OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

When the politics-administration dichotomy inaugurated the practice of public administration, what was intended was a critical need to bifurcate the logic of the two in ways that will extend the relationship between the politicians and the administrator and make it more efficient. The politician is then, within the logic of the dichotomy, restricted to policy formulation while the administrator is confined to the realm of policy implementation. Reality however defeats the neat boundary between the two. Politics and administration, in practical reality, are almost inseparable. And one would expect that the relationship between political science and public administration discourse will reflect this inseparability. Unfortunately, it does not. The separation undermines the fundamental urgency of addressing the political foundation of administrative research and practices, especially as they relate with the issues of power, governance, politics and democracy.

Political science descriptively and critically studies political phenomena and how they contribute to our understanding of the political community. Significantly, political science analyzes the fundamental role that power plays in the articulation of politics especially in the attempt to unravel the dynamics of the political community and its social and political circumferences and trajectories. Public administration is the very embodiment of the state as the most critical embodiment of politics. The state is made most visible within the frameworks and institutional workings of public administration, especially through the public sector and the public services. The straightforward argument is that the political and administrative reality of any state cannot be studied in isolation of each other. This seems obvious enough given that each of political science and public administration reinforces each other in terms of shedding light on the complex and intricate workings of the state and its response to the citizens and the commonwealth. In other words, there is no way the concepts of power and governance, for example, would not intersect political and administrative questions, and complicate them. The issues of democratic governance and innovation, and collaborative governance demand thinking of the interplay between politics science and administration.

In my many years as a deep insider career bureaucrat in the public service, I have been aware not only of the role that politics play in administrative matters, and vice versa. I have also been apprised of how political acts of commission and omission actively promote or undermine the public service. Indeed, my theoretical and practical researches into the dynamics of government business and institutional reforms highlights how political and administrative factors interact. My deep worry however is that political science and public administration discourses in Nigeria carry on as if these interactions and interrelations are at best trivial or at worst non-existence. For instance, in institutional terms, there is nothing to write home about in the existence and possible cross-fertilizing relationship between the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA) and the National Association for Public Administration and Management (NAPAM). Indeed, there cannot be such a cross-fertilization because while NPSA is active, NAPAM has remained comatose. And the vision and mission statement of NPSA is not broad enough to take in administrative matters and concerns, or the interplay of politics and administration.

The most fundamental observation that my status as a scholar-bureaucrat in the federal civil service afforded me is a practical understanding of the nature of the fundamental disconnections in public administration practices and the consequences on the state’s responsibility to her citizens, all due to crucial assumptions and principles that have been left lying fallow and unattended to in an interdisciplinary discourse and cross fertilization between political science scholarship and public administration theories and practice. A few examples suffice. In 1966, Nigeria shifted away from the parliamentary system of government and, after the long interregnum of military administrations, resumed with the presidential system, enshrined in the 1979 Constitution. This move was preceded by the Dotun Phillips studies report of 1985, and the Civil Service Reorganization Decree of 1988, which aligned the civil service with the presidential system of government. However, even with the reversal of the reform frameworks by the Ayida reform of 1995, it is still clear that many of Nigeria’s administrative practices still retain aspects of parliamentary elements that could be one source of unresolved structural troubles necessitating performance inefficiency.  

This has some other implications for the practice of federalism and the stabilization of Nigeria’s governance structure. Since the intervention of the military in 1966 and the subsequent militarization of Nigeria’s political and governance structure of the Nigerian state, the federal arrangement that ought to have been the natural remedy for the unruly ethnonational diversity became compromised. For instance, inter-governmental relations and the critical need for fiscal federalism became caught in the cracks of constitutional and institutional dysfunction. The Babangida administration, through the recommendation of the IBB’s Presidential Advisory Committee, established the National Council for Inter-Governmental Relations (NCIS) as one in a series of government’s efforts—like the Centre for Democratic Studies (CDS), National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies, Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies, etc.—to rehabilitate Nigeria’s governance and administrative structures.   

All this goes to demonstrate a cogent reason why the political and the administrative in Nigeria’s governance context cannot be separated, even in terms of theoretical argumentation. Political science scholarship, in longing for an interdisciplinary relationship with public administration, must recognize how the latter has evolved first as a sub-discipline of political science, and later as a multidisciplinary endeavor that encompasses insights drawn from management science, organizational psychology, sociology, statistics, industrial engineering, computer science, etc. from which it draws to invigorate its curriculum and pedagogy. This point is still not demonstrated in the disciplinary silos that define the existence of political science on the one hand and public administration on the other in Nigerian universities. In some universities, public administration functions in a different faculty, or is its own faculty, as different from the faculty of the social sciences. And so, scholars carry out their scholarly discourses in different contexts, oblivious of the grave challenges that the Nigerian administrative and governance predicament pose to their theoretical and practical separation. In what follows, I will point attention at a few contentious institutional matters to which I have gestured in many of my works, but which I contend require the critical interrogation of political scientists.

First, there is the recurrent issue of the need to keep clarifying the nature and the role of the state in terms of administrative efficiency. While the state is central to the analysis of power, and constitutes one of the central thematic focus of political science scholarship, the fundamental need to redefine the role of the state has often not been taken up in terms of its significance for the restructuring of the ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) that are the critical engine room for measuring the developmental successes of the state. Aligning the role of the state to the understanding of the MDA becomes crucial as it facilitates the reform of the MDAs in terms of the need to remodel and strengthen their core vis-à-vis their non-core functions as both relate to the service delivery function of government. This could also instigate the urgency of conducting institutional audit that is crucial not only to determining the performance status of many state agencies, but to also jumpstart organizational development dynamics that are meant to motivate the movement of structures to institutions. It is institutions, rather than mere structures that government requires to undermine governance failure.      

Second, political science scholarship in Nigeria is necessarily confronted by the need to clarify and explicate the thorny issue of the relationship between the administrative operational dynamics of the executive arm of government in terms of its apparatuses—like the Federal Executive Council—and the working of the American-styled presidential system of government. This is a key concern given that Nigeria’s adoption of many institutional dynamics has remained problematic in terms of relating them to her political and administrative realities. For instance, acute and critical attention need to be paid also to the political economy involved in the executive-legislature relations, and the implications deriving from the planning and budgeting processes from legislative oversight to appropriation and budget implementation. Peter Ekeh’s analysis of migrated structures alert us to the danger of adopting these structures without paying critical attention to their value orientation and the political realities of where they are coming from.    

Democratic governance and all its ancillary structural and administrative apparatuses encompass a host of issues that require critical analyses. Since the notion of the public good and the commonwealth, in the idea of good democratic governance, constitute the formidable core of the relationship between politics, public management and public administration, then the discourse around stakeholder management, participatory governance, performance management and accountability become key and critical core issues that interact with the way we see politics, administration and citizenship. The recent discourse on the resuscitation of local governance, through the landmark decision of the Supreme Court to legally reinvigorate the constitutional strength of local government in Nigeria, points at the significance of connecting community development structures and traditional institutions to the state systems and democratic enablement through the principle of social capital and subsidiarity.

To reiterate, the predicament of the postcolonial Nigerian state demands that political science scholarship must necessarily and urgently signal an interdisciplinary collaboration that will instigate a ferment of theoretical, practical and institutional discourses from which both can expect not only to refresh their internal discursive vibrancy, but also collectively contribute to the understanding of the working of the Nigerian state and her capacity to induce participatory democratic governance.     

 

 

         

The zoning of the presidency of the Ohanaeze Ndigbo to the Igbo-speaking people of Rivers State, and the subsequent emergence of three Ikwerre sons, each claiming to be the new President-General of the apex Igbo sociocultural group, has raised very interesting questions about identity construction. It should be recalled that three Ikwerre sons – Jackson Omenazu, Uche Okwukwu and Senator Azuta Mbata, at different conventions, claimed to have been elected the President-General of the association. In addition to Ikwerre, which is the largest group in Rivers State, other Igbo-speaking groups in the State are Etche, Ekpeye, Ogba, Egbema, Ndoni, Ndoki, Asa, Bonny and Opobo.

Senator Azuta Mbata who was proclaimed elected at a convention organized at the Old Government Lodge, Enugu, on January 10 2025, has been congratulated by a number of eminent Nigerians including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Enugu State Governor, Dr. Peter Mbah; South-east senators; Northern Christian Youth Professionals, and the Chief of Staff to Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, Dr. Ehie Edison, which confers on him an additional halo of legitimacy to the office.

But there was a quick backlash: the Ogbakor Ikwerre Cultural Organisation Worldwide, which claims to speak in behalf of the Ikwerre ethnic nationality worldwide, disowned him. The group argued that by accepting to be President of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, which it conceded was his constitutional right; he had willingly and freely renounced his membership and identity as an Ikwerre man. They further argued that Senator Azuta Mbata’s decision to identify as an Igbo “does not represent the collective view, will, position, or thinking of the Eneka community, Apara Kingdom, or the entire Ikwerre Ethnic Nationality”. 

There have been suggestions that the decision of Ohanaeze Ndigbo to zone its presidency to the Igbos of Rivers State was part of the Igbo agenda of territorial ambitions. I think suggestions such as this are borne out of either ignorance or mischief. The truth is that the South-east Igbos, like many parts of the country, are themselves also in conversations about their own identity. It is not just about whether they should anchor their identity in Nigeria as presently constituted or have their own country, but also conversations on how to relate with their ‘cousins’ outside the South-east who share the same or similar language with them.

There are for instance those who argue that Ohanaeze Ndigbo should be exclusively for Igbos of South-east – partly to avoid being accused of nurturing territorial ambitions or running after people who do not want to identify with them despite sharing the same or similar language. There are however others who believe that limiting the leadership of Ohanaeze to the Igbos of the South- east would be a disservice to their ‘cousins’ in Delta and Rivers’ States who are proud of their Igbo identity, and want to be identified as such. I think the latter group won the argument which was why in 2008, the Ohanaeze Presidency was zoned to Delta State and Ambassador Ralph Uwechue, from Ogwashiuku, emerged the President-General of the organization. 

It is important to bear in mind that even within the South-east, there are some areas that traced their history or myth of origin outside Igboland and would sometimes not want to be called Igbos. The people of Onitsha in Anambra State would for instance call non-Onitsha Igbos as ‘Nwa Onye Igbo’, meaning the “son or daughter of an Igbo person”. One of the limitations of relying on the myths of origin to construct one’s ethnic identity is that the ethnic group that another group wants to appropriate as its place of origin (usually one that enjoys some historical prestige), would themselves also have their own myth of where they migrated from.

This means that the fact that some Ikwerre people do not want to be identified as Igbo is not really a big deal. It is the same among the Igbo-speaking people of Delta – some would want to identify as Igbos while some will not want to. In Benue and Plateau states for instance, there are conversations and contestations on whether they are better off anchoring their identity in Northern Nigeria or create their own identity as Middle Belt. The same is true of Yorubaland where Yoruba nation activists feel they are better off having an Oduduwa Republic despite the fact that the country’s president, Bola Tinubu, is a Yoruba man.

This trend is not limited to Nigeria. For instance on 14 February 1974, barely 14 years after independence, Somalia joined the Arab League as part of the efforts by the leadership of the country at that time to make Somalis see themselves as Arabs rather than as Africans. It is important to underline that before colonialism, there was no consciousness of being Igbo, Yoruba or Hausa/Fulani. Ethnicity as an identity marker is therefore a recent phenomenon – a practice that was developed in the colonial urban centres. 

The fact that three Ikwerre sons presented themselves for elections as President-General of Ohanaeze, and campaigned vigorously for the office, would challenge the claim by Ogbakor Ikwerre Cultural Organisation Worldwide to be the sole custodians of the aspirations of the Ikwerre people over their choice of ethnic identity. The truth is that such conversations are rarely conclusively decided, and would often mutate in line with the fortunes of the ethnic group which is the focus of the contestation. For instance at a time when the Italians and Irish were discriminated against in the USA, some concealed their ethnic and racial identities but began to proudly flaunt these as Italy and Ireland became economic successes. In the current climate of Igbophobia there are some of our Igbo ‘cousins’ who may fear that anchoring their ethnic identity on Igbo may be a career-killer. Elsewhere, this is called ‘Bleaching complex’ – denying or masking your ethnic/linguistic identity so that it does not inhibit your career progress. 

