OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

In any democratic society, the rule of law is the cornerstone of justice and governance, ensuring that no one, regardless of their status or influence, is above the law. However, the recent meeting between former Governor Yahaya Bello—who, after evading justice for several months, has now surrendered to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and is currently facing charges for fraud and money laundering—and Minister Nyesom Wike reveals a concerning intersection of political power and the legal process. While the meeting itself may not be illegal, the optics of a high-ranking government official engaging with someone in the midst of an ongoing, high-profile legal case sends a troubling message. This interaction undermines the integrity of the EFCC, the Attorney General’s office, and the judiciary, all of which are working diligently to hold Bello accountable. Such actions raise the dangerous implication that political influence can be used to bypass legal accountability, casting doubt on the Tinubu administration’s commitment to a transparent, impartial process in Bello’s prosecution and, more broadly, undermining the nation’s fight against corruption.

The psychological impact of such a high-profile encounter cannot be underestimated. The very image of these figures—politicians with significant sway—publicly shaking hands and smiling, suggests to the public and to the international community that the law might be flexible when it comes to influential figures. This is particularly alarming in Abuja, the seat of the federal government, where justice should be the strongest. In such a context, the legal proceedings against Bello, involving N100 billion and N80 billion in fraud and money laundering, should be seen as an urgent matter. But instead, this image raises the unsettling question: Is the rule of law compromised by political connections?

The EFCC’s Authority at Stake: Political Influence Undermining Law Enforcement

 

The EFCC’s role in investigating and prosecuting corruption is one of the cornerstones of the Tinubu administration’s commitment to the fight against graft. However, the recent meeting between Wike and Bello puts the EFCC’s authority in jeopardy. By publicly engaging with a man actively under investigation for major financial crimes, Wike, a key figure in the government, is inadvertently sending a message to the EFCC that its work can be undermined by political ties.

This move diminishes the credibility of the EFCC. The agency, which has pursued high-profile figures like Bello, relies on public confidence in its impartiality. When a senior government official, who is supposed to represent the will of the state, is seen engaging with a person under prosecution, it gives the impression that political power overrides legal processes. Such behavior can create a dangerous precedent, where individuals feel that they can evade legal consequences if they hold enough political influence.

Judiciary Integrity in Jeopardy: The Dangerous Undermining of Legal Independence

 

The judiciary must remain impartial and independent, free from political interference. Yet, this meeting raises grave concerns about the judicial independence in Nigeria. With two active federal cases against Bello, the judiciary should operate without any perception of political influence. But when a high-ranking official engages with a person facing legal prosecution, the very foundation of the rule of law is threatened.

This event is a psychological blow to the credibility of the judiciary. If political figures like Wike can support someone under investigation, how can Nigerians trust that judges and justices will make their decisions based solely on law and evidence, free from external pressures? The public perception of judicial impartiality is crucial to the country’s democratic framework. This encounter threatens to erode the public’s trust in the fairness of the legal system, leading to the belief that the law can be influenced by political maneuvering, rather than upholding justice for all.

The Media’s Dilemma: Fueling Public Speculation and Erosion of Trust

 

For the media, which plays a vital role in upholding the principles of accountability and transparency, this meeting presents a significant dilemma. The press is now faced with the challenge of how to frame this interaction. Is it merely a political meeting, or does it represent something deeper—an indication that political power is indeed undermining the justice system?

The psychological impact of the media’s coverage will be felt across the nation. If the media downplays the significance of this encounter, it risks eroding public trust in the system. If it highlights the implications of the meeting—questioning the integrity of the legal process—it could trigger a national conversation about whether those in power can manipulate the system for personal or political gain. The media’s responsibility to reflect the public’s concerns while holding those in power accountable could mean the difference between strengthening or weakening public faith in the government’s commitment to justice.

Nigeria’s Public Trust at Stake: Undermining Accountability for the Ordinary Citizen

 

For the average Nigerian citizen, this meeting may feel like a betrayal. For those who have long felt marginalized or disenfranchised by systemic corruption, the image of a high-ranking official engaging with someone currently facing serious legal charges is a psychological blow to their faith in the legal system. It reinforces the belief that the powerful are shielded from accountability, further deepening the sense of powerlessness among ordinary Nigerians. This interaction suggests that the law is not applied equally—that those with the right political connections can sidestep justice with impunity. For many, this reinforces the painful perception that, while the average citizen faces harsh legal consequences, influential individuals can navigate the system unscathed.

This erodes trust in the government’s anti-corruption efforts and fosters a culture of impunity. It sends the message that, if you hold the right connections or position, you are above the law. This message could lead to widespread cynicism about the effectiveness of the country’s legal and political systems. The government’s promise of accountability and transparency risks becoming hollow, as Nigerians may no longer believe that the powerful will be held accountable for their actions.

A Dangerous Global Perception: Sending the Wrong Message to the World

 

On the global stage, this meeting raises serious questions about Nigeria’s commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and the fight against corruption. International organizations, investors, and diplomatic partners who have been watching Nigeria’s anti-corruption efforts with cautious optimism may now question whether the country is truly dedicated to building a transparent and fair system. The international community will be looking at this interaction and wondering whether political connections in Nigeria allow individuals to bypass the legal system.

Nigeria’s global reputation is at stake. If political figures are seen publicly sidestepping the law, it could harm the country’s image, potentially leading to reduced foreign investments and strained relationships with international bodies. Global confidence in Nigeria’s legal and governance frameworks will erode, and the message sent is that political influence can often triumph over justice.

Wike’s Message to Tinubu: A Subtle Display of Power and Influence

 

Perhaps the most alarming implication of this meeting is the message it sends to President Tinubu. Yahaya Bello, the former Governor of Kogi State, and his successor, Usman Ododo, visited Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), at his Abuja residence. The three politicians, who belong to different parties, were captured in photos smiling and exchanging pleasantries. Is this Wike signaling that he is beyond reproach, that his political power makes him immune to the consequences of his actions? The image of Wike, a senior government minister, publicly aligning with a figure facing two active federal court cases suggests a sense of untouchability. It raises the uncomfortable question of whether Wike feels that his position allows him to bypass the legal system, openly defying the principles of accountability and justice without fear of reprisal. This meeting sends a dangerous message that political influence can shield individuals from legal consequences, undermining the credibility of the administration’s anti-corruption efforts.

Is Wike sending a subtle message of defiance, signaling that his position allows him to defy the administration’s efforts at upholding the law? By publicly associating with someone facing serious criminal charges, Wike could be indicating that he is protected by political power and that his actions, even when they may undermine the government’s core anti-corruption agenda, will have little to no consequences. This sends a powerful psychological signal to both the public and to President Tinubu, implying that Wike believes he can operate outside the boundaries of the law with no consequences. This is a dangerous precedent for any government to allow, as it creates a culture where political power trumps the rule of law.

Wike’s Familiarity with Inviting Key Judicial Figures: A Dangerous Precedent

 

It is clear that Wike is no stranger to inviting heads of the judiciary and other influential figures to various ceremonies, such as inaugurations or project unveilings. While this is a common diplomatic practice in many countries, it becomes deeply concerning when it involves individuals with ongoing legal matters or when the person inviting these key figures is actively undermining the judicial process. In the case of Yahaya Bello, the fact that Wike continues to engage with him during such a critical time in his legal proceedings is highly troubling. Wike should not be able to extend invitations to the likes of the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), the President of the Court of Appeal, heads of immigration and law enforcement, or the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF), especially after the image of a senior minister under Tinubu being seen with someone recently declared a “wanted” person and currently in court.

This raises a disturbing question: Is Wike subtly implying that he holds influence over the judiciary and law enforcement? For the sake of integrity, such actions should not be tolerated. Wike’s continued interactions with individuals facing prosecution—especially in such an overt manner—create a scenario where high-ranking officials may feel compelled to accommodate him out of fear of political fallout or personal influence. The fact that he can invite and engage these figures so freely, without any public repercussions, highlights the dangerous precedent this sets for Nigeria’s legal and political systems. It is imperative to recognize the far-reaching implications of such behavior and ensure that no one, regardless of their position, can bypass justice through political influence.

Wike Must Publicly Acknowledge His Mistake and Be Rebuffed for Honor’s Sake

 

I think this is really poor judgment on the part of Minister Wike. While politicians are certainly entitled to maintain relationships across party lines, this particular interaction—at a time when Bello is actively being prosecuted—shows a lack of regard for the gravity of the situation and the integrity of the Tinubu administration’s fight against corruption. Wike should publicly declare that he made a mistake by engaging with Bello in this manner and offer an apology to the Nigerian people for undermining the government’s efforts at accountability. This should be a humbling moment for him to acknowledge that his actions were misguided, especially given the serious legal implications of the case at hand.

