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[OPINION] A Child Betrayed: The Rivers State Case of Rape, Assault, and Pepper Torture - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminA devastating incident has shaken the community in Rivers State, Nigeria, where a woman named Jessica has been arrested for allegedly assaulting a teenager. The victim’s mother alleges that Jessica’s husband, Ebuka, had previously raped the teenager, and in a twisted turn of events, Jessica accused the teenager of sleeping with her husband.
The brutality of the assault is shocking, with reports indicating that Jessica stripped the teenager, inserted pepper into her private parts, and beat her up. The victim’s mother promptly reported the incident to the police, leading to Jessica’s arrest. A rights group, Centre for Basic Rights Protection And Accountability Campaign, has condemned the alleged torture and demanded a thorough investigation.
The police spokesperson has promised to look into the matter, and efforts are currently underway to locate Jessica’s husband, Ebuka, for further investigation. This incident should spark a broader conversation about domestic and child abuse, highlighting the need for education, awareness, and accountability.
Where Is the Minister of Women’s Affairs in This Case?
The Minister of Women’s Affairs, Imaan Suleiman-Ibrahim, has a crucial role to play in addressing the allegations of assault in Rivers State. As the head of the Ministry, she is expected to advocate for systemic reforms to address the lack of urgency in handling domestic and child abuse cases. This includes pushing for stricter oversight of law enforcement agencies and mechanisms to ensure swift and fair adjudication of such matters.
The Minister should take immediate action to condemn the assault and express solidarity with the teenage victim. She should demand justice and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. Furthermore, Suleiman-Ibrahim should ensure that the victim receives necessary medical, psychological, and legal support. This would involve collaborating with relevant agencies and organizations to provide the necessary assistance.
To address the root causes of domestic and child abuse, the Minister should advocate for systemic reforms. This includes continuously pushing for stricter laws and penalties for perpetrators of domestic and child abuse. Additionally, she should launch sensitization and awareness campaigns to educate the public about the importance of reporting domestic and child abuse cases.
The Minister’s role is not limited to advocacy and reform. Collaboration and partnerships are crucial in addressing domestic and child abuse cases. Suleiman-Ibrahim should work with the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, to ensure that the state government takes concrete actions to address the case. She should also engage with law enforcement agencies to ensure that they take domestic and child abuse cases seriously and investigate them thoroughly. Furthermore, she should partner with civil society organizations that specialize in supporting victims of domestic and child abuse.
Suleiman-Ibrahim should emulate the bold and aggressive approach of her predecessor, Uju-Ken Ohanenye, who was known for her uncompromising stance on women’s rights and social development issues. The Minister should be vocal and unrelenting in her pursuit of justice for the teenage victim and demand accountability from law enforcement agencies and the judiciary.
This is not the time for family begging or settlement outside the court. The case must be taken to court as soon as possible, and the perpetrators must be held accountable for their actions. The Minister should ensure that the victim and her family receive the necessary support and protection throughout the trial.
To ensure that justice is served, it is imperative to put huge pressure on the police to investigate the case thoroughly and bring the perpetrators to justice. The Minister should demand regular updates from the police and ensure that they are taking concrete actions to address the case. Suleiman-Ibrahim should also mobilize the public to demand justice for the teenage victim and ensure that the case is not swept under the rug.
Where is the Governor?
The Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, has a critical role to play in ensuring that justice is served in this case. As the chief executive of the state, he has the power to put more weight on the actions of law enforcement agencies and the judiciary. The Governor should take immediate action to condemn the assault and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. The delay in the police response and the systemic challenges in handling cases like this have raised serious concerns. The Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, as the chief executive of the state, must take immediate action to ensure this case does not fade into obscurity. Public trust in law enforcement and the judiciary has often been eroded by reports of compromise, such as police allegedly pressuring families to drop cases or courts failing to push aggressively for justice.
Governor Fubara’s involvement could help ensure transparency and accountability, compelling law enforcement to act decisively and ensuring that the judicial process remains focused and unbiased. His intervention would send a strong message that the state prioritizes justice for victims of abuse and will not tolerate negligence or compromise.
Governor Fubara should work closely with the Minister of Women’s Affairs to ensure that the state government takes concrete actions to address the case. He should also engage with law enforcement agencies to ensure that they take domestic and child abuse cases seriously and investigate them thoroughly. Furthermore, he should provide the necessary resources and support to ensure that the victim and her family receive the necessary assistance throughout the trial.
Where is the Police? How Far?
Arresting the accused is only the first step; ensuring justice for the teenage victim requires a comprehensive approach. There is need for forensic evidence, such as a medical examination using a sexual assault evidence kit. This process is essential to document physical evidence, establish facts, and strengthen the case against the alleged perpetrators in court. Without these critical steps, the case risks being undermined by insufficient evidence.
The Rivers State Police Command has a responsibility to investigate the case thoroughly and bring the perpetrators to justice. However, the police have been slow to act, and their response has been inadequate. The police should provide regular updates on the progress of the investigation and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice.
The police should also ensure that the victim and her family receive the necessary protection and support throughout the trial. This includes providing security and ensuring that the victim is not intimidated or harassed by the perpetrators or their associates.
The Rivers State Police Command’s delay in providing updates must cease, as it underscores the pressing need for institutional accountability. Both the Minister of Women’s Affairs and the Rivers State Governor have critical roles to play in addressing these lapses. Their leadership should focus on holding law enforcement agencies accountable, ensuring timely and transparent communication, and driving reforms that enable justice systems to operate efficiently and effectively in protecting the rights of vulnerable individuals.
Where is the Court?
Nigerian courts, often criticized for being lax on cases of domestic violence, child abuse, and female assaults, must change this narrative. The judiciary has a critical role to play in ensuring justice is served in such cases. Courts must act swiftly to hear cases, hold perpetrators accountable, and set a precedent that these offenses will not be tolerated. Additionally, the judiciary must guarantee that trials are fair and transparent, while ensuring the victim and her family receive the necessary support and protection throughout the legal process. This shift is essential to restore public confidence and protect the rights of vulnerable individuals.
Where is the Medical Support?
Medical support is crucial in aiding the police and courts to ensure justice in abuse cases. Trained nurses and doctors must conduct thorough forensic examinations, utilizing sexual assault kits to preserve critical evidence such as DNA and physical injuries. This evidence is vital for building a strong case against perpetrators and ensuring accountability.
Hospitals and medical facilities have a responsibility to provide immediate medical attention to victims, ensuring they receive necessary treatment and care. Beyond physical health, the medical community must offer counseling and psychological support to victims and their families to address the trauma associated with abuse.
Collaboration between medical professionals, law enforcement, and the judiciary is essential. Medical teams must provide detailed documentation, expert testimony, and other evidence to strengthen the prosecution’s case. This partnership ensures the courts have the tools needed to deliver justice and protect vulnerable individuals. Strengthening this cooperative framework is key to safeguarding victims and ensuring perpetrators are held accountable for their actions.
No Leniency for Serious Crimes
To ensure that justice is served, it is imperative that perpetrators of domestic and child abuse are held accountable for their actions. Convicts must not be given fines as a replacement for prison sentences, as this can be seen as a lenient punishment for serious crimes. Instead, perpetrators must face the full force of the law and receive punishments that reflect the severity of their crimes.
Rehabilitation Through Counseling
Perpetrators must be provided with counseling and rehabilitation programs while they are in prison and after their release, to address impulsive acts and prevent reoffending. This is crucial in helping perpetrators to understand the impact of their actions and to develop healthy relationships and behaviors. Counseling and rehabilitation programs can also help to reduce the risk of reoffending and create safer communities.
Addressing Female Perpetrators
This is particularly important for female perpetrators, such as the woman who used pepper in the Rivers State assault case, who must be punished accordingly and receive counseling in anger management to address their behavior. Female perpetrators must be held to the same standards as male perpetrators and receive the same level of accountability and rehabilitation. By doing so, we can create a society that values justice and equality for all.
Support and Protection for the Victim and Her Mother
The Rivers State Government must ensure that the female teenager, a victim of alleged rape and brutal assault, and her mother, who has also been traumatized by the incident, receive comprehensive support and protection. This includes providing trauma counseling, supportive services, protective measures, and safe shelter to enable them to heal and rebuild their lives.
The teenager and her mother have been through a horrific ordeal, and it is essential that they receive the necessary care and support to recover from their physical and emotional trauma. The government must take immediate action to provide them with the resources they need to rebuild their lives and ensure their safety and well-being.
Creating a Safer Society
By holding perpetrators accountable and providing them with the necessary support and rehabilitation, we can create a safer and more just society for all. This requires a collaborative effort from law enforcement, the judiciary, social services, and community organizations to ensure that perpetrators are held accountable and that victims receive the necessary support and protection. Together, we can create a society that values justice, equality, and the well-being of all individuals.
Educating, Protecting, and Seeking Justice for Our Communities
The Rivers State assault case highlights the urgent need to safeguard women and children from domestic and child abuse. Education is key: we must inform ourselves, families, and communities about reporting domestic and child abuse cases.
To foster a culture prioritizing safety and well-being, collective effort is necessary. This includes educating children and adults about healthy relationships and boundaries, encouraging victims to speak out and seek help, providing support and resources for victims, holding perpetrators accountable, and advocating for systemic reforms.
For far too long, the police and the courts have failed to take cases of domestic and child abuse seriously, allowing perpetrators to go unpunished and victims to suffer in silence. It is time for a change. Families must stop accepting begging and apologies from offenders, and instead, demand justice and accountability.
The culture of settling cases out of court or accepting compromises must end. Traditional chiefs and community leaders must stop telling families to “forget” or “move on” and instead, support victims in seeking justice. The police must avoid compromises and instead, thoroughly investigate cases and bring perpetrators to justice.
It’s Never the Child’s Fault: we must stop blaming the female child, especially female teens, for cases of domestic and child abuse.
Ultimately, we must break the cycle of silence and impunity by working together. We owe it to ourselves, our families, and our communities to take action and demand justice for victims of domestic and child abuse. It is our collective responsibility to create a safer and more just society for all.
A Culture of Forgetting Cases Must End
In Nigeria, societal tendencies to beg families to “forget” abuse cases or settle disputes outside the legal system often derail justice. This cultural practice, combined with reports of compromised law enforcement and judicial processes, further marginalizes victims. For this case to stand as a turning point, decisive action must be taken to prevent it from being swept under the rug.
A Call for Justice and Systemic Transformation
This case serves as a critical reminder of the need for comprehensive reforms in how abuse cases are handled. The combined efforts of the state governor, the Minister of Women’s Affairs, law enforcement, and the judiciary are essential to ensure justice for the teenage victim.
