
OTHERS' VIEWS
Now that the storm over a recent comment by Kemi Badenoch, the British Conservative Party leader of Nigerian descent, has lost much steam, it is time to critique the entire episode.
Let me start with Abike Dabiri-Erewa who started the fireworks.
According to the story, Abike had reached out to celebrate Kemi, as she usually does to Nigerian Diaspora achievers, on her landmark election to the Conservative party's leadership. But her goodwill gesture was ignored, and unrequited. She had disclosed this during an interview that unleashed a lynch mob on Kemi.
The question arises: Why was it difficult for Abike to make the information public instead of projecting Kemi as slighting and denigrating Nigeria? I see an ego factor here.
Abike, a three-term Federal House of Representatives member and CEO of Nigeria Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) felt miffed that a younger person could show her such disrespect and wanted to get her pound of flesh, hence the negative portrayal of the British politician. That was an error of judgement. Had Abike demonstrated the maturity of her age, she would have tempered her apparent anger, knowing there could be other occasions of interaction, and the subject of her angst might even offer an apology. But her bruised ego and a sense of self-importance got in the way. So, 62-year-old Abike Kafayat Dabiri-Erewa, in an apparent vengeful fit, felt she must gaslight her ‘aburo’ (‘younger sister ‘), 44-year-old Olukemi Olufunto Badenoch, who she must have considered an effete snob, to teach her a lesson!
The lynch mob was unsparing, and Kemi Badenoch responded in kind, leading to brickbats. The critics denounced her for the alleged denigration of Nigeria, the country of her ancestry. An angry Kemi shot back that she was not interested in identifying with the corruption-ridden Nigerian state, hobbled by Boko haram insurgency, banditry and Islamic fanaticism, but rather with her Yoruba ethnic nativity. She would not want to be lumped with the northern part of the country which she considered an enemy to her Yoruba people. Her spokesman said she was not inclined to do public relations for Nigeria.
Kemi’s unrepentant stand incensed the critics. One of the first to jump into the fray was Femi Fani-Kayode, the loquacious ex-aviation minister during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency, who in his characteristic vitriolic use of language poured venom on Kemi. Fani-Kayode, we all know, thrives on inserting himself into every controversy, apparently to retain visibility in the public arena. He is often precipitated in his interventions to steal the limelight. I concede that Fani-Kayode occasionally makes articulate public presentations, but his lengthy Kemi bashing was one of his many intemperate, vituperative inanities.
Prof. Ishaq Akintola, executive director of Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) became a police apologist, blasting Kemi for projecting the Nigeria Police as corrupt, contending that policemen stealing Kemi's brother’s shoes could not justify such generalisation. Do you mean it, Prof.? This is playing the ostrich, given documented evidence of not only police extortion and brutality but killings from ‘accidental discharge’ and deaths of suspects in police detention.
A most recent example was in central Kwara State, where rogue policemen, in mid-December 2024, detained a debtor to a brother of one of their colleagues and the man ended up dead in police custody.
Kehinde Yusuf described Kemi Badenoch “elenu razor’’ (A razor-sharp-tongued person) for her outspokenness, pointing out that ‘’with immensely astounding attributes which are undermined by equally fundamental flaws’’, she has ‘’the making of a tragic hero’’. That is morbid negativism.
Enter the big masquerade into the Kemi bashing arena - the vice president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Senator Kashim Shettima. While performing an official function on migration in Abuja, Senator Shettima could not resist the temptation of joining the fray. Displaying an expansive mood, as shown on TVC News, the vice president praised former British Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, as a “very brilliant young man” who was ‘’originally from India’’, for not denigrating his country of origin. Wrong, Mr. Vice President. Rishi was born in the UK, but the words “originally from India’’ implied he was born in India and migrated to the UK.
Secondly, unlike Kemi who lived in Nigeria in her formative years, Rishi never lived in India, so, there is no basis for comparison. Rishi Sunak’s father was born in Kenya to Indian migrants, highlighting his generational distance from India. Describing Rishi as “very brilliant’’ was also meant as a put-down on Kemi. But pray what is “very brilliant” about a Prime Minister who led his party to its worst electoral defeat? Using such a superlative word that is not evidence-backed is spurious.
Shettima was also apparently, confused about which political party Kemi Badenoch is a leader. He had stated on live TV: Mrs Kemi Badenoch, the leader of British Labour, Conservative party …! This is the kind of embarrassing gaffe that happens when someone jumps, precipitately, into a fray.
The clincher was Vice President Shettima telling Kemi Badenoch that she could “remove the Kemi from her name if she does not identify with Nigeria.”
Kemi is a Yoruba name, her ethnic group, which she reveres and proudly identifies with, so Vice President Shettima asking her to jettison the name was gratuitous and illogical advice.
Kemi had distanced herself from Northern Nigeria as having nothing in common with her Yoruba people. That was a bit of an exaggeration. We may also ask: What do the Nigerian tribes or ethnic groups have in common? Yet, Kemi’s comment could be seen as a reality check, not an umbrage, a wake-up call to the North’s leadership.
Prof. Rasheed Ojikutu, in a write-up in The Guardian of Sunday, 5 January 2025, titled: Garland for Kemi Badenoch, put it very succinctly: “A woman who says she is proudly Yoruba, but disregarded Nigeria as an entity may not be ‘’silly’’ after all because she certainly knows her onions. She is certainly not a fool in her attempt to “separate Paul from Barnabas’’.
Alluding to corruption, one of Kemi’s grouses against Nigeria, Prof. Ojikutu asked: ‘’Why do we want to nail Kemi Badenoch to the cross … why should someone with international repute not be ashamed about a country where an individual is alleged to have built 753 duplexes from the money taken from the purse of taxpayers?‘’ Kemi’s position about the North constituting enemies of the Yoruba is taken literally by many and condemned. But were the state governments in Yoruba land not forced to raise the Amotekun security outfits to contain perceived invading enemies (killer herdsmen) from the North?
Perhaps, Vice President Shettima’s angst was Kemi’s disparaging of Boko haram which possibly touched a nerve, considering that Shettima was governor of Borno state, the epicentre of Boko haram insurgency, between 2011 and 2019, when the insurgents were at their destructive peak, controlling many local government areas and unleashing a spate of bombings, including on the UN Office in Abuja.
Shettima, a state Commissioner who served in five ministries between 2007 and 2011 when he was elected governor, was a protégé of Governor Ali Modu Sheriff who has been tainted with allegations of sponsoring Boko haram which emerged in Maiduguri in 2002 during Sheriff’s governorship tenure (1999-2011). Following lingering allegations, Ali Modu Sheriff had to address a press conference in Abuja on 3 September 2014, three years after leaving office, to deny any links with Boko haram.