Of course some Igbo ‘cousins’ outside the South-east who are opposed to anchoring their ethnic identity on the Igbo may have other reasons, including a genuine conviction that they have nothing in common with the Igbos and that their shared language is just an accident of history. Igbo ‘cousins’ who want to anchor their ethnic identity on their Igboness on the other hand may have their own convictions, including the potential benefits of being part of one of the dominant ethnic groups in the country rather than focusing only narrowly on the current state of the Igbos in the country. From an identity perspective, the furore raised by the emergence of an Ikwerre as the President-General of Ohanaeze raises a number of important questions: Who are the Ikwerres? Who do people say they are? Who do they want to be? And why? 

In 2009, I published a very well received edited book on identity, entitled: ‘Who is an African? Identity, Citizenship and the Making of the Africa-nation’. The book had many very known Africanists as contributors, including the late Professor Ali Mazrui, Professor Kwesi Prah, Professor Mammo Muchie and Gamal Nkrumah, the late Kwame Nkrumah’s son. I introduced the book thus: 

Who is an African? At face value, the answer seems obvious. Surely, everyone knows who the African is, it would seem. But the answer becomes less obvious once other probing qualifiers are added to the question. How is the African identity constructed in the face of the mosaic of identities that people of African ancestry living within and beyond the continent bear? Do all categorised as Africans or as having an African pedigree perceive themselves as Africans? Are all who perceive themselves as Africans accepted as such? Are there levels of “Africanness”, and are some more African than others? How does African identity interface with other levels of identity and citizenship in Africa? And what are the implications of the contentious nature of African identity and citizenship for the projects of pan-Africanism, the making of the Africa-nation, and Africa’s development trajectories?

Flowing from the above, there are some elements in identity construction that we should bear in mind: One, every individual or group embodies a mosaic of identities, not just one identity. You may have people with different ethnic and religious identities but share several other identities in common such as being members of the same political party, the same sports club, the same profession, the same gender etc. Essentially, one can be both Igbo and Ikwerre if the person feels sufficiently anchored on both identities.

Two, identities that are perceived to be under threat will often be the ones most vociferously defended. Though we embody several identities, if your identity as an Igbo, Yoruba, Ikwerre, Christian, Muslim, an academic and so on, is perceived to be threatened, your other identities will be submerged while you defend the identity that is felt to be under threat. For instance a Black person called ‘Black Monkey’ by a White person may lead to several Black people from across the world responding very vigorously, if not violently. On the other hand, a White person who is called a ‘White monkey’ may not elicit a similar response among the White people.

Following from this, it is understandable why the Ogbakor Ikwerre Cultural Organisation Worldwide decided to descend hard on Senator Azuta-Mbata including literarily ex-communicating him from the Ikwerre community and nullifying any chieftaincy title conferred on him by any of the Ikwerre communities. Does the organization really have such powers over any Ikwerre person? I seriously doubt that. The hard-line position of Ogbakor Ikwerre Cultural Organisation Worldwide may be more to remind us that despite the election of Senator Azuta-Mbata as President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the conversation on where the Ikwerres should anchor their ethnic identity remains inconclusive. 

Three, identities have both time and space dimensions. Up to the creation of the 12 states by Gowon in 1967, both the Ikwerres and the Igbos shared the identity of being from the Eastern region. In the same vein, if the Ikwerres were to find themselves in a distant country with people of different ethnic and racial backgrounds, including the Igbos of the South-East, they are likely to feel more connected to the latter than to other groups in the imagined country simply by virtue of their common (or similar language) and culture. 

The much-anticipated tax reforms initiated by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration have become a battleground of competing interests, as the nation grapples with how to restructure its fiscal policies in a way that fosters growth while ensuring fairness. Four key tax bills, presented to the National Assembly in 2024, were supposed to set the stage for a new era of economic revitalization. Instead, they have ignited a series of debates that reveal deep fissures in Nigeria’s political economy. With state governors, major fiscal stakeholders, and the public all weighing in, the question remains: can the government navigate these choppy waters, or is it destined to crash upon the rocks of political resistance?
In the latest development, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF), representing the collective voice of all 36 state governors, issued a communiqué on January 16, 2025, signalling strong support for the overarching goal of reform, but expressing serious reservations about certain provisions of the bills. Their opposition, particularly to proposals on Value Added Tax (VAT) and Corporate Income Tax (CIT), has added another layer of complexity to an already fraught process. These concerns come at a time when the country’s fiscal policy is in urgent need of clarity, and the implications of these debates could be far-reaching.

 

VAT and CIT: Sticking Points in Reform

The debate over VAT has quickly become the focal point of the reforms. While the NGF has expressed its backing for the need to modernize Nigeria’s tax laws, it has strongly opposed any increase in VAT at this time. For an economy already burdened by inflation, rising costs of living, and economic policy shocks, a hike in VAT could exacerbate the financial strain on everyday Nigerians. From food to fuel, and basic services, the cost of living has soared, making any potential increase in the VAT rate a highly contentious issue.

The NGF’s opposition is not without merit. With many Nigerians already struggling to make ends meet, a VAT hike would be akin to adding insult to injury. The governors have also raised concerns about the distribution formula for VAT revenue, suggesting a more equitable approach that considers factors such as derivation and population distribution. In this, they argue that a 50% allocation based on equality, 30% based on derivation, and 20% based on population would better reflect the needs of the country’s diverse regions.

However, the proposed reforms are not only focused on VAT. The issue of CIT has also sparked significant debate. The NGF has opposed the reduction of CIT, largely due to the potential loss of revenue at the state level. This position reflects the governors’ concerns about the already strained financial situation of many states, which depend on federal allocations to meet their budgets.

Yet, reducing CIT could be an important tool in fostering business growth and economic development. Lowering the corporate tax rate could make Nigeria a more attractive destination for foreign investment, encouraging businesses to expand and create jobs. In the long term, this could result in higher economic output and a larger tax base, ultimately benefiting both the private and public sectors.
The Federal Government’s proposal to cut CIT is a gamble, but one that could potentially pay off if the right balance is struck. However, there is no denying that such a reduction would need to be carefully managed to ensure it doesn’t undermine essential state-level revenues, which are already under pressure.

TETFUND, NASENI, and NITDA: The Unseen Stakeholders

Another critical aspect of the tax reform debate centers on the handling of development funds for key agencies such as TETFUND (Tertiary Education Trust Fund), NASENI (National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure), and NITDA (National Information Technology Development Agency). These agencies, which play crucial roles in education, technology, and infrastructure, have become the subject of controversy in the proposed reforms.

 

The NGF has called for the exclusion of a terminal clause for these agencies in the sharing of development levies, a position that highlights the governors’ concern about the potential erosion of funds meant for national development. These agencies rely on specific levies and allocations to support their vital work, and any changes to the distribution of these funds could have far-reaching consequences.

For instance, TETFUND is essential to Nigeria’s higher education system, ensuring that universities, polytechnics, and other tertiary institutions receive the financial support they need to develop infrastructure and improve academic standards. Any reduction in the funding available to TETFUND could lead to a deterioration in the quality of higher education, with long-term negative implications for the country’s human capital development.

Similarly, NASENI and NITDA play pivotal roles in the country’s push for technological advancement and infrastructure development. The funding these agencies receive supports crucial projects that could transform Nigeria’s technological landscape. Without adequate resources, these agencies could be left unable to fulfill their mandates, stalling progress in critical areas of the economy.
The NGF’s call for a more careful consideration of the funding mechanisms for these agencies is a valid concern, as reducing or altering the flow of funds could severely hamper Nigeria’s development goals.

A Flawed Budget: The Fallout from Miscalculations

If the National Assembly decide to align with the position of the NGF, it would have a direct impact on the 2025 appropriation of the Federal Government. It’s likely that the budget for the year was formulated based on the assumption that VAT would increase and CIT would be reduced, with projections reflecting these anticipated changes. Should these provisions be altered or blocked by the National Assembly, the Federal Government would be left with a budget built on faulty assumptions.

The ramifications of this could be significant. A shortfall in revenue, caused by the failure to implement the expected changes to VAT and CIT, would force the government to make tough decisions. It could either ramp up borrowing or scale back crucial projects in sectors like infrastructure, health, and education, areas that are already feeling the strain. Such adjustments could place additional pressure on an already fragile economy and lead to greater hardship for Nigerians. Essentially, the government may find itself scrambling to adjust its fiscal policy, possibly even revising its budget mid-year if the projected revenues fall short. In the end, these miscalculations could create an even deeper fiscal crisis and erode public confidence in the government’s ability to manage the economy effectively.

The Way Forward: Engagement and Dialogue

As the National Assembly deliberates on the proposed tax reforms, it is clear that more engagement and dialogue are needed between the federal government, state governments, and other key stakeholders. While the broader goal of tax reform is laudable, the implementation details are crucial. The government must carefully consider the concerns raised by the NGF and other stakeholders, and work to address these issues in a way that balances the need for revenue generation with the imperative to protect vulnerable Nigerians and foster business growth.
Ultimately, the success of these reforms will depend on the ability of all parties to find common ground and ensure that the tax system is both equitable and efficient. If the government can navigate these challenges, the reforms could lay the foundation for a stronger, more sustainable economy. However, if the government fails to address the concerns of stakeholders, the reforms could falter, and Nigeria’s fiscal future could be left in limbo.

There are many stories of old students going back to their alma mater to build classrooms and donate books to the school’s library. I am also familiar with cases of NYSC members using their meagre allowances to fund the construction of toilet facilities in the schools they’re teaching. But the case of a former NYSC member going back to his place of primary assignment 51 years after he passed out to make contributions is a rare act of benevolence.

This is the story of a 24-year-old ABU graduate from Kano state who participated in the first set of the NYSC scheme in 1973; and was posted to what was then known as South Eastern State (renamed Cross River in 1976 from which Akwa Ibom was carved out in 1987) and sent to a catholic school, St. Columbanus Secondary School in Ikwen, a very rural community in what is now Obot Akara LGA in Akwa Ibom State, for his primary assignment. He taught English; maths and French.

In the many years after he left the village, the young man went on to acquire postgraduate degrees in Economics at the London School of Economics and Political Science, worked in the banking industry and later became Nigeria’s minister of finance, and later minister of national planning. In all these years, Dr0 Shamsuddeen Usman, former executive director of UBA and Union Bank; former chief executive of NAL Merchant Bank (now Sterling Bank) and former deputy governor of CBN, never forgot his one year of national service at the rustic community and the lessons he learned.

Last Saturday, Usman, 75, elder statesman and distinguished technocrat, retraced his steps back to the school where he gave a talk to the students and teachers; donated money; instituted a prize for the best final year student in economics and left a few lessons in humility and kindness. I have known him for 35 years, and so, when he invited me to join him, I quickly sensed that the trip would be full of symbols, symbolism and unforgettable experiences.

 

We arrived at the school at 10.30 am, half an hour earlier than scheduled, but the versatile principal, Rev. Father (Dr) Emem Umoren and his team were ready for us. It was my first time there, although I had driven past the school a few years back on my way to Owerri. The student band was playing while a guard of honour mounted by serving NYSC members was set for the guest’s inspection.

With the welcome formalities done, the principal received and briefed us at his residence. St. Columbanus was established in 1959 by Catholic missionaries from Ireland, first as a boys’ school, but later turned into a coed. It was taken over by the state government in 1970/1971, and given back to the church in the 2008/2009 session. With nearly 600 students; only one-third from Akwa Ibom (the rest from Abia, Cross River and other states), the school has maintained impressive academic performance.

Since last February, it’s been generating its own electricity mostly from solar, supplemented with diesel generators. Each student pays only N210,000 for boarding and tuition per term, a meagre sum compared to private schools. “The campus is so beautiful; it would pass for a small community college or university,’’ I said, eliciting smiles from the principal, who had by now been joined by the Dean of Students Affairs, Rev. Father Dominic. Dr. Usman listened, nodding intermittently as the principal spoke on the history; facilities; academic performance; faculty of the school and its needs.

 

“We farm and produce a lot of our food, but we also need donations from individuals and organizations,” the principal said. Five years ago, NCC donated a computer lab, but Akwa Ibom state government is yet to offer assistance, although senior government officials, including commissioners, have their children there. “We don’t need government’s money, but they can donate facilities like hostels,’’ the principal concluded just as we moved to the assembly hall where the students, teachers and NYSC members were already seated for the rest of the program. In the audience also were Bartholomew Ogbonna, representing the NYSC State Coordinator; Principal of Methodist Boys School, Nto Ndang, and the president of the alumnus association.

 

In the assembly hall, Dr Usman gave a keynote address on the theme: “What’s your measure of success?’’, emphasising the seven ingredients of success and the importance of honesty and trust; touching on his personal stories as a corps member and the early lessons he learned.

