of evicting thousands of Asians from Uganda.
The report of official tardiness was sobering enough, but the purpose was no less puzzling. Of course, Prince Harry’s brilliant idea of the Invictus is to give wounded servicemen and veterans a chance to connect and bond with others as they remind us of their sacrifices for our safety and security and rediscover meaning in a shared humanity. But since its start in 2014, Invictus has been a summer game.
Their winter games
If the organisers decided to extend it to the winter to include adaptive sports, such as alpine skiing, Nordic skiing, skeleton and wheelchair curling, among others – hardly core Nigerian sports – that is fair enough. Yet, how any of these sports seriously concern Nigeria when only 15 African countries have participated in the Winter Olympics in 58 years between 1960 and 2022, and of this number, only seven have done so more than once, is another matter.
Winter is not our thing. The urgency of the task at home – a stubborn rise in the wave of insurgency in the Northeast and North West, despite reported gains in some areas – requires the full attention of the military’s top command. General Musa should have delegated attendance.
How not to be angry
Managing the refusal was no less scandalous. If a bunch of secondary school students on a Sudoku exhibition tour to Kathmandu was refused visas and decided to moan about it on TikTok, I can understand that.
But it defies common sense that Nigeria’s top security adviser would dramatise a matter well within his reach to investigate and take remedial steps, if necessary. Ribadu neither did himself nor General Musa any favours by his intemperate remarks. He gave ordinary folks something to jeer about and made the country look ridiculous.
Can’t stay down
Idiots may have brought the country to its knees, down from a place where Africa, the Commonwealth, and the rest of the world looked up to us and our passport ranked among the most respected. But nothing says we must stay there.
The job at hand is to dig us out of that hole, a significant point Ribadu made but sadly lost in his fit of anger. Modern consular diplomacy includes, among other things, a timely, trusted, and secure data-sharing system that gives parties to a transaction reasonable comfort. Where that fails, nasty surprises are inevitable.
Not much can get done by tantrums or by a false sense of entitlement.
Ishiekwene, Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP, is the author of the new book Writing for Media and Monetising It.
One of the earliest University graduates to join the Nigerian Military and the first University Graduate to govern the old Western State, Brigadier-General Oluwole Rotimi turns 90 today.
A gentleman Officer and noiseless achiever General Christopher Oluwole Rotimi made remarkable achievements while he was at the helm of affairs in the Western State.
In addition to creating peaceful atmosphere in the state he devoted most of his energy on Agriculture and industrialization.
Born 20 February 1935, in Abeokuta, Rotimi attended Agooko Methodist School, Lisabi school, Olowogbowo Methodist School as well as Kings College Lagos, after which he earned a Bachelor of Arts degree at the University College Ibadan.
General Rotimi joined the Nigerian Army in 1960 and served as part of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He rose to become the first African Deputy Quartermaster General and the third non-white Quartermaster General of the Nigerian Army in 1966.
During the Nigerian Civil War Oluwole Rotimi provided logistics support for the Federal Government's war efforts. He became the commander of the Ibadan Garrison between 1969 and 1970.
After the war Oluwole Rotimi became the Military Governor of Western State in 1971, under General Yakubu Gowon in succession to Major General Adeyinka Adebayo.
The Cement Factory at Sagamu,
the Wire and Cable Factory in Ibadan,
the Ceramic Factory in Abeokuta,
the Wood Processing Factory in Ondo and the Palm oil Mill at Okitipupa.were some of the landmark projects established by his administration.
In 1975, Oluwole Rotimi was removed from office as governor of Western Nigeria after the 1975 coup d'état. The following administration led by General Murtala Mohammed, commissioned a panel to investigate corruption amongst the immediate past governors of the previous administration. Oluwole Rotimi, together with Mobolaji Johnson-Brigadier (Lagos State Governor) were the only two governors exonerated.
in retirement, General Rotimi was appointed Nigerian Ambassador to the United States by the Obasanjo administration in succession to Professor George Obiozor
Happy Birthday ? and many happy returns in robust health.
[OPINION] Leadership Crisis In Lagos Assembly: The Danger Of Speculative Journalism And The Need For Credible Reporting - Isaac Asabor
AdminIn an era where speed often takes precedence over accuracy, journalism is facing a credibility crisis. The recent speculative reports surrounding the alleged resignation of Lagos State House of Assembly Speaker, Mojisola Meranda, exemplify how misinformation can erode public trust in the media. This brand of speculative journalism, which thrives on unverified sources and sensationalism, is not only a disservice to the public but also a blemish on the ethics of the profession.
Without a doubt, the Meranda’s resignation rumor has become a case study in speculative reporting.
For instance, on February 19, 2025, today, being Wednesday, an online news platform reported that Speaker Mojisola Meranda had resigned from her position. This claim was based on an alleged circular dated February 17, 2025, which circulated widely on social media. However, closer examination revealed that the letter bore no signature, an immediate red flag indicating its dubious authenticity.
As gathered from a news report, specifically the Punch Newspaper of February 19, 2025, in its report headlined, “UPDATED: Lagos Speaker Meranda denies resignation rumour”, it can be opined that the swift response from Meranda’s Chief Press Secretary, Segun Ajiboye, debunking the rumor should have put the matter to rest. Ajiboye categorically stated, “I’m in the office. The speaker is in the office. I don’t know where that is coming from.” Yet, the damage had already been done. The misinformation had already spread, sowing confusion and fueling political speculations at a time when the Lagos Assembly was already grappling with a leadership crisis following the removal of former Speaker Mudashiru Obasa.
This incident underscores a growing trend in contemporary journalism where the rush to break news outweighs the responsibility to verify facts. The dissemination of such unverified information is not just reckless but has broader implications for governance, stability, and the media’s own credibility.
Without a doubt, there are inherent perils in speculative journalism. The foregoing can be buttressed from perspective of the fact that speculative journalism is not a new phenomenon, and its impact has worsened with the rise of digital media. In fact, the tendency to publish sensational and often misleading headlines to generate traffic and engagement is harming the integrity of the press. The Meranda case is a textbook example of how this approach can have negative consequences.
One of the consequences is that speculative journalism erodes public trust, particularly when viewed from the fact that the fundamental role of the press is to inform the public with accurate and verified information. In fact, when media outlets publish unverified reports, they risk misleading the public, who rely on journalists for factual news. Once trust is broken, it becomes difficult to restore, and people begin to dismiss even legitimate reports as “fake news.”
Looking at this contextual element of unprofessionalism in the field of journalism as been practiced in Nigeria today, it becomes clearer to understand the fact that speculative journalism causes political destabilization. This is as misinformation, especially in politically sensitive situations, can have severe consequences. In a state like Lagos, where politics is highly dynamic and competitive. This is as a false report about the resignation of a sitting Speaker could have triggered unnecessary panic, political maneuvering, and unrest. Not only that, it could have also emboldened certain political factions to exploit the misinformation for their own gain, exacerbating an already volatile situation.
From the perspective of professional misconduct in Journalism, it can be said that the ethics of journalism dictate that every story must be thoroughly vetted before publication. In fact, Journalists’ Code of Ethics clearly states that journalists must “seek truth and report it” while ensuring accuracy and fairness. Therefore, the decision to publish unverified claims about Meranda’s resignation violates this core principle and reflects poorly on the standards of the profession.
Without resort to pointing accusing fingers at certain genre of Journalism, there is no denying the fact that the rapid dissemination of the fake resignation letter is a stark reminder of the dangers posed by social media in the age of digital journalism. While social media platforms have democratized information-sharing, they have also become breeding grounds for misinformation. With no editorial gatekeeping, false narratives spread like wildfire, making damage control an arduous task for legitimate news organizations.
In fact, Journalists and media houses must take extra caution in verifying information before amplifying it on their platforms. While the competition for online relevance is fierce, credibility should never be sacrificed at the altar of speed and engagement.