Governor Fubara’s immediate involvement, alongside proactive leadership from Suleiman-Ibrahim, could set a precedent for handling such cases with urgency and fairness. Advocacy groups and the public will continue to monitor the situation, pushing for systemic changes that prioritize justice and protect vulnerable individuals. Only through such collective action can trust in the justice system be restored and societal attitudes toward abuse cases be transformed.
Obafemi Awolowo, one of Nigeria’s most influential leaders, famously described Nigeria as “a mere geographical expression” in his seminal book Path to Nigerian Freedom (1947). By this, Awolowo highlighted the artificial nature of the Nigerian state, created by colonial Britain in 1914 through the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates. His observation pointed to the lack of a unifying national identity among Nigeria’s diverse ethnic and cultural groups, which makes most Nigerians more disposed towards their ethnic groups ahead of the Nigerian nation.
Several other Nigerian leaders, through their actions and words, keep echoing this perspective, making it a reference point in discussions about Nigeria’s unity, governance, and the challenges of nation-building. Our leaders, rather than seek the higher ideals of building a more united Nigeria by nurturing a shared identity and common purpose among Nigerians, they mindlessly tread the path of ethnic glorification. Over the decades, up until the present administration led by President Bola Tinubu, their words and actions have the effect of predisposing the people to their tribes ahead of the country. Sadly, the nation’s political and social landscape was, and remains, fragmented by social, religious, cultural and political differences.
So, when recently Kemi Badenoch, the UK’s Conservative Party leader, in her altercations with Nigeria’s Vice President, Kashim Shettima over her negative references to Nigeria, echoed this perspective to the effect that she identifies more with her Yoruba ethnic group than with a broader Nigerian heritage, nearly everyone came down on her. Like many Nigerians, Shettima viewed her usual reference to her experiences in Nigeria to depict corruption and bad governance, as denigrating her country of birth. He even suggested that if she was not proud of her Nigerian heritage, she could “remove the Kemi from her name.” That was the beginning of a new perspective in the altercation that led Badenoch, who was born in the United Kingdom to Nigerian parents, to explain that her cultural identity is deeply rooted in her Yoruba ancestry. “While I acknowledge my Nigerian heritage, my primary identity is Yoruba. That’s where my sense of belonging lies,” she stated.
Her remarks had ignited controversy, drawing both praise and criticism from Nigerians at home and in the diaspora. Most others were dumbfounded, mainly because it is largely a fact of our national life.The question is: was Badenoch really undermining efforts to promote national unity in Nigeria, a country already grappling with significant ethnic and regional divides, or was she simply stating the obvious facts of our national life? Was her prioritization of ethnic identities over a collective national consciousness, a denigration for Nigerians.
Several decades since Awolowo’s statement, many Nigerian leaders, through their words and actions, have affirmed that characterization that Nigeria’s political reality remains shaped by regional and ethnic loyalties. While Badenoch’s comments were personal, they bring to light a troubling reality—that the actions of Nigerian leaders often reinforce ethnic divisions and undermine the sense of a unified national identity. This anomaly is fueled by the tendency of Nigerian leaders to prioritize their ethnic groups in appointments, resource allocation, and project locations. Such favoritism sends a message that ethnic identity matters more than national identity, leaving citizens to see themselves through the lens of ethnicity rather than as Nigerians.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration provides a contemporary example of this phenomenon. Since assuming office in May 2023, Tinubu has faced criticism for his appointments, which many argue, reflect a bias toward his Yoruba ethnic group and the South-West geopolitical zone.
While some of these appointments can be justified based on competence, the overwhelming dominance of Yoruba figures in key government positions has sparked allegations of favoritism. This pattern is not unique to Tinubu’s administration but is a recurring feature of Nigerian leadership. Past presidents have also been accused of favoring their ethnic or regional groups in appointments, perpetuating a cycle of mistrust and alienation among the country’s over 250 ethnic groups. By appearing to prioritize ethnic loyalty over national unity, Nigerian leaders inadvertently encourage citizens to align more closely with their ethnic identities.
Beyond appointments, the location of developmental projects also reflects ethnic favoritism. Under Tinubu, there has been an increased focus on the South-West region, to the detriment of other areas. This imbalance is a continuation of a trend seen in previous administrations, where leaders prioritize their regions in the distribution of resources and infrastructure, thereby deepening perceptions of exclusion and marginalization, particularly in regions like the South-East and the Niger Delta, which have long felt sidelined in national development.
When leaders use their positions to benefit their ethnic groups disproportionately, they reinforce the notion that Nigeria is not a truly united nation. This fuels a fragmented identity, where individuals, like Badenoch, see themselves first as Yoruba, Igbo, or Hausa before identifying as Nigerians.
While Kemi Badenoch’s preference for her Yoruba identity may reflect her personal journey, it is actually a fact of our national life. The actions of leaders who prioritize ethnicity over national unity have normalized divided loyalties, eroding the collective sense of being Nigerian. So, Nigerian who love to live in denial, have largely been hypocritical in criticising Badenoch and her statement. If, indeed, Nigeria is to move forward as a united and prosperous nation, its leaders must rise above ethnic biases and govern with fairness, equity, and a true commitment to national unity. Only then can the anomaly of divided identities be addressed, and the dream of a united Nigeria realized. After all, Chief Awolowo’s statement did not foreclose the possibility that the ethnic nationalities cannot find common grounds beyond their cultural, political and religious differences.
Sheddy Ozoene is the Editor-In-Chief of People & Politics.
Nigeria’s northern geopolitical neighbour, Niger Republic, was effectively an annex of our country under the rulership of the immediate past President, Muhammadu Buhari. At every given opportunity, Buhari never failed to advertise the consanguineal connectivities between him as an individual, and Niger Republic, and indeed between his traditional sociocultural origins in Daura in Katsina State, and Maradi prefecture in Niger Republic. He confirmed he had cousins across the Nigerian border and even threatened to relocate to Niger if he suffered any discomfiture from Nigerians, as he disembarked from office in 2023. Buhari and his Nigerien counterpart who shares a slightly moderated first name with him, Mahamadou Issoufou, both signed an agreement in July 2018, for Nigeria to extend oil pipelines to Niger, and to build a refinery in that country, at the cost of $2Billion, fully bankrolled by Nigeria.
Under Buhari, a 286-kilometre long rail line to connect Nigeria and Niger, was approved by Buhari’s federal executive council, (FEC), in September 2020. The Kano- Katsina- Jibiya- Maradi rail link is costing Nigeria a staggering sum of $1.959 Billion. Buhari’s successor, Bola Tinubu inherited the project which was 35 per cent completed in 2023, and is proceeding with its completion. It should be ready before the end of 2026. The June 2021 edition of a publication which goes by the name The Africa Report, indeed asked a rhetorical question, occasioned by Buhari’s obsession with Niger, and Nigeria’s glaring economically lopsided investments in the desert nation. The document inquired: “What is it about Buhari’s passion for his northern neighbour, the Republic of Niger? Is it economic or commercial logic, altruism or just family and ethnic ties?” Buhari’s spokesman, Femi Adesina in a February 10, 2021 edition of Arise News proffered that: “Jibiya and Maradi constitute a significant trading core between Nigeria and Niger Republic dating back many centuries. This vital infrastructure will establish an end-to-end logistic in railway transport services before northern and southern sections of the country, reaching Nigeria’s southern ports of Lagos and Warri.”
Added to these prodigal investments in a virtual wasteland was Buhari’s procurement of sports utility vehicles, (SUVs) valued at $2.7million for senior government officials in the employ of Niger Republic, in August 2021. Buhari during his years as helmsman, practically developed Niger with Nigeria’s commonwealth at a time Nigerians were suffering, and are still groaning from the buffeting spinoffs of multisectoral lack, deprivation, hunger, insecurity and despair, precipitated by his leadership. Ochereome Nnana, respected columnist with Nigeria’s Vanguard newspaper, provided insights into Buhari’s consangiunity with Niger Republic in the November 25, 2020 edition of his column. His words: “Buhari is a first generation Nigerian whose father, Ardo Adamu Buhari, a dock seller, migrated from Niger and settled in Nigeria. He married Zulaihat, a Nigerian woman who bore Muhammadu Buhari for him.”
Establishing this foundation is imperative for our investigation of the subsisting diplomatic fissions between Niger Republic and the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS), on one hand. There is also the estrangement of Niger, with Nigeria which President, Bola Tinubu, doubles as ECOWAS Chairman, in another breadth. Tinubu’s leadership of the regional grouping was renewed for a second term, at a meeting of leaders of member countries last December. The Niger Republic/ECOWAS/Nigeria stalemate which began in 2023, has stretched into a second year. Specifically on July 26, 2023, the commander of the presidential guard in Niger, Abdourahamane Tchiani, arrested and detained the incumbent democratically elected President, Mahamadou Bazoum. Tchiani proclaimed himself the new leader of a new military adventurers in that country. The coupists suspended the country’s Constitution and refused entreaties to reinstate the ousted President. Nigeria’s President, Tinubu was barely two months in office at the time, and had just assumed the leadership of ECOWAS, shortly before eruption of the Nigerien crisis. He threatened that Nigeria may consider leading an ECOWAS force to dislodge the mutineers if they didn’t restore Niger Republic’s Constitution and President Bazoum.
Tinubu despatched President Patrice Talon of Benin Republic to Niamey to mediate in the governance crisis in the brother West African country. A wholly Nigerian delegation led by Nigeria’s former military Head of State, Abdulsalami Abubakar, was also emplaced by Tinubu on the same impasse. This bouquet of diplomatic engagements, however, yielded no tangible results. Rather, Tchiani and his colleagues dug in. They were emboldened by precedents in Burkina Faso, Guinea and Mali, where the military establishment had upset the apple cart of popular governance in the west coast and formed new alliances with Russia, as counterpoint to their erstwhile colonisers, France. Alongside Burkina Faso and Mali, Niger has since exited ECOWAS and formed a three-nation mutual defence partnership which they christened the Alliance of Sahel States, (ASS).
If you ask me, the onset of the Nigerien crisis was a most appropriate opportunity to engage and test former President Muhammadu Buhari’s touted relationship with the northerly nation. If he was not specifically beckoned upon by Tinubu to avail his immediate successor his services, it would not have been out of place for Buhari to offer himself to help out with the Nigerien face-off. He shares the same sociocultural background with the Nigeriens across our borders. As President, Buhari clearly and needlessly over-romanced Niger Republic at the expense of our national till. He did so much for that country with funds borrowed in the name of Nigeria, which will be continously serviced for decades to come by successor generations. He should be confident of a red carpet if he was to mediate in the logjam. While Buhari played Santa Claus in Niger, the educational, healthcare, agricultural, defence, infrastructural sectors in Nigeria were grossly under-funded. We are talking about the blind investment of well over $4 Billion frittered in the sands of Sahara desert.