He described the school as ‘’the best of the best’’, and applauded the management and staff for upholding high standards and nurturing well-rounded students over the years. Usman recalled that he had so well integrated himself into the community that the principal of the neighbouring Methodist Boys High School, Nto Ndang, had invited him to teach Hausa to his students out of admiration for both the NYSC scheme and his personal conduct.

 

When Usman arrived in Ikwen in 1973, there was no shop in the school and the village. The school had only two graduate teachers, with him making the third. With permission from the principal, he set up the first cooperative shop which turned out to be very profitable. He commuted on his motorbike between the village and Ikot Ekpene – a 20 km distance – to buy provisions for the shop. On one of those commutes, he had an accident, suffered a severe concussion and was unconscious for eight days in a hospital. The accident, he said, was a turning point in his young life as it was a major reason he went for his postgraduate studies because “I wanted to test that my mental capabilities were no badly affected,” he said, noting that something good could come out of a misfortune.

He recalled how a stranger he met in the village had queried how a Hausa man like him (He’s actually Fulani) could be a university graduate – a hackneyed stereotype in those days. Concluding his lecture, Dr Usman promised to ‘connect’ the school to greater opportunities which he may have in future and announced a cash donation to the school which the principal promptly pledged to use in establishing a basketball facility to be named after the donor. There were responses from NYSC members; teachers and the senior prefect, all commending Dr Usman for his uncommon gesture.

Now, what are the takeaways from Usman’s return to Ikwen? The visit reflects a genuine act of generosity without the expectation of a reward. Dr Usman is not a government contractor and he has no family ties to Akwa Ibom state or the school beyond the fact that he did his NYSC program there over half a century ago. He simply followed his natural instincts for philanthropy and a knack for building friendships. The visit also demonstrated that there are Nigerians who do not allow religion; tribe and ethnicity to influence their actions. Third, his visit also taught a lesson in humility and simplicity. Very few people of his ilk would go back to where they did NYSC to give back to the society on their own, without political or ethnic considerations. Four, a genuine act of bigheartedness does not require social media showmanship.

Dear friends, sisters and brothers, you are hosting this 2025 edition of your annual Pastors’ Conference in the context of a very vicious, aggressive, vengeful and vindictive form of secularism in the world, that is accompanied by practical atheism, which is openly demonstrated in the lives of many modern-day men and women, including even some of those who fill up our Churches on Sundays. Practical Atheism is the new way of life whereby many people, while not openly rejecting God and religion, are daily making choices and conducting their public and private affairs, as if God does not exit, and in total disregard for God’s commandments, and fragrant violation of critical values and virtues which have always been associated with persons with any measure of religious consciousness.

Let me highlight the point with a few examples: In July 2024, the organisers of the opening ceremony of the Summer Olympic games in Paris, decided to desecrate a principal symbol of the Christian religion, by making a public mockery of the scene of the Last Supper in a shameless parody, that involved satanic images as well as homosexual, lesbian or LGBTQ++ symbols. Opinion leaders across the world (including Muslims and even people who are not known to have any religious affiliations), reacted with outrage at this public expression of blasphemy and disrespect for the religious sensitivities of the globlal population of Christians. Last week the news broke out that US Nigerian Professor Uju Anya, is now legally married to her lesbian lover, Dr. Sirry Alang, who is a Cameroonian American. In this country Nigeria, the LGBTQ+ madness is today spreading like wildfire. It is being aggressively promoted around the world by not only individual campaigners and NGOs, but also whole governments.

A number of those we call celebrities in Nigeria today, who have millions of young people following them, have often been recruited by powerful international organisations, as agents, to spread these new gender ideologies, by which strange and unnatural sexual behaviours, which the Christian Scriptures squarely condemns as abominable and damnable (See Romans 1:20 32); the same behaviours that only a few decades ago used to be diagnosed as mental illness; are now defended and promoted as alternative lifestyles and fundamental human rights, such that those of us who express moral outrage at the normalization of these perversions, are blackmailed as homophobic, condemned as religious bigots, and sometimes subjected to persecuted for defending the traditional Christian position in these matters.

In spite of the Same Sex Prohibition Act of 2014, we see homosexual practices being openly advertised in the social and regular media today, and viewed by some as progress. Among the many aggressive LGBTQ+ campaigners in Nigeria today, we even have one who calls himself a Christian pastor. He is Jide Macauly, founder of what he calls the House of Rainbow International Church, where homosexuals and transgender persons are not only warmly welcomed, but earnestly celebrated for their courage to come out openly to declare what they call their sexual orientation. And many of our young people appear fascinated by these horrifying developments. If you do a quick google search on the number of young people following Bobrisky, you would be utterly amazed. He has over 3 million followers on Facebook and almost 5 million followers on Instagram. He has almost the same number of followers on social media as Pastor Enoch Adegboye! Brothers and sisters, are you beginning to see what I am talking about?

Your 2025 Pastors’ Conference on the theme, The Cross and the Altar, is happening at a time of widespread loss of God-consciousness, or the rejection by many of any spiritual reference point for the human person and the human society. You are gathered here amid the growing scourge or epidemic that the famous 20th Century Psychologist, Viktor Frankl, identifies as existential nihilism, which is the widespread loss of any sense of meaning and purpose in human existence. Existential nihilism emanates from the loss of the consciousness of God, and any sense of transcendence in the contemporary society. We are confronted today with a much more serious problem than the fact that people are stealing, cheating, committing fornication or engaging in Yahoo-Yahoo. Many young people do not know why they are alive, and some are ready to end it any day, at the slightest provocation. The widespread rejection of any spiritual reference point by an ever-increasing number of men and women in our generation, gives rise to the existential frustration which Augustine of Hippo alludes to when he declares that “the Lord has created us for himself, and our hearts will remain restless, until they rest in him.”

The Scriptures of our Judeo-Christian religion and the testimonies from all other major religious traditions sufficiently demonstrate that the more human beings move away from God, the more they move away from the consciousness of spiritual or supernatural realities, and the more they are motivated wholly and entirely by materialistic, this-worldly ultimate goals; the more confused, senseless, restless and violent they become. Yes, as the men and women of our generation move farther and farther away from God and the things of God, they gradually become disoriented and confused about their true identities, about the purpose of their lives, and about the meaning of the very physical bodies they carry around.

Is it not instructive that multiple psychopathologies, including widespread drug addiction, rampant cases of depression, suicide ideation, and actual suicides, appear to be increasing geometrically in the same age and among the same generation that has witnessed what is called the “sexual revolution,” when men and women are being told that they no longer need to exercise any restraints, and when all inhibitions in sexual expression, are gradually being seen as vestiges of a dying primitive era? The truth that stares modern humanity in the face, is the same one that dawned on Augustine in the 4th Century A.D., namely, that the human heart is either home-bound or death-bound; and there appears to be no resting place in between! Yet, a cursory survey of the dominant segments of our own youth culture in this country, Nigeria, especially as displayed in popular movies, comedy skits, music and dance, including some of what people call Gospel music today, will reveal that even though our Churches are often filled up on Sundays, and though the public practice of religion still appears to be thriving in our society, all is however not well with us. All is not well with us, because our youths are speedily abandoning the path of Christian virtues and values, and they are losing their souls to the social and moral decadence of the age.

Christian youth in this country and elsewhere these days, are often the ones with the least respect for religion and religious persons. They are often the ones denigrating the Church, blackmailing and insulting religious leaders, desecrating religious symbols, and recklessly engaging in acts that used to be identified as blasphemy and sacrilege. Most of the young Nigerians who are today addicted to pornography, and those engaged in internet fraud, Yahoo Yahoo and Yahoo+, or those allegedly engaged in ritual killing (of their mothers, their sisters and girlfriends, for quick money), are often youths brought up Christian homes, but who seem to have lost their way, and are now in the den of the devil. Traditional African religious rituals have suddenly become very attractive for many Nigerian youths, who are today not only enlisting as devotees of traditional deities and ancestral cults in their villages, but many are actually becoming priests and priestesses of some of these traditional African religious cults; the kind of cults that their parents were never exposed to, because their grandparents had abandoned them to embrace Christianity!

Just last week, at the opening ceremony of the annual retreat in Anambra State, of all the Bishops of the Church of Nigeria, Anglican Communion, Governor Chukwuma Soludo raised an alarm over a frightening development that I am well aware of myself. He observed that this is a very trying moment in the history of Christianity in our society today. Though the Anglican Church claims to have up to 20 million Nigerians officially registered in their books, and though the Christian Church as a whole, boasts of more than a 100 million registered members in Nigeria, he wondered how many of these 100 million people, most of who were brought up in Christian homes, are still Christians. He said the question is even more pertinent in the Southeast, as in his view, the fastest growing religion in the Southeast is idolatry. He said from Anambra to Imo, and from Abia to Enugu and Ebonyi, there is a massive resurgence in idolatry, with traditional shrines springing up everywhere, and that they are recruiting young people massively, young people with names like Emmanuel, Joseph, and even some bearing the name Christian, but they are carrying their shrines. He said the leaders of the Church in Nigeria must now engage in a sober reflection, asking themselves the question: Why are the young y leaving Christianity in droves? He said the leaders must constantly re-examine their purpose, asking themselves, “Are we still serving the purpose? Are our ways in conflict with our purpose?” He wondered whether in the eyes of some people in Nigeria, religion has not become a business, where the transactions have gradually overwhelmed the transformation.

We are living through very challenging times, especially for truly religious people, as there is very little sense of spirituality and transcendence left in the popular culture, and sometimes even in some of our Churches that have been turned to theatres of endless entertainment. The powerful agents of the global culture have become increasingly secular, and aggressively anti-religious and vengefully anti-church. These are difficult times indeed. We are at the threshold of a new dark age, and a new era of Christian persecution, when truly committed agents of the Gospel of Jesus Christ will be challenged to embrace martyrdom that will come from different directions, including even from within the Church itself. Today, an increasing number of men and women who were raised in Christian homes and schools, are rejecting the true gospel of Christ, and instead they are choosing to dine with the devil and to give themselves over to the most reckless forms of debauchery, self-indulgence and moral depravity.

The religion of many who flock to our churches on Sundays, often has no depth at all. It is often a transactional religion that is devoid of serious elements of Christian spirituality or the godly life, such as is exemplified in Jesus Christ himself and in those we celebrate as the saints of the Christian Church. We cannot see in the life of many who fill our Churches in Nigeria, evidence of people who have truly encountered the God of Jesus Christ and fallen in love with Him; people who have had the same experience of the all-consuming power of God's love, and now and again can exclaim like Prophet Jeremiah (in Jeremiah 20:7), “You have seduced me Lord and I have allowed myself to be seduced; you have overpowered me, and you have prevailed...” Instead, many of those we have in our Churches are still trapped at the infantile (transactional) level in their religiosity; that level at which prayer is not aimed at lifting the heart and mind to God, but aimed at appeasing, bribing, manipulating or twisting God's hands into doing our will; that level at which attempts are even made to coerce the God of love into destroying one's enemies, etc. This kind of religiosity is like a pack of cards that will come crashing down in the face of the enormous existential challenges that are ahead of us.

Our Churches and auditoriums are filled to capacity, yes, but many of our members have not been well formed in Christian spirituality and Christian morality. Yes, indeed, the harvest of the 3 Lord is plentiful but true labourers are few. The vineyard of the Lord today is made up of many ignorant but arrogant, fun-seeking, power hungry, enemies of God and enemies of Christ, who shamelessly display and audaciously promote abominably perverse behaviours that insult the sensibilities of god-fearing people of all times. In this kind of degenerate dispensation, we all must brace up for action, and assume our roles as born-again Christians - priests, pastors and evangelists, faithful witnesses of Christ, and courageous defenders of the Christian faith, not with swords and javelins as in the days of the Crusaders of the Middle Ages, but with the intellectual, spiritual and moral resources of our faith.

To function as faithful witnesses of Christ, and to answer the call to be pastors and agents of evangelism in the 21st Century, is going to be a very difficult and challenging spiritual, pastoral and social enterprise. To live our lives and discharge our duties effectively as witnesses and defenders of the Christian faith today, may be a via crucis – that is, the way of the cross, which may take some of us toward Calvary. When I consider the many forces that are mounting viciously and aggressively against the Christian message today, I feel compelled to go around warning my fellow priests, pastors, and evangelists, that “it is not party time;” that we are being called to thread the painful path towards Calvary. The challenging task before us will daily demand of us a high degree of faith commitment, for the radical witness to the Gospel of Christ which an age of widespread unbelief and debauchery such as ours requires of us.