The question now is “What needs to be done?” The answer cannot be farfetched as to curb the menace of speculative journalism, Nigerian media practitioners must adopt a more responsible approach to news reporting. Against the foregoing backdrop, there are a few critical steps that can be taken, and they cut across strengthening verification processes, promoting accountability among Journalists, encouraging fact-checking mechanisms, sensitizing the public and adoption of legislative and industry regulations.
Before publishing a report, journalists must ensure that they have cross-checked their sources and verified the authenticity of any documents they cite. In the Meranda case, a simple attempt to contact her office for clarification before running the story would have prevented the misinformation from spreading.
In fact, news outlets must hold their reporters accountable for the accuracy of their stories. Journalists who consistently engage in speculative reporting should be subjected to disciplinary measures, including retractions and public apologies when necessary.
Also, Independent fact-checking organizations should play a more active role in verifying political news before it gains traction. Media houses should also integrate fact-checking desks into their newsrooms to scrutinize sensitive reports before publication.
In a similar vein, Journalists must also educate their audiences on the importance of media literacy, and as well encouraging readers to verify news from credible sources before sharing can help stem the tide of misinformation.
In fact, while press freedom must be protected, there is a need for regulatory bodies such as the Nigerian Press Council (NPC) and the Broadcasting Organizations of Nigeria (BON) to set clear standards against speculative journalism. This is as stricter adherence to the Nigerian Code of Ethics for Journalism will help restore credibility to the profession.
Without a doubt, the Lagos House of Assembly leadership crisis is an unfolding story, and journalists must ensure that they report facts, not speculation. The false report on Meranda’s resignation is a cautionary tale of how the rush for sensational news can compromise journalistic integrity. The media must uphold its role as the fourth estate by prioritizing accuracy over clickbait headlines.
If the profession is to regain public trust, journalists must return to the fundamental principles of truth, fairness, and responsibility. Only by doing so can we safeguard the credibility of the media and ensure that it remains a reliable source of information for the public.
[OPINION] Overpowered, Left Struggling, and Forced Out: The DSS Officers Who Were Overrun and Shut Out at the Lagos Assembly, Barely Avoiding Tragedy—A Deeply Worrying Sight - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminThe events of February 17, 2025, at the Lagos State House of Assembly were not just another political dispute—they were a dangerous miscalculation that put lives at risk. The viral footage that has now been seen around the world tells a story far deeper than any political battle—it reveals a moment when the very enforcers of state power, the uniformed officers of the Department of State Services (DSS), found themselves suffocating, physically overwhelmed, and almost crushed against the very doors they were sent to secure.
As a psychologist and police/prison scientist, my focus is not on the political games at play—politicians will always have their battles, their schemes, their fights for power. My concern is for the human beings caught in the middle, those men in uniform who were put in an impossible position, left with no exit, no strategy, no backup, and ultimately no control. That day, DSS operatives were not just defending the doors of the Assembly—they were trapped against them. They were pressured into becoming human barriers, their bodies locked between the force of determined lawmakers and the heavy wooden doors that stood behind them.
The video evidence that has now traveled across the world is painful to watch. It showed force—relentless, unstoppable force—coming from men and women pushing, pressing, and cornering these officers against the door, their bodies crushed in the battle for space. The officers, clad in black jackets, their faces covered, helmets weighing heavy on their heads, stood their ground—but for how long? Seconds stretched into eternity as they struggled, gasping, unable to move, unable to retreat, unable to control what was unfolding before them.
And then, it happened.
One by one, the officers were pushed back. Pressed. Overwhelmed. The mass of bodies forced them to lose ground. The final officer, still clinging to his post, looked lost—isolated, surrounded, eyes darting in disbelief, his body caught in a human tide he could no longer resist. He was pushed out, swallowed by the overwhelming power of those determined to reclaim the chamber. And then, the doors closed.
Just like that.
Sealed shut.
A uniformed officer, once standing at the door as the last line of defense, now found himself on the outside, locked out, cast aside like a fallen pawn in a game he did not create. It was a moment of defeat, a moment of finality, a moment that should haunt the leadership of the DSS.
What if he had been injured? What if the weight of the crowd had suffocated him? What if his body had given out from the sheer pressure of the force against him? Would his name have been remembered? Would DSS leadership have mourned him—or simply replaced him with another uniformed man, another body sent into another unwinnable battle?
What happened that day should deeply trouble anyone who understands tactical enforcement, security risk, and human vulnerability in moments of crisis. These were not riot control officers, not a heavily armored military detachment—these were DSS operatives, an intelligence-based security force, suddenly caught in an escalating physical confrontation they were never trained or prepared for.
And so I ask: what if one of them had gone down?
What if, in the crush of bodies, one of those officers had lost his footing and been trampled under the weight of the lawmakers forcing their way forward?
What if, in the suffocating heat of the moment, an officer had collapsed from exhaustion, struggling for air under his helmet?
What if panic had set in, leading to a reactionary use of force—one wrong move that could have sparked uncontrollable violence?
What if, in that desperate, chaotic moment, the line between restraint and retaliation had been crossed?
Because let’s be clear—this was seconds away from becoming a deadly situation.
The official statement from the Lagos Assembly, signed by Ogundipe Olukayode, Chairman of the House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, laid out the undeniable facts:
Yes, the DSS was invited for security—but not to block lawmakers from their own chamber.
Yes, the Clerk requested their presence—but not to physically seal the Speaker’s office.
Yes, there were security concerns—but the DSS itself became the biggest security threat that day.
How did it come to this? How did a force as elite as the DSS find itself not as the controller of the situation, but as its victim? Who within DSS command authorized this engagement without fully assessing the risks? Who believed that a handful of officers could physically hold back an entire legislative body without confrontation? Who, in DSS leadership, failed to recognize that their operatives were walking into a situation where brute force would not be enough?
This is not just a question of tactics—it is a question of responsibility.
DSS, you have the right to defend your institution. You can sue the media if you believe you were misrepresented. But while you do that, let’s not ignore the real question—why were your officers left gasping for air against those doors? The media did not press your officers against those doors.
The media did not send them into a mission without a strategy.
The journalists did not cause their distress, their exhaustion, their struggle to breathe.
This was a failure in planning.
And again, I ask—was it worth it?
Did the DSS succeed in stopping the legislative session? No.
Did the lawmakers back down? No.
Did the situation remain under DSS control? No.
Instead, the Speaker, Mojisola Meranda, still presided over the session.
The lawmakers still convened.
The Assembly still carried out its function.
And DSS? What did it gain?
Its operatives were humiliated in front of the nation.
It suffered reputational damage as an elite force caught in a political game.
It put its own officers in serious, life-threatening danger.
DSS is not a street enforcement unit. It is not a riot squad. It is not a tool to be thrown into political disputes. It is an intelligence-based security agency, built on precision, strategy, and operational foresight. But on this day, there was no strategy. There was no foresight. There was no precision. Instead, there were uniformed men, trapped at the doors of a legislative building, suffocating under the weight of a crisis they were never meant to fight.
If DSS does not reflect on what went wrong, the consequences next time will be irreversible.
Because next time, it may not just be distress on an officer’s face.
Next time, a uniformed man may not get back up.
Next time, there may be real casualties.
And who will take responsibility?
Not the politicians who orchestrated it.
Not the government officials who benefited from the chaos.
Not the power players who will move on to their next battle.
It will be the DSS operatives—the men in uniform—who will pay the price.
DSS must rethink its approach now. Not because of politics. Not because of media scrutiny. But because its own personnel are being placed in dangerous, unwinnable situations. No elite security force should find itself becoming the crisis instead of the solution.
DSS, the world saw what happened.
The risk to your officers was undeniable.
And this time, they survived it.
But next time?
Next time, the cost may be fatal.
Ignorance is not bliss; it is a burden. In a rapidly evolving world where knowledge and skills determine opportunities, those who choose to reject education, formal or informal, are at a severe disadvantage. In fact the dangers of embracing ignorance are unarguably numerous. Some of them cut across limited opportunities, social embarrassment, economic disadvantage coupled with manipulation and exploitation.