Say what you like about him, Olusegun Obasanjo the first democratically enthroned President of Nigeria’s fourth republic has continually acquitted himself as a preeminent leader and statesman, in and out of office. His stature looms large, his tentacles embedded in time and space. While on a visit to Nigeria July 16, 2003, former President Fradique de Menezes of Sao Tome and Principe, was deposed by the military back home. A flustered Obasanjo who wouldn’t brook such a putsch especially when the victim was his guest, held Menezes by the hands, took him in his aircraft and flew him back home to Sao Tome. The typically humorous Obasanjo reassured his guest as much as possible in the course of the trip, that he will be restored. Obasanjo jokingly said to his beleaguered Sao Tome counterpart: “If there is shooting within the perimeters of the airport at the point of the descent of my plane, my pilots will abort touchdown and head back to the skies,” as he tried to crack up his brooding guest. By July 23, 2003, one week after Menezes’s initial dislodgement, Obasanjo reinstated him to the delight of the international community.
Mathieu Kerekou and Boni Yaya, both former Presidents of the Republic of Benin, Nigeria’s western neighbours, were regular guests of Nigeria during the Obasanjo years. They often never had to fly and just drove to meet their host in Badagry in Lagos State, or Otta in Ogun State. In response to cross-border robberies, smuggling and child-trafficking considered injurious to Nigeria’s peace and economy, Obasanjo never spared any chance to padlock the Nigeria-Benin borders. The attendant socioeconomic asphyxiation of these border seal-ups to Benin Republic, compelled regular entreaties by successive Beninoise governments to Nigeria. The sing-song was always for Nigeria to conceive of and treat the small French-speaking country as its 37th state. Such was the worth of Nigeria in regional politics. Obasanjo continues to be called upon across the world, to add width to issues of democracy, politics, governance, peace and international affairs. That is an essential patriarch.
Former President Goodluck Jonathan has recently been on the road across West Africa as Special Envoy of ECOWAS. He has been leading mediation talks across the subregion, especially in Mali, one of the rebelling member countries of the body. Indeed, Jonathan is Chair of the “West African Elders Forum,” a senior advisory body committed to peace and stability in West Africa. In August 2022, Jonathan led the “Electoral Observation Mission” of the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa, to monitor the presidential polls which produced William Ruto as president of Kenya. In January 2024, Jonathan headlined a group of multidisciplinary experts from across the Commonwealth to observe the elections in the Asian country of Pakistan. The brief of the body was to offer independent and comprehensive assessment of the electoral process in the country on that occasion.
Buhari’s deputy during his time as President, Yemi Osinbajo, SAN, was in July 2023, less than six weeks after he left office, appointed Global Advisor to Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet, (GEAPP). The body is an agglomeration of philanthropists, local entrepreneurs, governments and financing partners. Last August, Osinbajo and Peter Obi, presidential candidate of the Labour Party, (LP), at the 2023 presidential election, were guests of the 2024 “Democratic National Convention” in Chicago in the United States. The National Democratic Institute, (NDI), organisers of the convention is a nonprofit, non-partisan organisation pushing democratic values around the world. These are just aspects of concerns and engagements to which Osinbajo has been adding vistas since he departed Aso Villa in May 2023.
I’ve always wondered what worth, what value Buhari, one of Nigeria’s most privileged public officers of all time, has ever impacted to the broad gamut of governance and politics in Nigeria. At various times, Buhari was Military Governor; Federal Commissioner, (more contemporaneously Minister); Military Head of State and civilian President. Despite this string of enviable adornments, I’m yet to see Buhari present a paper at any conference; lead a cerebral discussion at any forum; or headline a symposium or conference on the national question. I’m yet to see his memoirs or autobiography where he shares perspectives on the special privileges Nigeria has availed him and how he has in turn been beneficial to the national cause. I’m tempted to conclude that Buhari unimaginatively, unforgivably frittered the collective calendars, the patrimony and emotions of Nigerians, especially during his eight year reign, better branded “Nigeria’s years of the locusts.” Buhari had little to offer and he offered nothing.
Olusunle, PhD, Fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches Creative Writing at the University of Abuja.
Perhaps three will be the lucky number. After at least two previous failed attempts, a peace deal between Israel and Hamas might be reached by January 20 or in the early days of Donald Trump’s second term. Or…
It’s a matter of perhaps, with a big P. Optimism is a rare commodity in a region with the longest-running conflict and the largest river of bad blood. Yet, after over 450 days of war with its predations, traumas and devastations, a bit of optimism is not a bad thing.
In that spirit, I accepted the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs invitation for a five-day official visit between December 15 and 19.
To visit or not?
One week before my trip, Bashar al-Assad fell and fled to Russia. The inheritor of a legacy of hostility toward Israel, his father, Hafez, once demanded the cession of the Golan Heights as a precondition for peace between Israel and Syria. Bashar’s fall ended over 50 years of the Assad dynasty, leaving in its place an uncertain and dangerous void.
With a ceasefire holding by a thread, this was an inauspicious time to visit anywhere in the area, let alone the country at the heart of the renewed conflict.
Yet, after passing up the invitation in January 2023, I decided to go on my first trip to Israel. As our plane, Flight ET 404, descended from Addis Ababa, flying low over the Mediterranean, which bounds Ben Gurion Airport, Tel Aviv, at past seven in the morning, I couldn’t help imagining the worst.
With Hamas launching over 19,000 rockets – mainly unguarded missiles – against Israel since October 7, not a few of them targeting Tel Aviv, Israeli airspace has become something of an aviator’s nightmare. As Flight ET 404, carrying seven African journalists from Nigeria, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Zambia, Kenya, South Africa, and Ghana, among other passengers, approached Ben Gurion one hour behind schedule, I thought, what if a stray rocket hit us?
Never say never
It may sound like the product of an overwrought mind contaminated by familiarity with bad news. But after Hamas killed more than 1,139 people, including women and children, on October 7 and took 364 hostages, many of the victims at a peace party in Nova, southern Israel, overthinking the worst appears to be the standard way of life.
The pictures of the victims at the Nova party with their stories written on small boards and hoisted on wooden poles above beds of candles and flowers at the memorial site are also engraved in the hearts of families up and down the country, still struggling to come to terms with what happened on that day.
At the Bring Them Back Home Now office, an NGO in Tel Aviv, 82-year-old Itzik Horn, a survivor of two terrorist attacks in his original home in Argentina, shared the story of how his two sons, Yair, 46 and Eitan, 38, were kidnapped from the Nir Oz Kibbutz not far from Nova, the epicentre of Hamas crime scene on October 7. Eitan had gone to visit his brother Yair for the weekend when Hamas struck.
A father can’t forget
After the attack, Horn did not hear from his children again for weeks until a Hamas video surfaced showing they had been taken hostage.
“I’ve not heard any news about them again since November (2023),” Horn said, hunched over a chair on the verge of a forlorn hope from retelling this story a million times. “A father can’t just forget his children or give up on them, can he? I want to know what is happening to them. Are they gagged, dead or alive? I want to know. I want them back home, now.”
I still have, as a keepsake, the felt pen of one of Ela Ben-Zvi’s three children, scattered among the shards of glass and other household items, strewn on the floor of her vandalised, bullet-ridden home in Kibbutz Be’eri, one of the oldest kibbutz in Israel impacted by the attack.
Seven hours in the bunker
Ela, her husband, Eyal, three children, and a dog had lived in Be’eri, separated by a wire mesh, only five kilometres from Gaza. On the morning of October 7, when the bomb alarm went off at 6:20 a.m., she had nine seconds to get to the shelter with her children, aged 8, 5, and 3, and her dog. It was not an unfamiliar drill.
Except this one was longer and more harrowing for the retired soldier and her husband, let alone for the children and the dog, who were consigned for seven hours to a relentless siege in a bunker hardly suitable for more than two.
The IDF later rescued Ela and her family, but her dog died afterwards. Her neighbour, a 78-year-old woman living alone, was not so lucky. The Hamas attackers murdered her in her bed, one of the reported 102 people killed in Be’eri on that day.
Some sheikhs were here
Upcountry, in the Ramim Ridge of the Naftali Mountains in Upper Galilee, the story of Orna Weinberg from four generations in the Manara Kibbutz, a community described as Israel’s northern shield, exemplified the paradox of the strife between Israel and Lebanon, its northern neighbour.
“When this Kibbutz was founded 81 years ago (before the State of Israel), we didn’t have water,” Weinberg said as we stood overlooking a UN truck on the other side of the border. “We used to fetch water from Lebanon, bringing them up here on mules and barrows. When the first water pipes were installed, the sheikhs of these Lebanese villages came to celebrate with us!”
As we inspected the ruins from the multiple rocket and mortar attacks launched by Hezbollah, the silence only broken by Weinberg’s narration and the sounds of our shoes crunching the remnant of mangled metals, twisted glasses, and other household utensils littering the floor inside one of the bombed buildings in Kibbutz Manara, Weinberg’s story sounded like a tale from another world.
“Nowhere to go!”
What is left today of that once thriving community of 260 people where Rachel Rabin Yaakov, sister of former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, also lived, is a shadow of itself. With at least five older adults dead after the forced evacuations that followed the Hezbollah attacks that affected 70 percent of the community, Manara is a ghost town sustained by the stubborn spirit of a few like Weinberg, who have stayed back to rebuild.
“We have nowhere to go. I have nowhere to go,” Weinberg said. “This is the only place I know. It’s the shield of the North, without which Israel will not exist. If Hezbollah prevails, if Iran prevails, not only Israel, but the whole world is in trouble!”
About land?
While pro-Palestinian sentiments frame the question as essentially one of decades of oppression and injustice arising from a land grab, several Israeli officials I met on this trip dismissed such sentiments, citing two instances. One, in 1979, Israel ceded the Sinai Peninsula, twice the size of Israel, to Egypt as a peace offering.
Two, in 1993, even after Yitzhak Rabin signed the Oslo Accords with Arafat under a deal supervised by US President Bill Clinton to prevent the creation of new settlements and pave the way for a two-state solution, top PLO officials, including Arafat, later described the Accord as a strategic manoeuvre before “the great Jihad.”
Israel, they insist, is a victim of duplicitous diplomacy, mainly by Arab countries, that condemn its acts of self-defence in the daytime and, at night, urge it not to spare Shiite extremism, promoted by Iran, the most significant source of regional instability.
Against the odds
It’s a measure of Israel’s resilience that, despite the war and disagreements even within Israel about how best to handle the war and the return of the remaining 100 hostages, despite a Hamas information machinery that brooks neither dissent nor filters, Israel is still standing.
Yet, its long-term security is intrinsically linked to its neighbours, with whom they have been joined by history and geography and must find and negotiate a common ground, one that might reenact Weinberg’s legend of the sheikhs from Lebanon.