For the sake of honor and restoring faith in the political system, Wike needs to be rebuked for his actions. The public perception of impartiality, justice, and fairness in the legal system is crucial to the success of the administration’s anti-corruption agenda. By making this public acknowledgment, Wike would help in reaffirming the Tinubu administration’s commitment to integrity and could begin to repair some of the damage done to the credibility of the fight against corruption. In this crucial moment, the Tinubu administration must demonstrate the resolve to address this breach and act decisively to reaffirm that justice will not be compromised, no matter the political standing of the individuals involved.

Tinubu’s Crucial Moment: Restoring the Integrity of the Legal System

 

President Tinubu now faces a critical moment in his presidency. The actions of Minister Wike have placed a tremendous strain on the credibility of the Nigerian government’s anti-corruption agenda. The EFCC, the judiciary, and law enforcement agencies are all now confronted with the perception that political power can nullify the legal process. If this situation is allowed to continue unchecked, the government risks undermining the trust of both the Nigerian people and the international community in its commitment to justice and transparency.

Tinubu must act decisively. The rule of law must be restored to its rightful place as the cornerstone of Nigeria’s democracy. No one, regardless of political position, should be allowed to undermine or subvert the legal process. President Tinubu must demonstrate that political influence cannot shield individuals from the consequences of their actions. This is an opportunity for the administration to reaffirm that the law applies equally to all, and that no political figure, no matter how influential, is above it.

This is a moment for decisive leadership—to show that the fight against corruption is more than just a slogan, and that justice will not be compromised by political expediency. It is time for President Tinubu to stand firm in defense of the rule of law, ensuring that Nigeria remains a country where justice is applied fairly, without exception.

Section 31 of the 1979 Constitution provided that every individual was entitled to respect for the dignity of his person, and accordingly no person shall be subject to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment. Article 5 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act Cap A9 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004 provides that “all forms of exploitation and degradation of man, particularly slavery, slave trade, torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment and treatment shall be prohibited”

 In utter breach of the above provisions of the Constitution and the African Charter, the police and other security forces usually  subject lowly placed Nigerian citizens to torture in detention facilities, markets and other places. In Mogaji V. Board of Customs & Excise (1982) 3 NCLR 552,  the armed agents of the defendant invaded and raided markets in Lagos and seized contraband goods. In the process, some of the traders were brutalized. 

The victims sued the defendant for damages in the Lagos high court. Adefarasin CJ held that it was a violation of the constitutional prohibition of inhuman or degrading treatment to organize a raid with the use of guns, horse-whips and tear gas in a market in the course of a purported search of contraband goods & to injure custodians of such goods. The judge opined that “Those in authority in customs and excise matters ought to intensify methods for apprehending offenders at the point of entry of goods into the country as it becomes more difficult to do so afterwards.”

Notwithstanding that section 34 of the 1999 Constitution equally guarantees the fundamental right of every citizen from torture, inhuman or degrading treatment, the police and other security agencies continued to subject poor citizens to horrendous torture. In 2007, the Government of Nigeria was indicted in the report of the then United Nations Rapporteur on Torture, Mr. Manfred Nowak. In his detailed report, Mr. Nowak, “ Police shoot prisoners, beat them and hung them from the ceiling for long periods… detainees in Nigerian police cells were frequently tortured to extract confessions

The Rapporteur also found that torture is an intrinsic part of how law enforcement services operate within the country. In particular, he confirmed that the  police engaged in “ flogging with whips, beatings with batons and machetes,  shooting suspects in the foot, threatening suspects with death and shooting them with power cartridges. . . as well as “suspension from the ceiling or metal rods in various positions and being denied food, water and medical treatment.”

Following such international embarrassment and indictment by local human rights bodies, Nigeria ratified the Anti Torture Convention of the United Nations in 2007 and the Optional Protocol in  n 2017, the National Assembly domesticated  and enacted the Anti Torture Act in 2017. Specifically, the Anti-torture Act 2017 has criminalised torture, cruel, inhuman and provided protection for victims and witnesses of torture.

Section 1 of the Act has imposes an obligation on government to ensure that the rights of all persons, including suspects, detainees and prisoners to freedom from torture are respected at all times and that no person under investigation or held in custody is subjected to any form of physical, mental or psychological torture.

Section 2 titled ‘Acts of Torture’ defines what amounts to torture thus:

In order to stop the practice of torturing lowly placed suspects to make confessional statements during the investigation of criminal offences, sections 15 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015, the taking of the statement shall be in writing and may be recorded electronically on a compact disc or some other audio virtual means. Section 17 thereof further provides that  the statement may be taken in the presence of a legal practitioner or his choice, or where he has no legal practitioner of his choice, in the presence of an officer of the Legal Aid Council of Nigeria or an officer of a civil society organization or a Justice of the peace.

Even though the Administration of Criminal Justice Act became effective in May 2015, confessional statements are still obtained by force in the absence of lawyers, leading to trial within trial during the prosecution of criminal cases. However,  in Federal Republic of Nigeria.v. Akaeze [2024] 12 NWLR (Pt. 1951) 1 the Supreme Court held that it is mandatory for law enforcement agencies in Nigeria under sections 15(4) and 17(1) & (2) of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 (“ACJA“) to record electronically confessional statement of suspect during criminal investigation in an audio-visual format.  See also Friday Charles v. The State of Lagos (2023) 13 NWLR (Pt. 1901) 213.

It is public knowledge that, in spite of the clear provisions of the Constitution and other local and international human rights instruments,  the fundamental right of children, indigent citizens and criminal suspects to freedom from torture, cruel and degrading treatment is routinely violated in all states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory.

A few weeks ago, Mr. Dele Farotimi, a lawyer standing trial for criminal libel,  was subjected to the restraint of handcuffs in one of the court sessions.

Following the condemnation of the action of the prison management by lawyers and the media, Mr. Farotimi’s handcuffs were hurriedly discarded.

While I argued that Mr. Farotimi ought not to have been handcuffed as he was not proved to have exhibited any form of violence, I accused the lawyers who attacked the prison management of hypocrisy.I pointed out that “on a daily basis, lowly placed criminal suspects are handcuffed to and from the several High Courts and Magistrate Courts in all the states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory. As if that is not enough, such suspects are regularly leg chained like slaves in sugar plantations in the Americas during the slave trade.

The dehumanisation of poor suspects is considered normal by the elite in our stratified society. For instance, a couple of months ago, a police command paraded a suspect before the electronic and print media for stealing five tubers of yam valued at less than N10,000 to feed himself and his family members. At about the same time, a public officer accused of stealing over N100 billion was neither handcuffed nor paraded before the media.”

Hence, it  has become necessary for the National Human Rights Commission, the Nigerian Bar Association and the human rights community to mobilise Nigerians to expose and report private individuals and public officers whenever they contravene the provisions of the Anti Torture Act 2017.

Last modified on Friday, 24 January 2025 11:30

President Bola Tinubu’s visit to Enugu State on January 4, 2025, was, in many respects, a significant event, specifically highlighting the developmental strides by the administration led by Governor Peter Mbah.

During his visit, the president inaugurated several major infrastructural projects, including: Smart Green Schools, healthcare centres, and expansive road networks. These projects are expected to have a positive impact on the state’s economy and the lives of its residents.

Hosted by the Enugu governor, the president’s visit was also seen as an opportunity for Igbo leaders to present their concerns to Tinubu, including the development of the Anambra Basin, which is estimated to hold up to 1 billion barrels of oil and 30 billion cubic feet of gas as well as completion of a rail line linking the eastern part of Nigeria.

Overall, Tinubu’s visit to Enugu State, the first since taking over government about 18 months ago, presented a rare opportunity for the Mbah-led government to showcase to Nigerians and indeed the world, what had been achieved since May 29, 2023. And the governor, many agree, did not fail to impress.

Indeed, the president did not hold back during his speech delivered extempore, underscoring his friendship with the people of the region and his readiness to work with South-eastern leaders. Presented below are the excerpts of the president’s remarks.

Your Excellency, my very good friend, the Governor of Enugu State, Peter Mbah, the other executive governors here present, and I can see our traditional ruler, who was once my neighbour in Victoria Island, the Obi of Onitsha. It’s good to have you, and you are looking well. I thank God for you. Thank God for your life.

The members of the National Assembly here present, and the former Presiding Officers and Honourable Ministers here present. Let me just do justice to the protocol already established by the governor.