The good Lord desires to save the people of every generation, but the appropriate character disposition, the depth of spirituality, and the degree of sacrifice required of the agents of the gospel who are to be sent to each generation, will be determined by the peculiarities of each generation. Those of us who embrace the call of Christ to minister in his vineyard today, are in for some very serious business. It is not party time all. These days, when I see Christian pastors and preachers, dressed in expensive clothes and designer jewelry, flying around in private jets or first class compartments of air planes, or driving around with motorcades, sometimes with police escorts and civilian bouncers, I often turn to those around me, and say, “Ewo o - awon eleyi o mo nkan nkan!” See, these ones don’t know anything. In other words, such priests, pastors and preachers that still carry themselves around at this point in time, with what we can describe as a high degree of ecclesiastical and clerical triumphalism; such church leaders are reveling in the past glories of medieval Christendom, when bishops, priests and pastors, lived like medieval feudal lords, monarchs and emperors. That era in European Christianity was brought to a brutal end by the violent French Revolution of 1789 to 1892. We in the Catholic Church have learnt a few lessons from the history of medieval Christianity in Europe. That is why you are not likely to see a Catholic Pope, Cardinal or Archbishop, anywhere in the world these days, living an openly flamboyantly lifestyle, no matter how rich his church or his diocese may be.

Now, as the world gets more and more engulfed in the darkness that manifests itself in new forms of paganism, such as we see in the radical Gender, Transgender and Non-Binary ideologies that aim to destroy traditional religious and family values; and as our own youth population are increasingly turning towards new forms of paganisms in Nigeria, Christian pastors, and the generality of Christians, are today called upon to stand up to be counted among the true followers of Christ, by disciplined lives of meaning and purpose. We are called upon to quickly get ourself educated in the complex dynamics of the times we live in, so we may courageously confront the neo-paganism of contemporary society, with the light of the Christian gospel which never dims.

Those the Lord requires as pastors, preachers, and evangelists in our society today, should be persons who daily submit themselves prayerfully as instruments in God’s hands for the salvation of souls. Those the Lord requires as agents of Christian evangelism today, should be persons of extraordinary courage and fortitude, who accept the call to shine the light of Christ amid the darkness of contemporary society, and to constitute themselves into signs of contradiction to a world of ruthless and aggressive competition for wealth and power, and mindless devotion to the cult of sensual pleasure. Those the Lord requires as pastors, preachers and evangelists today, should be persons of faith, who can interpret the signs of the times, as well as offer gospel discernment on the socio-historical circumstances of their people.

Let me be very blunt with you: We are in the midnight hour, and the Ship of Peter (the Church), is battling amid very turbulent waters, as is sufficiently demonstrated in the spiritual and moral crisis to be found in our various Churches today. At this time of widespread mediocrity, hypocrisy and apostacy among many Christians, including even among high-ranking personalities in our Christian Churches, the Lord requires men and women of extraordinary commitment that would be part of his remnant few, who, with a heightened sense of sacrifice, would be holding the fort, standing in the gap, and putting on the whole armor of God against the wiles of the vicious enemies of God’s people. For as St. Paul reminds the Ephesians, “it is not against flesh and blood that we must contend, but against principalities and powers, against the cosmic powers of this present darkness, and against the spiritual forces in the heavenly places…” Therefore (he says), “take on the whole armor of God, so that you may be able to stand firm … and quench all the flaming arrows of the evil one” (See Ephesians 6:10-17).

The challenges I have outlined above are even more pressing for Christian pastors and Christians who are young parents, as we would have to practice our Christian faith and raise our children in a world that is becoming terribly hostile to any form of religiosity and spirituality, and particularly hostile to traditional Christian values; a world that is completely different from the one in which many of the older pastors here grew up in the 1960s and 1970s. When those of us in the older generation of today were growing up, the principal agents of socialisation included the Family, the Church, and the School, in that order. And those whom the children saw as heroes and mentors to be emulated, were from among their parents, their church leaders and their teachers. But all that has changed today. With the mobile phone in the hands of our children, the television in our homes, and the billboards littering our towns, villages, and highways, the more powerful influencers of our children’s values today, are often social media personalities, popular musicians, movie stars, comedians, and sundry entertainers. Many of these celebrities are school dropouts, products of broken homes or dysfunctional families. Many of them are drug and alcohol addicts, serial polygamists, and unrepentant sexual perverts. Some of them are known psychiatric cases. Others regularly display symptoms of one psychopathology or the other. But they are all rich and famous. They all have millions of young followers on social media. This is why they are called social influencers, and they are regularly recruited as “brand ambassadors” by unscrupulous agents of corporate organisations.

Thus, in the absence of good parenting; and in the absence of adequate and effective strategies for appropriate instructions in Christian values and morals for our children and youth, these celebrities who are themselves often in need of spiritual, psychological, and social rehabilitation, have unfortunately become the prime influencers, the principal inspirers, the key mentors, and the chief opinion molders of our vulnerable and gullible young people. So, I really do not envy those who happen to be young Christian parents today. Christian parenting today involves a lot more effort and investment than was required when many of in the older generation were growing up. Those who are still raising young children today should recognize that their children may not turn out to be good Christian children, simply because they pray at home and ensure that the children follow them to Church on Sundays.

Parents of young children will need to do a lot more, with the grace of God. They will need to be Christian parents in all truth and with all seriousness, making their homes domestic Churches, giving loud witness to Christian values, and teaching their children from their earliest days, to become signs of contraction to the evil generation; to stand out and shine their light amid the surrounding darkness; and with all boldness, to defend the hope that is in them, as St. Peter urges believers in 1 Peter 3:15. This is by no means an easy task, but with God all things are possible. After all, the Lord has promised us that the powers of hell will not prevail against his Church. And we know that the One who called us to be Christians and to be ministers of the of the Gospel in season and out of season, will not abandon us in this critical season. May the certainty of his presence sustain, strengthen, and comfort us, as we renew today our commitment to defending the true faith that Jesus left us. Amen.

Before concluding, I would like to challenge all those who, like me, are senior citizens, to take responsibility for the future generation. Many of our young people are today behaving like sheep without shepherds. Many have lost their souls to debauchery and depravity as we noted above. So, we need experienced older people in their 60s, 70s, and 80s, to help these young people answer the most profound and critical question of life’s ultimate meaning and purpose; questions which the young people seem to be grappling with daily. In the face of the tragedies and frustrations of life, and especially in the face of the mess which successive generations of rogue leaders have made of our country Nigeria, we need a “remnant few” from among the experienced members of the Christian community, who have been sufficiently schooled by both the positive and negative experiences of their lives, and who have learnt some of the profound truths of their human existence, so they can now become teachers, inspirers and mentors of the younger generation in a life of discipline, virtue, meaning and purpose.

I challenge those of the older generation, to take responsibility for the future, by using their time and resources, their skills and talents, their rich knowledge and privileged exposures, their successes and achievements, but also your failures and disappointments – from which hopefully they have learnt good lessons – to disseminate those values and principles, and promote those norms and habits, that will make for meaningful existence for future generations of humanity. It is in this way that those of us in the older generation today would live the rest of our lives purposefully, that we would age gracefully, and that at the end, when the Lord calls us, that we would have the honour of exiting this world, as it were, gallantly!

 

 

I want to begin by congratulating my dear friend and Senior Apostolic Leader, Pastor Sam Aiyedogbon, his amiable wife, Pastor Grace, and all the pastors and ministers of the Realm of Glory Churches here present, for this laudable initiative of an annual conference at the very beginning of each new year. I thank my friend for inviting me to visit you all today, to share a few thoughts with you. As I stand before you today, may the prayer of David in Psalm 19:14 be realised in us all. Yes, that the words of our mouths and the meditation of our hearts may be acceptable in the sight of the Lord our God. Amen. And may the Good Lord always demonstrate his powerful presence each time you gather together here, and in your various churches. Amen.

Let me begin my presentation with a poem I composed several years ago that sadly has remained relevant to our ongoing precarious national circumstances.

SCANDAL

Daddy has eaten/ the sour grapes

And today/ My brothers and sisters

Are gnashing their teeth.

Mummy has tasted/ the forbidden fruit

And now/ the kids are out

Naked in the cold.

They have desecrated/ the Tree of Love

And violated/ the Sanctuary of Justice

And so the children flee/from Wisdom's Child

And fall/ into the callous embrace

Of the angel of death.

Tomorrow has become/ a stone wall

That my brothers and sisters

Stare at/ with angry desperation.

Cursed be that blind day/ when daddy resolved

To steal food/ off the hands

Of his own children

Alas for that dark hour/ when mummy chose

To mortgage tomorrow

For the fleeting pleasures/ of today.

--From George Ehusani, Petals of Truth, 1998, page 105

As we engage today in one more reflection on our ever worsening socio-political, economic and security circumstances, and as we attempt to seriously interrogate the role or responsibility of the Christian Church and Church leaders in the evolution of a nation that is now clearly at the perilous crossroads, let me draw your attention to what I consider a very critical, but often missing, often neglected or often insufficiently highlighted element in our public debates on Nigeria’s multiple developmental challenges. It is the place of leadership integrity in nation building and national stability and prosperity. I have become more convinced today than ever before that leadership debauchery and elite idiocy will ruin any nation, no matter how perfect the political, structural and governance blueprint they adopt. And it has indeed been well established by social historians that the collapse of powerful civilisations and empires, is hardly ever precipitated by external attack, but instead by internal decay, as demonstrated in the corruption, immorality and wickedness of successive generations of leaders in those nations. Unfortunately, many well-meaning Nigerians, including highly placed Christians and Christian leaders, who complain endlessly about the sorry state of our nation, are often unable to see the nexus between corrupt leadership and the downfall or destruction of nations.

Let me use passages from the Judeo-Christian Scriptures to illustrate the point: We read in Proverbs 14:34 that righteousness exalts a nation, but that sin is a reproach to any people. In Proverbs 29:2 we read that “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked rule the people groan.” In Proverbs 29:4 it says, “It is by justice that a king gives stability to the land.” And in Proverbs 29:18 it says, “Where there is no vision, the people perish.” Some translations render this verse as, “Where there is no leadership integrity, the people do perish.” What this means is that leadership integrity is fundamental and critical to national development, national unity, and national peace and prosperity, or that the socio economic and political fortunes of a people are tied up to the integrity or lack thereof of its leaders!

This idea is very well illustrated in the history of Israel. When they had good, god-fearing leaders like Joshua, David, Hezekiah, Josiah, Jehoshaphat, Nehemiah, and Ezra, they conquered their enemies, they experienced restoration, and they enjoyed peace and prosperity. But when they had leaders who lacked integrity and the fear of God, like Saul, Jeroboam, Ahab, and Nadab, they were easily defeated by enemy forces, who often went ahead to loot and pillage their resources. In one case Israel was not only conquered by their adversaries; they were expelled from their land and deported to Babylon for 70 years! To illustrate the point further, there is this report in the book of Sirach or Ecclesiasticus 47:23-25 that,

Solomon rested with his ancestors, leaving one of his stock as his successor, the stupidest member of the nation, brainless Rehoboam, whose policy drove the nation, to rebel. Next, Jeroboam son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin, and set Ephraim on the way of evil; from then on, their sins multiplied so excessively as to drive them out of their country; for they tried out every kind of wickedness, until vengeance overtook them.

Recall that (as is recorded in the 12th Chapter of the 1st Book of Kings), it was Rehoboam who succeeded his father Solomon as King of Israel and Judah. When he ascended the throne, the elders of Israel went to him and complained about how hard life had been for them under King Solomon, saying, “Your father made our yoke heavy. Now therefore we beg you, lighten the hard service of your father and his heavy yoke that he placed on us, and we will serve you.” His counsellors advised him on how to respond to the elders with compassion, but he disregarded the advice of his counsellors, and instead told the elders that, “My father beat you with whips, but I will beat you bloody with chains.” When the elders heard the response of King Rehoboam, they resolved to separate themselves from the kingdom of David. So, they shouted: “To your tents, O Israel! Look now to your own house, O David.” This was the beginning of the disintegration of the kingdom that was united under David and Solomon.

What the above Scriptures tell us, and what has been sufficiently demonstrated in human history and in our own recent national trajectory, is that the socio-economic and political fortunes of a people often hang peremptorily on the integrity or lack of integrity of its leaders. Where there is moral integrity among the ruling class, the people make economic progress and experience stability and peace. But where the leaders are illegitimate, corrupt, unjust, wicked, immoral, and lacking in credibility, the people suffer economic stagnation, social discord, widespread criminality, and eventual collapse.