At the beginning of every year, analysts look back at the past 12 months – reflecting on what worked and what didn’t – and look forward to the next 12 months – prognosticating on what might and might not be. In that tradition, this column began last year with an article titled “2024: How Nigerians must assess Tinubu’s performance” (Vanguard, January 4, 2024). The piece looked back at 2023 and projected into 2024. Similarly, this intervention reflects on 2024 and takes the long view of 2025.
In setting the criteria for assessing Tinubu’s performance in 2024, I appealed, first, to religion and quoted Proverbs 29:2. “When the righteous [good leaders] are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked [bad leaders] rule, the people groan.” Then, I invoked the Jeffersonian credo that “the care of human life and happiness is the only legitimate object of good government”. This newspaper’s motto, “towards a better life for the people”, also aptly captures the primary purpose of every government. Thus, I posited that Tinubu’s performance in 2024 should be judged by the extent to which there were tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary Nigerians, and whether or not the people rejoiced or groaned.
So, what happened? Well, I gave my overall verdict in last week’s column when I said that Tinubu’s promise of renewed hope in his “2024 Renewed Hope Budget” turned out to be an illusion. In 2024, Nigeria’s ruling elite lived in outrageous opulence, using public funds to buy presidential yachts and fleets of SUVs and renovating their official residences with billions of naira, among many extravagances, while poverty reached dizzying heights, with over 64 per cent of Nigerians going to bed hungry, and an epidemic of kidnapping gripped Nigeria. In a country where there is no audit of budget implementation and performance, a mandatory practice in genuine and accountable democracies, several billions, if not trillions, of naira from last year’s N28.77 trillion budget would certainly have been embezzled and misappropriated without trace. Of course, Nigeria is a kleptocracy, as John Campbell and Matthew Page rightly stated in their book, Nigeria: What Everyone Needs to Know.
But my focus here is not the 2024 budget; rather, it is Tinubu’s governing philosophy, which led to his failure in 2024 and looks likely to make 2025 another wasted year. Everyone knows, by now, that Tinubu is a very arrogant and self-regarding ‘leader’, who believes he is a genius and can do whatever he wishes. Part of the reason for Tinubu’s self-confidence is that he has absolutely captured and pocketed the National Assembly and turned it into a supine and pliant legislature, thereby enthroning effective one-party rule.
Indeed, recently, Godswill Akpabio, Senate President, admitted that Tinubu has “muscled” the National Assembly. Akpabio said: “He [Tinubu] conferred on us Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger, GCON; whether he loved it or not he did it. He muscled the two Chambers together.” He said Tinubu did so to co-opt the National Assembly, knowing that the parliament “can turn a woman into a man and a man into a woman.” Of course, in Nigerian politics, everyone has a price, and Tinubu’s brand of politics is to pay the price, whatever it is, to get what he wants.
But at whose expense? If the National Assembly is so much in cahoots with Tinubu and rubberstamps everything that he presents to it, who then will hold him and his government up to scrutiny? Is an unaccountable government good for democracy? How come the parliament that “can turn a woman into a man and a man into a woman” can’t ensure that the Nigerian state works for the Nigerian people and engenders a better life for them? Aided by the National Assembly, Tinubu squandered 2024 shadowboxing on issues like national anthem, state police, local government autonomy and new tax bills without proper consultations and a coherent restructuring vision and without prioritising the needs of ordinary Nigerians. Of course, Tinubu and the National Assembly will trumpet the new monthly minimum wage of N70,000. But consider this: a senator, Sumaila Kawu, said in August that his monthly take-home pay was N21m, and lamented it wasn’t enough! Yet, Tinubu and the National Assembly brag about an inflation-decimated monthly minimum wage of N70,000. Simply put, they worked for themselves, not ordinary Nigerians, in 2024!
Which leads to Tinubu’s other governing philosophy: expansionary fiscal policy. Tinubu believes in large-scale government spending. He calls its “stimulus”. But the stimulus is not a rising tide that lifts all boats; rather, it unjustly enriches public officeholders, politically-connected government contractors and other political entrepreneurs who fleece the Nigerian people. Truth is, Nigeria is not only a kleptocracy, but also a plutocracy, a government of the super-rich and the well-connected. According to Enhancing Financial Innovation and Access, EFInA, a financial-inclusion outfit, 62 per cent of adult Nigerians earn less than N100,000 per month, with an average income of around N31,000. So, into whose pockets does Tinubu’s multi-trillion-naira stimulus go? Surely, not the pockets of ordinary Nigerians: the rising tide doesn’t lift their tiny boats!
Tinubu’s fiscal profligacy also triggers a large deficit, which leads to excessive borrowing and increases Nigeria’s debt burden. During his recent “media chat”, Tinubu said that “borrowing is not a crime.” But is devoting 33 per cent of a country’s budget to debt servicing – as the 2025 budget does with N16.33 trillion for debt-service – not a crime? Of course it is, because that’s money that could help improve people’s lives. Then, there’s the inflationary side of fiscal profligacy. Only the economically illiterate would say that Tinubu’s fiscal recklessness doesn’t contribute to Nigeria’s runaway inflation, now at 34.6 per cent. But who suffers most from inflation? Of course, it is the poor, whose disposable incomes and purchasing powers are completely wiped out, making the so-called minimum wage worthless.
Now, the above picture of Tinubu’s performance in 2024 offers insights into 2025. First, his governing philosophy, underpinned by arrogance of power and detachment from reality, will not change. He will continue to be wise in his own conceit. Second, his fiscal recklessness, as reflected in his proposed N49.74 trillion 2025 budget, will only further unjustly enrich the wealthy and the politically connected, while doing absolutely nothing to engender better lives for ordinary Nigerians. Tinubu said he will reduce inflation to 15 per cent this year. But the only way inflation can drop so dramatically amid fiscal profligacy is if the CBN continues to aggressively hike interest rates, thereby destroying industries and the prospects of reducing unemployment and poverty. He said he will bring the exchange rate down to N1,500 to $1. Yet, it is projected to reach N1,800 this year. Yet again, Tinubu is peddling fantasies!
Thanks to his perverse governing philosophy, Tinubu made life unbearable for ordinary Nigerians in 2024. Sadly, the omens are not good for 2025. My advice? Trust in God!
Happy New Year, dear readers!
It has now become something of a yearly tradition that someone would share a video of hundreds, or perhaps even thousands, of beggars lined up on one of the priciest real estates in Nigeria—Bourdillon Road, Ikoyi, Lagos. Already always striking in Nigeria, the paradox of poverty and prosperity jars your eyes. These people queue up for hours, their bodies exposed to weather action accruing the circumstances that will take eventual tow. Usually taken at night, the video displays these panhandlers seeking charity in the unofficial presidential residence.
To be clear, Bourdillon Road is not unique in this respect. I grew up in Ibadan, Oyo State, and the sight of economically challenged people assembling in front of the house of well-to-do Muslims to beg for alms is not exactly rare. If you mingle with them, you will marvel at the complexity of the poverty that will make someone travel—as they claim—a considerable distance to beg. You will be surprised at the distance some of those who resume at Bourdillon have travelled just to fritter away time while expecting the man—or any of his affluent visitors—to extend them some handouts.
People like that come expecting to be given alms because their shared religion with the benefactor stipulates that moneyed people must transfer some income to the poor to maintain the munificence of providence. That explains why wherever you have Islam and poverty, you are guaranteed a nuisance of beggars. That is also why I think FCT Minister Nyesom Wike was wasting time when he started haranguing beggars in the nation’s capital. When religion validates panhandling, you cannot do away with the social tradition it engenders by making a noise. Rich and well-organised Islamic countries do not have this problem for self-evident reasons.
Going by Bola Tinubu’s admission during his recent presidential media chat, it turns out that he has been hosting these professional charity seekers for as long as 25 years! Some of those beggars must be familiar with the street layout and its changing appearance and perhaps have been a fixture there long enough to share a vicarious interest in Bourdillon Road real estate value. They probably do not consider the ungainly sight of themselves hanging around the varnished surface of one of the choicest real estate a blemish but, in fact, as part of the value it carries.
In a society where you can earn social credit through ostentatious performances of charity, the sight of many humans begging an individual for their survival attests to the benefactor’s valour and value. They index his popular support, allowing the man to establish a populist ethos that ultimately shores his political capital. The more the man’s political value rises, the higher the price of items associated with him (including the street he lives). However unseemly the sight of those panhandlers might be, they are part of Tinubu’s wealth and that is probably why he has not thought of doing anything about them. In his media chat, Tinubu sounded as if their besiege of his homestead was an inevitable social reality. It does not look like a tradition that is about to cease.
One would think that after all these years, he should have thought of reorganising the beggars that converge on Bourdillon Road. If people have been crowding your streets for so long, and in that spate of time, you have held leadership positions ranging from governor to the shady title of “governor emeritus”, at what point does it strike you that the sight of suffering humans in front of your house should be considered an eyesore and, therefore, restructured into something more dignifying of humans? Here is a man who has occupied leadership positions for a quarter of a century but refuses to come up with an original idea regarding how to do charity while simultaneously maintaining people’s dignity and public decency.
Rather than having them line up on the streets just so they can be handed a pittance after they have been deemed to have suffered enough, why not establish proper feeding centres in several zones in Lagos, where people can show up at scheduled times to pick whatever welfare items you want to give them? Philanthropy should not require that people be debased before they are fed. We get it, maintaining a crowd feeds your inner Narcissus, but what of the associated risks of that many people standing by the roadside? Then there is the issue of the public resources that would need to be regularly deployed to maintain security around that place. As he is president, security agents must have had to heighten surveillance activities around his house to ensure that mischief-makers do not hide among those beggars. Why the need for that much waste when there are far more efficient ways of doing things? He can redirect the people to the feeding centres where trained personnel will take care of the business smoothly and humanely. If he does not want to run a charity programme all year round, the centres can do it quarterly. What matters is that the “human” is not taken out of humanitarianism.
Looking at that sight, I have also wondered if Tinubu ever spares a thought for his neighbours who invested in real estate only to be forced to endure the nuisance of beggars invading the area, especially around festive periods. Prime real estate as a place like Bourdillon Road claims to be should ideally be typified by an aesthetically pleasing environment. Three factors typically differentiate quality real estate—access (to cultural centres and the added benefit of the nearness of transportation infrastructure such as the airport), appearance (serenity, clean and well-maintained environment, good air quality, etc.) and amenities (from excellent public schools to well-maintained public parks). If you live in a place like Bourdillon Road, the last thing you should ever wake up to see is the endless queue of beggars. Otherwise, what is the point of purchasing luxury?
Beyond his neighbours, there is something about the sight of people hanging around a president’s residence that does not speak well of his leadership capabilities. Maybe no one has nudged him to see it, but the impression that spectacle on Bourdillon Road generates is that Tinubu enjoys the sight of suffering humans and thrives in—and through— their poverty. If all these years, impoverished people hang around you and you remain comfortable enough to keep them just so they can be handed tokens of your large heart, then it means you have a pro-poverty mindset. Such a frame of mind is oriented toward cultivating poverty rather than stimulating abundance. That is why he could unproblematically relate the story of his “friend” who went from using five Rolls Royce to a far-less valued car and not consider the import of the nonsense he was saying. That spurious account was an indication that this is a man for whom poverty—of others, not himself—is an ideal.