Explanatorily put, education provides individuals with the skills and knowledge needed to explore various career paths. Without it, one’s options shrink drastically, often leaving individuals at the mercy of menial jobs and exploitative labor.
In a similar vein, there is no denying the fact that language and comprehension are crucial in social interactions. As seen in the viral joke, being unable to understand or respond appropriately in basic communication can lead to humiliating situations. This not only affects one’s confidence but also limits access to networking opportunities, which are essential for personal and professional growth.
Also, in today’s economy, high-paying jobs and career advancements are mostly reserved for those who possess specialized knowledge and skills. While some individuals without formal education may succeed through entrepreneurial ventures, the majority remain trapped in poverty due to a lack of marketable skills.
Also in a similar vein, an uneducated mind is easily manipulated. People who lack basic critical thinking skills fall prey to scams, misinformation, and political propaganda. This is why education is essential, not just for economic success, but for personal independence and informed decision-making.
In fact, education is not just about certificates. Many who claim that education is a scam base their arguments on the fact that many university graduates remain unemployed. However, education is not merely about obtaining certificates; it is about acquiring knowledge, skills, and the ability to think critically. In today’s world, education has evolved beyond the four walls of a classroom. Self-education, vocational training, and skill acquisition all count as education. The most successful individuals are those who continuously learn, adapt, and improve themselves.
Beyond personal gain derivable from education, the role of education in National Development cannot be pooh-poohed with mere wave of the hands. This is as a nation’s growth is directly tied to the quality of education its citizens receive. Countries that prioritize education experience rapid development, technological advancements, and a higher standard of living. On the other hand, nations that neglect education suffer from underdevelopment, high crime rates, and poor governance. Nigeria, for instance, faces numerous challenges due to the lack of widespread quality education. The culture of mediocrity, corruption, and misplaced priorities can be traced to an insufficiently educated populace that fails to demand accountability from its leaders.
Without a doubt, the reality of life without education is unappealing. To those who believe education is a scam, it is important to examine the reality of life without it. Imagine navigating the world without the ability to read, write, or communicate effectively. Consider the difficulty of making financial decisions, signing contracts, or even using modern technology without basic literacy. Even the most menial jobs today require some level of education.
Furthermore, education extends beyond literacy; it includes problem-solving, adaptability, and innovation. Those who lack these skills are often the first to suffer when economic shifts occur. A factory worker without additional skills can be replaced by automation, while a literate and skilled worker can transition into a different career.
Give the foregoing arguments, it is germane to suggest in this context that the narrative that says education is a scam should be changed by those who have been mouthing it. At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “How can the narrative be changed?”
The answer to the foregoing cannot be farfetched as there is an urgent need to redefine education. Instead of seeing education as just school and certificates, young people should be encouraged to pursue knowledge in any form, be it vocational skills, online courses, or apprenticeships.
In a similar vein, there is need for the improvement of the Education System: The government and private sector must work towards an education system that is practical and aligned with modern economic realities. Schools should incorporate skill-based learning, entrepreneurship, and digital literacy.
Again, there is the need to encourage self-education. This is as the internet has made learning more accessible than ever. From YouTube tutorials to online courses, there is no excuse for remaining ignorant. Anyone with a smartphone and internet access can acquire valuable knowledge and skills.
Not only that, there is also the need to change societal perception. This is as parents, educators, and policymakers must help reshape the mindset of young people. Instead of promoting the idea that only traditional white-collar jobs define success, alternative career paths such as vocational training, tech skills, and creative arts should be given equal respect.
The argument that education is a scam is deeply flawed. While the Nigerian educational system has its shortcomings, the solution is not to reject education entirely but to seek relevant and adaptable knowledge. Ignorance is far more costly than education. The viral joke about the young man at the embassy may have been meant for humor, but it serves as a cautionary tale for those who choose to remain uneducated. In the grand scheme of life, it is better to have education and struggle to succeed than to lack education and be left out of opportunities entirely.
If education is a scam, then ignorance is a disaster waiting to happen. Let us choose knowledge over ignorance, empowerment over embarrassment, and progress over stagnation.
In a shocking recent development, the Nigerian government has issued a stern warning that Colleges of Education with fewer than 1,000 students after three years of operation may lose their sponsorship from the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND).
This new criterion for funding threatens to further exacerbate the deepening crisis in these institutions, which have long struggled with underfunding, societal neglect, and negative stereotypes.
While some may argue that the decision is a necessary one to ensure accountability, the truth is far more complicated – and tragic. These colleges are not the problem, but a symptom of a broader malaise in Nigeria’s educational system.
The struggle for prestige and recognition
From the very beginning, Colleges of Education have faced an uphill battle for recognition. While universities have long been seen as the pinnacle of academic achievement, Colleges of Education have not attracted the same level of interest or respect. Many secondary school leavers –who are capable of entering either a university or a college–are often driven by the pursuit of a university degree, believing that it holds the key to a secure and prosperous future. In many ways, a university degree is seen as the ticket to a stable career in Nigerian society, whether in the public or private sector.
The societal bias against teaching as a profession is as old as the Nigerian education system itself. It is often said that “the teacher’s reward is in heaven”–a notion that continues to persist even as other professions like medicine, law, and engineering enjoy higher levels of respect and financial security. If teaching were a more financially rewarding career, surely it would attract more talented young Nigerians. But as things stand, the narrative is clear: teaching is a fallback option, not a profession of choice.
Adding to the issue is the role played by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB). The Board’s current allocation system disproportionately channels students who perform poorly in JAMB exams into Colleges of Education, further stigmatizing them. This practice reinforces the perception that Colleges of Education are a “dumping ground” for low-scoring candidates, rather than institutions dedicated to the serious training of educators.
In fact, according to a 2022 report by the National Universities Commission (NUC), a staggering 60% of applicants to Colleges of Education in Nigeria score below the minimum entry requirements for universities. This sends the signal to young Nigerians that the college route is for those who “didn’t make the cut,” further fuelling the perception that teaching is a less respectable career. As noted by an education expert, Professor Akintoye (2022), the lack of prestige associated with Colleges of Education is a critical issue that needs to be addressed, if we are to attract the best minds into the teaching profession. According to Akintoye, “A nation that does not prioritise the training of its educators will forever be shackled to mediocrity.”
A cultural shift: The need for change in perception
For any meaningful change to occur, there must be a cultural shift in how teaching and Colleges of Education are perceived. If teaching were to be elevated to the status of a prestigious and well-paid profession, more high-achieving students would choose to pursue education degrees. Teachers should be celebrated as the architects of the future, not relegated to the margins of society.
The reality in developed countries, where educators are some of the highest-paid professionals, starkly contrasts the situation in Nigeria. In countries like Finland, South Korea, and Singapore, teachers are highly respected and compensated for their pivotal role in shaping society. In Finland, for example, teachers are required to have Master’s degrees, and their salaries are among the highest in the public sector (Sahlberg, 2018). It is no wonder that these countries consistently top global education rankings. Nigeria, on the other hand, continues to view its teachers with disdain, offering them low wages, few incentives, and little recognition.
The lack of proper remuneration for Nigerian teachers is a grave injustice. While some may argue that increasing teachers’ salaries would be financially burdensome, it is important to recognise that investing in education is an investment in the future. Quality teaching yields better outcomes for students, which in turn leads to a more educated, productive workforce.
According to a 2020 report by the World Bank, countries that invest in education see long-term economic growth, increased innovation, and improved quality of life for their citizens. Thus, a commitment to better compensate teachers is not just an act of fairness – it is a strategic investment in the nation’s future.
The stark economic realities
At the heart of the issues bedevilling the teaching profession lies Nigeria’s economic reality. Teachers, despite their vital role, are often the most underpaid and overworked professionals in the country. The recent increase in the minimum wage has done little or nothing, to address the severe devaluation of the teacher’s purchasing power. With rising inflation, escalating cost of living, and stagnant wages, teachers’ salaries barely cover their basic needs. This grim situation has led many teachers to seek alternative means of supplementing their incomes, including unethical practices such as the sale of grades, commercialising project writing for students, general monetisation of students’ inadequacies in the course of pursuing their programmes, sexual exploitation, to mention but a few.