Vice President Shettima's decision to join the Kemi bashing attracted foreign media reportage.
The Independent, (UK) of 11 December 2024 captioned its story: Nigerian government hits out at Kemi Badenoch after she criticised the country. The story reads: “New Conservative leader is embroiled in a diplomatic row over comments she made about the African country where she grew up.”
It was projected as “a diplomatic row” because of Shettima’s status as vice president, which was probably lost on him.
The newspaper in a follow-up on 15 December 2024, captioned: “Nigerian VP who attacked Kemi Badenoch was accused of failures when Boko haram kidnapped 200 girls.” The Independent quoted Kemi’s allies as urging “people to scrutinise the record of Mr Shettima as being illustrative of the problems in Nigeria and its failings “.
The BBC on 11 December 2024 headlined its report: “Badenoch stands by Nigeria comments after criticism” while, the Voice of America (VOA), also on 11 December 2024 said: “Nigeria’s vice president slams British Conservative party leader.”
Shettima was governor of Borno state (2011-2019) and 2014 was the peak of the Boko haram insurgency with the most notorious incident being the kidnapping of 276 Chibok secondary school girls on April 14 that year, and the additional killing of an estimated 310 persons on May 5, at a staging base for rescuers of the Chibok girls.
According to statista.com, Boko haram attacks led to 38,255 deaths in Borno state between 2011 and 2023.
Speaking at Chatham House, London, in 2015, then Presidential candidate, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari stated that 14 Local Government Areas were under Boko haram control in Northeastern Nigeria - most of them in Borno state. He described the situation as “a big disgrace”.
Boko haram mutated into banditry in the Northwest, the twin evils which Kemi Badenoch distanced the Yoruba from thereby drawing the ire of Vice President Shettima.
It is intriguing what might have informed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to pick Shettima, the former governor of Borno state, the epicentre of Boko haram as his running mate, and the appointment of Bello Matawalle, former governor of Zamfara state, the epicentre of banditry, as Minister of Defence!
Shettima, as vice president, should not have joined the lynch mob against Kemi, in the first instance. Many Nigerians, at home and in the Diaspora, are frustrated with the insecurity and level of corruption plaguing their country, contrary to Shettima’s grandstanding.
Kemi Badenoch’s knocks on Nigeria should be seen in the context of someone disappointed about the greatest Black nation on earth, the country of her ancestry, not living up to its billing.
I give the last words to Prof. Ojikutu: “Instead of being sheepishly dogmatic and unnecessarily self-opinionated, we should call on Mrs. (Kemi) Badenoch to bend her head for a garland because she is able to prick our memory to systemic failures in our nation building”.
Dr. Bisi Olawunmi is a Senior Lecturer at Adeleke University, Ede and a former Washington Correspondent of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN)
[OPINION] Double Standards in Nigerian Justice: Why Felix Morka Walks Free After Threats to Obi While Olamide Thomas Is Arrested for Juju Remarks - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminGod forbid that something happens to Peter Obi. The consequences would be catastrophic. Nigeria’s political stability would be at risk, and the country’s image on the global stage would be severely damaged. The stark contrast in how Nigerian law enforcement treats , Felix Morka, the National Spokesperson of the All Progressives Congress (APC), and Rights Activist Olamide Thomas exposes a troubling double standard in the country’s justice system. Morka’s statement, a politically charged threat against Peter Obi, was made publicly on a national platform. Yet, the silence from the police and DSS is deafening, despite the clear danger posed to Obi’s life and Nigeria’s democratic stability. Meanwhile, Olamide Thomas was swiftly arrested, detained, and arraigned for making juju or spiritual remarks that, while unsettling, were symbolic and culturally rooted rather than criminal.
Why is a direct threat to a prominent opposition leader ignored, while an activist making culturally driven remarks faces severe legal repercussions? This disparity highlights the politicization of law enforcement and the judiciary, where those in power use state institutions to silence critics and protect their interests. The message is clear: political figures with connections are shielded from consequences, while ordinary citizens or government critics face swift and harsh punishment.
Olamide Abiodun Thomas, a human rights activist, was arrested and arraigned on charges stemming from remarks made in a viral social media post. These remarks were directed at Seyi Tinubu, the son of President Bola Tinubu, as well as top police officials, including the Inspector General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun and Police Public Relations Officer Muyiwa Adejobi. In her post, Thomas allegedly made spiritual or cultural statements, wishing misfortune and calamity upon these individuals. One of the charges against her specifically references a remark made in Yoruba language stating that Seyi Tinubu would die within the year and that misfortune had befallen the Tinubu family.
Despite the cultural context of her statements, Thomas was swiftly arrested, detained for weeks, and charged under the Cybercrimes Act. Her remarks, perceived as voodoo-like wishes or spiritual curses, were treated as criminal offenses with severe legal consequences. This case highlights the swift action taken by Nigerian law enforcement when statements are perceived as threats against those in power, contrasting starkly with their inaction in the case of Felix Morka’s direct threat against Peter Obi.
The case of Olamide Thomas underscores this inconsistency. Her statements, though perceived as spiritual curses, are deeply rooted in cultural beliefs. Such remarks could have been met with a symbolic response like “back to the sender,” a common Nigerian phrase. Instead, Thomas was detained for weeks, charged, and denied bail, raising serious questions about the proportionality of the response. It highlights the civil and somewhat comical nature of her remarks, which were blown out of proportion by law enforcement, further showcasing the selective application of justice.
In contrast, Felix Morka’s words — a direct threat against Peter Obi — have not resulted in any legal action. This glaring inconsistency reveals the selective application of justice in Nigeria. By allowing Morka to walk free while punishing Thomas, the government risks eroding public trust in democratic institutions and fostering a culture of impunity.
The Inspector General of Police and other security authorities have a constitutional duty to protect all Nigerians, regardless of their political affiliations. They must invite Morka for questioning to clarify his intent and hold him accountable for his statements. Failure to do so sends a dangerous message: threats to opposition leaders are acceptable, and those in power are above the law.
To safeguard Nigeria’s democracy, law enforcement must act with consistency and fairness. Threats, whether symbolic or direct, must be addressed with equal urgency. Protecting opposition leaders like Peter Obi is not just about personal safety but a litmus test for Nigeria’s commitment to democratic principles and the rule of law.
The warning signs are clear, and the dangers are real. History has shown that ignoring threats to opposition leaders can have devastating consequences. God forbid something happens to Peter Obi — the question will linger: Why didn’t the authorities act when they had the chance? The time for action is now, before the damage becomes irreversible.
The Consequences of Inaction: A Catastrophe Waiting to Happen
God forbid that something happens to Peter Obi. The consequences would be tragic. Nigeria’s political stability would be in jeopardy, and the country’s image on the global stage would be severely dented.