If how he thinks this is the way fathers of actual prosperous nations like the United Arab Emirates imagined wealth generation, the country would not be the haven that drives Nigerian leaders to rob people to just to buy their luxury estates. The difference in their respective mindset largely explains why his approach to economic reforms is to first beggarise the nation. His reforms could have been activated with a view toward generating prosperity not a sadistic mentality that relishes seeing someone with five Rolls Royce reduced to nothing, but no. Thanks to his vision, Nigeria now has more beggars, on the streets, social media, public bureaucracies, and corporate offices, likely more than at any time in its history. You can hardly greet people online these days without getting a request from someone begging for money.
Throughout history, religions and religious leaders have impacted the affairs of countries. For instance, the ‘Asian Miracle’ is in part explained by the discipline and work ethic integral to the Buddhist religion. Christianity, Hinduism, Judaism, Islam and other religions have also helped to shape societies. This is why some have remarked that with so many Christians and Muslims in Nigeria, there is very little Christianity and very little Islam. It appears that in our country, religion is only capable of serving as a tool for division and exploitation. It is therefore refreshing to see a Tik-Tok video of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) General Overseer, Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye delivering what could be termed a ‘palace sermon’ to the Soun of Ogbomosoland, Ọba Ghandi Afọlábí Ọláoyè, Orumógege III. The ‘sermon’ was not about God or the Kingdom of God; it was about the Soun’s own domain. It is also, in a way, about leadership, although we will get to that later.
Since the former RCCG Pastor in Washington DC was crowned as Soun of Ogbomoso last year, he has been embroiled in a war of attrition with diverse interest groups within the community. The latest controversy began when the monarch appointed a ‘Palace Imam’, in a not-too-clever attempt to oust the Grand Chief Imam of Ogbomosoland, Dr Teliat Yunus Ayilara II, despite court injunctions restraining such action. It is even more interesting that there is no Mosque at the Palace where an Imam appointed by the monarch can lead prayer! “The fact that he (the monarch) is physically imposing, has considerable wealth and belongs to the IJGB (I Just Got Back) clan from America doesn’t mean he should disrespect his subjects or ride roughshod over us,” a prominent Ogbomosho indigene told me in response to Pastor Adeboye’s video I forwarded to him. “If he (the Soun) doesn’t heed the counsel of Pastor Adeboye, he won’t enjoy his reign.”
What the two contrasting views suggest is that all is not well in Ogbomoso, which is essentially the kernel of Pastor Adeboye’s message to the Soun, that he delivered publicly in Yoruba. It is about inclusion and the limits of temporal power. Although the Soun may be addressed as the unquestionable sovereign (Kabiyesi), Pastor Adeboye used a simple story to illustrate why the monarch must also recognize other “principalities and powers” in his domain if he wants to stay long and stay well on the throne. Interestingly, Pastor Adeboye prefaced his ‘sermon’ (delivered in four minutes) with apologies to non-Yoruba people who were with him during the encounter with the Soun. He said it would be disrespectful to address a Yoruba monarch in English. While still struggling with the interpretation, I discovered that Dr Lasisi Olagunju used the same intervention by Pastor Adeboye in his ‘Monday Lines’ column to address the issue of leadership in Nigeria. I have secured permission to reproduce his rendition of Pastor Adeboye’s message to the Soun:
Several years ago, there was an incident in a town called Ejigbo. It was noticed that the kings there died as soon as they ascended the throne. Then, it was the turn of a young man to be king. His case was a very precarious one. If he became king, he would die. If he refused to be king, it would be the end of his royal lineage in that town because he was the very last prince there alive. One day, the young prince was going to the farm in great sorrow. Then, he bumped into an old man because he was troubled. He begged the old man for forgiveness. “Omo aládé, kí ló dé?” (Prince, what is the problem?), the old man asked him. He told the old man his problem. “It is my turn to be king, but I don’t want to die.”
The old man listened to him; then told him it was a simple thing. ‘On the day of your enthronement, tell your drummers not to repeat the beat they used for your predecessors. They should change it.’ The old man then told the prince what his beat should say. Between them, it was a secret. The D-Day came. He became king. It was time for celebrations. The king came out to dance round the town. The witches of the town, devourers of the earlier kings, assembled as usual under their tree, waiting for the drumbeat.
The old beat was:
Eléjìgbò l’ó l’Èjìgbò;
Èmi nÌkan ni mo l’Èjìgbò.
(Eléjìgbò, the king, owns Ejigbo; I alone own Èjìgbò).
But by the time the drummers of the new king started beating the drum for him, they came with a new beat:
Eléjìgbò l’ó l’Èjìgbò;
T’èmi tì’e l’a l’Èjìgbò.
Eléjìgbò l’ó l’Èjìgbò;
Gbogbo wa l’a l’Èjìgbò.
(Eléjìgbò owns Èjìgbò; You and I own Èjìgbò. Eléjìgbò owns Èjìgbò; We all own Èjìgbò).
The witches exchanged glances. “This is strange! Who gave this young man this wisdom?” That was how the young king danced round the town. He was king and he was on the throne for a very long time.
In his column, Olagunju said he took Pastor Adeboye’s intervention “as a sermon for all who think or take themselves to be owners of Nigeria.” Since conventional wisdom teaches that to whom you can whisper, you need not shout, I also believe Pastor Adeboye’s message was not only for the Soun but all those who hold positions of authority in our country. Otherwise, he could have quietly invited the monarch to Redemption Camp and deliver his ‘homily’ to him alone. But it is also a message that the Soun needs.
Even from Oba Ghandi’s public explanation regarding the crisis within his domain, it is evident that he may not be getting the right counsel. “Soun Ogunlola who founded the throne was a pure traditionalist; he worshipped Ogun deity. We Christians and Muslims are just intruding so to say; it originally belonged to the traditional religion worshipers so we should encourage religious harmony,” he said while dismissing the insinuation that the crisis is about religion. “I have refused to remove him (Chief Imam Teliat) despite him taking me to court. But I told him, ‘You can’t take me to court and be leading me in prayer’, We don’t go to court and become friends. You that took me to court your intention is to win, to win against the Oba, and you call yourself an indigene of this town. Such prayer can’t be answered, I believe. I am a pastor, if I take my member to court will I lead prayer, and such member will say amen?” The monarch further said: “I have been an alfa (pastor) for 32 years; I believe Imam Teliat was still wearing pants then. That is the truth. And as Christians, we don’t mount the pulpit to abuse a king, I don’t know your religion much but in Christendom, we don’t do that, although some pastors say nonsense too.”
When in September 2023 Governor Seyi Makinde announced the approval of Olaoye as the new Soun of Ogbomosoland, one of the first persons to congratulate him is the embattled Grand Chief Imam who called on all sons and daughters to “join hands with our Soun-Elect Prince Afolabi Olaoye in building a peaceful, harmonious and prosperous Ogbomosoland.” He ended his statement with a prayer: “May Almighty Allah bestow upon him, knowledge and wisdom, grant him long life and good health, bless his reign and increase Ogbomosoland in abundance.” So, whatever may be their differences now, the Soun should play his role as father of all. It is just as well that Pastor Adeboye ended his story to the Ogbomoso monarch with a familiar line in Yoruba adage: “Kabiyesi, half a word, as they say, is enough for the wise.”
Even if we discount the preeminent position he holds in Christendom in Nigeria, Pastor Adeboye is also a grand old man of 82, which means that he has been around long enough to have seen things. The Ogbomoso Kabiyesi would do well to listen to him. More importantly, other religious leaders could also learn a thing or two from this kind of intervention, especially those who have continued to use the pulpit to fan the embers of division and sow the seeds of discord in the land—just to earn the momentary applause of the mob. A multicultural nation like ours can only survive on mutual respect, inclusion and tolerance.
Now to the bigger picture. A crucial element in Pastor Adeboye’s story is the Yoruba Talking Drum that has been described as “Africa’s most essential and culturally significant instrument,” and an “assertive communication, healing, and empowerment tool.” It is often deployed to create sounds like words while connecting listeners with ancestors and sharing deep messages which perhaps explains its association with Yoruba palaces. The multivocality is where the Yoruba talking drum derives its power, a point of reference in African scholarship. This has given rise to a proverb: Kò sí ẹnì tó mọ̀ èdè àyàn, à fi ẹni tí ó mú ọ̀pá ẹ lọ́wọ́ (Only the man who wields the stick understands what the drum is saying). But the initiated, like the witches in Pastor Adeboye’s story, hear every word (and understand the embedded meaning) from the talking drum.
For nations, citizens are like those witches. They understand every drumbeat from their leaders. It is therefore a tragic error for a leader (political or traditional) to lose sight of his people, whether by neglecting their needs, failing to communicate effectively, or ignoring their perspectives. To situate that within the context of Nigeria, those who lead (at all levels and in all spheres) should understand that the old drumbeat must give way for the new, especially in this year 2025.
Reforms are good and quite necessary in critical sectors of our country today. But if citizens must sacrifice in the face of economic hardship, those elected to serve them cannot continue to live in obscene opulence. What is required is shared sacrifice which reawakens people’s faith in leaders and strengthens community bonds. In contrast, when leaders live like emperors and permit their children the indulgence of reviewing parades and inspecting guards of honour, it is a sign that they are still dancing to the old drumbeat.
The biggest mistake anybody in power, at any level, can make is to treat leadership as a position of authority rather than a responsibility to serve and elevate others. The inability to grasp that by a succession of elected and appointed public officials is why Nigeria is where we are today. But by recognizing the unique strengths of individuals from all backgrounds – whether based on race, religion, gender, ability, or experience – leaders can harness the full potential of the people for the advancement of their society. Therefore, to discard the old tune and embrace the new, Nigerian leaders must challenge their own biases and work to create a culture where discrimination and exclusion are not tolerated.
Now, let’s conclude with the message of the talking drum. Accountable leaders are always deliberate about the kind of tune that comes from their drummers. And they place the public good over their own indulgences and vanity while adhering to ethical standards. There may be no witches to deal with deviant inclinations, but in the fullness of time, the consequences of bad choices often become manifest.
I wish all my readers a most prosperous year 2025!
[OPINION] Nigerians, What About Telling Wike to Go Kneel, Bow, and Apologize to Pa Odili ASAP? We Are Africans, We Revere Elders - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminWike, on live TV, you declared: “Any day that I ever make Dr. Odili and his family cry, God, don’t allow me to grow.” Yet today, your actions contradict this solemn statement. President Tinubu and fellow Nigerians, this is a moment to reflect. Wike, a public servant, now blatantly disrespects an elder, undermines African cultural values, and ignores the divine principles of humility and respect. Let us remember—God does not favor arrogance or actions that defy the sacred traditions of our heritage.