He (Mbah) is a man who knows better. He sees tomorrow today. He’s doing a fantastic job. And my dear brothers, Alex Otti and the man who stitched democracy for us all to enjoy, for it to survive, our former Senate President (Ken Nnamani). I can’t forget that memorable time, and that time when a third-term effort was killed. You did not commit murder. You put life into freedom, sustenance and constitutional democracy in our country.

My friend, Arthur Eze, thank you for your generosity. Everything you’ve been doing for family, for my friend; my wife gave me feedback of your contributions and everything, and it went a long way to alleviate the problem of the needy, the vulnerable, and we appreciate who you are. Thank you.

To the former Governor of Enugu State (Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi), thank you very much for all the efforts, both in the past and the support that you have given to the present governor. I appreciate that. We won’t forget you. You are our friend. Thank you for the talent hunt that got Peter Mbah (as governor). It shows so much of the greatness of Enugu State.

No matter how much of a structure, concrete or metal, that you build, without a good successor, you have got nothing. I’m glad Enugu has a very, very good tomorrow today. And I salute Peter Mbah for his commitment to development. You’ve built up a good team. I’ve reviewed a number of things with you (Enugu governor) in Enugu and Abuja. You’ve encouraged me on the technological advancement of the state and the commitment you have from the private sector.

I know your background. The election is over. We have to move the nation forward. And you are demonstrating that commitment, irrevocable commitment to human development. I don’t care which party you come from. You are my friend.

This is the same for Alex Otti and many of you that are doing well and are very focused. And it’s not about the difference in languages and place of birth. No one of us has control of their mother tongue. You are created by God. You found yourself in Enugu, or you found yourself in Onitsha or you found yourself in Lagos. You are all a member of one big, huge family called Nigeria. But we are living in different rooms in the same house.

This house, we must build it. Build it to satisfy our immediate need, which is not going to be enough yet, but for our tomorrow too. That is why the removal of the fuel subsidy was necessary too. You cannot spend the future of generations yet unborn in advance. Don’t bankrupt the nation before they are born.

And I know people will fight, grumble, abuse me and everything. But I asked for the job. I know what it takes. I believe in myself. And I believe I can gather a very good team and build a nation. It’s our country. We have to work really hard to build a nation that we can be proud of. Let’s change the narrative and the negative comments about Nigeria.

I’m not taking that. I’m very proud of Nigeria. You all should be proud of Nigeria. Peter Mbah is proud of Nigeria. He’s doing everything possible to improve security of lives and property, to attract foreign investment and other investors locally.

Yes, I’ve listened to your questions about security. There’s no better investment that you can make than the effective security of life. And I saw those vehicles. The Distress Rapid Response (method) is the way to go. It looked like the other name I created in Lagos; Rapid Response.

Please continue to cooperate and collaborate with your son, brother, friend here, who is really committed to pushing the development of Enugu State and be a good symbol of South-eastern states for that matter. I’m proud. The question of rail line is a work in progress.

I inherited some of these critical problems and I’m going to do it. Then support for the gas infrastructure is sure (because) gas is alternative fuel and there’s no wasting of time than to invest more in it.

We’ll do it together. I’m lucky I have good governors. You know, some may be angry with me locally, but we just have to push. In Yoruba (land) we say that the pig will get to the slaughter, but there will be a lot of noise. I will live with the noise.

Thank you very much.

Seated on the dais behind the lectern at the Capitol Rotunda where Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 47th American President on Monday were the wealthiest men in the world: CEO of Meta (parent company of Facebook and Instagram), Mark Zuckerberg, Apple boss, Tim Cook, CEO of Alphabet Inc and Google, Sundar Pichai and Amazon founder and Washington Post owner, Jeff Bezos. Others included Google co-founder, Sergey Brin, CEO of Tik Tok (the social network at the centre of a banning controversy), Shou Zi Chew, former executive chairman of Fox Corp., the legendary Rupert Murdoch and CEO of Tesla and SpaceX, Elon Musk, who also owns X (formerly Twitter). Placed a row behind members of Trump’s immediate family but one row ahead of members of his in-coming cabinet, these powerful men also joined Trump at St. John’s Episcopal Church across the White House shortly before the swearing-in ceremony. There was nothing accidental about their presence at these events and the placement of their seats.

Due to a mild cold, I decided not to go to the office on Monday so from noon till 7pm, I was glued to the television, watching the CNN coverage of the inauguration of the 45th American President and now its 47th. In many ways, the proceedings were like the opening scenes in the movie, ‘The Godfather’, where Don Vito Coleone (acted by Marlon Brando) was giving out the hands of his daughter in marriage. The movie was based on the novel of same title by Mario Puzo. On that ‘glorious’ day, all that Don Coleone sought of the high and mighty who gathered for his daughter’s wedding was their ‘friendship’ which, of course, was not cost-free as we saw in the dialogue with a central character called Bonasera. By telling Bonasera who sought revenge for the fate that befell his daughter that he had to join the community of ‘friends’, the Don was demanding fealty, and he made that clear enough: “You never wanted my friendship. And you were afraid to be in my debt.” As the Don would later say after the deal was consummated, “Friendship is everything. Friendship is more than talent. It is more than the government. It is almost the equal of family.’’

Both the scene in the movie and the one at the American Congress on Monday centred essentially around family, friendship, loyalty, wealth and power. “In the first term, everyone was fighting me. In this term, everybody wants to be my friend,” Trump told reporters at his Mar-a-Lago resort last month as powerful men and women from across the globe visited one after another to ‘kiss the ring’ of a man to whom family, ‘friendship’, loyalty, wealth and power are indeed everything.

Doris Kearns Goodwin, 82-year American biographer, historian and author of ‘No Ordinary Time: Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt-—The Home Front in World War II’ which won the 1995 Pulitzer Prize for History, was one of the commentators on CNN. Like others, Goodwin conceded that Trump’s return to the White House is quite remarkable, but she also expressed reservations about the influence of the ‘tech oligarchs’ who have now become part of the presidential inner circle. That reservation is shared by no less a personality than Senator Bernie Sanders. “When the three wealthiest men in America sit behind Trump at his inauguration, everyone understands that the billionaire class now controls our government,” Sanders posted on social media.

Instructively, Trump was inaugurated on the day the 2024 Oxfam International report revealed that the wealth of global billionaires rose by $2 trillion to $15 trillion within one year. Titled, ‘Takers Not Makers,’ the report stated that there were 2,769 billionaires worldwide in 2024, an increase of 204 over the previous year, while three-fifths of this wealth came from inheritance, monopoly power or crony connections. “The capture of our global economy by a privileged few has reached heights once considered unimaginable. The failure to stop billionaires is now spawning soon-to-be trillionaires. Not only has the rate of billionaire wealth accumulation acceleratedby three times—but so too has their power,” Oxfam International Executive Director, Amitabh Behar, said. “We present this report as a stark wake up-call that ordinary people the world over are being crushed by the enormous wealth of a tiny few.”

In the immediate case of the American ‘tech oligarchs’, the real concern is not about their bank balances but rather in the control that they have over the information we all consume and how Trump could leverage on that to reshape our world in the coming months and years. Besides, the rise of AI as a new force in the use of technology for the advancement of human progress means that Trump, as an aspirant to ultimate world power, needs the ‘friendship’ of these tech oligarchs, just as they need him for their businesses. But the overriding lesson is perhaps that Trump has made his personal interests to become synonymous with America’s national interest. To offend Trump is to annoy America which he is positioning as the ‘Godfather of nations’. To be the enemy of one is to court the ire of both. “For now, folks are estimating that it is better to be on his good side than not—the problem for them is that his good side changes frequently,” Wendy Schiller, a political science professor at Brown University, reportedly told AFP.

Nothing perhaps demonstrates that better than the fact that among the several executive orders Trump signed on Monday was halting the law banning TikTok for 75 days “to permit my Administration an opportunity to determine the appropriate course of action.” Not many remember but three months before the 2020 presidential election which he lost, Trump had issued an executive order that the spread of mobile apps developed and owned by Chinese firms “threaten the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States”. Targeting TikTok and WeChat, he said both “capture vast swaths of information from its users” and  “This data collection threatens to allow the Chinese Communist Party access to Americans’ personal and proprietary information” for the purpose of tracking US government employees and gathering information for blackmail, or to carry out corporate espionage.

That marked the beginning of the problem for Tik Tok, eventually culminating in the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Bill overwhelmingly passed by Congress in a bi-partisan manner and signed into law last April by President Biden. ByteDance, the app’s Chinese parent company, was to divest its interest in TikTok by 19 January 2025 or face a nationwide ban. Without divestiture, penalties would prevent updates or distribution of TikTok via platforms such as Apple and Google. And in a unanimous decision last Friday, the US Supreme Court affirmed the law.