History has shown us that political violence and assassinations can lead to long-term instability. The killing of an opposition leader like Peter Obi would not only cause widespread outrage but could also spark violence and unrest across the country. The social, political, and economic consequences would be devastating.
By taking proactive measures now, the authorities can prevent a potential tragedy and uphold Nigeria’s democratic values.
The international community is closely observing Nigeria. Human rights organizations, foreign governments, and global media outlets are paying heightened attention to the country’s political climate. The safety of opposition leaders is a fundamental pillar of any functioning democracy, and the world is watching how Nigeria handles this critical issue.
Failure by Nigeria’s law enforcement agencies to address the threat against Peter Obi would send a damaging message: that the safety of political leaders is not a priority and that threats to opposition voices can be tolerated. Such inaction could have severe consequences for Nigeria’s diplomatic relations and tarnish its international reputation.
The time for empty rhetoric has passed. The authorities must take immediate, decisive steps to address Felix Morka’s alarming statement. This should include inviting Morka for questioning to clarify his intent and assess any potential risks, providing 24/7 enhanced security for Peter Obi and his family to ensure their protection, and publicly reaffirming the government’s unwavering commitment to safeguarding opposition leaders. These actions are essential to restoring public confidence in Nigeria’s democratic institutions and demonstrating that the rule of law applies to all.
Nigerians from every sector must unite to demand accountability. Civil society organizations, human rights advocates, and concerned citizens must hold the authorities responsible for taking swift and fair action. It is no longer enough to observe from the sidelines; collective action is essential to preserve democracy.
Felix Morka’s statement is not just a political issue—it is a matter of national security. The authorities must act now to prevent any harm to Peter Obi and to uphold the principles that underpin Nigeria’s democracy. The cost of inaction would be immeasurable.
God forbid something happens to Peter Obi. If the unthinkable were to occur, the question would echo through history: Why didn’t the authorities intervene when they had the chance? The time to act is not tomorrow or next week—it is now, before it is too late.
[OpinionNigeria]
The Chairman of Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission, Prof Mahmood Yakubu, recently praised the resilience of Ghana politicians, like (part-time Nigerian and) former President John Mahama, who remained with his party despite losing the 2017 presidential election, until he was re-elected President of Ghana two weeks ago.
Yakubu observed: “Rarely in Ghana do you see people moving from one party to another with every general election… It provides stability. It also provides their supporters (with) stability. So, there are people who have supported political parties for years. So, whether the party is in power or opposition, they stick to the political party.”
The professor is probably unaware of former Cross River State Governor Donald Duke’s opinion that Nigeria did not quite have political parties in the classical sense, but some kind of special-purpose vehicles used by politicians to get political offices.
Maybe the strength of the Ghana electoral process is in the provision for independent candidates in its Constitution, which also does not require candidates to belong to or be presented by political parties to contest elections. An independent candidate won a parliamentary seat in Ghana’s 2020 general elections.
Another possible cause of the stability of Ghana’s political parties is that independent candidates, who obviously do not belong to the ruling party or the main opposition political party, can become principal officers in Ghana’s legislature.
These two allowances may be the reason Ghanaian politicians do not cross the political carpet. In the 8th parliament of Ghana’s Fourth Republic, Asaimah Iddrisu, an independent candidate, became a minority leader, instead of a member of the main opposition, the National Democratic Congress.
In Britain, Betty Boothroyd and Michael Martin, members of the Labour Party, served as Speaker whereas the Prime Minister was a member of the Conservative Party. Also, John Bercow of the Conservative Party was Speaker of the parliament under Labour and Conservative prime ministers.
The Chairman of the British Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee, which ensures scrutiny, accountability and oversight checks over public expenditure and the government’s financial management, is usually appointed from the opposition party.
Even if the appointment of Prof Yakubu as INEC Chairman will prevent him from counselling Nigeria’s National Assembly to amend the Constitution to allow independent candidates to contest for public offices, his pedigree as a professor of history and international relations should persuade him to tutor them on the expediency of such an act.
His specialisation in guerrilla warfare would have adequately prepared him to survive the treacherous terrain of messing around with the constitutional device that protects the privileges of members of Nigeria’s political establishment.
Nigeria’s political elite has cleverly woven Sections 65(2b), 106(b), 131(c) and 177(c) into the Constitution so that “A person shall be qualified for election… as (federal legislator, state legislator, President of Nigeria and State Governor only) if he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party.”
Nigeria’s political parties have become a quilt of secret societies and political cartels that dispense political offices as privileges to anointed vassals, who will play ball as dictated. That anointing system is aptly captured in the Yoruba phrase, “Baba so’pe”, or the big boss has proclaimed.
In addition to commending “the process and the outcome so far”, and pledging “to continue to support our colleagues in Ghana’s Electoral Commission”, Prof Yakubu attributed the success of the election to Ghana’s adoption of Nigeria’s system of announcing election results at the constituency level.
Hitherto, election results throughout Ghana, be they presidential or legislative, were forwarded to the headquarters of the Ghana Electoral Commission in Accra, from where they will be centrally announced to Ghanaians.
Of what special value is the announcement of election results at the constituency level? Perhaps collation and announcement of results at the constituency level may prevent scoundrels from switching election results before they get to the Accra headquarters of the Ghana Electoral Commission.
But that is not really something to beat the chest about; there is no big deal about where election results are announced, especially in a country like Ghana, with a population of a mere 35 million citizens, in a small land area of 239,567 square kilometres.
Some think that Prof Yakubu’s much ado about nothing concerning Ghana’s successful election was just a ploy to divert attention from the institutional weaknesses of his INEC, which has generally held disputed elections.
Prof Yakubu must find a way to erase INEC’s liability of trust deficit by striving to conduct, especially presidential and gubernatorial, elections in a more credible manner and to the satisfaction of the electorate and the candidates.
It is a shame that candidates need court judgements to validate the elections they fought for and won through expensive and sometimes violent political campaigns. Unfortunately, the need for the judiciary to validate election results comes with its own challenges.
Apart from practically compromising the operations of democratic processes—from party memberships to party primaries, elections, collations, announcements and swearing-in of winners of elections—it turns the spotlight on judicial officers.
Unfortunately, many of the judges, who have been compromised by the temptations dangled at them by the political elites who want to be in elective offices by all means, have lost the dignity and self-respect associated with their offices.
It is a matter of grave regret that the judiciary, the temple of justice, is so morally challenged that it almost commands no iota of respect from within its hallowed chambers or among the citizens who have to bear the brunt of a system that delivers judgement without justice.
The other day, the new Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, felt so challenged that she was compelled to practically make an undertaking that her Supreme Court, and the National Judicial Council that she heads, shall actively look for ways to sanitise the judiciary system.