In 2022, during his journey to secure the presidency of Nigeria, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu humbly declared:
“All I came for today is to seek your blessing, your cooperation, your prayer for me to become the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”
This profound statement reflects the deeply ingrained respect for African traditions that Tinubu has long embodied. It is a reminder of the values that underlie African societies—values of humility, reverence for elders, and acknowledgment of their wisdom and spiritual authority. These principles form the foundation of the cultural fabric that unites communities across the continent. Elders are not just individuals but institutions of knowledge, tradition, and moral guidance. Seeking their blessing is not only a cultural obligation but a spiritual necessity.
Today, this same ethos calls for President Tinubu to address the troubling conduct of Chief Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). Wike’s repeated verbal attacks on 76-year-old Dr. Peter Odili and 97-year-old Chief Edwin Clark—a revered elder and Leader of the Niger Delta—violate the very traditions that Tinubu has championed. These acts of disrespect undermine the African values of seniority, humility, and reverence for leadership. As a man in his 50s, Wike has no cultural or moral justification for his words and actions against these elders, regardless of any political grievances.
This is a moment for President Tinubu to step in—not just as a political leader but as a custodian of tradition—to guide Wike toward reconciliation through a profound act of humility: kneeling before Odili and Clark to seek their forgiveness. Such an intervention would not only restore harmony but also reaffirm the importance of African traditions in governance and public life.
A Troubling Pattern of Disrespect
In recent months, Wike has consistently demonstrated a disregard for the values of respect and humility expected of leaders, particularly toward elder statesmen. He accused Dr. Peter Odili of “personalizing” Rivers State and claimed credit for reviving Odili’s political relevance. These accusations, made without provocation, struck at the very legacy of a man who has been a symbol of leadership and stability in Rivers State for decades.
Wike’s disrespect did not end with Odili. He also launched verbal attacks on 97-year-old Chief Edwin Clark, a man regarded as the spiritual and cultural leader of the Niger Delta. Clark’s only “offense” was to caution Wike to allow Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara to govern without interference. In response, Wike not only dismissed Clark’s advice but escalated the tension with inflammatory rhetoric, threatening to “set fire” to states governed by allies of Fubara.
These actions reflect a troubling misuse of political power. They reveal a man whose position as a minister under President Tinubu has emboldened him to act in ways that are antithetical to the African tradition of respect for elders and community harmony.
African Values of Respect for Elders
In African societies, elders are far more than senior citizens; they are the keepers of history, tradition, and moral guidance. Their advanced age is seen not as a limitation but as a testament to their endurance, wisdom, and experience. They serve as the backbone of societal stability, offering advice, arbitration, and spiritual leadership. Disrespecting elders, particularly those as prominent as Odili and Clark, disrupts the societal order and undermines the moral compass that binds communities together.
Respect Beyond Perfection
No one claims that Odili or Clark is an angel in politics or governance. Like any leader, they have made decisions that may be criticized. However, African culture teaches that the imperfections of elders do not diminish the respect they are owed. Their age, contributions, and role in preserving societal continuity demand reverence, regardless of personal or political disagreements. For a much younger man like Wike to act in defiance of these values reflects poorly on his character and threatens to erode the very traditions that define African identity.
The Symbolism of Kneeling
Kneeling is one of the most powerful symbols of reconciliation in African culture. It signifies humility, an acknowledgment of wrongdoing, and a sincere desire to restore harmony. For Wike, kneeling before Odili and Clark would be a public affirmation of his respect for their status as elders and a reaffirmation of the values that govern African communities. It would be a transformative gesture that transcends politics and speaks to the spiritual essence of African traditions.
The Plea from Wike’s Kinsmen
Recognizing the gravity of Wike’s actions, his kinsmen, led by Barr. Chizy Enyi, have publicly apologized to Odili and pleaded for forgiveness on his behalf. Their appeal acknowledges the harm caused by Wike’s words and actions, describing them as unnecessary, disrespectful, and detrimental to the development of Rivers State. By making this plea, Wike’s kinsmen have upheld the cultural expectation that communities must take collective responsibility for the behavior of their members.
Their appeal also underscores the broader importance of reconciliation, not just for Wike and the elders involved, but for the entire community. It is a reminder that respect for elders is essential for societal harmony and that traditions of humility and accountability must be preserved.
A Leader Rooted in Tradition
As a Yoruba man, President Tinubu has long been a champion of African traditions and cultural values. His 2022 appeal for blessings and cooperation from elders exemplified his understanding of the moral and spiritual importance of respecting seniority. Tinubu’s intervention now would demonstrate his commitment to these principles and set a powerful example for other leaders.
Guiding Wike Toward Accountability
As a minister under Tinubu’s administration, Wike’s actions reflect not only on himself but also on the government he serves. Tinubu bears the responsibility of ensuring that his ministers uphold the highest standards of decorum and respect. By urging Wike to kneel before Odili and Clark, Tinubu would reinforce the message that political power must always be exercised with humility and accountability.
Setting a National Precedent
Tinubu’s intervention would serve as a model for conflict resolution in Nigerian politics. It would highlight the importance of dialogue, humility, and respect in addressing disputes, while reaffirming the centrality of cultural values in governance. Such an action would strengthen the moral framework of Nigerian society and inspire future generations to honor the traditions that define their identity.
Restoring Harmony and Upholding Tradition
Dr. Peter Odili and Chief Edwin Clark, at 76 and 97 years old respectively, are not just individuals but symbols of wisdom, tradition, and leadership. Chief Nyesom Wike’s repeated attacks on these elders highlight a troubling disregard for the values that underpin African societies. No one knows what the coming weeks or months may hold for Wike. What if he loses his current position under President Tinubu? We know he likes to frequent Rivers State, but by abusing elders, fighting the governor, and alienating others, he risks burning bridges at home. If this happens, where does he go? This is why Wike must urgently apologize. President Tinubu, as a custodian of tradition, must step in to guide Wike toward reconciliation through an act of humility: bowing his head and kneeling before Odili and Clark to seek their forgiveness.
This is not merely a political matter but a cultural and spiritual imperative. Respect for elders is a cornerstone of African identity, transcending personal grievances and political differences. This psychologist has no personal relationship to any names mentioned here but is deeply interested in African cultural values. By intervening, Tinubu would reaffirm the importance of tradition, accountability, and unity in leadership. Let this moment serve as a reminder that true greatness lies not in defiance but in reverence for those who paved the way. May we honor the traditions that sustain us and ensure that our leaders embody the values that define our communities.
Wike, on live TV, you declared: “Any day that I ever make Dr. Odili and his family cry, God, don’t allow me to grow.” These words were not just a statement but a solemn vow, a commitment to respect and humility. Yet, your recent actions betray this promise in the most appalling way. While no one denies your contributions to others and the progress of the state, they do not excuse your outright disrespect toward an elder, your disdain for African cultural values, or your brazen defiance of divine principles.
Even more disgraceful is the fact that this insult to Dr. Odili took place during a holy service—a setting meant for worship and reflection, not arrogance and dishonor. Leadership is not measured by achievements alone but by the moral integrity to uphold dignity and sacred traditions. God does not bless those who mock their own vows or desecrate what is holy.
Your actions during the Special Thanksgiving Service at the Church of Nigeria (Anglican Communion) have not only dishonored an elder but also cast a shadow on the very values you once claimed to uphold. True leadership demands accountability, humility, and respect—qualities that seem to be glaringly absent here.
Happy New Year to the good people of a great nation, Nigeria! What a rough and tough year 2024 has been! To have survived the turpsy-turvy of last year shows how resilient and long-suffering Nigerians are. What with the rising cost of living that threatens to snuff life out of the common man? Life is full of ups and downs. Economists will say ceteris paribus, meaning other things being equal. For most Nigerians, things are not balanced. More people dropped into poverty and unemployment, while insecurity remains a daunting challenge.
What are the salient political events that shaped 2024? There are several of them including the fact that Nigeria was able to celebrate 25 years of unbroken, uninterrupted civil rule i.e. 1999 to 2024. The National Assembly inaugurated constitutional reform committees; the Independent National Electoral Commission came up with 142 political cum electoral reforms recommendations; INEC conducted Edo and Ondo off-cycle governorship elections in September and November 2024; the July 11 Supreme Court judgement granting financial and administrative autonomy to the Local Governments; the raft of local government elections across several states; leadership crises and supremacy battles in many of the 19 registered political parties currently operating in Nigeria; the gale of defections of lawmakers from the opposition political parties to the ruling All Progressives Congress; the merger talks among the opposition political parties and President Tinubu’s cabinet reshuffle.
INEC’s Chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, last month outlined the commission’s vision to address long-standing challenges and modernise election management. He was quoted as saying, “Having released our 524-page main report on the election, a copy of which is available on our website, we have consulted widely internally with our own officials and externally with all major stakeholders. With the conclusion of five major off-cycle governorship elections and nine out of 21 bye-elections since the 2023 general election, this is the most appropriate time for us to commence the implementation of the recommendations arising from our review of the general election.”
Yakubu said further, “From the internal and external engagements, the commission has identified 142 recommendations dealing with the general state of preparedness, voter management, voter education and public communication, political parties and candidate management, electoral operations and logistics management, election officials and personnel, partnership and collaboration, monitoring and supervision, election technology, voting and result management, election security, electoral offences and the electoral legal framework. Of these, 86 require administrative action by the commission, 48 depend on collaboration with stakeholders, such as security agencies and civil society organisations, and eight involve legislative amendments by the National Assembly.” It is hoped that the National Assembly will expedite actions on constitutional and electoral reforms in this new year so that implementation can begin in earnest ahead of the 2027 general elections. I must, however, hasten to say that attitudinal reform is imperative if we are going to have credible and peaceful elections.
One of the landmark events of 2024 was the July 11 Supreme Court judgement on local government autonomy. This was a fillip that has been widely lauded and remains a legacy achievement of the President Tinubu administration. The Supreme Court by that verdict said the funding accruable to the 768 local governments and six area councils should be paid directly into the accounts of the councils rather than the joint state/local government account, which has been grossly abused over the decades by the state governors.
There is also the adherence to Section 7 of the Nigerian Constitution, which states that local governments should be democratically governed. Thus, several states conducted local government elections in 2024. However, the quality and credibility of those elections leave much to be desired. The ruling party at the state level ended up winning all the councillor and chairmanship seats in a grassroots election where many of the opposition political parties were supposed to win some seats. The exception to the landslide and ‘moonslide’ victories by the ruling party in the states happened in Rivers and Abia States, where an orchestrated and stage-managed political upset was recorded, in which case opposition political parties roundly defeated the party of the state governors.