The government’s failure to address the root causes of teacher dissatisfaction and underfunding only compounds the issue. By placing the burden of low enrollment numbers in Colleges of Education squarely on the shoulders of the institutions themselves, the government is simply ignoring the systemic factors that contribute to this issue. The recent decision to withhold TETFUND sponsorship from Colleges of Education with fewer than 1,000 students is a misguided response that fails to address the structural and societal challenges facing these institutions.
The role of JAMB and the crisis of under-enrolment
The current crisis in Nigerian Colleges of Education is also deeply connected to JAMB’s admission policies. Despite its mandate to guide students into appropriate tertiary institutions, JAMB has largely ignored the needs of the Colleges of Education. In the current system, students who are unable to gain admission to universities are often funneled into these colleges, without consideration for the interests of the students or the colleges themselves.
JAMB’s distribution mechanism also fails to prioritise Colleges of Education, making it difficult for these institutions to attract the necessary number of students. Colleges of Education are left to contend with low enrolment numbers, despite their efforts to make education more accessible and relevant. The recent report from the Ministry of Education highlighted that several newly established Colleges of Education in remote areas, such as the Kogi State College of Education, have struggled with low enrolment due to regional security issues, ethnic clashes, and poor infrastructure (Federal Ministry of Education, 2023).
These challenges are compounded by the nationwide issue of underfunding, making it nearly impossible for these institutions to attract the desired number of students. However, the Federal College of Education (Technical), Ekiadolor, Benin, Edo State, Federal College of Education (FCE), Omu-Aran, Kwara State, Federal College of Education (FCE), Jalingo, Taraba State, Federal College of Education (FCE), Yola, Adamawa State, to mention but a few, are the real endangered species, more or less far below the 1,000 population threshold, on the brink of losing out on the beneficence of TETFUND sponsorship. Rather than penalising these institutions for factors beyond their control, the government should focus on finding solutions to address the systemic challenges that hinder enrolment. With the right support, these colleges can play a pivotal role in ensuring that Nigeria’s educational needs are met.
The call for reform and a vision for the future
In response to these challenges, the recent legalization of the status of the Colleges of Education to commence the Diploma and Degree programmes, popularly known as the Dual Mode, is a step in the right direction, to step up the game of these beleaguered colleges. Also, the ongoing discussions in the National Assembly, to transform Colleges of Education into Universities of Education, is another boost that may likely end the enrolment issue of the Colleges of Education, when the bill eventually becomes law. This move would help remove the stigma attached to these institutions and elevate their status in the eyes of prospective students.
Renaming these colleges as universities would symbolise a cultural shift in the way Nigerians perceive the profession of teaching, aligning it with other professions that are seen as prestigious and financially rewarding.
However, this rebranding alone will not be enough to solve the deeper issues plaguing these institutions. To truly revive Nigerian Colleges of Education, we must prioritise the following reforms:
(i) Increased funding and resources: Colleges of Education must be adequately funded to ensure that they have the resources necessary to deliver quality education. This includes better facilities, up-to-date curricula, and well-trained faculty members.
(ii) Teacher salaries: Teachers and teacher-lecturers must receive salaries that reflect their importance to society. Higher salaries will attract the best candidates into the profession and help retain experienced educators.
(iii) JAMB reform: JAMB must adjust its admission policies to ensure that Colleges of Education receive a fair share of applicants. Colleges should not be relegated to the sidelines but rather be given the resources and students they need to thrive.
(iv) Public awareness campaigns: The government and educational stakeholders should launch campaigns to raise awareness about the importance of the teaching profession. This could help change public attitudes towards teaching and inspire more students to pursue careers in education.
Conclusion: A national responsibility
As a nation, we must ask ourselves: do we truly value the educators who shape our future? The government’s decision to withdraw TETFUND support from Colleges of Education with fewer than 1,000 students is a devastating blow to an already struggling system. It is time for a fundamental shift in how we view the teaching profession and those who dedicate their lives to it. The Ministry of Education and TETFUND must reconsider their stance and offer the support that these colleges urgently need. This is not just a matter of funding – it is a matter of national survival.
Okom Emmanuel Njor (PhD) can be contacted via njorokom@fcetekiadolor.edu.ng
References
- Akintoye, O. (2022). Education in Nigeria: Rebuilding the foundation. Lagos: Nigerian Educational Publishers.
- Federal Ministry of Education. (2023). The status of teacher education in Nigeria: Challenges and prospects. Abuja: Government Press.
- National Universities Commission (NUC). (2023). Revised policies for the distribution of students across Nigerian tertiary institutions. Abuja: NUC.
- Sahlberg, P. (2018). Finnish lessons 2.0: What can the world learn from educational change in Finland? New York: Teachers College Press.
- World Bank. (2020). The importance of investing in education for economic growth. Washington, D.C.: World Bank Group.
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Nigerians have been falling over themselves eulogising two of the country’s elder statesmen who died in the last one week. It is as if there is a national essay competition to determine who will pen the most moving panegyric. Citizens have been regaled with heartfelt tributes that share memories, stories and achievements of Chiefs Ayo Adebanjo and Edwin Clark.
To be sure, Adebanjo and Clark – two of a kind – were all that have been said about them, and even more. They were greatness, grace and patriotism personified. And their departure at such a critical time has created a gaping void because their big shoes will be difficult to fill.
But despite their incredible achievements, both men went to their graves with huge regrets at what Nigeria had become. As Chief Adebanjo told me on the eve of his 95th birthday: “I am still in the trenches because the country is not what I fought for.” What he and fellow compatriots fought for was a country that will work for all. That remains an illusion. If anything, the prospect of Nigeria becoming a country where equity, fairness and justice prevail is still far-fetched.
Both men were blessed with longevity. In a country where life expectancy hovers in the 50s, it takes the grace of God to become a nonagenarian. Born on April 10, 1928, Chief Adebanjo died on Friday, February 14, 2025, less than two months from his 97th birthday. Pa Clark, who also died at 97 was only eleven months older, having been born on May 25, 1927.
In the course of my journalistic odyssey, I encountered both men but I will talk about Pa Ayo Adebanjo here, while I leave the story of Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark, a man who saved my life in 1997, for another day.
Chief Adebanjo who was born barely six years after the Clifford Constitution and the first legislative elections in Nigeria, lived through the finest and ugliest moments of Nigeria’s history – the constitutional conferences, struggle for independence, party politics leading to independence, the civil war, military rule, return to democracy, the struggle for the protection of democracy, and the bigger struggle of ensuring the development of Nigeria. He joined the struggle early in 1943 as a Zikist, but in 1951, he became a member of the youth wing of the Action Group, and a mentee, political disciple of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. That became the defining moment of his life.
As a young journalist at the Independent Communications Network Limited, ICNL – publishers of TheNews/TEMPO magazine, AM News and PM News – in 1996, I could not but appreciate the significance of the Western House building on 8-10 Broad Street, Lagos. TheNews was embedded in the pro-democracy struggle and Western House was the de facto headquarters of the foremost pan-Yoruba socio-cultural group, Afenifere, and the National Democratic Coalition, NADECO.
Many of the chieftains of these two groups that were engaged in a mortal battle with the military junta of Sani Abacha, most of them lawyers, had their offices in that complex. It became a natural destination for journalists seeking for news. Chief Ayo Adebanjo’s office was on the third floor. When you start from there and climb up to the offices of Senator Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele – a lawyer, who also acquired a diploma in journalism in 1962 and worked as a journalist for the BBC and VON Magazine, before becoming a deputy governor in Lagos State, and Chief Ganiyu Olawale Dawodu, popularly known as G.O.D. – your day would have been made.
In those days, I developed a strong liking for Adebanjo because he was an interviewer’s delight, shooting from the hip. I remember doing a story in the TEMPO tabloid titled, ‘June 12: The Saints and Villains’. He was one of the ‘saints’. Once when I went to his office, he gave me a ride back to Ogba.