As we reflect on the progressive ruination of our dear country, Nigeria, and what the responsibility of the Christian Church and Christian leaders is, or should be, I wish to remind you my brothers and sisters in Christ, that nations are built primarily and fundamentally on values, and not on the quality of structural blueprints embraced, nor on the abundance of material resources, as indeed the post-independence Nigerian experiment has demonstrated. Nation building refers to the internal, organic and dynamic process by which a society identifies, discusses, contests, and reaches consensus on shared values, principles and norms; the process by which a society galvanises a sense of national cohesion, consolidates a national identity, and forges a sense of common purpose or a set of common goals to which the society is oriented. In other words, nation building is the process of moulding diverse groups into a unified cohesive, harmonious, and stable national entity, with shared vision and collective mission.

Essential and of critical importance in the process of nation building is a transparently honest, visionary, self-sacrificing, and therefore legitimate and credible leadership. Such leadership assumes the role of Architects, Engineers, and Project Managers of the emergent nation. Thus, strong, stable, unified, and prosperous nations are built fundamentally on values, the kind of values that we are supposed to be promoting every day in the Church; the same values that built ancient Christian civilisations. Experience has shown that such values are anchored on, and sustained by, self-sacrificing leaders of transparent integrity and credibility; leaders whose very lives encapsulate and personify the values that they seek to propagate in the polity. Otherwise, such value will hardly take root in the society. When however, such critical values for nation building as fear of God, leadership integrity, truth, justice and fairness, as well as a high degree of patriotism and sacrifice for the common good, are missing, what we often have is a free-for-all: intractable conflicts, political tension and social discord, the preponderance of violent crimes, monumental corruption, widespread banditry and rampant impunity. Indeed, 4th Century Philosopher, Augustine of Hippo, declared that kingdoms (or societies) devoid of justice, are “nothing but a bunch of bandits or a gang of robbers.”

What the foregoing implies is that as we engage in one more discussion on our ever worsening national circumstances, we must pay close attention to the reality of widespread moral vacuity among the political, economic, socio-cultural, and sadly, even religious elite of our country, which has scandalised the youth population and as it were, re-wired their brains towards the elevation of primitive greed over a life of meaning, the enthronement of vanity and vainglory over a life of purpose and meaning, and the proliferation of corruption, criminality and gangsterism in place of a culture of truth, honesty, and integrity. As we reflect today on our nation at the crossroads, I ask that we Christians should pay urgent attention to, and address very critically the embarrassment of the naked public square in Nigeria, whereby criminally minded characters, and alleged gangsters in our midst, are more easily finding their way to all levels of political office, than men and women of honour, integrity, discipline, modesty, patriotism and sacrifice.

Yes, as we engage in one more discussion session on the way forward for Nigeria, and what prophetic role Church leaders must play, I ask that we seriously interrogate the situation whereby our nation more easily throws up for political office, crooked and devious characters, including ethnic bigots and religious extremists, those who regularly manipulate the religious sentiments of the people for political capital, those who recklessly exploit the age-old ethnic acrimonies and antipathies in the land for selfish gain, and those thoughtless others who habitually loot the local government, state or national treasury for themselves and their families, and thereby render the population destitute. Until we address this anomaly; until we confront this fundamental error in our concept of political leadership and our leadership recruitment processes, I do not believe that we can make any significant progress towards national transformation.

Many will agree with me that the Nigerian nation is sadly comatose and on the verge of disintegration today, largely on account of the successive generations of thoughtlessly corrupt, senselessly nepotistic, recklessly lawless and astonishingly incompetent elite class that we have been plagued with since independence, and particularly since the first coup of 1966. Though there are a few positive indications here and there, the conduct of the younger generation today does not particularly inspire hope in the immediate future. See where we have put ourselves today: For while the rest of the world is competing in digital technology, and flying high at jet speed in business and economics, and while some others are exploring the outer space and working hard towards colonizing other planets, the citizens of our own country are standing still, weighed down by the vestiges of a profligate past and a confused or clueless present, superintended as it is by a regime of arrogance that is largely born of culpable ignorance. After nearly 64 years of independence, Nigerians are filled with regret and nostalgia about broken promises, dashed hopes, and shallow dreams of a land of unity, peace and prosperity. For many of us here, the story of Nigeria is that of a Paradise Lost. It is the story of the fathers having eaten sour grapes and the children’s teeth are on edge, or the case of the mothers having sown the wind, and the children are harvesting the whirlwind, as expressed in Jeremiah 31:29, and in my opening poem.

It is said that a society grows great when elders plant trees under whose shade they know they will never sit. The embarrassing truth we must acknowledge today however is that many of us who call ourselves Christians, and whom Jesus Christ refers to when he says, you are the light of the world (Matt 5:14), have often not distinguished ourselves from the rest of the madding crowd. Though we parade our Christian identity everywhere, and though we often make a public show of our religiosity, many of us have not conducted ourselves as a city on the hill, which men should see and give glory to God (as described in Matthew 5:16); but we Nigerian Christians, have often functioned as blind guides, greedy opportunists, fraudulent public officers, corrupt contractors, and adulterous parents, who have shamelessly and unrepentantly stolen food off the hands of our own children. Christians are among the successive military rulers and political overlords who have often turned out to be reckless plunderers and mindless looters of the Nigerian commonwealth. Christians are among the Nigerian elite who have often exploited the poverty and ignorance of the majority of our people, and cashed in on the existing ethno-religious antipathies and polarities, for selfish political and economic gain.

Over the last sixty-four years, as we the leaders, the parents, the teachers, the pastors and preachers, became more enterprising in greed and political mischief, and as we failed to inspire the young people in the pursuit of higher values, we lost control of the younger generation. Many of our graduates from secondary schools, universities, and polytechnics, became social deviants, internet fraudsters, sexual perverts, drug addicts, criminal kidnappers, murderous bandits, and terrorist insurgents, constituting an embarrassment in our homes, a nightmare in our schools, and a nuisance in our offices. With juvenile bravado, many of these young people have been visiting their vengeance on an adult society that has failed to give them a sense of direction. They have gone about cheating and stealing, robbing and raping, and killing and maiming; and they have often committed these crimes with the sophistication of the Italian mafioso.

Thus, I reason that the collective psyche of our young people has been so seriously wounded, and their delicate consciences so brutally battered, by the atrocities of the adult society, that we now stand the chance of losing tomorrow altogether. Our fear is heightened by the number of delinquent juveniles who are daily paraded on TV by Nigerian security agencies as suspected assassins, armed robbers, kidnappers, bandits, and insurgents. It is amazing how many Nigerians often discuss and lament the rising crime rate among our youths in the country, without taking into cognizance the acrimonious socio-economic and political circumstances that largely gave birth to the phenomenon we are now having to contend with.

We have engaged in a life of debauchery. Like the prodigal son in the Luke 15 parable of Jesus, we have left our palace of pride to dwell in pit of shame. We have often thrown decency and integrity to the dogs, and flushed justice and truth into the septic tank. We have often violated love and trampled on the poor and the weak. We have enthroned bribery and corruption, and elevated the menace to such a high state craft, that government business can almost not happen without corruption. We have badly neglected our educational institutions and made our teachers an object of ridicule in the eyes of society.

Our schools and colleges in turn have lost their sacred character as formation centres, and they have rather become breeding grounds for thugs, touts, secret cultists, gangsters, kidnappers, bandits, rapists, prostitutes and Yahoo-Yahoo fraudsters. We hear these days of school children beating up their teachers, sacking their principals, and burning up their libraries. Examination malpractice in some of our schools has now assumed the frightening dimension whereby teachers and principals actually organize the cheating at external examinations, and parents do resolve each year to contribute money to "settle" supervisors and invigilators. How bad can things get in Nigeria?

My own reflection is that we are about to lose many more millions of our young people whose teeth are on edge as I say, because their fathers have eaten sour grapes. We are about to lose millions of young people who are constipated because their mothers have eaten the forbidden fruit. Our young people, like their peers elsewhere are blessed with numerous talents and they are full of energy and ingenuity, but they lack the necessary pride in their fatherland. Yes, our youths are highly resourceful and creative, but they are often devoid of any sense of purpose, meaning and direction. Our children have not been adequately parented. They have not been adequately taught, nor have they seen enough practical examples of truth and justice, love and compassion, sacrifice and patriotism in the adult community, to motivate them.

There is serious work to be done by all of us Christians and Christian leaders, if our country Nigeria is to be redeemed and set on the path of national rejuvenation. The Christian Church must assume its responsibility as the conscience of the nation, and bestow hope amid the hopelessness and desperation of our people. Each one of us that make up the Christian Church must commit to such values that make for nation building as truth and honesty, and justice and equity. There is much work for leaders of the Church to do, if this nation Nigeria, now tethering on the precipice is ever going to be saved. The time has come for repentance. For us believers in God, the situation may be bad enough but not hopeless. We can experience rejuvenation, if today we begin to retrace our steps, and get back to the basics. After all, we read in 2 Chronicles 7:14 that “if the people called by my name will humble themselves, and pray and seek my face, and turn from their wicked ways, then I will hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin and heal their land.” We should believe that from the rubble of our shattered motherland, a rich, powerful, peaceful and united country can emerge, if today we identify and get rid of the demons that have be-witched this land since independence.

Christians are supposed to be harbingers of hope. To communicate that hope amid a hopeless generation therefore, we must recommit ourselves to the life of truth, justice, and righteousness. Christian parents must be ready to make sacrifices for the sake of their children and their children’s children. Christian teachers and preachers must recognize that they teach more by their lives than by their lessons. It is not more fiery sermons that our young people need today. What they need instead, is to see practical examples of truth, honesty and fairness at work in the family setting, in the conduct of school activities, in the examination halls, in the civil service, in the award and execution of contracts, and in such processes of governance as the just and equitable distribution of opportunities as well as the application of sanctions. Young people are constantly let down and disappointed, when their leaders are fraudulent or when they see teachers assisting unscrupulous students to cheat at examinations. Young people are shocked when they discover that their governors, ministers or parents are liars. Young people are scandalized when they see their pastors and preachers living in reckless and conspicuous affluence, while the overwhelming majority of the people, including their own members, are struggling daily with dehumanizing poverty or destitution. Then they wonder whether a life of truth, honesty, integrity, and sacrifice is ever possible on this side of heaven. 

Brothers and sisters in Christ, let us be honest with ourselves: the Nigerian society is not changing for the better, and the Nigerian people are not being radically transformed in our Churches. Though we claim to be very religious, though our Churches and auditoriums are crowded and we host very loud worship sessions, though many of us pride ourselves as being born again, and we can quote passages of the Scripture effortlessly from Genesis to Revelation, and though we host numerous night vigils and deliverance sessions, the truth that stares us in the face (when we look at the Key Performance Indicators), is that Nigerian Christians are not being transformed in any significant way, and consequently, we have consistently failed, and woefully so, in the prophetic task of transforming our society for God.

Yet we all know that the Gospel of Christ is the most potent force for individual and social transformation. Truly committed Christian disciples remain the salt of the earth and the light of the world (Matthew 5:13-14). The power of the Gospel of Christ has not diminished in anyway. The challenge is, as Jesus says in Matthew 9:37, that the harvest is plentiful, but that genuine labourers in the Lord’s Vinyard are very few. The first three hundred years of Christianity sufficiently demonstrate how a small group of 12 committed disciples transformed the whole of the then known world with the power of the Gospel, and the witness of transparently holy lives of love and service, sacrifice and martyrdom.

Nigeria needs Christian leaders of prophetic vision, with sufficient sense of mission, to champion the all-important project of youth formation for national rejuvenation. In an age and in an environment where material power and status are pursued with religious passion, where wealth is made into an idol, where many pastors and preachers have neglected the gospel of repentance and salvation, and have simply become motivational speakers, propagating a cross-less Christianity, preaching material prosperity, and promoting the senseless life of consumerism, vanity and vainglory; in such an environment, we need authentic agents of the Gospel of Christ, whose lives would personify the gospel challenge, serving as beacons of light amid the darkness of elite debauchery and popular idiocy in Nigeria.