The purported ‘coronation’ rather than elections at the local government levels in Nigeria made the National Assembly toy with the idea of establishing a centralised electoral management body called the Local Government Independent Electoral Commission. Yesterday on the Nigerian Television Authority, I argued that for there to be credible LGA elections, financial autonomy must be granted to the state independent electoral commissions. This was the game changer for INEC since 2010. It is heartwarming that Nigeria has successfully had seven general elections and hundreds of bye-elections as well as off-cycle governorship elections in 25 years. Progress is slow, but I dare say that our electoral democracy is taking root. On the economic front, several epochal events happened in 2024. They include the restreaming of Port Harcourt and Warri refineries after decades of wasteful and unproductive turnaround maintenance of the state-owned refineries. The effective commencement of production of refined petroleum products by the Dangote Refinery and Petrochemical Company and the kick-starting of the presidential initiative on compressed natural gas have seen many commercial and private vehicles recalibrate their vehicles to use CNG. Today, CNG buses are plying Nigerian roads and it is hoped that with the reduction in the pump price of petrol from over N1,000 to about N935 per litre, transport fares will soon start to come down after the festivities.
2024 also saw the finalisation and passage into law of a new national minimum wage of N70,000 from the previous N30,000. The Federal Government and most of the states have started paying the new minimum wage. However, several members of the organised private sector and the informal businesses are yet to comply.
To make matters worse, the purchasing power parity of the naira has weakened while headline inflation stands at about 34 per cent, and food inflation is over 40 per cent. The rising cost of living has made many Nigerians drop below the poverty line so much so that the 133 million multidimensional poor Nigerians of 2022, according to the National Bureau of Statistics, have substantially increased. This manifests in the over 80 Nigerians who were trampled to deaths across Oyo and Anambra States and the Federal Capital Territory while struggling for food palliatives from charity organisations and philanthropists. Mention must be made of the August 2024 hunger protests, otherwise referred to as #EndBadGovernance protests across the country.
Unemployment figures have soared due to the inclement business environment. Many nano, micro, small and medium enterprises have closed due to high operational costs. The interest rate on loans in Nigeria is currently over 30 per cent. However, the Tinubu administration has disbursed billions of naira in loans to small and medium business enterprises at a single-digit interest rate. In this new year, the government will need to prioritise ease of doing business.
One of the most audacious attempts at economic restructuring in 2024 is the four tax reform bills, which President Tinubu sent as executive bills to the National Assembly. Northern governors and lawmakers seemed to be against a section of the bill that had to do with the sharing formula for Value Added Tax. However, the President had instructed the National Assembly to liaise with the Federal Ministry of Justice to look into the grey areas to strike a compromise. I do hope these landmark bills will be passed in this new year, as there are a lot of benefits to ordinary citizens in those bills.
May this 2025 be a better year for us all!
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[OPINION] Okpebholo’s visit to Akwa Ibom and the simmering political undercurrents - Etim Etim
AdminGovernor Monday Okpebholo of Edo state flew into Akwa Ibom late in the afternoon of Saturday, December 28, to visit Senator Godswill Akpabio and express his profound gratitude for the singular role the senate president played in his emergence as governor in the September 21 election. But the visit has left in its wake a swirl of political undercurrents in both Akwa Ibom and Edo.
In Akwa Ibom, many APC chieftains are peeved that they were not invited to receive the Edo governor at Akpabio’s residence in Uyo and the dinner that was later hosted for the governor at Sheraton Hotel, Ikot Ekpene. For many, it is further proof that the party is still as divided as it has been for years. In Edo, the visit reverberated in a different way, setting off discussions about Akpabio’s second term bid as senate president and a possible challenge from Senator Adams Oshiomhole. The 2027 political season is unfolding in a rather dramatic way.
Unknown to many, Senator Akpabio is the main reason Okpobholo is governor today. On February 17, 2024, Dennis Idahosa, a member of the house of representatives was declared the winner of the Edo APC governorship primary. Backed by Senator Oshiomhole, Idahosa polled 40, 483 votes, beating other candidates. But it was a very controversial nomination process. Although the result was disputed by all other contestants, Idahosa’s main political weakness was that he is from Edo south senatorial district, the same district the outgoing governor, Godwin Obaseki, comes from.
And that’s where Akpabio, ever so quick to identify opportunities, comes in. The senate president reckoned that since the PDP’s candidate, Asue Ighodalo, is from Edo central which was favoured by the zoning arrangement, and the APC and Labour Party’s candidates are from Edo south, the chance of the PDP retaining victory was very high. The senate president reasoned that APC’s chance would be brighter if the party fielded a candidate from Edo central. But what could be done at this stage since a primary had already been held?
Mid-morning that February, Senator Akpabio rushed to the Villa to discuss the dilemma with Vice-President Kashim Shettima (President Tinubu was away on a foreign trip). He briefed the VP on the need to replace Idahosa with a candidate from Edo central. The VP listened attentively to Akpabio but was not willing to go with Akpabio’s recommendation, apparently because he did not want to offend Oshiomhole. Undaunted, Akpabio then got on the phone and spoke to President Tinubu who was in Ethiopia He marshalled out the merits of replacing Idahosa from Edo south with another candidate from Edo central because of the zoning arrangement and the fact that Idahosa is from the same zone as the exiting governor.
“The president was convinced by Akpabio’s arguments, but on the condition that Akapbio must see to the victory of APC in the election,’’ a well-placed source told this writer. Akpabio assured the president that he would pull all stops to clinch victory. The president then called Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, the party’s national chairman, and instructed him to organise another primary. The senate president tapped Monday Okpebholo, who was then a nondescript member of the senate, to enter the race. To take care of Oshiomhole’s interest, it was decided that Idahosa would now become the deputy governorship candidate to Okpebholo.
But why was Akpabio so concerned with the Edo election and the choice of APC’s candidate? The answer is self-preservation. If Senator Oshiomhole returns to the senate in 2027, he is likely to challenge Akapbio for the senate president position. So, in Akpabio’s calculation, it was politically expedient to whittle down Oshiomhole’s influence by denying him the opportunity to produce the governor. Akpabio only capitalised on Oshiomhole’s support for Idahosa.
“It was a smart political calculation by Akpabio and the senate president had to relocate to Edo state throughout the campaigns just to ensure that Okpebholo won as President Tinubu told him,” said an APC chieftain who was part of the intrigues. Akpabio’s manoeuvres to get Okpebholo elected typify the kind of cold calculations that our political leaders bring up just to sustain and promote their self-interests. How I wish they were so innovative in dealing with our economic problems. When Governor-elect Okpebholo visited President Tinubu in the Villa after the election, the president confirmed Akpabio’s role in APC’s victory. Tinubu told the governor-elect, “you have Akpabio to thank for your emergence as governor”.
In Uyo during the Christmas holidays, the senate president was in a buoyant mood when the Edo governor came calling. He praised Okpebholo for his self-effacement and resilience and bragged about APC winning more states in the region. Is the senate president looking at Rivers, Delta, Bayelsa or Akwa Ibom state as the next target?
From all indications, the party does not stand a chance of taking Akwa Ibom. It is too weak, divided and factionalised in the state to launch a major assault against the PDP which has governed the state since 1999. Even Akpabio’s guest list at the dinner he held for the Edo governor was telling enough.
Only a handful of APC leaders like Senator Ita Enang (former presidential adviser); Victor Antai (NDDC executive director, projects); Ezekiel Nya-Etok (director, Federal Housing Authority); Eunice Thomas (NNPC director) and Ekperikpe Ekpo (minister of state petroleum (gas)) attended, while chieftains like Umana Umana (former minister of Niger Delta Affairs); Don Etiebet (former petroleum minister); Obong Nsima Ekere (deputy governor to Akapbio himself); Sam Ewang (businessman and former military governor of Ogun and Rivers state); Valerie Ebe (another of Akapbio’s deputy governor) and Ita Udosen (APC south-south zonal secretary) were among those who were not invited to the dinner party because of their perceived political disagreements with Akapbio.
“How can the senate president host such a high-profile event and majority of our leaders were not invited? That’s a symptom of serious internal discord and disharmony within the party and that does not bode well for the party,’’ said Elder Aniefiok Isatt, APC leader from Uyo.
[OPINION] Ahead of Midterm, Emerging Signs Favourable for the Tinubu Administration - Bayo Onanuga
AdminAlthough the Tinubu Administration’s midterm is five months away, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu can proudly reflect on his administration’s journey over the last 19 months. After initial turbulence, the government concluded 2024 stronger than 2023, as many policies began yielding significant results that even the most ardent detractors could not ignore.
Under President Tinubu’s leadership, NNPC Limited has fixed two of the four state-owned oil refineries, achieving what many had cynically regarded as improbable. The administration’s efforts have led to a rise in crude oil production, with an expected inflow of more dollars into the Federation Account and remarkable accretion into the foreign reserves. The government remains focused on gas development, attracting investors’ interest. Dollars have flowed into the country through fresh investments in several sectors. The administration created an innovative Ministry of Livestock Development to unlock the previously untapped potential in animal husbandry, steering the country from tragedy to opportunity.
The lucrative stock market ended the year on a high note, breaking its initial record under the Tinubu presidency. The All Share Index hit over 103,000 from 55,738 on May 30 2023. Market capitalisation is over N63 Trillion. In the last 19 months, local and foreign investors have invested unprecedented amounts in the market.
The government is also expanding the national road infrastructure stock by building legacy superhighways from Lagos to Calabar and Sokoto to Badagry.
The administration’s successful euro bond issuance of $2.2 billion notably attracted over $9 billion in interest, while a domestic dollar bond of $500 million was oversubscribed. These developments indicate confidence in the Nigerian economy.
Revenue generation has increased, and all tiers of government received more funds to spend on the welfare of Nigerians, including the 774 local councils that recently won financial autonomy.
November and December 2024 proved especially remarkable. Shell and Partners announced an estimated $5 billion investment in the Bonga North oil field. Brazil’s JSB, one of the world’s leading integrated livestock companies, announced a $2.5 billion investment in livestock development in Nigeria, with some officials flying into the country to actualise the pledge. Fuel prices began to decrease amid competition from local refineries, supporting President Tinubu’s belief that market forces would lower the prices of consumer goods to benefit Nigerians. For the first time in our history, the proposed 2025 budget included no provision for a fuel subsidy. There was no scarcity, too. Instead, the government has proposed more funds for capital expenditure, health, education, and national security in the record-breaking N49.7 trillion budget. Critics remain silent as positive indicators continue to emerge.
Not an accidental president, Tinubu took office on May 29, 2023, with a clear vision for Nigeria: to renew hope through a programme of action to foster economic diversification, stability, and prosperity and build a trillion-dollar economy.
He has implemented many of his campaign promises and those in his Renewed Hope Agenda.
Although unintended consequences have emerged, temporarily affecting the well-being of all Nigerians, the administration is working hard to ameliorate the burden on the masses.