Now, Trump is singing a new tune because, as he has publicly admitted, the app helped him to win over many young voters during the election, even though the future of the company remains unclear. “This is one of those things where the domestic politics has become so upside down and crazy that it turns out there’s only upside for Trump now,” Bill Bishop, a China expert told the Associated Press (AP). If the ban ends up being enforced, according to Bishop, Trump will put the blame on Biden. “And if it does come back, then Trump is a savior. And he will be rewarded both by users” as well as the company, which is now “beholden to Trump”.

Indeed, the fear of Trump is now the beginning of wisdom in Washington DC and may be also in several capital cities across the world. Essentially due to that fear, President Biden’s last decision in the White House was one that tarnishes his reputation and further diminishes him in the eyes of many Americans. He issued blanket (and anticipatory) pardons to his brother, James Biden, James’s wife, Sara Jones Biden; his younger sister, Valerie Biden Owens; Valerie’s husband, John T Owens; and his younger brother, Francis W Biden. “The issuance of these pardons should not be mistaken as an acknowledgment that they engaged in any wrongdoing, nor should acceptance be misconstrued as an admission of guilt for any offense,” stated Biden who had last month also issued “a full and unconditional” pardon to his son, Hunter Biden. “My family has been subjected to unrelenting attacks and threats, motivated solely by a desire to hurt me – the worst kind of partisan politics. Unfortunately, I have no reason to believe these attacks will end.”

There may be justification for Biden’s fear about retribution from his successor. Shortly after his inauguration on Monday, the official portrait of retired General Mark Milley was taken down from the Pentagon hallway where the paintings of all previous chairmen Joint Chiefs of Staff are located. In September 2023, Trump had written on his social-media network, Truth Social, that Milley’s two phone calls to China on 6 January 2021 in the aftermath of the storming of the Capitol was “an act so egregious that, in times gone by, the punishment would have been DEATH.” Yet, all Milley did was to assure his Chinese counterpart, General Li Zuocheng, that the US is “100 percent steady” even though “things may look unsteady” as revealed in ‘Peril,’ the 2021 book by Bob Woodward and Robert Costa. The phone calls, which riled Trump when he learnt about them, were said to have been authorized by top-level officials in his government. It is just as well that Milley also secured one of the pre-emptive presidential pardons from Biden in his last days in office.

Several books have been written about Trump in the past years. I have read quite a few. Many more will be written about him in the years and decades to come. But for now, it is safe to conclude that with him back at the White House, Americans are effectively under the ancient Chinese curse: They are now living in interesting times. We can say the same for the rest of the world.

Still on The GDP of Sex, Drugs, Rituals

Following the publication last Thursday of my column, ‘The GDP of Sex, Drugs, Rituals’, I got a message from the Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG) Chief Executive Officer, Tayo Aduloju, that the Statistician General of the Federation, Adeyemi Adeniran, would want to meet with me for a discussion on the issue. I found the idea refreshing. Since we inhabit a country where people judge others by their own standards, I would not have been surprised if I had received an intrepid rejoinder laden with abuse and allegations of how I was being “sponsored” to knock the exercise. I am delighted Adeniran didn’t go through that route. Last Friday, I was at the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) head office in Abuja where he was waiting for me, along with all his directors and eminent professors, who were working on the rebasing exercise. Aduloju also joined in the discussion.

It turned out that the current exercise to rebase the economy started in 2018, and Adeniran and his team took me through the rigorous processes of recent years. They also explained the conversations that brought about whether to include proceeds of the ‘Shadow economy’ in the rebased economy and the whole essence of the exercise. At the end of an interesting conversation that lasted about 40 minutes, I was assured that even when there will be a comprehensive report on the proceeds of illicit flows based on data collected from the relevant government enforcement agencies involved, they will not be accounted for as economic activities and would be decoupled from the total computation of the new GDP of Nigeria. That way, people are left to do their arithmetic. I was also told the report will be released by the end of the month, which suggests it is ready.

I left the NBS fully satisfied that the Statistician General of the Federation and his team know what they are doing. I also appreciate their decision to engage me on the issue. But, as I told them, I will await their report before I make my judgment call. Meanwhile, I have also received some messages from readers who disagree with my position on the issue. Below is one of them:

Why Illicit Activities Matter

By Olufemi Adeagbo

The Nigerian illicit economy straddles formal and informal sectors, and its opaque nature makes estimation difficult. Nonetheless, the outputs buy goods and services alongside legitimately derived monies, and have therefore been considered by many as a simmering explosive weapon placed visibly in the room, whilst many economic planners at the tables of deliberation and decisioning stoically ignore the deadly presence in their midst
 
One of the more disturbing aspects has been the exponential growth of the sex industry, which has since evolved from whistling street sellers, to sugar girls, and then a retail and technology enabled  ‘hook up’ economy, to what we have now: a normative transactional sex environment where money is expected to change hands for sex and where sex has increasingly become weaponized and prostitution brazenly peddled. This industry, when some extrapolation is done, may be as big as N10 trillion Naira or even more, specifically in terms of amounts that change hands between buyers and sellers of sexual services, howsoever packaged. (If only ten in a hundred between the ages of 17 and 29 within the 26 million demographic that falls in that range collect N100k per month for sex, that is already an annual sector GDP of N3.38 trillion).

Some observers have concerns about giving illicit activities such as sex, drugs and other unsavoury criminal trades more prominence and visibility by attributing economic numbers of heft to them. It is indeed true that some jurisdictions have refused to capture same within their GDP computations, underscoring support for this philosophy. However, others have taken a pragmatic view of reflecting them, as they are integral aspects of the economy. The drug dealer or prostitute also buys provisions in the supermarket. In 2014, the UK for example estimated that sex and drugs added £10 billion to its economy, and as such could not be ignored any longer in economic computation. Many EU nations have since followed suit. The Dutch in 2021 attributed over 4 billion Euros to drugs and prostitution representing 0.5 % of total GDP.

Whilst the timing in the Nigerian case may have political undertones, given our recent GDP position decline, there is a strong argument for transparency about what we have become, if we are truly to solve our myriad problems. We simply can’t continue to indulge in ‘brand protection’ when that brand is already badly damaged. The normative nature and breadth of availability of sex for sale and drug use can no longer be minimized or ignored. They are issues requiring mainstreaming and declaration of National emergencies in the view of many. Deemphasizing focus on them arguably led us to this pass. Recognizing and dimensioning a disease are prerequisites to finding a cure.

Furthermore, denial of the impact of illicit activities in economic make up simply robs us of timely responses to curb what we perceive as unsavoury pathways to wealth, making them attractive as time goes on, until they become normative. We are all witnesses to the desperation for riches as rituals, yahoo, pillage of government resources, political gangsterism, and other ills have marched steadily and brazenly with the passage of time, whilst we have chosen to deny the evident reality of looting development resources to the extent that it is now a ‘Tsunami’ that threatens to submerge the nation. Rather than confess our sins and act, we have often tethered to abstracts like restructuring, military written constitution, sponsored demarketing; and all sorts of excuses that helps us avoid looking at ourselves in the mirror, and seeing the issues for what they are.

The overall lack of rigorous introspection has denied us insights into why such practices have become prevalent, and the appropriate responses to deploy. For example, the justification arguments about lack of job opportunities and economic conditions are one dimensional. There are other dimensions including drug addiction funding, simple greed, a history of sexual abuse, collapse of the family structure, cross cultural infiltration, failure of religious institutions and government to set a moral agenda, human trafficking, and many others. Understanding these dimensions provide insights for solutioning. Denying them simply affords more time for the illicit activities to grow to uncontrollable proportions. Many argue we are already there, despite the best efforts of government agencies and well-meaning entities within society.

The economic insights are also critical, though difficult to unravel. Where does the money actually go? If a portion goes into the local economy, and a huge chunk pursues vanities and unsustainable lifestyles -that are now magnified by social media- what are the economic implications considering alcohol, clothing, fake nails and lashes, clothing, hair, drugs, and all sorts sought by these ‘practitioners’ are largely imported and consume billions of dollars? Could this mean that our young women and men are serving as a conduit for transferring wealth to other climes and draining society of its moral stock at the same time?

Finally, we must develop a culture of data driven societal management and governance. We need to quantify things to make appropriate remedial decisions. I point to the petrol subsidy issue as an example. Did the statisticians provide leadership with how many litres of PMS are consumed by petrol generators used by millions of small businesses, and the GDP contribution of those users? Did they provide details on the various engine car sizes to explore other approaches like carbon tax imposition to support the subsidy scheme? Did anyone actually disentangle the scheme to identify what was GDP supportive, what was smuggled, what was wasteful petrol burning, and what was likely fraud? If so, this is not in the public domain and ought to be.  The outcomes may still point to a decision to scrap the regime, but a scientific base would have been established to ensure broader support

Too many of our young ones are now making porn at scale, normalizing half- naked dressing, routinely selling their bodies at every turn, using and dealing hard drugs, and ready to kill – at least so it seems – once money is to be made. These are facts and we can’t exculpate the adults and leaders who failed to shape the culture of society.  What one can safely say is that the device in the room has pretty much exploded, and part of the containment strategy has to be transparency and solutioning before we lose more young people to the powerful magnet that the culture of illicit activities has become.