In a religious environment with the nauseating spectacle of stinkingly rich men of God, who belong more to the club of billionaire entrepreneurs and business tycoons, than the body of apostles and prophets, a religious environment that features flamboyant Gucci pastors, designer suit evangelists, celebrity jerry coil prophets, trendy gospel music entertainers, and private jet owning overseers, etc.; yes, in such an environment of pleasure-seeking and comfort loving preachers and pastors, who have become ineffective and ineffectual as Christian agents for national transformation, Nigeria is in dire need of true missionaries of the authentic Gospel of Christ, with a heightened sense of the message of the Cross, which St. Paul says in 1 Corinthians 1:25, is “the foolishness of God that is wiser than human wisdom, and the weakness of God that is stronger than human strength.”

Jesus declares in John 15:19 and John 17:14-16 that we are in the world, but not of the world. This has serious implications for the way we live our lives, and the choices we make daily. Christians and Christian leaders should clearly distinguish themselves from the senseless life of materialism, consumerism, show business and vainglory. As unattractive as it may sound to the modern pleasure seeking and comfort loving person, ascetism is the truly characteristic Christian way of life – the way of sacrificial love, self-abnegation, humility, frugality, modesty, simplicity and contentment with very little. Christians of all generations are challenged by the Gospel of Christ to withdraw from the world of excessive cravings for comfort and pleasure, which the ancient Christians identified as “concupiscence” – the lust of the eyes, the lust of the flesh, and the pride of life (as listed in 1 John 2:16). Every sage, every mystic, every holy man or woman, in virtually all religious traditions through the course of human history, has always recognised that ascetism is the key to living the religious life, or pursuing any measure of holiness. 

Truly religious men and women have always recognised that frugality, simplicity, modesty, and indeed wilful (self-imposed) poverty, such as exemplified in Jesus Christ and his early disciples, provide the best channel for union with the divine. In a world dominated by the prince of darkness, where men and women are constantly engaged in ever more aggressive competition for material wealth, political power and sensual pleasure, those who truly want to serve the God of Jesus Christ or transform their society for God, must recognise the need to withdraw, to stand aside from, or to be a sign of contradiction to the kind of senseless consumption and unmitigated acquisition, that are actually the instruments of the devil to turn the people’s hearts away from contemplating the more transcendental values, or finding meaning in God alone. From my little study of the saints and scholars of our religion, and my own modest experience as a struggling Christian, I have come to the conclusion that the Christian spiritual life grows in almost direct proportion to the extent we succeed in moderating (or taming) the often-unwieldy appetites of the flesh.

Brothers and sisters, the central paradox of life, sufficiently demonstrated through the course of history, (which is also the principal paradox of our Christian faith), is that those whom God uses to bring about major spiritual, moral, and social transformation in their societies, often have to endure untold suffering and pain, as well as persecution, and now and again, they even have to endure physical martyrdom. Is this not why we say that the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church? The Scriptures and the early Church present us with a portrait of those whose transparent lives of sacrificial love, frugality, modesty, simplicity, and selfless service, commended them highly to the pagans who lived around them, to such an extent that many unbelievers were won over to the faith. (See Acts 11:26 and 1 Peter 1:22-23). They included Peter & Andrew, James & John, Paul & Barnabas, Priscilla and Aquila, as well as Stephen and Thekla.

Compare the lives and the travails of such prophets of old as Jeremiah, Amos, Hosea, John the Baptist, and the early Christian disciples referred to above, to the parade of fun-loving, honour-desiring, and comfort seeking evangelists, priests, pastors, and bishops in today’s Nigeria, who appear to have forgotten that when in Mark 10:35-45 the sons of Zebedee went to ask Jesus for positions of glory, his answer was, “You do not know what you are asking. Are you able to drink the cup that I must drink, or be baptised with the baptism with which I must be baptised?” My elementary Theology tells me that Jesus’ cup is the cup of selfless service and sacrifice, and his baptism is the baptism of vicarious death on the Cross of Calvary. In Matthew 16:24, he says, “Anyone who wishes to be a follower of mine, must deny himself, take up his cross, and follow me. For those who want to save their life will lose it, and those who lose their life for my sake, will find it. To paraphrase the words of Jesus here, I would say, “If you want to transform the world, you must turn your back on it.” Recall the Gospel episode of Mark 9:17-29. An epileptic demoniac was brought to the disciples of Jesus, that he might be delivered. The disciples tried, but they could not cast the demon out. After Jesus had healed the boy, the disciples asked him privately, “Master, why could we not cast it out?” Jesus answered them, “This kind can only be cast out through prayer (and fasting).

The point I want to make with this story is that the kind of vicious demons that have all this while terrorised our dear country Nigeria, can only be cast out at the foot of the Cross, and in the desert of sacrifice and pain, not in the comfort of palatial mansions or the cosy compartment of celebrity Private Jets and Rolls Royce cars. Many Nigerian men and women of God think that they can transform our morally depraved, socially deranged and politically dysfunctional society, while being themselves devoted to the same indulgences of the flesh which are the root cause of our national malaise. They are, to say the least, utterly deluded and terribly mistaken. The Apostle John admonishes Christians as follows: “Do not love the world or the things of the world. The love of the Father is not in those who love the world; for all that is in the world – the desire of the flesh, the desire of the eyes, the pride in riches – comes, not from the Father but from the world. And the world and its desire are passing away, but those who do the will of God live forever. (1 John 2:15-17). And in 1 Timothy 6:10, St. Paul warns us all that the love of money is the root of all kinds of evil, and that in the desire for riches, some have inflicted many fatal wounds on themselves.

The aggressive competition among the men and women of God in contemporary Nigeria, for wealth, for power, for pleasure and for popularity or celebrity status; the competition among Church leaders as to who would build the biggest and the most elegant auditoriums; the competition church leaders, as to who would have the president of the country or the governor of the state as his personal friend or church member; such competition is in my humble opinion, embarrassingly scandalous, extremely dangerous, and utterly counter-productive for the prophetic mission of the Christian Church in our society today. In a thoroughly distressed society such as ours, where millions of the people have been reduced to the dehumanising state of utter destitution, when powerful men of God are now and again seen hobnobbing with the rich oppressor; when they are seen driving around with long motorcades of some of the most expensive vehicles in town; when they are seen parading kill and go police escorts and fierce looking begoggled bouncers; and when are seen bypassing protocol at customs and immigration points in the airports, and they head straight to the airport tarmac to board their private jets, etc.; such conduct of some powerful men of God in our society, does not promote the gospel of Christ in any way. Instead, such reckless bourgeoisie display amid widespread destitution, often breeds the kind of resentment that precipitated the French revolution, when, within a 48-hour period in September 1792, over 200 priests, nuns, and bishops were brutally massacred by angry mobs, because the powerful men and women of God at that time were perceived to be friends and allies of the oppressive ruling class. Sadly however, the most consistent lesson of history is that men and women do not learn from history!

On the eve of January 1, 2025, I addressed the members of my Chaplaincy on one phrase I took from the works of the contemporary English mystic, John Butler. As a young man full of youthful idealism, he said he saw so much that was wrong with the world, and he was poised to do something great, something extraordinary, towards changing the world for the better. But while on an extended meditation one day, he heard a voice, loud and clear. The voice said, “To make whole, be whole.” He said it was repeated a couple of times, “To make whole, be whole.” These words changed his perspectives completely, and they directed the conduct of the rest of his entire life, thereafter. To make the world whole – meaning, to mend the broken world, we must first fix the broken fragments of ourselves and achieve a measure of wholeness within ourselves. To heal our society of selfishness, hatred, resentment, religious and ethnic bigotry, etc., we must first be healed of those destructive tendencies within ourselves.

We who are priests, pastors and preachers, cannot transform our society in any significant way, until we ourselves have been sufficiently purged of the very poisonous, carnal and worldly behaviours and inclinations, which have made our country the hell of a place that it is today, namely: the desire for wealth without morality, the pursuit of power without principles, the indulgence in pleasure without conscience, and the conduct of religion without sacrifice. Thus, as Christian leaders, we cannot make any serious impact in transforming our chronically materialistic, blindly consumeristic, and senselessly hedonistic society, until we are sufficiently detached from our own worldly cravings, and learn to live simple, modest, humble, and contented lives, like our Lord Jesus Christ, who, though he was in the form of God, did not cling to his equality with God, but emptied himself, taking the form of a slave… (Philippians 2:6-11).

As agents of the Gospel, pastors and preachers, we cannot heal our society of the spiritual ailments that beset it, until we reject in its entirety the grand deception that now dominates our national landscape, whose proponents sadly include a number of pastors and preachers, namely, that you can somehow become a multi-millionaire without sweating, that you can have the pleasure of roses without thorns, that you can have a crown without the cross, and that you can attain glory while avoiding all pain. Those of us who are committed to transforming our society with the power of the Gospel, must reject this fraudulent message, this grand deception, this warped theology, that some refer to as the prosperity gospel, because it has aggravated the problem of corruption in our society.

My dear friends, the challenge of re-engineering society and effecting a paradigm shift in our social orientation and value prioritisation lies squarely on the shoulders of those of us in the Christian Church, who are today sufficiently dissatisfied with the quality of existence of Nigerians in general, and the quality of Christian discipleship in particular, but who have refused to give up on our Christian prophetic responsibility. Those of us who accept the call to take responsibility for the future of our society, must now step forward from the madding crowd and be counted on the side of reason.

Those of us gathered here, and other Nigerians of goodwill, must rise up today and be counted at this critical point in our nation’s history. We must take seriously the words of Brutus in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, when he declared: “There is a tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune. Omitted, all the voyage of their life is bound in shallows and in miseries. On such a full sea are we now afloat. And we must take the current when it serves, or lose our ventures.” I call on you men and women of God here, to think of investing heavily in the formation of our youth population, in the kind of values that would make for a life of meaning and purpose.

The young people in this country must be taught that a better Nigeria is possible, and they must begin today to work diligently and assiduously towards it. They must be taught to shun crass materialism, senseless consumerism, and blind pleasure, which have become the dominant preoccupation of their generation. Young people must be taught that they will never achieve their full potential in life, if they allow the unruly passions of the flesh to overwhelm and enslave them. They must be taught that instead of seeking escape in the plastic wings of sensual pleasure, and the vanity and vainglory daily offered by celebrities on social media, they must invest their youthful energies in the quest for solid, qualitative education, because real power is attained through the cultivation of discipline and the acquisition of knowledge. If today we begin seriously to help the Nigerian youth shape their lives along the path of deferred gratification instead of the instant gratification that is now the order of the day, then the future may still be salvaged, then tomorrow may not be lost. If today we are committed to showing our young people how to choose life in place of the prevailing death-wish that is expressed in widespread violence and crime; if we help them choose the culture of discipline, service and sacrifice, in place of the destructive culture of reckless and unmitigated pleasure; then they may have a brighter future ahead of them. Yes, if we help our young people embrace these higher values and principles, they shall one day sing the National Anthem with a sense of pride in their fatherland, and a sense of belonging to a nation of freedom, peace and unity.

It is not enough to identify the problems and keep bemoaning our plight. We cannot continue to sit idly and complain endlessly of the deplorable state of affairs, for it is better to light a candle than to forever curse the darkness. We must begin by getting all the young people in our sphere of influence to commit themselves to the all-important task of national rejuvenation. Let us all get to work and light the candle of hope in our churches, in our homes, in our offices, and in our schools, by struggling to exemplify the virtues of truth, justice, honesty and discipline. Let us be deliberate and purposeful in modeling for our young people the virtues of sacrificial love, truth, justice, discipline and patriotism, which alone can bring about the desired peace and lasting prosperity. Let us be deliberate in cultivating and propagating a new ethic of life, and pursue such roadmap relentlessly. Let us work seriously on devising creatively new intervention strategies towards changing the narrative of our country, for indeed "where there is no vision, the people perish."

Let me end this reflection by proposing that those of us who are ready to assume responsibility for the future, should learn the following pledges by heart, and teach them to our young people, so they may begin to recite them daily, until we come about the new Nigeria of our dream:

1. I pledge my commitment to the emergence of a new Nigeria, recognising that greed and avarice are a cancer that eats its own host to death; that corruption ultimately kills not only the victims, but also the perpetrators; and that unless we change our course we are bound to end up where we are headed.

2. I pledge my commitment to the emergence of a new Nigeria, recognising that lies, manipulation, and political subterfuge have never, and will never nurture a people; that thievery, robbery, and roguery, by whatever name else it is called, when it becomes king in a land, that land rots; and that when hooliganism and banditry get into high places, the superstructure soon comes crashing down.

3. I pledge my commitment to the emergence of a new Nigeria, recognising that where lawlessness becomes the norm, and illegality becomes the rule, the nation collapses; that righteousness exalts a nation, but sin is a reproach to a people; and that where there is no vision the people soon perish.