That is commendable, and it shows that the judiciary that she wants to lead will be a listening and sensitive one, though it is in the enlightened best interest of their lordships to run a clean stable. If the judiciary regains its respect, the consequence will be an ability to deliver and guarantee the rule of law upon which Nigeria’s democracy will rest.
Nigerians of the older generation remember, with fond nostalgia, judiciary icons, like Justices Kayode Esho, Chukwudife Oputa, Louis Mbanefo, Akinola Aguda, Darnley Alexander, Mustapha Akanbi, Augustine Nnamani, Olakunle Orojo, Idowu Conrad Taylor and Rosaline Omotosho, who all made indelible marks in the delivery of justice in Nigeria.
Of course, Nigerians also remember those judges who awarded the twelve two-thirds judgment to a preferred presidential candidate and those who brought a governorship candidate from a fourth position right to the first, to become a substantive two-term governor of a state!
If Prof Yakubu’s INEC handles its part of the election exercise without blemish, election contestants will not need to approach the courts for “unnecessary begging” for justice. A lot depends on the INEC, to whom so much financial and moral resources are entrusted.
Above all, the moral weight upon whoever is the chairman of INEC is probably heavier than that on the chief justice of the federation when it comes to elections. If INEC impeccably does its job, their lordships will have no place in the electoral arena.
[OPINION] Peter Obi’s Life in Danger: ECOWAS, United Nations, and NGOs Must Pressure Nigerian Government to Act on Felix Morka’s Threat - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminIt is crucial to emphasize that this writer holds no personal or political ties to any of the individuals involved. The focus is solely on the advancement and preservation of democratic principles across Africa. Safeguarding human rights, promoting political accountability, and protecting opposition figures from threats and intimidation are essential components of a functioning democracy.
In a concerning turn of events, Felix Morka, the National Spokesperson for Nigeria’s ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), made a statement that has sparked widespread alarm. His comment that Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s Presidential Candidate, has “crossed the line so many times, and whatever he gets let him take it” is perceived as a direct threat to Obi’s life. This chilling statement underscores the urgent need for both national and international intervention to safeguard Obi’s safety and protect Nigeria’s democracy from escalating political violence.
This is not an isolated incident. The statement came after Obi, in his New Year message, delivered a scathing critique of President Bola Tinubu’s government. In his speech, Obi highlighted the severe economic pain, mass hunger, insecurity, lack of due process, and systemic oppression plaguing Nigeria under the current administration. He vowed to continue speaking the truth and holding the government accountable, even stating that he is ready to die for the cause of truth and justice. In what appears to be a strategic move, Obi’s bold stance seems to have set a trap for the APC, with Morka’s threatening remarks falling right into it.
The Threat to Democracy: Morka’s Incendiary Statement
Morka’s statement on Arise TV goes beyond political rhetoric and crosses into dangerous territory. It sends a message that dissent is punishable by violence, a clear threat to the core democratic values of free speech and political opposition. His remarks insinuate that Obi, for speaking out against government failures, deserves harm—a dangerous precedent in any democratic society.
Obi’s New Year message resonated with millions of Nigerians who are enduring harsh economic realities, rising insecurity, and increasing government oppression. His willingness to stand as a voice for the people, even at the risk of his life, demonstrates his unwavering commitment to truth and democratic principles. However, the response from the APC spokesperson exposes the intolerance of the ruling party toward dissenting voices.
The Nigerian government must take immediate action to investigate Morka’s comments and ensure Obi’s safety. Failure to do so would send a signal that threats against opposition figures are acceptable, further eroding Nigeria’s fragile democracy.
The Role of the Nigerian Government: Protecting Democratic Integrity
The Tinubu administration must demonstrate its commitment to democracy by taking decisive steps to protect Peter Obi and hold Morka accountable for his words. Providing round-the-clock security for Obi is a necessity, not a luxury. Additionally, the Nigerian Police Force and the Department of State Services (DSS) must investigate Morka’s statement under the Criminal Code or Cybercrime Act. His remarks must not be dismissed as political banter but treated as a serious incitement to violence.
Furthermore, the APC must suspend Morka from his role as National Spokesperson. The party needs to send a clear message that it does not condone threats or intimidation. Failing to do so would indicate that the ruling party endorses a culture of fear and repression, undermining democratic dialogue and civil discourse.
International Intervention: A Global Responsibility
The international community must not turn a blind eye to the escalating threats against Peter Obi and the broader attacks on Nigeria’s democracy. Key actors, including ECOWAS, the United Nations, the European Union, and countries like the United States, United Kingdom, France, and Germany, have a responsibility to intervene.
Condemning Morka’s threats publicly and urging Nigerian authorities to ensure Obi’s safety will reinforce the global commitment to democratic norms and human rights. Advocacy groups and human rights organizations must also step in to keep the situation in the global spotlight and ensure that no harm comes to Obi.
Peter Obi’s willingness to call out government failures at great personal risk must be met with equal resolve from the global community to protect him. Silence would embolden those who seek to use threats and violence to stifle opposition voices.
ECOWAS: A Regional Responsibility
As the leading regional body in West Africa, ECOWAS must take an active stance in this situation. Issuing a formal statement condemning the threats against Obi and offering mediation between political factions would reinforce its role in maintaining peace and stability in the region. Allowing threats and intimidation against political figures in one member state could set a dangerous precedent for instability across the region.
The Role of NGOs and Human Rights Organizations
NGOs and human rights organizations must amplify the call for justice. Media campaigns, public statements, and advocacy efforts can apply pressure on Nigerian authorities to take necessary actions to protect Obi. These organizations must demand that legal actions be taken against Morka and any other individuals making similar threats.
By advocating for the protection of opposition leaders and democratic institutions, NGOs help foster a culture of political dialogue and tolerance, rather than one of threats and intimidation.
Peter Obi’s Safety: A Litmus Test for Nigeria’s Democracy
The threats against Peter Obi are more than just a personal attack; they represent a critical juncture for Nigeria’s democracy. The Tinubu administration’s response to these threats will be a litmus test of its commitment to protecting democratic values and human rights.
Providing security for Obi, investigating the threats, and holding Morka accountable are essential steps to demonstrate that Nigeria values democratic principles. Failure to take these actions will signal that the country condones political violence and intimidation, damaging its democratic credentials on the global stage.
Peter Obi’s life is at risk because he dared to speak the truth about the failures of the Tinubu administration. Morka’s threat on Arise TV highlights the dangerous undercurrent of repression within Nigerian politics.