To this extent, the NBS ought to be supported and mandated to provide detailed explanations on how it arrives at whatever numbers it eventually presents in its rebasing exercise so that credibility isn’t lost. Transparency, and truthfulness signpost a societies intent to deal with a problem, and we can no longer deny or ignore what the entire world now knows about Nigeria. Continuing to do so simply means that the fabric of society will be so torn that a thousand stitches will be needed one day, instead of a hundred.

 

  • Adeagbo is the CEO of Comnavig ICT Advisers 

• You can follow me on my X (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com   

In response to the outcry over their manner of handling the sons of Nigerian billionaire Chief Razaq Okoya, Subomi and Wahab, over alleged naira abuse versus their priors, the EFCC finally issued a public invitation for those boys to appear at their office on Monday. Respectfully summoning those boys for an investigation was a far cry from their approach to confronting the same “crime” when it involved the child of a non-billionaire just last year. The same EFCC that wrote a tame letter to the Okoyas ferociously stormed Pinnock Estate to arrest Bobrisky (Okuneye Idris). They were so carried away by the sensation they generated that they turned Bobrisky’s arrest into the defining trophy of their institutional life. So, what happened to all their boasts about “we are very serious about restoring the dignity of the naira”? They even mentioned setting up a department dedicated to tackling naira abuse.

In any case, I do not think that the Okoya boys did anything that warranted their invitation. Their act was not that serious, and it would not have been taken as such by the public if the EFCC had been reasonable. I have always thought of the whole idea of criminalising “naira abuse” as specious. Abusing a currency cannot be achieved by pursuing those who indulge in harmless fun with money; it is always about the (in)actions of the agents and institutions whose activities torture the economic value out of it. Restoring the dignity of the naira will not be achieved by elevating the paper notes into a national fetish but through serious political and economic activities that enhance its value. The EFCC must know this already, but they still had to invite the Okoya boys because they set themselves up to an iberiberi standard which they must now uphold. That is why you do not make ridiculous laws. Enforcing them makes you look stupid.

The EFCC is not the only organisation that finds itself in the crosshairs of Nigerians over the Okoya boys’ issue. Even the police whose officer appeared in the video helping the boys to hold the bales of naira as they played now must explain themselves to the public why they did not act on the supposed naira abuse. In justifying themselves, the spokesman for the Nigeria Police Force, ACP Olumuyiwa Adejobi, noted that the officer had the duty to prevent a crime or at least not participate in it. On that score, I agree with him one hundred per cent. Even if there is no offence called “naira abuse” listed in the books somewhere, the officer should still have known better than to participate in such a silly display. If he let the boys use him as a prop, you can bet his interaction with them off-camera will be unprofessional.

Where I depart from Adejobi is his failure to recognise himself and his organisation in that officer. If he looks well enough, he will see that unnamed officer as a metonym of the police impotence when interacting with a higher power. The Nigerian police is one organisation that knows how to rage, but only at people who have little or no power. There is a reason that the people they serially arrest, detain, and on whose behalf they even defy the courts to incarcerate extendedly for frivolous crimes like “cyberbullying” or “cyberstalking” in a matter involving the rich and the poor are mostly the economically weaker party. Their understanding of what constitutes crime and punishment is driven by personalities and not necessarily principles, and that is why it would never have occurred to anyone in either the police or the EFCC to storm the Okoya mansion to arrest those boys. Their postured zeal always capitulates to a higher power (aka money, which, of course, buys the political capital that protects the Okoya family from police indignities).

 

So, for Adejobi, if the police organisation right up to its topmost cadre cannot maintain principled professionalism, why should that lowly officer be different? If his bosses get so regularly swayed by money power that they hold themselves back from the ethical discharge of their duties, what can anyone expect from an officer confronted by billionaire sons holding cash he has probably never seen before? I do not know why Adejobi thinks the officer could have straightened out those boys when even his own bosses do not have a record of doing so in their dealings with rich people. If the police find the picture of their officer serving money cringey, it is good because they at least get an idea of how the public views their lack of self-assurance.

Instead of merely scapegoating him, they should take some time to consider how the psyche of the officers they send to the houses of wealthy Nigerians is impacted by being in such an environment. Poorly paid officers cannot but be intimidated by the wealth and power of folks who are also (often) haughty, making it hard for them to be consistently professional. That is why police officers assigned to wealthy Nigerians usually become servants.

 

There are countless cases of police officers who have become gatemen, drivers, nannies, and even handbag carriers. Female politicians (or consorts) use policewomen to carry their accessories like designer handbags. They must derive satisfaction from accessorising themselves with an officer of the state serving their vanity. Remember that video Davido posted of himself where, in his background, a police officer was washing his Rolls Royce? If not an ego trip, who buys a vehicle like a Rolls Royce and uses untrained hands like that of a random police officer to clean it?

These things happen every single day across the country. When the manifestation of police servitude cuts too close to the bone in its depiction of their organisation, PROs like Adejobi throw a fit. They recall that one single officer while the rest of his poor colleagues continued to wash plates for the madams at the top.

If there is any reason that the officer in the Okoya mansion could not challenge those boys as his bosses expected him to, it is because the police system does not autonomously run as an agency staffed with professionals who approach their duties with the self-assurance of knowing the law and enforcing it detachedly. They are vulnerable to the intimidation of power and that spirit percolates right through to the smallest officer deployed to the spaces occupied by rich and powerful people. If the EFCC and the police could not confront the Okoyas, do you blame a powerless officer for not being able to stand on his two feet before those boys?

In justifying why the police officer had to be recalled and punished, Adejobi reportedly said he was never attached to the young men. He was supposed to be on guard duty at the Okoyas’ family business, Eleganza. Several things are instructive here. One is that Eleganza is a private company that has been in business long enough to pay for the services of a security agency to guard their facilities. Why impose an officer on them at the expense of the public already starved of efficient policing too? The fact that the Eleganza administrators forwarded the officer to their house to serve their children suggests they find police security redundant. Why retain him then? There must be some self-glorifying feeling to having a police officer in your house to run your errands.

If the officer’s bosses knew that the family had reassigned him and they did not withdraw him, it demonstrates the poverty of their organisational self-understanding. If they had no idea that the officer was reporting at the Okoya mansion instead of at Eleganza, then it calls into question their operational efficacy and their ability to provide “security.”

Last week, I was invited to the presidential villa to meet President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the National Security Adviser (NSA).

The reason given was that I am an “important Ogoni Stakeholder” and I was really surprised to have received such a flattering summons because I have been a vocal opponent of Tinubu since 2022.

OK so I made my way to this meeting on Tuesday alongside other senior Ogoni stakeholders. 

We were told that the government wanted to find out what it could do to persuade us and our brethren back home to support its interest in resuming oil operations on our ancestral turf.

Ogoniland quit producing oil in the early 1990s at the height of the Ken Saro Wiwa crisis – a very complicated situation that cannot be adequately summarised in a few newspaper paragraphs. But let me provide a potted history anyway for newcomers to this tragic story.

Saro Wiwa was the face of a robust campaign that focussed on Shell Petroleum’s environmental abuses. The Ogoni leadership was deeply divided. Some moderate Ogoni leaders (my late father Ignatius, for example) favoured negotiation with the authorities. Saro Wiwa and the youths he controlled favoured a more radical approach. 

Eventually, 4 blameless Ogoni chiefs – my uncles Edward Kobani, Albert Badey, Theophilus Orage and Samuel Orage – were murdered.

Some Ogonis blamed the Nigerian army for this fratricidal outrage. Others blamed Ken and his fans. The then head of state, General Sani Abacha, also regarded them as guilty; and they were executed.

Shell Petroleum, which was accused of colluding with the Federal Government, was forced to retreat. Numerous attempts to resolve the impasse have failed. The rift with Shell was never healed. Other companies that have expressed an interest in taking over from Shell have been rejected. And Ogoniland has yet to recover – politically, socially, financially, psychologically – from the trauma, bloodletting, bitterness and absence of significant economic activity.

Most members of the delegation that went to meet President Tinubu on Tuesday bear emotional scars linked to this sorry state of affairs.