When I left TheNews magazine for The Diet newspaper in 1997, I never met Chief Adebanjo again until February 9, 2022 when I sat down, once again, with the now 93-year-old man in his Lagos home for a two-hour interview. Of course, at 93, a lot had changed physically: he was slower, one step at a time; hard of hearing, but still had a razor-sharp mind. There was a whiff of frustration and he spoke about death in a way he didn’t even in those days of thunder and trepidation.
Chief Adebanjo insisted that Nigeria was at a crossroads and needed restructuring urgently. He dismissed the 1999 Constitution as a big fraud that is at the root of all the country’s woes. “Talk about any problem you can think of in this country today and you will find out that it has to do with this Constitution,” he intoned gravely.
Unless the Constitution was changed and the country restructured first, the 2023 election would be “an exercise in futility,” he said.
“Tell me that Ayo Adebanjo is talking nonsense, it does not concern me. When it will happen, I may have gone but you will be around and you will remember that I said it… I am pitying your generation because I am done. At 94, what I am expecting now is my funeral dirge. Baba rele! That is the song they sing for an old man they are going to bury.”
But when I sat down again with him one year after on February 13, 2023, a few days before the February 25, 2023 presidential election, Chief Adebanjo had slightly moderated his position.
Apparently, he was taken in by the dubious promises of the INEC chairman, Prof. Mahmoud Yakubu. “I am hopeful,” he said. “So far, so good. I am hopeful because of the electoral law. If they keep to it, implement it and execute it, the elections will be free, fair and credible.”
A credible election will bequeath the country with a Peter Obi presidency, he told me. And when that happens: “The first thing that Obi will do when he gets into office is to call all the ethnic groups together and agree on a Constitution. Any other thing to the contrary, there will be chaos. I have said it before and I am repeating it without any element of doubt in my mind. If for any reason, the election is scuttled or manipulated, and Obi doesn’t win, I say emphatically, that is the end of Nigeria. If we don’t enthrone fairness, equity and justice which the Obi presidency will represent, all our problems will continue.”
When I asked him if he was being harassed by the Nigerian state because of his very strong views, he smiled: “They know that I am ready for them. Most governments in this country imprisoned me. I am a jailbird. I was involved in the Awolowo treasonable felony trial. Abacha imprisoned and detained me. You remember they arrested me, they said we killed Abiola’s wife. And when we were holding a reception for Ambassador Walter Carrington in my house, they came there and broke the place… I think they have given up on me. They must be telling themselves, that old man, he will soon go.”
Besides, Adebanjo said if someone like him cannot talk about Nigeria, who else will? “I have every reason to be grateful to God. My leader – Awolowo – was only 78 years when he died. Ajasin who followed him was only 88, Adesanya who followed him was 88. My friend and colleague, Olanihun Ajayi, was 92. I will be 95 years in April 2023. Why should I not thank God? It is only the funeral dirge that I am waiting for now. If I die now and my children say, oh, the devil has done his worst, will you not laugh at them? So, anybody who is trying to attack or kill me is just wasting his time.”
Chief Adebanjo said if Nigerians failed to vote right on February 25, 2023, when the result would come, he would be enjoying himself in the grave. Those immortal words were uttered exactly two years to the day he died.
Since his death, Nigerians have been talking about how best to immortalise him. There are suggestions that national monuments be named after him. That will be great because he deserves every honour. But for a man who never aspired to any public office – elected or appointed – changing the name of ‘River Niger’ to ‘River Ayo Adebanjo’ or even ‘Aso Rock’ to ‘Ayo Adebanjo Villa’ is immaterial. The most enduring way to immortalise him is to enthrone equity, fairness and justice by restructuring Nigeria in a way that the country works for all. That is what he lived, fought and died for. That is what will make him happy wherever he is now.
Chief Ayo Adebanjo, progressive politician, elder statesman, patriot, and unarguably, a foremost nationalist regarded by many as voice of reason but no doubt a controversial politician died at 96 last Saturday. Adebanjo, who started as a Zikist in the years Dr Azikiwe ‘elezikify’ Nigerian press before embracing Awoism in 1951 ended as an enthusiast of Peter Obi, an equally gifted master of political intrigue and propaganda, lived a fulfilled life.
He was one of the last surviving nationalists. Although he might have not won all his battle for a more inclusive, fair, just and equitable Nigeria society, I am sure he will rest well realising he has been succeeded by his some of his equally talented sons including our current president who understands that the Afenifere philosophy is not about Yoruba irredentism but about how Nigeria can fulfil her destiny, by returning to the ‘path to Nigeria Progress’ never taken.
Awoism with its Afenifere-slogan (wanting the best for others as one wants for self) is an ideology propounded by Awolowo and his colleagues including Pa Adebanjo Chief Anthony Enahoro, Chief Bola Ige Chief Abraham Adesanya Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, Bishop Gbonigi, Reuben Fasoranti, Chief Alfred Rewane, etc. It celebrates public goods which find expression in free education, health, rural development welfarism and prosperity for all. Awoism, also celebrates values of federalism, regional autonomy and self-determination.
The transformation of Western Region in the First Republic to one of the most educated part of Africa within 10 years was the reason for thinking that foisting it on the rest of the country would transform the nation especially the marginalised and exploited minorities in the north and the east. Sadly, they fought and defended it for over 50 years with only scars of war from Nigerian state to show for their pains.
With the conspiracy of dominant hegemonic power and dominant Igbo ethnic group during the 1958 independence constitutional debate, the coalition of the two after independence, and the destruction of Action Group and its leaders by the coalition partners shortly after independence, the minorities that saw hope for freedom in Awoism, decided it was in their best interest to find accommodation with their overlords.
The east and the north were opposed to federalism. The former wanted a unitary system where citizens of their landlocked country would be free to thrive in other people’s land, and the latter, the feudal leaders of the north didn’t want their sense of entitlement to power in Nigeria questioned.
The collapse of the First Republic and the civil war meant diminishing relevance of Awoism. The outcome of the 1979, 83, 93, and 99 elections saw the minorities massively voting for dominant ethnic groups in their respective geo-political zones. The military backers of the unitarists and confederalists only brought more confrontation between them and Awoist ideologues misrepresented as arrogant Yoruba trying to impose their culture on the rest of the country.
This misrepresentation was widely promoted by Igbo and their northern hegemonic ruling class counterparts to delegitimize MKO Abiola’s unprecedented landslide 1993 electoral victory leading to the annulment of the most credible election in the nation’s history, the justification for imposition of the contraption called Interim National government, and the unilateral imposition of Obasanjo as Yoruba candidate who, without support of his Yoruba base, literarily climbed the palm tree from the top by winning the election.
Of course, Obasanjo known for his vindictiveness ensured the Yoruba leading lights of Awoism were humiliated after the 2003 election when all the five governors of AD progressive states were overrun by PDP with exception of Lagos’ Tinubu.
Although Pa Ayo Adebanjo is on record for thanking Tinubu for liberating Yoruba from Obasanjo, he didn’t still believe Tinubu had done enough to earn the highly coveted position of Yoruba political leader. He therefore didn’t believe even with Tinubu’s achievement, there was a need for a change of strategy. Pa Ayo Adebanjo could not stand being told he was wrong when his children proved they could on their own win vote in Yoruba land after abandoning the carcass of his AD. For him, it only got worse when his children settled for Afenifere Renewal Group.
Pa Adebanjo forgot he was dealing with a highly discriminatory voters who Awo, the sage said would not vote for you because you are Yoruba if you have no agenda that will impact positively on his life. In 2015, he crossed the red line no Yoruba leader had ever done by decreeing Yoruba must not vote for Buhari but Atiku. His directive was of course ignored.