So, help me God!

If to say trust dey, teacher for no dey set examination after student don talk say “sir, I understand”.

Several years ago, a friend of mine went scuba diving in the Caribbean with friends and family. They did one of those crazy unsafe deals where you get an hour-long crash course on all things scuba, then swim out into the ocean. Before the dive, she was paired up with a middle-aged man. They were to be scuba buddies — able to function independently, both had their scuba masks and oxygen tanks, but paired up to enjoy the adventure together and to provide support should something go wrong.

As long as they both had their scuba tanks on, and air flowing, they were a real source of life for each other — enjoying the wonders of the ocean together. But then something went wrong with his gear. Oxygen ceased flowing. Panic set in. They knew the emergency protocol — a series of hand gestures, sharing of oxygen, then a slow, calm ascent to the boat above. But as soon as he realized he could not breathe, all of that went out the window. He quickly grabbed her by the shoulders, shaking her and trying to yell. She tried to understand what he was doing but none of this looked like the emergency drill they had just learned! As she tried to calm him down, he suddenly yanked her aspirator out of her mouth. Desperation set in. Where there is scarcity, there’s desperation. And where there is desperation, there is exploitation. As he struggled for air, he began to push her head down, almost as though he was trying to climb her like a ladder to safety. Of course, what he was doing was drowning her. In return, she struggled violently with him to get the aspirator back and take a breath. Then, in a final act of desperation, he grabbed her and swam full speed toward the surface. In doing so, he forgot to pause and adjust the pressure, so when they arrived at the top they both got decompression sickness, also known as “the bends.” They survived but, needless to say, they are no longer swimming buddies, or any kind of buddies for that matter.

 

The same principle holds in all of life.

When you have a source of life, you are a source of life.

But where there is scarcity, desperation will set in. Desperation can easily become exploitation of others. If you are disconnected from a source of life, your “oxygen tank,” then you will attempt to suck life out of someone else. You will be tempted to use people to try to get your sense of self-validation. You will, in a moment, become a sucker of life rather than a giver of life. And this is how toxic relationships are born. And in all toxic relationships, often at the heart is a trust deficit.

 

The idea of the “Nigerian Dream” should ideally evoke a vision of prosperity, peace, and progress—a nation where hard work is rewarded, governance is transparent, and citizens can aspire to a better future. However, for many Nigerians, the dream appears elusive, overshadowed by decades of political instability, corruption, and an ever-widening trust deficit between the governed and those who govern. The reality for many is not a dream but a nightmare, fueled by broken promises, systemic failures, and a persistent cycle of distrust between the people and their leaders.

From the days of independence in 1960, Nigerians have been sold the idea of a great nation—a beacon of hope for Africa. The first-generation leaders, though not without their flaws, presented a semblance of vision and patriotism. However, successive governments—military and civilian—turned the dream into a mirage.

Each electoral cycle is marked by grand promises: eradication of poverty, job creation, infrastructural development, and national unity. Yet, as soon as the votes are counted and power is secured, the promises fade, replaced by self-serving governance, nepotism, and financial recklessness. This pattern has left Nigerians increasingly skeptical, with many resigning themselves to a fate where they expect little from their leaders and are rarely disappointed.

 

The relationship between Nigerian citizens and their leaders is characterized by deep-seated mistrust. The average Nigerian does not believe that politicians have their best interests at heart, and for good reason. Politicians frequently campaign on the rhetoric of service and transformation but, once in office, prioritize personal enrichment over national development.

Public trust is further eroded by the fact that Government spending, budget allocations, and policy decisions are often shrouded in secrecy. Public officials live in opulence while millions struggle to afford necessities.

From failed electricity reforms to unfulfilled employment schemes, leaders repeatedly make pledges that they never honor.  Leaving Nigeria consistently ranking among the most corrupt nations globally, as inflated contracts to brazen looting of public funds, corruption attained institutionalized heights.

 

To sound like a broken record, roads are death traps, hospitals lack basic equipment, and universities are frequently shut due to strikes. The absence of functional public services makes citizens question the competence and sincerity of their leaders.

Elections remain transactional rather than reflecting the will of the people, and are often bought, rigged, manipulated, or marred by violence. When leaders are selected rather than elected, accountability becomes a casualty.

Interestingly, the trust deficit is not just between the people and the government—it has extended to interpersonal relationships among Nigerians themselves. Decades of ethnic and religious divisions, exacerbated by political manipulation, have turned citizens against one another. The fear of the “other” persists, fueled by stereotypes and prejudices that leaders exploit for their gain.

 

With a potpourri of ethno-religious and cultural age-long propaganda, the national identity that should unite Nigerians has been replaced by regional and religious loyalties. In such an environment, it becomes difficult to build a unified front against bad governance.

A country’s youth should be its greatest asset, but in Nigeria, they are often treated as an inconvenience. Young Nigerians grow up witnessing leaders who remain in power for decades, recycling themselves through different political positions while offering little innovation or reform. The result? A disillusioned generation that sees little incentive to engage in politics or public service.

The recent wave of Japa (mass emigration) reflects this reality. Skilled professionals, entrepreneurs, and students are leaving Nigeria in droves, searching for opportunities in countries that offer stability and meritocracy. Many who remain are caught in cycles of unemployment, underemployment, or political thuggery.

 

If the youth—the backbone of any nation’s future—no longer believe in the Nigerian Dream, can the dream still exist? Or has it already turned into a nightmare?

Despite the bleak picture, Nigerians remain resilient. The continuous birth of movements like #EndSARS, #Endbadgovernance (whether ill-managed or ill-timed) the push for electoral reforms, and the increasing call for accountability signal that all hope is not lost. Civil society organizations, journalists, and a few progressive leaders continue to challenge the status quo.

However, for the Nigerian Dream to be revived, fundamental changes must occur, and leaders must commit to openness, ensuring that government dealings are subject to public scrutiny. Nigerians must move beyond complaining and actively participate in governance, from voting to demanding accountability. The electoral process must be strengthened to ensure that votes count.

 

Nigerians need to be reoriented to prioritize national unity over ethnic and religious divisions. Young people must be encouraged and empowered to take up leadership roles rather than being used as political tools.

So, is the Nigerian Dream alive, or is it merely a cruel illusion? The answer depends on perspective. For many, the daily struggle to survive makes it seem like a nightmare. But for others—those who continue to fight for justice, advocate for change, and refuse to give up—there is still a flicker of hope.

Nigeria continues to stand at a crossroads. It can either continue its descent into deeper mistrust and dysfunction or choose the harder path of reform and renewal. The Nigerian Dream is not yet dead, but it is on life support. The question remains: Who will step up to revive it? Only time will tell.

 

The United Arab Emirates has just held its Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week. Our president was there. A part of that event was the World Future Energy Summit which ended on Thursday last week. Saudi Arabia is holding a Smart City and Infrastructure Expo in September this year. It held one last year. When Muslim countries do things as these, they advertise Islam in the very best form. They make Islam attractive and beautiful.

Like Saudi Arabia, we have Islam here in abundance but we lack the sanity and prosperity of Saudi Arabia. Like the Western World, we have Christianity but the technological fruit of that faith eludes us. Saudi Arabia is busy building smart cities. It is working on NEOM, a $1.5 trillion digital city that is designed to make Dubai an ancient experience. The name NEOM is a blend of the Greek ‘neo’ (new) and the ‘M’ in the Arabic ‘Mustaqbal’ (future). The anglicized NEOM means ‘New Future’. The name tells the fecundity of the minds that conceived the idea. Saudi is building another wonder called Riyadh Smart City; and a third one christened Jedda Economic City. All these are being programmed to run on the most modern of science and tech ideas. To them, book is not haram; it is tonic that gives life. While they talk of Internet of Things (IoT) and Artificial Intelligence; we loot and burn libraries here; we break bones over who becomes an oba or an emir and who should not – in a democratic republic.

Saudi Arabia and the UAE are monarchies, yet they are modern in ways that challenge and shame our democracy. The Arabs use religion to make for themselves everything that makes the future a better experience than what today offers. Here in Nigeria, we pray for miracles. Life expectancy “refers to the number of years a person can expect to live.” The Vatican City has been the Centre of Christianity since the 4th century. Life expectancy in that city in 2024 was 84.16 years; in Saudi Arabia, it was 75.83 years; in UAE, it was 78.60. There is another Arab country called Qatar; life expectancy there in 2024 was 80.88 years. Like the Vatican City, Nigeria has Christianity in great abundance, just as it has a surplus of Islam like the Arab countries; yet, the number of years a person could expect to live in Nigeria in 2024 did not exceed 62.2 years.

 

Our president was at the UAE event. He must have seen the Muslim Arab country using 21st century brains to power its leap into the future. The rich who rode Rolls Royce there last year still ride their wonder on wheels. There are no fears of a government policy that will reduce them to jalopy drivers this year. The state won’t also fleece the poor to feed the rich. That country and others in its league leverage the best in technology to create hubs of innovative solutions to existential issues. Saudi streets are clean; its people are happy and resourceful. Yet, it is not a democracy and has no plan to be one. The UAE has the iconic Dubai as its poster of excellence. The country does not waste its time voting the worst to rule the best. Both countries are Islamic countries, but they do not breed Almajirai, Boko Haram and other variants of extremism that make lepers of their region and religion.

We cannot become those countries until we have blind laws that recognize no class, no ethnicity. We need schools, not temples of miracles. Saudi is a praying nation like us. Unlike us, Saudi Arabia does not insult God with laid-back demands. Saudi Arabia’s top universities are world class. Check their ranking; check ours. Everything that makes a nation fail itself is here. What we have here can only breed enlightened ignorance and unremitting want.

Saudi Arabia is attracting the best brains from all over the world to its universities. And the universities are not there as mere salary-paying loss centres. They are at the forefront of the country’s agenda for its emerging quantum revolution. What do we have in Nigeria?

At the last convocation of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile Ife, the institution’s pro-chancellor, Professor Siyan Oyeweso, delivered a withering verdict on the state of the Nigerian ivory tower. He said “the Nigerian university system has been replaced with ‘indigenized’ and ‘villagized’ universities. The hitherto national and international character of the system has been replaced with inbreeding. The staff profiles of federal and state universities – academic and non-teaching – reveal a shocking practice of father, mother, brothers, sisters and children working in the same system. Family dynasty has replaced the merit system.” Damn!

I connect very well with what Professor Oyeweso said. As an undergraduate, we had teachers from all over the world. There were foreign students just as children of the rich and the poor shared seats in lecture rooms. My university classroom experience was a lesson in classlessness. I shared the same class with an Akinrinade in an era when General Alani Akinrinade was one of the biggest names in the country. There was a Soyinka in my class. Governor Oladayo Popoola’s law-student daughter offered some courses that I also wrote in the same class. Yet, our Tigris and Euphrates flowed their courses in amity. The class that existed was the class of learning.

Today, when we tell our 1980s stories and the ones our fathers told us of the 1950s and 1960s, they mean very little – or naked nothing, to our children who have had zero positive contact with the Nigerian state. The mix of experience and status we enjoyed is missing today. Decay in public schools has driven the privileged abroad, or to private schools. The height of parents now determines how high the children can fly. Those stuck in public schools are daily plotting their escape. We cannot be well without casting down our castles of decay.

Despite their advancement in everything, the Arab world is still combing the world for more knowledge. Even our unusual country has been a destination for them. A delegation of the Association of Arab Universities was at the Arabic and Islamic Centre, Markaz, Agege, Lagos last week. Reports said they inspected the impressive digital technology and language laboratory, ICT Centre of the school. Why were they here? If you asked them, they would tell you that seeking knowledge anywhere is an obligation in their religion.

The black man wasted all the centuries of the past. We’ve wasted a quarter of the current century. The Renaissance of the 14th century influenced the Reformation of the 16th century. Both were the shock treatment that jolted the West out of its illiteracy and general backwardness. We need local versions of those two experiences to force a change here. We do not have the time.

A tiny country called UAE built adorable Dubai from a desert fishing village. Our president was there. We wait for the fruits of that visit. Saudi Arabia is using the fruits of Islam to build smart cities. We flock there for worship, business and leisure. Countries that emerged from the rubble of imperial Rome used Christianity to build the Western economies that continue to water our world. Here, we are using religion to cheat, to kill and plunder and cause confusion. The science that made Saudi and Dubai possible is sin to some mis-taught people. Our aspiration is not to gain the success of Saudi; we cannot build Dubai; we are far from where the West is, but we love the beauty of those places. Who really are we?