This moment requires immediate action from Nigerian authorities, regional bodies like ECOWAS, and the global community. The protection of Obi’s life is more than a security issue—it is a statement about Nigeria’s commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
Nigeria stands at a critical crossroads. The government’s response to Morka’s incendiary statement will determine whether it upholds democratic principles or allows political intimidation and impunity to deepen. It has now been more than 24 hours since Peter Obi, in his own words, raised alarm over threats to his life, his family, and his close associates: “My New Year message has now led to threats against my life, my family, and those around me.” By now, the Inspector General of Police, the Director of the DSS (Department of State Services), and the Director of the NIA (National Intelligence Agency) should have urgently summoned Felix Morka for a legal interrogation to clarify his threatening statements.
Obi, as a national opposition leader and a recognized global figure, represents a powerful symbol of democratic resistance in Nigeria. Ensuring his safety is not just a national obligation but a global priority. At this point, Felix Morka, who has continued making media appearances despite his incendiary remarks, should be temporarily suspended from his role as the ruling party’s spokesperson. Allowing him to continue in this capacity without consequence only fuels the perception that such threats are acceptable. He should be barred from public statements in his official position until authorities have conducted a thorough investigation and clarified the legal implications of his comments.
It is crucial to emphasize that this writer holds no personal or political ties to any of the individuals involved. The focus is solely on the advancement and preservation of democratic principles across Africa. Safeguarding human rights, promoting political accountability, and protecting opposition figures from threats and intimidation are essential components of a functioning democracy.
Failure to address this issue decisively would send a dangerous message both within Nigeria and to the international community: that threats against political opponents are tolerated. Such inaction risks deepening instability and further eroding trust in Nigeria’s institutions. The government must act swiftly to prevent any escalation that could have long-term consequences. Protecting political dissent and upholding democratic integrity are essential steps toward securing the nation’s future. The time to act is now.
The administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been marked by a curious dichotomy: while the country faces an avalanche of economic challenges, his policies and decisions seem to disproportionately favor those already ensconced in privilege. Recent actions, such as the approval of extravagant retirement benefits for military generals and a 300% pay hike for judicial officers, juxtapose starkly against the dire realities faced by the average Nigerian. This raises a poignant question: “Why is Tinubu empowering the “haves” while the “have-nots” remain neglected and burdened by hardship?”
The newly approved terms for retired generals offer a stark example of how the administration prioritizes the elite. Bulletproof SUVs, fully-funded foreign medical trips, and substantial annual estacodes are now part of their retirement packages. These benefits, which include domestic aides, residential guards, and luxurious vehicles, are an unprecedented windfall for a group already accustomed to privilege during their service years.
While one might argue that military service deserves recognition, it is important to remember that these generals served in roles that already afforded them immense perks. Their salaries, allowances, and privileges while in service were far beyond what most Nigerians could dream of. Is it fair, then, to elevate their privileges even further when the masses are struggling to afford basic necessities?
In the same breath, Tinubu has approved a 300% salary increase for judicial officers. While improved welfare for the judiciary is commendable and necessary for an independent justice system, the timing and scale of this increment raise eyebrows. The Chief Justice of Nigeria is now entitled to an annual salary of N64 million, with other judicial leaders earning slightly less. These figures are astronomical when compared to the N70, 000 minimum wage recently enacted for ordinary workers, a wage that many still find insufficient given the soaring cost of living, and also given the fact that all Nigerians are doing salary jobs.
Justice may be the hope of the common man, but how does this hope translate to reality when judicial officers are cloistered in privilege while the people they serve face unbearable economic pressures? Is this truly a system that values equity, or is it yet another example of resources being disproportionately funneled to the top?
While the elites are receiving bulletproof SUVs and millions in salaries, the average Nigerian is grappling with skyrocketing inflation, unaffordable food prices, and a crumbling healthcare system. Public schools are in shambles, unemployment remains a persistent scourge, and millions live below the poverty line. Tinubu’s administration has introduced fuel subsidy removal and floated the naira, policies that have further eroded the purchasing power of the average citizen. Palliatives meant to cushion these impacts have largely failed to reach the intended recipients, leaving many Nigerians to wonder if their suffering is even acknowledged.
At a bus stop in Lagos, a 60-year-old man recently lamented, “I have never seen hardship like this in my life.” His words resonate with millions who feel abandoned by a government that seems more interested in appeasing the powerful than addressing the plight of the powerless.
The empowerment of the elite at the expense of the masses is not just morally questionable, it is also politically unwise. History has shown that when governments ignore the grievances of the majority, they sow the seeds of discontent and unrest. Nigeria has already seen protests and strikes over the harsh economic realities imposed by Tinubu’s policies. How much more strain can the people endure before the situation reaches a boiling point?
The administration’s actions also send a troubling message about governance. By prioritizing the welfare of the privileged, Tinubu risks deepening the divide between the government and the governed. This disconnect can erode trust, alienate the citizenry, and undermine the legitimacy of his leadership.
To govern a nation as diverse and complex as Nigeria requires a delicate balance between addressing the needs of the elite and uplifting the majority. While it is essential to incentivize critical sectors like the military and judiciary, these efforts must not overshadow the urgent need to alleviate poverty, improve public services, and create opportunities for ordinary citizens.
President Tinubu must ask himself whose interests he truly serves. Is he a president for all Nigerians or just for the privileged few? If his administration continues to prioritize the “haves” at the expense of the “have-nots,” it risks perpetuating a system that is inherently unjust and unsustainable.
The administration must urgently recalibrate its priorities. Thus, some actionable steps Tinubu can take to address this imbalance cut across reviewing elite benefits, strengthening social safety nets, investing in public services and engaging the citizenry.
In fact, while the military and judiciary deserve fair compensation, there should be a limit to the extravagance of their benefits. Resources saved from trimming these perks can be redirected to social welfare programs.
In a similar vein, palliatives must reach those who need them most. Implementing transparent and accountable systems for distributing subsidies and aid will help restore faith in governance, while education, healthcare, and infrastructure must be prioritized to create a foundation for long-term growth and equity.
Again, Tinubu’s administration must communicate its policies clearly and demonstrate a genuine commitment to addressing the concerns of ordinary Nigerians.
President Tinubu’s legacy will be shaped by the choices he makes in these critical early years of his administration. He has the opportunity to be remembered as a leader who bridged the gap between the elite and the masses, fostering a more equitable and prosperous Nigeria. However, if he continues to empower the privileged at the expense of the vulnerable, his presidency may be marked as a missed opportunity to unite and uplift the nation.
It is time for Tinubu to heed the cries of the “have-nots” and create a Nigeria that truly works for all. Only then can he claim to be a president of the people, for the people, and by the people.