I frequently find myself furiously dwelling on the fact that the bodies of my assassinated uncles have never materialised. If I feel like this, imagine how the children of the disappeared victims feel! Anyway, I applaud Mr President for including both pro- and anti-Ken individuals on his guest list and for appealing to all of us to put the past behind us and embrace the spirit of reconciliation.  

He urged Ogonis to set aside historical grievances and work together to achieve peace, development, and a clean environment.

“We cannot in any way rewrite history, but we can correct some anomalies of the past going forward. We cannot heal the wounds if we continue to be angry,” the president said.

I and most of the Ogonis I know feel neglected, marginalised and cheated. There has never been an Ogoni Governor, Deputy Governor, Chief Judge or Speaker of the State House of Assembly.

The President promised to prioritise peace, justice and the sustainable development of Ogoniland, then directed the NSA to coordinate inclusive negotiations with Ogoni leaders. The Rivers State Governor, Sir Sim Fubara, was also at this meeting and made all the right noises and sounded sincerely committed to working with us to enable Ogoniland to enjoy a brighter future. 

A separate meeting at the NSA’s office was immensely cordial, though too short (because it was quite late in the day) to accommodate those who had hoped for in-depth discussions about the best way forward.

The Chief Executive of NNPCL,  Mele Kyari, and Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi, the DG of the DSS (who is married to a Rivers woman!) joined us and assured us of maximum cooperation.

I personally think, on reflection, that the best way forward is for Ogonis to create a detailed and sophisticated masterplan for our region, in conjunction with expert development consultants.

All that remains now is to keep one’s fingers tightly crossed that regular consultations at community level will ensue and that Mr President, the NSA, the NNPCL CEO, the DG DSS and our Governor will keep their promises and not try to be too clever by half!

I am trying my best to give all of the above the benefit of many doubts (my own doubts as well as doubts expressed by other Ogonis who don’t trust this government or ANY Nigerian government).

I will maintain an open mind. But I will be the first to complain very loudly if this project is not handled ethically and efficiently.

President Joe Biden within seven weeks from December 1, 2024, granted over 2,500 pardons including for his son,  Robert Hunter Biden.

Hunter had been convicted  on a nine-count charge   for  tax felony amounting to $1.4 million,  evading tax assessment  and filing false tax returns. He faced a maximum 17 years in prison.  His sentencing was scheduled for December 16, 2024. But fifteen days before, Biden  not only pardoned his son, but also granted him  immunity  from additional or new charges that can be brought against him especially by the Trump administration. It stated that Hunter  has immunity:  “For those offenses against the United States which he has committed or may have committed or taken part in during the period from January 1, 2014, through December 1, 2024”

His predecessor and successor, President Donald Trump in one day, on January 20, 2025, issued over 1,500 pardons. Both men within seven weeks granted over 4,000 pardons. The process the two  political rivals are basically abusing,  is the power of pardon granted the United States, US President   under Article II Section 2, Clause 1   of the American constitution. This  provides that: “The President…shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except  in Cases of impeachment.”

 
 

However, there remains a problem Trump  still needs to solve over the Capitol Hill violent invaders against whom he claims “ a grave national injustice” had been perpetrated. The US Constitution grants the   President power to pardon people convicted, but not power  to halt on-going trials. Now, some of the judges have merely dismissed the cases. This leaves open the possibility that charges can brought  against the accused in future. There are still some 300 such cases pending which judges might be holding up or delaying.  Perhaps Trump can learn from Biden granting  his son immunity from any prosecution.

Biden with his total 8,064 pardons granted from 2021 -2025 holds  the record of granting the most pardons in US history. While the pardons granted this week by Trump, were basically to free convicted criminals  who levied war against the state in an attempt to reverse the 2020  Presidential Elections which he had lost, some of the pardons by Biden were  to correct cases  of historical injustice the White establishment had visited on American Indians  and African Americans in its  bid to maintain supremacy and dominance over the country.

I first heard the name, Leonard Peltier on August 12, 2024 at the  International Conference to End Colonialism In The World which was held in Abuja.  The Opening Address was  from  Puerto Rican freedom fighter, Oscar Lopez Riveria who had spent 38 years in US jails. I had remarked that Africa’s Nelson Mandela had spent 27 years in jail   and that as far as I knew, Riveria had been  the  longest serving political prisoner in history. But Kazi Toure, of the International  People’s Senate National Jericho Movement, USA and, former US political prisoner, corrected me.  He told me about the then 79-year old Indigenous American Indian freedom fighter called Leonard Peltier who was in his 49th year in US jails.

Peltier was serving two life sentences for allegedly killing two Federal Bureau of Investigation, FBI agents, Jack Coler and Ronald Williams on June 26, 1975  in a shootout on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota.  The immediate dispute was over the Indians insistence on self-determination and,  Native Treaty Rights.  The agents had gone to serve arrest warrants. The American state and system including  the FBI knew Peltier was innocent of the crimes. The FBI had forensic evidence proving that the shots that took the lives of the officers did not come from Peltier’s gun, but chose to suppress  the fact at the trial. It also manufactured fake affidavits and distorted facts.  

Peltier  had been  denied parole including at a  July, 2024 hearing  and, was not  eligible again for parole  until 2026. He was a leader of the American Indian Movement, AIM  which the state wanted to destroy. AIM had in 1973 taken over  the village of Wounded Knee on the Pine Ridge reservation. This led to  a 71-day standoff with federal security forces. The increased clashes led to the face off two year later for which Peltier was sent to prison.

The injustice done to Peltier had turned him into the symbol of the indigenous peoples’ resistance  and a living legend. It was for this and the insistence by the FBI for a pound of flesh from the American  Indian people, that saw him spend half a century wasting in prison.  Appeals by international  figures  including Nelson Mandela, Pope Francis, Bishop Desmond Tutu and the actor, Robert Redford did not move the American establishment.

As the Biden era was winding up,  the local and international activists who for decades had pushed for presidential pardon, decided to make a last second push. On Wednesday, January 15, 2025, Kazi posted an appeal by freedom activists titled “Tell Biden: FREE Leonard Peltier!” The appeal was that people should call President Biden that day and the next  on 2024561111 or text the White House on 302404 0880   with the simple message: “Grant Leonard Peltier Clemency” I thought the campaigners for a last second clemency were simply  optimists. 

I did not think a Biden would have the courage to grant Peltier pardon  especially when the FBI and the establishment were  openly opposed.  In fact,  FBI Director,  Christopher  Asher Wray wrote Biden this month saying that Peltier must  not be granted clemency. He repeated the false claim that: “Peltier is a ruthless murderer who has shown a complete lack of remorse for his many crimes.”

But as Biden was handing over power to Trump on Monday, January 20, 2025, the White House issued a statement that Peltier was now a free man!  He is to be released from a Florida federal detention on February 18, 2025.  Biden’s release of Peltier, is a healing process for the indigenous American Indian people who have faced genocide.  Another healing process Biden set off  was his posthumous pardon for Pan African Prophet Marcus Garvey who was falsely accused in 1923 of mail fraud.

Garvey who wanted to unite all Black people in the world, had set up empowerment businesses. When one of them, the large Black Star shipping line collapsed, the racist American establishment used that as an  excuse to charge him with “mail fraud” over the sale of the company’s shares. Using a corrupt judicial system, he was railroaded into prison. His connived conviction was then used in December 1, 1927 to deport him to his native Jamaica. Pardons in the US have essentially become weapons to be wielded for political purposes rather than to further the aims of justice.

It is no longer news that the former Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Mudashiru Obasa, was ousted by his colleagues on Monday, January 13, 2025 while he was holidaying in the U.S., thus bringing his 10-year cruise on the Lagos gravy train to an abrupt stop.

Obasa was first elected in 2007 to represent Agege Constituency 1 and subsequently emerged Speaker in June 2015, chalked in an unprecedented third term, becoming powerful, or so he thought. And because, as the 19th century writer Lord Acton remarked, “Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely,” he got carried away and became conceited.

He started seeing himself as a political kingmaker, treating his colleagues condescendingly and had no respect for Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu. But apparently he didn’t reckon with the Igbo proverb which says that “when an idol becomes too powerful and arrogant, it is told the wood it was carved from.” That was exactly what happened. His colleagues said that much when they accused him of becoming an existential threat. 

Tobun Abiodun, who represents Epe Constituency 1, alleged shortly after Obasa’s ouster that he was impeached to save Lagos State and the House of Assembly. Accusing the former Speaker of gross misconduct and unconscionable abuse of office, Abiodun said Obasa’s impeachment had become inevitable. “The members of the parliament today have decided to change the leadership of the House.