Although he correctly predicted that Buhari would betray Tinubu, but he underestimated Tinubu’s capacity for political intrigue that often put his political opponents in disarray, ahead of his political foes. Baba moved from blunder to blunder advising Yoruba who could make an informed choice between Obi candidacy with his uninspiring legacy in Anambra, his prostituting with PDP from where he crossed over to Labour Party to harvest undeserved 94-to 95% of Igbo votes and Tinubu and his legacies in Lagos, his silent persecution under Buhari government he helped to install and his betrayal by southwest governors he mentored and brought to national attention. Tinubu who managed to win four of the Yoruba sates was not expected to do more than that among his highly discriminatory Yoruba voters.
For the 2023 election, the Hausa Fulani hegemonic ruling class and their ever-willing Igbo brides were ready to forget their differences to fight Awoism, the perceived common threat.
The Igbo threat in the event that the presidential ticket of PDP, a party they faithfully served for 21 years was not ceded to the southeast, found expression in Igbo voting massively for Peter Obi, one of their own while call for justice and fairness counted for very little among the hegemonic power in the north who believe that democracy is about group interest and therefore had no problem rallying round Atiku Abubakar.
Pa Ayo Adebanjo along with Obasanjo joined forces with Igbo leaders and the Obidients in an effort to delegitimize Tinubu’s hard-earned victory by unpatriotically attacking the integrity of INEC and the Supreme Court, two institutions critical to survival of democracy in any society. They in addition openly called for military take-over. Atiku and his supporters headed for America in search of evidence to show Tinubu did not have a degree.
Unfortunately, Pa Adebanjo forgot his Yoruba people never had leaders they could not handle. If such leaders became too powerful and could not be controlled, they would adopt the help of the talking drum while such leaders danced until they discover they dance alone albeit naked.
Yoruba’s recent history is replete with examples. There was not too long ago Ogun Oba koso, the powerful and tyrannical Alaafin of Oyo who committed suicide when he discovered he was dancing naked. We had SLA Akintola, a foremost Yoruba irredentists, a terror to the colonial masters and their preferred northern hegemonic power. Yoruba culture detests biting the finger that once fed you. Following his legal removal from office, he was accused of seeking the help of northern hegemonic feudal lords to upstage Awolowo, his principal. He literarily committed suicide when he took up arms against trained soldiers during January 1966 military coup.
There was also Uncle Bola Ige, loved by the young and the old for being an unrepentant Yoruba irredentist whose major weapon against Yoruba detractors was his caustic tongue. His decision to spite his fellow Yoruba cult of elders to take up national appointment under Obasanjo against the warning of their late leader, Obafemi Awolowo attracted the anger of his fellow elders. He was believed to have been murdered by the state following his attempt to retrace his way back to fold.
Our consolation is that Pa Adebanjo, who like his leader believed that you can only be a good Nigerian if you were first a good representative of your people, will today be comparing note with his leader in the great beyond, a task he anxiously looked up to while with us here.
I have no doubt Awo would be pleased to let him know that he is pleased that Awoism has been repackaged by someone not on the succession line, in a new language now more pleasing to the ears of those who only yesterday complained Awoism jarred their ear lobes.
Awoism, beyond service and search for an egalitarian society, is true federalism, regional autonomy, fairness and distributive justice, virtues without which any nation can progress,
And lastly, Yoruba leadership often comes from behind and seldom from the aristocratic class. Awo the sage himself never had money to attend primary or secondary school at a time his age mates were securing six A1s from Government College, Ibadan Kings College Lagos and proceeding to London to study law. Tinubu is haunted by his poor background and derided by those who could not find his name in Government College Ibadan.
The recent arrest of an Ilorin-based cleric, Abdulrahman Bello, who allegedly murdered and dismembered Ms Yetunde Lawal, a final-year student at Kwara State College of Education, in the same town has seen us doing the same things we do virtually every time the situation arises. We point accusing fingers at religion and certain sectarian beliefs, culture, society, and one another while wheeling out the squeaky machines of ethical reforms in the bid to charge ourselves to good behaviour. Religious and traditional rulers have been making routine calls for moral reforms.
According to reports, Ilorin Emir Alhaji Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari not only condemned the killing but specifically directed Islamic leaders to ensure their sermons are more pointedly focused on moral values, ethics of hard work, and respect for humanity. Indeed, such moral charges are urgent in a society where the life of a whole human—if one goes by the amount of money Bello allegedly sold the young woman’s dismembered body parts—is far cheaper than that of goats and cows.
The fantastical imagination that money can be procured out of the air rules our society with a force that propels men to do some really terrible things. That is why one cannot entirely rule out the possibility that Bello was into the so-called money rituals even though he—like most who have been arrested for the same crime—looks seriously impoverished. Every single person who has been arrested due to their claims of possessing power to make money through supernatural means always looks like they would faint if they ever saw a million naira (just naira o!) in cash laid out at their feet.
When these things happen, we never get to know anything about the apprehended killer beyond labelling them as misguided youths looking for money. There is a serious shortage of knowledge about these individuals and their circumstances that leads us to assume that this is always what they say it is. But what if these guys are bipolar and have a history of delinquent behaviour or anti-social character? For instance, if it is true that Bello has a collection of women’s property stored in his bedroom as a trophy, that might be a pointer to the nature of his psychopathy. We might be dealing with an extreme case of misogyny, a man killing a woman (or women) just to feel like a man.
In Nigeria, once we diagnose “money ritual” as the standard explanatory paradigm for a type of homicide, all judgment on what else might be at play gets suspended. We turn to ourselves and begin to preach about our materialism and how we ought to shun the path of quick wealth, sermons that will find no feet to stand on the complex grounds of Nigerian reality. How do you sincerely preach the virtues of hard work to people who have seen industry systematically diminished by the socio-political and socio-economic processes? Even our religious and traditional leaders who make the call embody the same phenomenon of wealth without work. They are also the ones who legitimise the crooked people who have managed it to build wealth.
The truth is, you do not need to “work” in the traditional sense of being productive before you can be wealthy and celebrated in present-day Nigeria. You only need to be connected to a grid of individuals whose social network allows them to access the political power that allocates resources. Nigeria is that one place where you can sleep poor and wake up stupendously rich, and that is only because you managed to get into bed with the right person. Since such magical transformation is not seen to be produced by anything tangible other than mere social connections, it acquires a spiritual character.
The yawning gap in the reality of the route it takes to become wealthy is what the likes of Bello exploit by claiming they too have the power to connect others to the source of such wealth. Since you have a moneyed class who do not produce, pretenders of various hues also claim the expertise of the charms of creating something out of nothing. That is why our society is currently swarming with snake oil merchants, charlatans, crass illiterate and self-commissioned prophets, and simonist preachers, all of them promising to help us access magical prosperity.
In all the various calls for moral reforms, nobody seems to be asking professionally trained experts in the academy and elsewhere to divine the nature of the problem we are dealing with so we can accurately direct our moral reform efforts. What if the individuals amid the various instances of the killings for so-called money rituals are just people with varying levels of mental health issues? What if much of what we call “money rituals” are just psychopathic manifestations that very much interact with our larger cultural psychology?
From the reports, it seemed self-evident that this is another case of money ritual. But certainty can also be the enemy of truth. Is there a method to the killing that suggests that there are other psychological factors at play? This is not me asking to be perversely entertained with the lurid details of a homicide, but accounting for the underlying psychology of the alleged killer.
There have been different instances of women killings that were chalked down to ritual murder. At a time, women’s corpses would be found in hotel rooms where they had been killed by a supposed paramour who lured them into those places. Knowing how our morally pretentious society reacts to the news of a woman visiting places like a hotel, some of those murders merely became avenues for sermonising to women about their virtues and the companies they ought to keep. But what if some of those killers are merely hiding behind the popular narrative of ritual murder to perpetrate other sick fantasies? We should not foreclose the possibility that some of these people are sick men who found an outlet for their proclivities through spiritual work.