[OPINION] Protecting Opposition Voices in Nigeria: The Felix Morka Threat Against Peter Obi—Why Haven’t the Police or DSS Acted Yet - John Egbeazien Oshodi
AdminThe recent statement by Felix Morka, the APC national spokesperson, has indeed raised concerns about the government’s approach to opposition. By saying Peter Obi has “crossed the line” and implying that he deserves consequences, Morka’s words can be perceived as threatening and intimidating. His remark, particularly the phrase, “he has coming to him whatever he gets,” has been widely condemned as a thinly veiled threat to Obi’s life and safety.
Morka’s statement, which has sent shockwaves across Nigeria, reads: “Peter Obi Has Crossed the Line So Many Times and Whatever He Gets Let Him Take It”
This ominous warning highlights the broader issue of the politicization of institutions in Nigeria and the culture of impunity among those in power. It underscores a disturbing reality where some politicians appear to believe they control law enforcement and the judiciary, allowing them to make reckless statements without consequence. Such behavior disregards the duty to uphold the rule of law and protect democratic values.
The case of Peter Obi, a national and global figure as an opposition leader, exemplifies this troubling trend. As the former Labour Party presidential candidate, Obi has already expressed concerns about the threats he’s received following his criticism of President Bola Tinubu’s administration. His resolute commitment to democratic values and the rule of law is commendable, but it also highlights the urgent need for Nigerian authorities to ensure the safety of opposition figures and uphold democratic principles.
In a functioning democracy, the protection of opposition voices is crucial to maintaining political balance and safeguarding citizens’ rights. The Nigerian government must demonstrate its commitment to these principles by taking threats against opposition leaders seriously and holding those responsible for threatening remarks accountable. The safety and freedom of individuals like Peter Obi should be a priority, as their contributions are vital to Nigeria’s democratic process and international reputation.
As a forensic psychologist, it is clear that Morka’s language fosters an environment that undermines Nigeria’s democratic values. Threatening rhetoric from government officials can create a toxic atmosphere where dissent is suppressed, and violence is implicitly condoned. It is essential for government representatives to promote constructive dialogue and respect opposing views to maintain the country’s democratic fabric.
The Role of the Police and DSS in Addressing Threats
In a fully democratic and effective criminal justice system, individuals making threatening statements would face consequences. The Nigerian Police Force and the Department of State Services (DSS) have a responsibility to investigate and prosecute such cases to maintain law and order. The Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) and the Criminal Code provide frameworks for addressing threatening statements, balancing freedom of speech with accountability.
However, in a society where institutions are politicized, individuals like Felix Morka may feel emboldened to make such statements without fear of repercussions. The police and judiciary, often compromised by political interference, risk becoming tools for those in power rather than protectors of justice. This environment of impunity encourages abuse of power and fosters corruption.
Morka’s statement reflects this broader problem. His confidence in making threatening remarks without fear of consequences is symptomatic of the politicization of institutions. The police and DSS must remember their primary duty is to uphold the law and protect citizens, not serve the interests of politicians. Law enforcement agencies must stop obstructing justice and fulfill their constitutional duties by holding individuals like Morka accountable.
Protecting Peter Obi: A Litmus Test for Nigeria’s Democracy
Nigerians and the international community have expressed growing concerns about the safety of Peter Obi, who many believe won the presidential election but was denied victory due to alleged manipulations. The threat issued by Felix Morka only adds fuel to this fire, raising questions about Nigeria’s commitment to democracy and human rights.
The issue at hand is not merely about whether Felix Morka will personally harm Peter Obi or his family tomorrow. It is about the dangerous precedent that statements like his set in a global, digital world. The world heard his words through televised comments, and in this age of instant communication, such remarks have far-reaching consequences. Dangerous people, copycats, or those looking for justification for violence may act on these statements. This is why it is imperative for law enforcement to intervene immediately, not to accuse Morka of a direct threat but to clarify his intentions and prevent any unintended consequences.
The authorities should pick up Morka for questioning and make it clear that such rhetoric is unacceptable in a democracy. By speaking to him, they can clarify the intent behind his words, assess any risks, and send a message that such statements will not be taken lightly. This would not only safeguard Peter Obi but also reinforce the importance of responsible communication by public officials.
Providing protection for Peter Obi is not only a matter of personal safety but a critical test of Nigeria’s democratic values. Failure to act decisively would send a dangerous message to the world that opposition voices can be silenced through threats and intimidation. The government must ensure that threats against opposition figures are taken seriously and that those making such statements are held accountable for their words.
The Role of the International Community
The international community, including the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and other donors, has a crucial role to play in supporting Peter Obi’s right to freedom of speech and expression. These countries have consistently emphasized democratic values, human rights, and the rule of law in their diplomatic engagements with Nigeria. By standing with Obi, they can reinforce these principles and promote a stable political environment.
International organizations and human rights groups should also closely monitor Obi’s situation. Public condemnation of Morka’s threats and diplomatic pressure on the Nigerian government can help ensure Obi’s safety and send a message that such rhetoric will not be tolerated.
Civil Society’s Role in Promoting Accountability
Civil society organizations, including human rights groups and democracy advocates, must rally around Peter Obi and demand accountability from the Nigerian government. These organizations play a crucial role in promoting transparency, holding leaders accountable, and advocating for citizens’ rights.
By standing in solidarity with Obi, civil society can:
Raise awareness by bringing national and international attention to the threats against Obi and the broader issues of political intimidation in Nigeria. Advocate for institutional reforms to strengthen the independence of the police and judiciary. Foster a culture of tolerance, dialogue, and respect for opposing views.
Steps for Law Enforcement Agencies
- Investigate Felix Morka’s Statement
The first step for the Nigerian authorities, particularly the police and DSS, is to launch an investigation into Felix Morka’s statement to assess its severity and potential impact. This involves analyzing the context, content, and intent of his remarks to determine if they constitute a direct threat to Peter Obi or encourage violence against opposition figures.
A thorough investigation will ensure that Morka’s words are not left open to interpretation by dangerous individuals who may act on them. It will also provide clarity on whether Morka’s statement violates any existing laws, such as provisions in the Criminal Code or the Cybercrime Act.
It is worth noting that Felix Morka is a lawyer and a member of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). As a licensed legal professional, he is expected to uphold the rule of law and maintain high ethical standards in his public conduct. The silence from the leadership of the NBA, particularly its president, on this matter is concerning. The association must address the behavior of one of its members who has made statements perceived as threatening. The NBA has a responsibility to ensure that its members do not use their legal expertise or platform to intimidate or undermine democratic principles.
It is important to clarify that this writer makes no personal attack on Felix Morka. The intention is not to vilify him as an individual but to address the concerning nature of his public statements and the implications they carry in a democratic society. Furthermore, the writer has no personal or professional relationship with any of the individuals involved in this situation. The observations made herein are rooted in a commitment to democratic principles, rule of law, and accountability in governance.