Nigerians are, as usual, being entertained to the soap opera called budget defence. The 2025 episode is living up to its billing.

Already, a  Senator has staged a walk out on his own committee.  The Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, sat in  the National Assembly, NASS on Thursday, January 16,  2025 to present the police budget. The problem that arose was that his presentation did not align with the budget proposals sent to the NASS. Two Senators protested, but were overruled.  So, one walked out.

The message is that the details  don’t matter, what does is the allocation of funds for spending. The two dissenting Senators must have forgotten the Senate vote in 2024 which rejected a motion that the Senate Committees of the Army, Navy, Air Force, Police  and allied forces should carry out oversight functions on their budget to ensure that they are spent in accordance with approvals, rather than be diverted by individual Generals.

 
 

Then, there was the drama that the biggest on-going contract  in the country, the N15.6 trillion ($12.5 billion) Lagos –Calabar Coastal Highway is  not even in the budget. The initial phase  of the contract stretching 47.47 kilometres is awarded at the cost of N4 billion per kilometre.  It had elicited some controversy in 2024 when  N1 trillion was said to have  been paid for the project without  budgetary approval.  So is this trend continuing? The explanation for its non-inclusion in the 2025 budget came from several sources.

For example, the Managing Partner, KPT Associates Ltd, Dr Chukwuma Katchy; the Treasurer of the Nigerian Society of Engineers, Victoria Island Branch, Babatunji Adegoke; and  the Managing Director of Fame Oyster and Co. Nigeria, Femi Oyedele, explained to Nigerians that the said road project is  an Engineering, Procurement, Construction, and Financing, EPC+F project that does not need to be included in the annual budget. They claimed  that the contractor is paid at the end of the project or the end of a phase.

But unknown to these defenders, the Minister of Works, David Umahi,  and his team were using torch lights through the nights to search for  the budgetary provision. They had not reported the case of a missing or abducted budgetary line to the Police when after five days, they found it.  In announcing the lost but found budgetary provision, Umahi said:  “What you have in the budget was Lagos-Port Harcourt Highway, it is supposed to be Lagos-Calabar Highway…”  Case closed! Next episode.

Distinguished Senators savagely attacked the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, JAMB, during its budget defence. They claimed it spent N1.1billion collected from poor students, many of them orphans, to feed its officials. The Distinguished accused JAMB of spending  N850 million on security, cleaning and fumigation in 2024. They also condemned JAMB  for allegedly spending N600 million on local travels, N6.5 billion on local trainings; N1 billion on staff housing scheme, maintenance of vehicle and refurbishment.  JAMB, they claimed, remitted  N4 billion  in 2024 while collecting N6 billion from  the Federal Government. They concluded that government should stop giving  financial allocations to JAMB.

JAMB which under its Registrar, Professor Isaq Oloyede, has become the most transparent  federal agency and one of the most productive public institutions, responded. It stated that the claim that JAMB spent humongous  amounts  in 2024 on meals or fumigation, security and cleaning, is a fiction.  Its Registrar, it said,  did not discuss or present anything relating to the Board’s 2024 expenditure  at  the budget defence.

JAMB said during the budget session, contrary to the Distinguished Senators claims,  there was no N850 million for fumigation or related matters and that in fact, less than N1 million was spent on fumigation in  2024 while the budget for 2025 is N2 million. It explained  that in recognition of the sensitive responsibilities of its staff to minimise exposure to the public during office hours and avoid the danger eating in the offices poses to ICT infrastructure, the management sought and obtained approval to start providing lunch  for staff. The cost of this in the last two years had been N1,200 per staff, while under the 2025 budget, it is N2,200,  including 13.5 per cent taxes. It clarified that this new increase, if approved, comes to N1.27 billion for all its 2,300 workers.

On cleaning, JAMB stated that  it has 194 outsourced cleaners across its over 40 offices  and Professional Testing Centres, PTC, in the country. This means it has less than five cleaners per office in every state. Its outsourced security personnel are less than ten per office across the country. JAMB further clarified that all its capital, overhead and operational costs are met by it  from its Internally Generated Revenue, IGR, while government  covers the salaries of only pensionable JAMB staff. It appeared the  stage was set for a titanic battle. But it turned out to be farcical. The National Assembly  immediately made a U-turn.  The Chairman of its Joint Committee on Finance, Senator Sani Musa, issued a    statement apologising that Professor Oloyede and JAMB were wrongly accused of reckless spending.

It said that JAMB had displayed prudent use of resources and that Oloyede “deserves commendation for demonstrating financial discipline and accountability in managing the Board’s resources effectively.” It added that: “This level of stewardship serves as a model for public institutions across the nation”. But the question remains: why the false accusations in the first place? Was it to intimidate JAMB, and if so, for what purpose? We never might know, but this is not uncommon in the NASS.

The budget defence is still on. It means that more drama should be expected. But a curious point for me is that, traditionally, the NASS, at least since the Obasanjo administration, annually pads the budget.  Some will call this a criminal act. I don’t know what you will call it.  I recall that President Muhammadu Buhari annually lamented this. But I did not read about padding  last year, and it does not appear to have surfaced in this budget. Is it that the NASS has become born again, repented its old ways  and turned a new leaf? Or can it be that it  has reached some accommodation with the Tinubu administration?

Another issue is the NASS award of contract to  its  Distinguished and Honourable Members without proper accountability or checks and balances. It is euphemistically called ‘Constituency Projects’.  

Yet another matter on budgeting arises. This, again, is an old matter. How much do our Senators and the Honourables budget for themselves as total emolument monthly? Senator Sumaila Kawu, Kano South, revealed in August 2024 that he was being paid N21 million monthly. What we have is a  rainbow coalition of the unaccountable. God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

 

 

For the better part of the last decade, Nigeria’s economy has been quite troubling. During President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, the World Bank’s Atlas of Sustainable Development Goals revealed that the number of Nigerians living in extreme poverty of less than $1.90 per day superseded that of every other country in the world.

There was not much change to the narrative from about 2017 when the report was made public till the end of the administration in 2023. This seems to explain the expedience of the series of reforms introduced by the new administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu – reforms that are yet to rescue Nigerians from pervasive hunger. The floating of the naira in particular virtually rubbished whatever was left of the value of the country’s currency.

But while everyone has been lamenting the situation, a few groups appear to be succeeding in their strategic design of exploiting fellow citizens to garner huge resources for themselves. Notwithstanding the efforts of Nigeria’s anti-corruption agencies to battle corrupt citizens, the nation is still ranked by Transparency International (TI) as low as 145 out of 180 most corrupt nations in the world.

 
 

Only last week, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission EFCC jolted the polity by moving against insider abuses. She courageously dismissed 27 of her officers for various offences bordering on fraudulent activities and misconduct. In addition, the Commission is currently investigating an allegation of corruption to the tune of $400,000 against one of its sectional heads while promising that “every modicum of allegation against any staff of the Commission would always be investigated.”

Although the public believes that our law enforcement agencies can do far more than they are currently doing, there is at least some evidence that the fight against kidnappers is still raging. But there is ample silence over the unending sharp practices by banks at the expense of fellow citizens to garner huge resources year in year out. According to one analyst, Nigeria’s big banks which recorded as much as N1.83 trillion profit in the first 9months of 2023 were able to double the figure in the same period in 2024. This level of profiteering is attributed to the exploitation of two key policies; first, the liberalization of the foreign exchange market and second, the exceedingly high-interest rate regime. It is an unpatriotic game of taking undue advantage of the letters rather than the spirit of both policies. 

Against this backdrop, several questions have been begging for answers. First, with Nigeria’s poverty level featuring majority of citizens living below poverty line, with whom are our banks trading to attain their huge profits? Why is it that during festivities especially towards the end of every year, the naira suddenly becomes scarce in our banks and their affiliates? The first time what looked like a direct answer to these questions emerged was some two months back when the CBN Governor, Olayemi Cadoso warned banks to strictly adhere to cash distribution policies or face severe penalties. Cardoso spoke at the Annual Bankers’ Dinner of the Chartered Institute of Bankers of Nigeria (CIBN) in November 2024.To me, what the warning suggested was that the unpatriotic act of starving citizens during such periods was the handiwork of our banks.

Alas, last week a big hammer fell on 9 banks, namely: Fidelity Bank Plc, First Bank Plc, Keystone Bank Plc, Union Bank Plc, Globus Bank Plc, Providus Bank Plc, Zenith Bank Plc, United Bank for Africa Plc, and Sterling Bank Plc. They were sanctioned for failing to make naira notes available through automated teller machines (ATMs), during the last yuletide season. For such unpardonable non-compliance with CBN’s cash distribution guidelines, each of the banks was to pay a fine of N150million. There is doubt if the penalty is commensurate to the pain which the banks’ indiscretion inflicted on citizens but Cardoso deserves to be commended for breaking away from the past practice of merely warning our banks. As the apex bank has observed “ensuring seamless cash flow is indeed paramount to maintaining public trust and economic stability.”

The public on its part looks forward to the following greater promise by the CBN:a) enforcing POS operators’ daily cumulative withdrawal limit of N1.2 million; b)continuous investigation and monitoring to scrutinize cash hoarding and rationing, both at bank branches and by Point-of-Sale (POS) operators and c) working with security agencies to crack down on illegal cash sales and operational violations. There is however a suggestion in some quarters that banks are being merely used as scapegoats to cover the nation’s economic doldrum. Whereas this is possible, it appears quite hard to support considering that most of the affected banks are among those that telecoms’ operators have secured the approval of the Nigerian Communication Commission NCC to disconnect over unpaid debts.

Does it therefore mean that sharp games such as tax evasion and hoarding of the naira are part of what have been boosting the economic prosperity of banks and their executives? If so, patriotic bank leaders have an obligation to call their bad eggs to order. It is almost unimaginable that some bankers that many of us admire and look up to in the struggle to uplift Nigeria from her precarious economic situation are secretly playing major roles in undermining the nation. There is thus the need for a rejuvenation of our value system so as to reinstate positive work ethics which rewards constructive hard work. Nigerian award organizers need to further introspect and ensure that only persons of integrity and not bogus political office holders or those who relish profiteering are selected for awards.

Nigerians should develop the courage to call out persons who are known cheats. But for the threat of suing for defamation, I was almost immediately tempted to support Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State for openly condemning the Oyo-mesi (kingmakers) that he accused of receiving bribes to select a new Alafin of Oyo. Makinde must move a step further by ensuring that the particular kingmakers he indicted are prosecuted. By so doing, he would have taken the lead in the clamour for many leadership positions in our country – University Vice Chancellorship or indeed sacred Obaship etc. to be neither compromised nor commercialized. This plea for Nigerians to openly reject vices must however not be exploited. It is not in the interest of the nation for anyone to, under the guise of exposing vices, deliberately indict innocent fellow citizens.

Only a few days ago, many Nigerians must have been shocked to watch our federal legislators on national television bullying and harassing the impeccable Professor Ishaq Oloyede, Registrar of the Joint Matriculation and Admissions Board, JAMB. At a budget defence session last Monday, the examination body was alleged to have among other things spent N1.1 billion on meals and N850 million for fumigation. Oloyede was even derided as having been fumigating mosquitoes. Any Nigerian who has followed the history of JAMB, must have been aware of not only the positive transformation of the body by Oloyede but also that it was him who ended the era of JAMB snakes swallowing huge funds of the organization. Legislators who claim to represent the people should know leaders more than the rest of us.

Luckily, the National Assembly Joint Committee on Finance has since exonerated JAMB of the alleged misappropriation of funds in its 2024 budget implementation. Sani Musa, Chairman of the committee, said in a statement that the board “was erroneously accused of reckless spending.” 

According to Musa, the comprehensive report provided by JAMB indicated that the line items mentioned during Monday’s hearing on revenue did not suggest any mismanagement or misuse of the board’s funds. On the contrary, the report highlighted the responsible and prudent use of resources under the leadership of the registrar.”

It is hoped that moving forward, legislators would be encouraged by their presiding officers to make better use of the presence of television cameras during budget sessions instead of playing to the gallery. Consequently, committees of the National Assembly should diligently carryout their oversight functions as a basis for preventing poor performance by agencies rather than waiting for televised sessions to point out imaginary faults. Just like what the CBN has done to recalcitrant banks, it is only agencies that refuse to heed several warnings that should be chastised. In which case, agencies of government and oversight supervisors in the legislator must be working together in the interest of Nigeria.