You know the constitution made it clear that the House has the power to regulate its proceedings. The members felt they have had enough of the leadership of Rt. Honourable Mudashiru Obasa… We have resolved to work together and ensure that we move the parliament to the next level. We cannot open our eyes and allow the parliament to dwindle. We owe the constituents a duty of ensuring that the sanity and integrity of the House are restored. We have unanimously agreed to carry out this action to save our image, and save the state.”

One of his crimes was his undisguised lack of respect for Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu. Matters came to a head during the 2025 budget presentation  on November 22, 2024 when he declared that he was neither too young nor lacked the requisite experience to run for the governorship “I have made it a personal task to mobilise people on the platform of Mandate, which has been misconstrued by some political detractors as being a selfish aspiration on the ground for me to become governor of the state,” he crowed impetuously.

“There is the need, however, to correct this wrong impression. My concern is about building our party, and whatever we do is mainly for this cause. To the blackmailers who have embarked on the mission to distort and redefine our mission, let me state it unequivocally here, our intention is to promote our party on the platform of Mandate. Becoming governor is secondary; it is something that I have not given serious consideration. Nevertheless, that does not mean I am too young or lack experience to run; whereas, those who have been before me are not better off.”

Of course, one of those that was there before him is President Bola Tinubu. Obasa’s needless outburst was political indiscretion stretched too far, a sacrilege reminiscent of the  Nza  bird, one of the smallest birds in Igbo folklore, that bumped into a sumptuous meal and after having his fill challenged his “Chi” (personal god) to a wrestling match. Little wonder that the same lawmakers who unanimously passed a vote of confidence in him, turned around barely two months later to sack him ignominiously 

Obasa must have realised by now that he actually did not belong to the ‘owners of Lagos club.’ When they met to decide his fate, he was not even summoned to defend himself. He was not emotionally intelligent. Now, he has become a political leper that no one wants to openly associate with. The visits to his house have drastically reduced. As the 2027 political signalling in Lagos State becomes clearer, things will get worse for him politically. It will even be more so as his capacity for political patronage shrinks.

Today, Agege, his constituency is calm and the people have moved on. His few hangers-on who wanted to demonstrate at the Lagos State House of Assembly were quickly rounded up by policemen and taken away in a Black Maria even as they were singing, “on your mandate we shall stand.”   That is the nature of politics. As Ndigbo would say,  onye bu igu ka ewu na eso  – a goat follows whoever has palm frond. Loyalties have shifted and there are no apologies.

But Obasa’s ouster shouldn’t be an end in itself. The lawmakers are within their rights to choose who leads them. They have exercised that right by replacing Obasa with Hon. Mojisola Lasbat Meranda, who has also made history as the first female Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly. But it is not just enough to impeach him.  In moving the impeachment motion under ‘Matters of Urgent Public Importance,’ which was adopted by 32 out of 40 members of the House, Hon. Femi Saheed made allegations of financial misconduct, abuse of office and authoritarian leadership against Obasa.   Most recently, there have been reports alleging that he approved the withdrawal of ¦ 43 billion for lawmakers’ vehicles. Most of these allegations were made by the lawmakers themselves, so it should be assumed that they are not frivolous.

It behoves, therefore, the State Assembly to submit a petition to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to probe the fraud allegations against Obasa and the anti-fraud agency to do the needful. Not only that, Obasa claimed to have received a bachelor’s degree in Law from Lagos State University in 2006. But recently, a document which surfaced on the social media reveals that his name is not in the record of legal practitioners in Nigeria. The document, a response by the Supreme Court to a verification request by an anonymous petitioner on his status as a lawyer, was dated July 24, 2020 and signed by one Gertrude Karenton-Mordi on behalf of the Chief Registrar of the Supreme Court.

Titled, “Re: Verification of Mudashiru Ajayi Obasa as a Solicitor and Advocate of the Supreme Court of Nigeria,” the apex court, according to the document, advised the impeached Speaker to come forward with relevant documents for enrolment, as his name was not found in their records. Addressing the petitioner, the apex court wrote: “We acknowledge receipt of your letter dated 23rd July, 2020 on the above captured subject matter. This is to inform you that we have checked our records and cannot find the name: MUDASHIRU AJAYI OBASA on the numerous Rolls of Legal Practitioners kept in this Honourable Court.

MUDASHIRU AJAYI OBASA is at liberty to come to this Honourable Court with his Call to bar and qualifying certificates for enrolment. If he has done a change of name, he is expected to show proof of same.” Supreme Court spokesperson, Dr Fetus Akande, has confirmed the document, acknowledging that, “It emanated from our office.” Obasa’s apologists insist it is a non-issue because law degree, or in fact any university degree for that matter, is not a prerequisite for becoming a lawmaker or even Speaker.

That is true. The immediate past governor of Katsina State,  Aminu Bello Masari, became Speaker of the House of Representatives without any. That is how low the bar is when it comes to leadership in Nigeria. But it is a crime to ascend political office with forged certificates. I know that Obasa can challenge his accusers to cast the first stone if they can. And the truth is that they cannot. But that should not be the norm. Ours should not be a country where certificate forgers call the shots in public office without any consequences.

In the last few months, there have been talks about rebasing the two important economic indicators, the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and the Consumer Price Index (CPI).

While the GDP calculates the value of all goods and services in the economy within a year, the CPI calculates the average change in prices over time that consumers pay for a basket of goods and services. It is a key measure of inflation and reflects the cost of living.

Both have a base year, which is compared with other years in the compilation. For example, the last rebased year for GDP in Nigeria was 2014.

Recently, the National Bureau of Statistics indicated that it would release the results of the newly rebased GDP and CP1 by the end of January. This has excited stakeholders in the economy because rebasing the two important economic indicators would mean increased national income for the country.

 

This is because the result is likely to lead to an increase in per capita income in Niger. After all, the GDP is expected to expand as a result of the inclusion of new economic activities in the new calculation.

According to the press release issued by the NBS on Monday,” The activities of some sectors of the economy have grown tremendously since the last rebasing, making them significant among other sectors of the economy. They include Marine & Blue Economy, Art, Culture, Tourism and Creative Economy, Information and Technology, Innovation, and Digital Economy activities. ”

When rebased, Nigeria’s GDP is expected to expand, reflecting a more accurate picture of the economy’s true size. Consequently, per capita income — GDP divided by population — is likely to increase, even if real incomes remain unchanged.

 

Given these insights, it is safe to say that the result holds profound implications for Africa’s largest economy. As these figures are updated to reflect current economic realities, the outcomes could reshape perceptions of Nigeria’s economic standing and influence policymaking, investment, and citizen welfare. This is certainly a good music to hear for most of Nigeria. But would it increase real growth in the economy?

In retrospect, Nigeria’s GDP nearly doubled during the rebase of 2014, making it Africa’s largest economy, surpassing South Africa. This was because the rebasing accounted for new industries like telecommunications, entertainment (Nollywood), and e-commerce, which had grown significantly since the previous base year of 1990.

While this statistical adjustment doesn’t necessarily translate to immediate improvements in living standards, its implications are far-reaching.

Pundits who are concerned about real income growth. They have concerns about statistical figures that would create an impression of higher income for an already improvised economy where the majority of the citizens are multidimensionally poor. They fear that people might be worse off in the face of a likely increase in inflation, which has climbed to 34.80% in December, up from 34.60% in November 2024. This marks the fourth consecutive monthly increase, driven primarily by heightened demand during the festive season, leading to price surges in food and non-alcoholic beverages.

 

Food inflation slightly decreased to 39.84% year-on-year in December, compared to 39.93% in November. Notable price increases were observed in staples such as yams, sweet potatoes, corn, rice, and fish.

These inflationary trends have exacerbated Nigeria’s cost-of-living crisis, with more than 60% of the population living in poverty and many spending over 63% of their income on food.

However, an increase in gross income and per capita income as a result of the rebasing would neutralise these negative effects. Here are a few factors that will advance the positive impact.

First, Nigeria’s standing in global rankings, portraying the nation as more prosperous, may increase. This can positively influence international investors, who often consider economic indicators like GDP and income levels when making decisions. A rebased GDP could bolster confidence in Nigeria as an investment destination, potentially attracting foreign direct investment (FDI).

 

Secondly, the higher per capita income will prompt policymakers to re-evaluate socioeconomic strategies. For instance, the government might shift its focus from poverty alleviation to wealth distribution and middle-class expansion. This is closely related to the objective of the Tinubu tax reforms, which was recently embraced by the Nigerian Governors Forum. ( NGF) .However, this could also mean a reduction in access to international aid or concessional loans, as Nigeria might no longer qualify under certain global thresholds for low-income countries.