- Prosecute Under Relevant Laws
If the investigation finds sufficient evidence, Morka should be prosecuted under applicable laws. The Nigerian Criminal Code and the Cybercrime Act both contain provisions that criminalize threats, incitement to violence, and the use of harmful language that could endanger individuals or public safety.
Prosecuting Morka would send a strong message that no one is above the law, regardless of their political affiliation. It would also demonstrate that threatening language aimed at silencing opposition voices will not be tolerated in Nigeria’s democratic framework.
- Ensure Accountability and Consequences
Beyond prosecution, it is essential that the Nigerian authorities ensure Morka faces appropriate consequences for his actions. This could include penalties such as fines, imprisonment, or both, depending on the severity of the offense and the evidence presented.
Holding Morka accountable will reinforce the rule of law in Nigeria and discourage other political figures from making similar threatening statements. It will also restore public confidence in the impartiality and effectiveness of law enforcement agencies, which is critical for maintaining peace and stability in the country.
Clarify Morka’s Intent Through Questioning
The police and DSS have a duty to bring Morka in for questioning to clarify his intent behind the threatening remarks. While no one is suggesting that Morka himself will harm Peter Obi or his family, the world has heard his words through televised comments, and such dangerous rhetoric can inspire copycats or individuals with harmful intentions.
Bringing Morka in for questioning would allow law enforcement to assess whether his statement was made recklessly or with malicious intent. It would also give Morka the opportunity to clarify his words and potentially issue a public retraction or apology, which could help defuse tensions.
The threat issued by Felix Morka against Peter Obi is a wake-up call for Nigerians and the international community. It highlights the urgent need to protect democracy, human rights, and the rule of law in Nigeria. The lack of any public response from the police or DSS, more than 24 hours after Morka’s alarming comments, raises serious questions about law enforcement’s impartiality and accountability.
Silence from these institutions signals a dangerous precedent, especially in a time where threats spread rapidly in the digital age. The police and DSS must act decisively to hold Morka accountable, provide security for Obi, and demonstrate their commitment to justice.
Ultimately, the protection of Peter Obi’s life and safety is a litmus test for Nigeria’s democracy. The government and international partners must act swiftly to ensure Obi receives the protection he deserves and that the rule of law prevails in Nigeria. The police and DSS have a duty to fulfill their constitutional responsibilities and protect not just Peter Obi, but Nigeria’s democratic values from being eroded by intimidation and threats.
During this past New Year’s celebration, l did something that has been on my bucket-list for ages – I took a long six-hour drive from Atlanta, to St. Simons Island in the State of Georgia, in the USA. The ardous task of the long drive was made bearable and pleasant, because I was accompanied by my wife Hadiza, and our twin sons, Aka and Arize. Our destination was the heritage and monument site named; The Igbo Landing in St. Simons Island near the sea port of Savannah, Georgia.
Over the years, I have read and listened to stories about this legendary story, and the vast and deeper meaning of the shared history to this global event of great tapestry and implication. I was intrigued and fascinated about this historical event, and began to wonder why such an epoch event and its relevance to world history has been denied most people. As I began to engage myself in some research and study about The lgbo Landing, I thought it was necessary to visit this site and dip the sole of my feet in the waters that swallowed the souls of those brave Igbo.
This sacred site that we visited, holds the nerve-shattering historical story of how in May of 1803, a large group of captured, kidnapped and enslaved Igbo resisted their enslavement in the most brave and dramatic way, when, inspired by a noble chief among them, they rose up in unison, and martyred themselves at Dunbar Creek on the Island of St. Simons. The slaves marching into the ocean were singing Igbo war songs, and chanting: “The Water brought us here… The Water will take us away…”. They all walked into the river, and drowned. These Igbo slaves embodied the mantra and the message that: You may enslave my body, but you will never be able to enslave my spirit and my soul. They all chose to die honourable deaths, instead of living lives worse than dying, in the cold cotton fields of the wicked and cruel white slave owners who in humiliating and dehumanizing them, profited from their blood, sweat and tears.
Upon arriving at the exact spot where this epic history took place, I was instantly overcome with an indescribable feeling of anxiety – my heart was beating with such rapidity that the pulsation sounded like a war-like drumbeat. The sound of my heartbeat filled the entire space in our car, alerting me to the fear that I may have betrayed my apparent lack of control of my emotions to my children. We stood transfixed at the entry point of the river, with my mind conjuring what may have transpired at the moment those brave Igbo fearlessly walked into their known demise. It is absolutely impossible to accurately write down the countenance I felt. I had a mixed feeling of sadness and pride, as I fought back tears that had began to well up in my eyes. I began to compose and conjure silent prayers for the repose of the souls of those brave Igbo slaves. I asked God why he allowed so much sorrow and pain to befall the Igbo since creation, and why these horrors have persisted? I received no answers, but I kept praying, and pondering, and trying my best to conceal and contain the pain and tears that I have harbored for this day, and for many, decades.
As we stood in a trance at this history point, with a sign on the top of a pier on the river boldly written with the inscription: “EBO LANDING 1803”, there stood an older white man. His name was Thomas, the owner of the property on which this historic site is situated. We had apparently trespassed on his property. We apologized to him and explained our mission. My wife was more expressive as she told him that we are Igbo people who travelled for hours to come and see where our ancestors took their lives and drowned in honour and pride. Mr. Thomas was very welcoming. He knew the entire history of Igbo Landing. He began to narrate the entire story in detail. One of my sons interrupted Mr. Thomas’s tales by pointing out that the word Igbo was misspelled as Ebo, to which Mr. Thomas, retorted sharply that, that was how the slaves pronounced it, and their owners spelled the word.
We were held spell -bound by Mr. Thomas’s education. We listened to him with rapt attention asking questions intermittently as he reeled off details about slavery in the South and the role of all the parties that were involved in the heinous and atrocious trade.
At a point in our interaction with Mr. Thomas, I was anxious to resolve the legendary tales of the appearance of the ghosts of these Igbo slaves on the Island, so I asked him if he had encountered the ghosts of the dead slaves. He confirmed that many have heard the strange singing and wailing voices of these slaves and the clanking and jangling of chains and shackles at odd times. He also confirmed that at many instances, he had experienced many unexplained odd happenings on his property – like finding the lights in his home coming on. These stories gave me goose bumps, as I felt instantly, the presence of these brave Igbo slaves around. The feeling was indeed, real, and eerie too.