In Western societies, where serial killings also take place, and where they do not have terms like “money ritual” in their vocabulary to explain seemingly senseless killings, they are more prone to exploring such delinquency more objectively. Fans of crime documentaries will readily testify to the methodical ways they approach those killings to find the killer and understand their underlying motivations. For us, it is always just “money rituals”, as if society and its people cannot also be more complicated. Part of the problem is that the police do not report a forensic investigation into these crimes. Virtually everything we get to know comes from gossipy uninformed media networks more interested in catering to sensationalism than offering clarity. But what if, in our bid to provide a moral explanation for the murders and advocate for ethical reforms, we are lumping different things into the big basket called “money ritual”?
Let me make it clear that asking for some clarity into the nature of the malady that disturbs these killers is not a call for their exoneration. The point is not to give them an alibi that allows them to walk free but to arm the observing society to speak of these things beyond the standard (and superstitious) explanations.
A correct understanding of the substance of psychopathy will go a long way in addressing how, in diagnosing money rituals, we use official means to propagate what might be objectively untrue. The trouble with making money rituals the standard explanatory paradigm is that it becomes a self-reproducing truth. There are people out there who will think there might be some truth to the whole affair and indulge in it too. They will, of course, never make any money but will take lives testing the bunkum!
Today in Abuja, ‘A Journey of Service: An Autobiography’, by General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, will be publicly presented. With the book coming 32 years after Babangida ‘stepped aside’ in August 1993, it means that more than 70 percent of Nigerians were not witnesses to the events in the narratives, given our young demographics. Like everything Babangida, as I wrote last August, after the publishers sent me a digital copy (planned pages) of the book while requesting for a blurb, “opinions are bound to be divided about his (Babangida’s) interpretations of some epochal events which discerning readers could argue leave more questions than answers.”
Divided into five parts and 13 chapters, the foreword by General Yakubu Gowon highlights why Babangida’s book is important. “Given the monumental and historical changes that General Babangida presided over, it is only natural that many Nigerians of different generations would be eager to learn first-hand the motivations…and the reasons behind these far-reaching decisions, and events, some of which shook the nation to its very foundation,” Gowon wrote. But the question remains: Will readers be satisfied with the explanations provided by Babangida for some of these ‘far-reaching decisions’? Perhaps the more pertinent question is: Why is Babangida publishing his memoirs now after admittedly rebuffing earlier entreaties from friends, associates and family members to ‘tell his story’? He provides an answer in the prologue. “We live in a country where primarily uninformed commentators are often the final judges of events (that) they know nothing about,” Babangida wrote. “But because I had the honour to lead a chapter in our national journey, my brief encounter with authority and responsibility may interest those with fair minds.”
The account of Babangida’s early years is quite fascinating as he weaves post-colonial political developments with historical and cultural events that shaped his growing up in what is now Niger State. He also explained why he had to change his surname from Badamosi to Babangida in January 1964 because almost everyone he encountered assumed him to be a Yoruba man! But none more revealing is the account of his life at Bida Provincial Secondary School where his classmates included Abdulsalami Abubakar, Sani Bello, Mohammed Mamman Magoro, Garba Duba, Sani Sami, Mohammed Gado Nasko and Mamman Jiya Vatsa—men who, like him, later joined the military and, at different times, held critical positions in Nigeria.
Interestingly, last Tuesday marked the 49th anniversary of the assassination of General Murtala Muhammed in the coup led by Lt Colonel Sukar Bukar Dimka. Drafted by General T.Y. Danjuma to foil Dimka’s coup, Babangida provides revealing insights on the conversation with Dimka, a friend and one of the groomsmen at his wedding (to the late Maryam) in 1969. Not only was Babangida listed among those to be killed that day but was in fact one of the reasons for the coup. Dimka reportedly told Babangida that he was a most hated military officer for being too favoured by their superiors, especially Danjuma. “How could you be a member of the Supreme Military Council?”, Babangida recounted Dimka asking him in those tense moments inside Radio Nigeria premises in Ikoyi, Lagos. But beyond the narrative of the coup, how it was foiled and the subsequent trial of culprits, Babangida also shared insights on how Danjuma (whom most officers preferred) insisted that Obasanjo, rather than him (Danjuma), should be Head of State in the meeting held to replace the assassinated Muhammed.
As an officer during the coup that toppled the First Republic, the countercoup that brought in General Gowon, the civil war that followed and the subsequent coups in which he was a direct participant, Babangida’s accounts of that era are quite profound. For instance, it was Danjuma who proposed the elevation of the late Shehu Musa Yar’Adua from the rank of Lt Colonel to Brigadier General (later, Major General) to become the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, apparently for ethno-religious balancing in the country. This speaks to the character of Danjuma who chose to be the number three man in Nigeria when he could easily have been number one. Meanwhile, six months earlier, following the overthrow of Gowon, when senior officers canvassed that Muhammed should head a collegiate leadership of himself, Obasanjo and Danjuma, he (Muhammed) rejected the idea at a meeting Babangida said lasted several hours, insisting that as Head of State, he (Muhammed) would not share power with anyone.
Expectedly, Babangida’s book details his rise to power in 1985 as a military president and the reform programmes initiated while in office. But the most consequential chapters are ‘The Challenges of Leadership’ and ‘Transition to Civil Rule and the June 12 Saga’. The issues addressed in the first (chapter ten) include the death of Dele Giwa, a personal friend with whom he spoke often on phone and met a few times; the Gideon Orkar coup that tried to divide the country; the OIC Palaver; the 1989 SAP (Structural Adjustment Programme) riots, the Nigeria Airforce C-130 plane crash involving 151 mid-career military officers and what he described as “a deep personal sense of betrayal”—the coup involving his friend, Mamman Vatsa whose execution he sanctioned.
Readers should find out his take on Dele Giwa’s assassination and other issues but on Vatsa, Babangida painted a picture of close friendship that started from childhood and how at some point in their lives they both shared a room. “We would reach out for whatever shirt was available, irrespective of whose it was, and just wear it and head out! We were that close,” Babangida wrote while explaining how he found out later that Vatsa was always jealous of his achievements. He also explained the encounters he had with Vatsa when there were rumours about the plot and the mediatory roles played by others before the coup unravelled. “Being intermediate and senior officers, they were fully aware of the consequences of planning a coup and failing,” Babangida wrote to explain why Vatsa had to die by firing squad. “That is one of the most elementary lessons every military officer knows by heart.”
Perhaps the account most Nigerians have been waiting for is that on June 12 and Babangida renders it in chapter 12. The central character in the narrative is General Sani Abacha. In fact, according to Babangida, Abacha annulled the June 12 (1993) presidential election! I leave readers to find out the details and reach their own conclusions.
From cover to cover, each page of Babangida’s memoir promised more and more insight into the military and the Nigerian state. He also highlights some of his foreign interventions, including initiating ECOMOG which helped to end the war in Liberia and Sierra Leone. And he sheds light on several domestic issues regarding his administration—convincingly in some, not so in others. He also lays the boot into a number of key players of that era, in a few cases, with innuendoes. But in a way, Babangida also knows that in the eyes of most Nigerians of a certain generation, his stewardship will forever be defined by ‘June 12’ on which he expressed regrets. “If I have to do it all over again,” he wrote, “I’d do it differently.” Sadly, in statecraft, rarely do leaders get a second chance to make a first impression.
Meanwhile, I wrote four books on that elastic transition to civil rule programme which ended with the death of Abacha. The first, ‘Fortress on Quicksand’ was on the futile efforts by 23 presidential aspirants in the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC) before they were all disqualified and banned from contesting elections. The second, ‘POLITRICKS: National Assembly under Military Dictatorship’, detailed the intrigues of having a civilian legislature with Babangida as a military president. The third, ‘Abiola’s Travails’ was published to mark his (Abiola’s) 60th birthday at a period he was in detention. ‘The Last 100 Days of Abacha’ completed the series. I have combined (and edited) them into one book that will be released in June this year.