At the same time, a rebased GDP that highlights underrepresented sectors such as technology, entertainment, and services could spur efforts to diversify the economy. Policymakers might prioritize these emerging sectors, reducing reliance on oil and addressing the vulnerabilities associated with fluctuating global oil prices.

 

Yet, CI rebasing will provide more accurate inflation data, influencing monetary policy. This could lead to better-targeted interventions by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to control inflation and stabilize the naira, directly impacting the cost of living for Nigerians.

The Nigerian creditworthiness would also increase because the debt-to-GDP ratio would be reduced. In the eyes of international financial institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, Nigeria may be viewed as a more creditworthy nation. This can result in better access to loans with favourable terms and reduced borrowing costs.

The increased GDP will also enhance the access of Nigeria to international markets. Higher income levels can pave the way for Nigeria to join more exclusive economic groups like the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), providing opportunities to influence global economic policies.

Closely related is the fact that Nigeria’s elevated economic status can enhance its bargaining power in negotiating trade deals, enabling access to more beneficial terms in international trade agreements.

 

Similarly, there will be an Improved Human Development Index (HDI): High per capita income often correlates with better health, education, and living standards, which can boost Nigeria’s HDI ranking. This improved ranking can reflect positively on Nigeria’s global image and attract international partnerships.

Nigeria will also likely graduate from Aid Dependency. With higher income levels, Nigeria may reduce its dependence on international aid, transitioning towards self-sufficiency and enhanced economic sovereignty. That may likely attract global talent and partnerships. A wealthier economy can attract global talent, investors, and innovators seeking opportunities in Nigeria’s growing markets.

Other countries and organizations may seek partnerships with Nigeria, recognizing it as an influential player in the global economy.

More importantly, and at this time in our national life, a stronger economy backed by higher per capita income can stabilize and strengthen the naira in international currency markets. A stronger currency enhances Nigeria’s purchasing power globally, reduces import costs, and fosters economic stability.

The real income will, therefore, at the end of the day improve, as economists would say, all things being equal.

All things have been equal because the government plays a pivotal role in making real income improve.

This must be sustained by infrastructure development and human capital investment that will maximize these benefits and ensure inclusive growth that uplifts all Nigerians.

For ordinary Nigerians, the implications of the higher income could lead to improved access to international markets and more jobs due to increased investments.

On the whole, the planned GDP and CPI rebasing represents a critical step in modernizing economic measurements and aligning them with current realities. While the increase in per capita income will bolster Nigeria’s image and offer new opportunities, it also highlights the need for deliberate actions to address poverty by all Nigerians, policymakers must ensure that statistical growth is matched by real improvements in living standards.

Ajibola, former MD of DailyTrust, writes from Abuja.

On January 15 of every year, Nigerians remember what they were told was the most tragic incident that destroyed the ideal nation their founding fathers were building. That was the day Kaduna Nzeogwu and his co-conspirators executed a coup that ended the First Republic. As horrific as the events of that day were, that was not where the water entered the husk of the melon.

This year, Senator Shehu Sani argued that Nigeria has yet to recover from the assassination of Sir Ahmadu Bello and others killed on that day. It is hard to quarrel with Sani’s perspective. Even for people like Sani, who were not born when the incident happened, those interested in ensuring they did not forget had etched the narrative into them. It is a time-tested survival mechanism for humans to tell stories to younger generations to guide them in navigating their world. This ancient system of teaching the young about experiences started when our human forbearers were still living in trees.

Unfortunately, our forefathers noted that those who did not know where the rain started to beat them would never know where it stopped.

In the last few days, I have been recalling my conversations with the University of Ibadan-trained historian, Professor Chieka Ifemesia, who recently joined our ancestors. The core thesis of Ifemesia’s analysis of Nigeria’s malady was that “two ideas of nation-building have conflicted in Nigeria since amalgamation.” The clouds had been gathering since 1914, but it was in 1953 that the rain started to beat us, not in 1966.

 

By the year 1953, southern leaders were ready for Nigeria to become an independent nation. They were pushing for a three-year plan that would have granted Nigeria independence in 1956, one year before Ghana. The only problem was that the leaders of the north felt their region was not ready.

The north feared the south would dominate the new nation. As a result, the north argued for a delay. Their leaders believed that if given a few years, they could catch up on the number of northerners who had gone to school and were qualified to take part fully in governing Nigeria.

 

That was the country’s mood when, on March 31, 1953, Anthony Enahoro moved a motion at the Federal Parliament in Lagos for Britain to grant Nigeria independence by 1956.

 

Immediately, southern politicians in the Action Group and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) joined him. The leaders of the north insisted on a gradual process. Ahmadu Bello proposed a compromise: the Enahoro bill should state self-government “as soon as possible” rather than “in the year 1956.”

The southern leaders’ insistence on 1956 led to all parties walking out of parliament, leaving the British colonial administrators in Nigeria at a loss as to whom to negotiate with.

As northern leaders left parliament, Lagos’ crowds jeered them on their way home. Northern leaders returned to Kaduna and issued a statement. In their 1953 statement from Lugard Hall in Kaduna, northern leaders listed eight points that the southern leaders had to meet before they would return to Lagos.

For all intents and purposes, the northern leaders were ready to leave the country. Southerners like Samuel Akintola, Anthony Enahoro, and other pro-independence politicians took their campaign for independence to the north.

 

That was how the riot of 1953 started.

On May 15, 1953, Northern People’s Congress supporters staged a demonstration to show Akintola and his team that they did not support their mission in the north.

The next day, Saturday, May 16, 1953, the Kano Native Authority withdrew the permission initially granted to Akintola and his group to hold their meeting at Colonial Hotel, Kano. Subsequently, mobs stormed the hotel and threw stones at Akintola and his fellow independence activists inside.

Initially, two people died. Then, the mobs moved to Sabon Gari.

 

By Sunday, May 17, it had escalated into a full-scale inter-ethnic crisis. The mobs chanted anti-Yoruba songs as they went on a rampage. British authorities called in the military to help quell the situation. By the time it was over, 46 people, mostly southerners, were dead.

The day after the riot, the British colonial government imposed a state of emergency in Northern Nigeria before they regained control of the situation. The British administrative officers also conducted a probe. At the end of the probe, their statement read: “No amount of provocation, short-term or long-term, can in any way justify their behaviour… the seeds of the trouble which broke out in Kano on May 16 (1953) have their counterparts still in the ground. It could happen again, and only a realisation and acceptance of the underlying causes can remove the danger of recurrence.”

 

That was the crux of Nigeria’s problem. The British identified the existence of the seeds of the trouble that broke out in Kano on May 16, 1953. They warned it could happen again unless Nigerians realised and accepted the underlying causes.

Of course, Nigerians neither realised nor accepted the underlying causes. Meanwhile, the seeds in the ground continued to absorb water and oxygen as their embryo’s cells enlarged. Again, for emphasis, one underlying cause is Ifemesia’s argument: the two conflicting ideas of nation-building that have plagued Nigeria since amalgamation.

 

After the riot, Ahmadu Bello and the northern leaders in the NPC issued another list of demands. This time, they presented it as a condition for their return to the Federal Parliament in Lagos.

The demands of the northern leaders included safeguards ensuring regional autonomy. The negotiations for Nigeria’s unity went so well that Ahmadu Bello was comfortable staying in the north as premier while he sent his protégé, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, to Lagos to serve as prime minister.

 

This is the uncontested sketch of what happened in 1953.

However, the underlying causes of the 1953 riot in Kano were neither addressed nor accepted. And nobody uprooted the seeds of the trouble in the ground. When they manifested again in 1966, it was not just rain this time; it was thunder and hailstones.

Whether in 1953 or 1966, we understand that if there are two players in a story, there are at least three perspectives: one from each player and a third from a neutral observer. Finding a neutral observer is not as easy as it seems. Those who consider themselves victims often have more compelling stories. Those considered perpetrators also hold what they believe to be interesting narratives—if only anyone cares to listen attentively.

In most deeply devastating human events, different players at different times cross the line that separates victims from perpetrators. Even when history, the ultimate arbitrator, renders its verdict, it struggles to pinpoint the exact moment of no return—the moment when identifying and accepting the underlying causes could have prevented the tragedy.

As humans, we have continued to do the easy part—pointing fingers and apportioning blame—rather than the difficult part of working toward a solution to prevent a recurrence. And when history repeats itself, we blame our stars rather than our inaction.

Rudolf Ogoo Okonkwo teaches Post-Colonial African History, Afrodiasporic Literature, and African Folktales at the School of Visual Arts in New York City. He is also the host of Dr. Damages Show. His books include “This American Life Sef” and “Children of a Retired God,” among others. His upcoming book is called “Why I’m Disappointed in Jesus.”