President Tinubu consistently implements reforms, daring to confront headlong the country’s many hydra-headed socio-economic problems and committing to the transformative change the country urgently requires. Posterity will be kind to him and remember his era as a reform-minded leader.
Positive signs continue to emerge: apart from declining fuel prices, the country recorded foreign trade surpluses for three consecutive quarters, foreign reserves are rising, and the Naira is gaining strength against the US dollar.
One notable achievement of President Tinubu’s tenure is fulfilling his promise to implement a student loan programme. This initiative financially supports students, ensuring that higher education is accessible to all, regardless of economic background. Investing in the education sector, the administration aims to empower the youth and equip them with the skills needed for Nigeria’s future growth.
In addition to the student loan scheme, President Tinubu has advanced the consumer credit initiative, another campaign promise, and plans to deepen it in the first quarter of 2025. Promoting access to credit is part of the administration’s broader strategy to stimulate consumption, drive entrepreneurship, and boost the domestic economy.
On his first day in office, President Tinubu decisively eliminated the fuel subsidy, which had long burdened Nigeria’s economy. While the initial removal triggered higher fuel prices, the market is now experiencing a downward trend. This development illustrates the administration’s commitment to market-driven pricing and economic efficiency, which should benefit public investment in critical sectors in the long term.
The administration introduced electric vehicles and Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) as alternatives to reduce Nigerian dependency on petrol. In the past 12 months, more Nigerians have converted their vehicles to CNG, spurred by government and private sector investment. A new industry is gradually unfolding, creating new jobs along the value chain whilst promoting a cleaner environment.
Another bold economic reform was unifying Nigeria’s multiple exchange rates, which previously caused economic distortion, criminal arbitrage, and speculation. Following an initial depreciation, the Naira has stabilised against the US dollar, reflecting increased investor confidence and a more transparent foreign exchange policy.
Investment inflows further testify to the positive impact of President Tinubu’s policies. The oil, gas, and solid minerals industries are experiencing renewed interest and investment. These sectors are crucial for enhancing Nigeria’s export capacity and creating jobs, thus driving economic diversification and growth. Moreover, Nigeria’s foreign reserves have shown a promising increase, bolstered by improved trade balances and strategic monetary and fiscal management.
Looking ahead to 2025, President Tinubu plans to introduce what could be his most transformative reform yet—tax restructuring. With four bills before the National Assembly, the proposed reform seeks to streamline tax systems and administration in Nigeria to promote better investment and a friendly business climate.
Under the proposed tax reform, low-income earners under the minimum wage bracket and small businesses within a certain threshold will be exempt from paying taxes. The administration’s mantra is that taxes should focus on prosperity, not people’s or businesses’ hardships. The government focuses on expanding the tax net, making taxes less burdensome to taxpayers, and getting wealthy people to pay their fair share. This progressive approach reflects the administration’s commitment to equity and fiscal sustainability.
However, the road to reform does not come without challenges. President Tinubu faces resistance, particularly from politicians and tax evaders who have expressed concerns about the implications of the changes that will come with reforming our tax systems. President Tinubu, who is not oblivious to the pushback, has said he is willing to make necessary adjustments, as democracy is about negotiations, give and take.
President Tinubu’s administration has demonstrated firm determination over the last 19 months to succeed against all odds and reposition the economy for better performance.
While challenges remain, especially with food inflation, President Tinubu’s leadership has shown a proactive and committed approach to addressing these issues. The administration’s trajectory suggests a path toward Nigeria’s economic stability and social development. Though it is not midterm for the administration, realising a prosperous and equitable country looks promising and achievable. The Tinubu administration is undoubtedly steadfast in its resolve to improve Nigeria, and it’s on course to achieve all the campaign promises to the people.
•Onanuga is the Special Adviser on Information and Strategy to President Tinubu
This will be your year of rising again! You have been pushed down. You were defeated, dethroned and dejected. You were rejected, wounded and mocked. Your hope, dreams and aspirations were dashed and trampled upon. And now you have totally given up. Listen something is now being done about that situation. Yes, you are getting up again! God is bringing you back. He is totally restoring you in the name of Jesus! As you are reading this message, the restoration will immediately be taking place. Yes.
Lazarus was sick, he died, was buried and his body was supposed to be deteriorating after burial. There was no hope, no life and no possibility that he would ever come back to life. And rightly too, when Jesus came around they gave him these facts, “Lazarus is already buried and must be stinking by now. Please, forget him.” All hope was completely gone. But the LORD insisted that they show him where he was buried. I also ask you the same today, where have you buried your hope? Where have you abandoned that your once fervent, dogged, cherished faith? Yes, the long time of trials, persecution and disappointments have systematically withered and extinguished them. But I know. I have also been there many times. There is nothing you go through that others do not experience.
You have totally lost hope that that business will bounce back, that that marriage, that relationship, that project, that ministry, your job, your health can be restored again. You have lost hope that that child will ever come? Where have you buried that hope? I am asking you. Tell me. Where?? Please, come and show it to the Master. Look at what happened in John Chapter eleven, “When Jesus came to where the man [Lazarus] was buried, and when he thus had spoken, he cried with a loud voice, Lazarus, come forth! And he that was dead came forth, bound hand and foot with grave clothes. And his face was bound about with a napkin. Jesus said to them, ‘loose him and let him go!” Praise God!
Today, I command those things that have held you down to let you go in the mighty name of Jesus! I command those grave situations in your life to give way now! Come out of that grave. Come out of that bondage and be restored now! Cheer up for it’s going to be a great year for us. Share this message with others now. Compliments of the season!
YOU might be wondering why the media is awash with tributes to a great scholar, Professor Toyin Falola. This is not unexpected considering the status of Toyin Falola in academia and, particularly, in the humanities worldwide. A summarized summary of his biography will be: Toyin Falola, a native of Ibadan, is a professor of African studies. He is a distinguished teaching professor and the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin. Toyin Falola is the author/editor of over two hundred books and recipient of over 20 honorary doctorate awards. He has received over 30 lifetime achievement awards and has served as editor for several reputable journals, including the Oxford Research Encyclopedia in African History.
On this occasion of Professor Toyin Falola’s 72nd birthday, I dedicate this piece to reflect on his scholarship and humanitarianism. One of his characteristics that stands out for me is academic excellence. No one can challenge the fact that Professor Falola is brilliant and successful at what he does. Aside from his numerous publications and awards, Falola has delivered several convocation lectures at home and abroad. It takes a great deal for an academic to have delivered more than 10 Convocation lectures within two years! He achieves this feat through determination and discipline. Moreover, Professor Toyin Falola authors, at least, three books a year. One will be surprised to know that this act—of publishing three to four books in a year—is a routine as far as Toyin Falola is concerned. He has consistently done so in the past few years.
Therefore, we can only second Professor Amidu Sanni in imagining if Falola spends the same 24 hours as the other scholars. Unable to rationalize what elements typify Toyin Falola, Professor Serges Kamga, of the University of South Africa designated him as Orisa! I address Falola as Encyclopedia of African History. Professor Bolaji Akinyemi once called him “the doyen of African history.” The reality is that Professor Toyin Falola is a rare bird that appears once in a lifetime. In a country like Nigeria where the history discipline is underrated, Professor Falola serves as an encouragement and a beacon of hope for the history students. Falola is a testament to the fact that it is not about what one studies or what society conceives of it, but how one distinguishes themselves in their respective fields against all odds.
Against the wrong perception that one has to degrade others to prove that they are better, Professor Toyin Falola is popular for acknowledging and celebrating other people’s success. He has consistently praised his successful colleagues with numerous articles while acknowledging others in his presentations. Falola has dedicated several books to exceptional Nigerians, including those in the diaspora. Notwithstanding his several articles on conventional media, Falola’s Citizenship and the Diaspora in the Digital Age: Farooq Kperogi and the Virtual Community and, African Memoirs, and Cultural Representations: Narrating Traditions, are enough for evidence. This partly amounts to the numerous books and articles by scholars in honour of Professor Toyin Falola.
Additionally, Professor Falola embodies the essence of humility and generosity. My humble self can attest to Falola’s humbleness. I have witnessed his presentation twice at Lagos State University and heard pretty much about him. Professor Falola mentors and accommodates young scholars who try to associate themselves with him. Several scholars have benefitted from his mentorship and collaborations. This is a challenge for selfish scholars who find difficulty helping others to grow; especially those who conceive mentoring as an avenue to exploit budding scholars. Falola is a typical example of a well-rounded scholar. An astute historian, Toyin Falola is also a literati, political scientist, and philosopher. If you call Falola a traditionalist, I can serve you with proof. His critical submissions on national TV are unique in their historical approach. My interest in journalism was influenced by inspiration from Toyin Falola. If Falola could successfully contribute to every aspect of the humanities field, studying History should not be a limitation for me. Toyin Falola is a scholar in numerous fields and an interdisciplinary course himself.
Another intriguing attribute of Professor Toyin Falola is resilience. I studied him for this. Many followers of Toyin Falola would have noticed that HeartofArts, the Professor’s website, and his WhatsApp Community have ceased functioning for a while. That must have been consequential of a technical glitch. Rather than allowing this problem to outweigh him, Professor Falola quickly secured an alternative with his new website, the Toyin Falola Network. Resilience is the most intriguing thing about Toyin Falola. He lives above criticisms and moves against all odds. As the debated saying by Nelson Mandela goes: “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” Let me seize this medium to ask the Professor to recreate the WhatsApp platform as we are missing out on his conventional outputs and important updates. The effectiveness of emails is limited.
If leadership is by example, Falola should be considered a great leader. As I confessed last year, “Falola is so African than the home-based.” He unapologetically displays the beauty of African aso ofi. His outfits, like his works, testify to the talents embedded in Africa. With several years of service in pushing for Africa’s Identity and decolonization, Professor Toyin Falola is an avid advocate for African-ness. Baba Falola talks authoritatively during convocation lectures. He confidently submits his ideas and thoughts which, oftentimes, spur intellectual uproars. Meanwhile, his staccato laughs are strategic in capturing the audience’s attention.
Finally, Professor Falola made me realize the power of status in the academic space. If you have professional footballers advocating for brands, or media entertainers influencing organizations, Toyin Falola is an intellectual influencer for Africa and his colleagues. Without prejudice, I became a fan of some scholars through Professor Falola. My last tribute to the Professor spurred several emails from scholars who never expected an undergraduate student to be so conversant with a scholar as that.
In sum, Professor Toyin Falola is a Nigerian jewel of international repute. He embodies a lot of reputable characters that qualify for vivid studying. Falola’s tenaciousness and humbleness are worthy of emulation. I wish Professor Toyin Falola more blessed years!
Abdulkabir Muhammed writes from Lagos State University. He can be contacted via abdulkabirm87@gmail.com