Writing a memoir—especially by those who have held leadership positions at the highest political levels—involves walking back through countless challenges and tough decisions. With his memoir, Babangida has shown proof of a retirement spent reflecting on a nation that gave him everything; and to which he gave his best, notwithstanding the ironies of history. Regardless of how some readers may perceive Babangida, his ‘Journey of Service’ provides historical context to some of the issues that dogged the administration he led. His recollections may not provide all the answers, and there are aspects many will dispute, but at least he has reopened the conversation about a troubled and troublesome era in Nigerian history.
Adebanjo’s Glorious Exit
I have had the privilege of close interactions with Afenifere leader, Chief Ayo Adebanjo for more than three decades and as I wrote in my tribute to him when he marked his 90th birthday in April 2018, he is a man of unbending conviction who neither sits on the fence nor tiptoes around issues. On Nigeria, he is a passionate advocate for restructuring the country along the federal arrangement we had in the First Republic before the military interruption. Last Saturday, we had our usual conversation in which I argued, as I always did, that as defective as the current structure may be, with good governance and a leadership that appreciates and properly manages our diversity, we can still attain peace and prosperity. But for the first time, and Adebanjo must have noticed, my argument lacked conviction so when he sounded off with his usual refrain, “Ọwọ́ yín ló dẹ̀ kù sí. Àwa ti se ti wá” (It’s now in the hands of your generation. Mine has done its best.) I had a troubling time processing our conversation thereafter…
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The foregoing is excerpted from my presentation at the annual conference of the Nigeria Union of Journalist (NUJ) Lagos Chapter where I was guest speaker on 20th October 2021. But in the weeks following that presentation, the late Adebanjo kept calling that he needed to see me. So, on 8th March 2022, I heeded that invitation by going to Lagos and returning to Abuja immediately after our session that lasted about three hours. Quite naturally, our discussion centred on the past, present and future of Nigeria. Although we kept exchanging calls until a few months ago, that happened to be the last time I saw the old man until I heard about his death last Friday. Adebanjo deserves a proper tribute from me and I will do that at the appropriate time. But for now, I join in extending my commiseration to his family. As I told his son, Segun Adebanjo, (a friend from our campus days at Ife in the late eighties) last Friday on phone, “Ẹ̀yìn bàbá ti dára.” May God comfort the family he left behind.
Between ARCON and Business Owners
Following my recent column, ‘Creating a Ganu-Si Economy’, which dwelt on how most government agencies serve as impediments to entrepreneurship, some supporters of the Advertising Regulatory Commission of Nigeria (ARCON) have written several articles in ‘response’. Although none has been sent to me, perhaps because ARCON is relying on third parties, I read them. And they all miss the point. By arguing that my friend who owns a restaurant attracted the hefty fine of N1 milion on two occasions because she circumvented the law that required payment of N15,000 fee and submission of the ‘promo’ for ARCON vetting, they make their case even worse.
In the ‘2024 Budget of Professional Bodies/Councils of Agencies Removed from the FGN Funding’, released by the Budget Office of the Federation, ARCON is number one on the list. While it projected a gross revenue of N1,096,166,050, the agency proposed a total expenditure of N3,716,582,290. With that humongous deficit of N2,620,416,240 between revenue and expenditure, one can only sympathise with ARCON for its increasing desperation. The agency has the second highest expenditure and the highest deficit of the 26 professional bodies on the list. While other professional bodies generate their revenues mainly through membership dues and align expenditure with their revenues, ARCON has had to resort to levying a tax, which it calls vetting fees, on whatever it defines as advertisement or exposure on any platform, including on the social media pages of individuals and small businesses, just to rake in money.
The fact that each message/post deemed as an advert by ARCON will attract a vetting fee says it all: this is more about revenue than about vetting. It is equally insightful that the punishment for not submitting even social media posts for clearance is 50 times the vetting fee. Equally interesting is that ARCON can threaten to arraign ‘defaulters’ before its own tribunal, which can impose fines and even jail terms. ARCON and its defenders are clearly not perturbed by the implication of such threats and taxes for big and small businesses operating in our tough environment.
The Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, Taiwo Oyedele, summed up my position last Thursday at the inaugural Economic Roundtable/2025 macroeconomic outlook event of rating firm Agusto & Co., held in Lagos. For the benefit of ARCON and its defenders, here is what Oyedele said: “Nigeria’s tax system is unconducive for growth. We are trying to grow, but we’re struggling, and the tax system is holding us down. It has plenty of taxes and taxing agencies everywhere you turn. It doesn’t matter whether you’re small or big, whether you are formal or informal; we tax anything and everything that moves. If it keeps moving, we tax it even again. We tax it even more. We’re speaking to small business owners, and one woman said something to me that I will not forget. She said that it feels like the Nigerian system and the government are feasting on businesses. And I challenge anyone who wants to do a social experiment. Just do a banner; anything that comes to mind will be tailoring. Just write it and place it by the road. Find a plastic chair, sit back about two meters away, and watch what will happen within two days. I promise you, at least five agencies will show up, from business premises to advert levy to permit. You have not even found one customer. One of my hopes and dreams for this country is that in my lifetime, you put up that banner and you receive calls from different government agencies, one asking you whether you know about credit facilities for your sector. ‘We have this capacity development for people doing your business. Would you be interested? Do you need any access to this and that?’ Let’s support ourselves to prosper…”
Those are not my words; they are the words of Oyedele who is one of the leading authorities on such matters today. And it could not have been an accident that he cited ‘advert levy’ as one of the examples of the ways government agencies make life difficult for owners of small businesses in Nigeria.
To demonstrate that ARCON has mutated into a revenue-generating agency, below are the vetting rates advertised by the agency effective 1 January 2024. It was segmented into seven categories. Under ‘Career Matters’, Exam Registration Fee will attract N10,000; Examination Late Registration Fee, N20,000; Examination Subject Fee, N15,000; Exemption Fee, N15,000; EMR, N350,000; EMR (Non-Nigerian), N1,000,000; Accreditation Fee (Higher Institution), N1,000,000. For ‘Annual Practice Fee’, Associate Member will pay, N20,000; Full Member, N30,000; Fellowship Member, N50,000 and Membership Certificate Re-Issuance, N50,000. For ‘Corporate License’, Application will attract N100,000; Fee for three years, N450,000; Consultancy, N225,000; Inspection Fee (Lagos), N200,000; Accelerated Inspection Fee (Lagos), N300,000; Inspection Fee (Outside Lagos), N300,000; Accelerated Inspection Fee (Outside Lagos), N500,000; Corporate License Re-Issuance, N100,000.
But it is clear that ARCON targets businesses to fund the bulk of its hefty budget, since advertising professionals are not that many and since it secured legislative backing to vet and tax anything featured anywhere that it describes as advertisement. For ‘Advertisement Vetting (Traditional Media)’, Regular—Brands, Political, Cause, Ideation will attract payment of N35,000. Meanwhile for Accelerated, 4 Hours, N600,000; 8 hours, N400,000 and 16 hours, N250,000. For ‘Advertisement Vetting (Online Platform)’, Regular—Brands, Political, Cause, Ideation goes for N20,000 while for Accelerated, 4 hours attracts N250,000, 8 hours, N150,000 and 16 hours, N100,000. For the ‘Vetting (SME Category)’, Regular (Brands, Political, Cause, Ideation) goes for N20,000; 8 Working Hours, N150,000; and 16 Working Hours Acceleration, N100,000. Membership of NASME certification by SMEDAN is also required. For ‘Special Category’, the rate is N1,000,000 each for Lottery, Lotto, Game; Betting, Gambling, Wager and Promotion, Raffles, Draws, with the last two subject to a 16 hours vetting window. Meanwhile, Variation (Foreign Talent) will attract N2,500,000 while Variation (Foreign Production) goes for N3,000,000.
With these steep rates, which are per advert, it is very clear that revenue generation has now become the main objective of ARCON. Regulation is just a convenient cover. By the way, I have no problem with the need for regulation in certain critical and sensitive areas of national life. But I have problems with the sweeping powers granted to an organisation like ARCON, and the danger their operations pose to entrepreneurship, economic growth and even constitutionally-guaranteed free speech in Nigeria.