Over many years, I have come to the very painful realization that there is a deadly plague or affliction that characterize tribal and ethnic disturbances around the world that have senselessly consumed millions of lives. From the hundreds of millions killed by Belgium’s King Leopold in the Congo, the millions that Germany’s Hitler incinerated, the millions that were starved and killed by bullets and bombs in Biafra, and many other atrocities around the world. Not to mention the millions that died enroute to slavery in the whiteman’s land, and particularly those lgbo slaves that died to uphold their rights to freedom and dignity. At this point, I began to realize the meaning of being Igbo, and of being a part and parcel of the pain and agony that comes with that affinity or affiliation.
As we stood at the site of Igbo Landing, I began to wonder how and where the lgbo people find the tolerance and resilience to bear the long suffering that they have faced in this unkind world. I began to ponder about how they acquire the forbearance to face all the adversities that have become their burden for centuries. I am starting to imagine that the longanimity, which the Igbo have borne for uncountable years, must be an important or a special trait domiciled by God in their DNA. It must be, otherwise how have they been able to withstand and survive the near obliteration of their tribe through slavery, wars, ethnic cleansing, tribal crisis, and many other rebarbative attrition targeted toward them in as many years as our memories can recount.
After about 200 years since the Igbo Landing incident, the ever-deepening account of how our ways of life and our cultures have become so decadent is very concerning. Almost everything about our world has fallen off the cliff, and hitherto remains anchored in hate, prejudices and timidities in such blinding and harmful ways. The wicked impulses of members of God’s creation, and the repulsiveness therefrom, can be traced all the way down to greed, hatred, petty envy, covetousness, insatiability and the lust for domination of certain races, tribes or ethnic groups by others. There are infact, a million good reasons why we must all find a way out of these wicked malfeasance and immorality that predated slavery, and is still subsisting today, and that which are steeped in false and bewildering piety, infecting the entire world with pure evil and tyranny.
Our groundbreaking trip to St. Simons Island brings to light one of the most shameful chapters in the history of the world – it helps me to unearth a part of the many lost stories of the heinous sins of slavery, while equally exposing me to questions about what have become of the descendants of the Igbo slaves who took their own lives by drowning.What is still baffling to me, is the insidious legacy of tribal animosities that reverberate today against the Igbo. It shames and grieves me as a descendant of people who suffer for absolutely no fault of theirs. We must all recoil and be embarrassed that we all still remain and wallow under the cruelty of slavery and other forms of persecution that have pervaded the world and eaten deep into the fabric of our soul.
In my many writings, I have attempted to invoke the Igbo conundrum as an incubus that has scarred and haunted many since creation. But I do not write exclusively about the Igbo pains and agonies, even as I have made explicit insertions into our everyday lives of the signs and symbols that have put and placed mankind to the lowest levels of discriminations and prosecution.
My writings often as depressing and emotional as they may appear, are fundamentally optimistic, even when they are ferociously and courageously critical of those who perpetrate evil and crimes that unfortunately point us to repeatedly insist that racism and tribalism with the other evils of the world will never end.
I write because I believe that the time has come for us to speak up and counter the hegemonic tribal or even the racial hatred and fill them with the passion of historical remembrance and resistance. I believe that the time has come when all our words are needed, and must be strongly spoken to help us move past these horrors, these pains, and to collectively feel the power of change, and of transformation, redemption and revolution in all that we do.
I feel very deeply that I may have become a temple dedicated to acknowledge our pain now, and stand to claim it as a voice for atonement and freedom. When I listened to one of the descendants and direct beneficiaries of slavery; a rich white man, justify the slave trade and the dehumanizing of the black slaves, I was repulsed, and felt an aversion to retch and vomit on his pale and pugnacious face. When this white man in his regurgitation of his revisionist history of slavery, told me the tales of how the white slave traders preferred Igbo slaves to others because they were strong, hardworking, and survivalists, but also equally detested the rebellious nature and tendencies of the Igbo slaves who were very proud and less subservient to their masters – that they did not tolerate nonsense, I was elated. Those two distinguishing and distinct attributes and virtues of the Igbo slaves, made me very proud to be Igbo.
Standing tall in front of The Igbo Landing site, with my chest proudly kissing the blue skies casting ominous shadows over the waters where my proud ancestors martyred themselves, it became clear to me, that I, and some members of my immediate family present at this site, have become part of an epic history. It was also painfully clear to me that we may not make reparations to the casualties, or to the descendants of these callous and wicked acts; be they the ones committed at St. Simons Islands, or in Biafra. But it is never too late to hold our collective breath and inquire about what happened and why. We have a sacred duty, I believe, to reflect on the meaning of these atrocities and ask what became of our humanity.
Looking back, we can – indeed, must – attempt to process the dehumanization of a people; and we also ought to ask why these atrocities were, and are still being committed, why no contrition has been demonstrated or compunction shown, why no formal amends have been made. These questions will continue to reverberate for generations to come. And they are reasons why I keep writing and hoping that the perpetrators of these crimes will be held accountable, and will repent and become reconnected to a peaceful sempiternal universe.
When we returned from visiting St. Simons Island, I was emotionally exhausted, I was troubled by the sensibility and justification given to the inevitability of slavery – how the free labour of black slaves was necessary for the survival of the white man and his world. This much was, with a straight face, expressed by Mr. Thomas to us. Blacks were static components and expendable objects in the eyes of the white slave owners. White animosity towards blacks, is almost emblematic to the poor treatment the Igbo receive on a daily basis in their own country. I could not sleep, as l kept pondering these paradoxes and the cycle upon cycle of the benevolent violence visited on people because of their race, tribe, religion or the colour of their skin.
As I struggle to shut my eyes and get some sleep, I fell into a trance – an out-of-body experience that transported me back to the shores of St. Simons Island, and right at the point of the lgbo slaves entry into the river. Behold, and arising out of the river, were ghosts of the slaves in their shinning and glowing toned bodies with pulsating and intermittently thundering drums accompanied with melodious songs. I was frightened, but stood transfixed in a steady gaze, my lips trembling, and my jaws clasping.
They began to address me in familiar but ancient lgbo dialects. The leader spoke to me in a thunderous but soft and reassuring voice. His voice was unmistakably strong and his face had a mixed expression of calmness, breaking his speech with a slight smile that exposed his clean and well-arranged set of pure white teeth. I was very attentive, even as my entire core was trembling not from the freezing winter temperature, but from being in the presence of my ancestors – standing before our legends, and our pride and joy.
He began: “Nwam nwoke, ibia? Chukwu gozie gi”
– My son, you came? God bless you.
“Keda ka uno di? Asi na AnaIgbo ekpugo iru na ani”
– How is home? They say that Igboland has been destroyed.
“Unu na egbu onwe unu ka okuku…
Obu ife anyi ji nwuo … Alu emeee ooo”
– You people are killing each other like chicken … Is this what we died for… abomination …”
As he spoke, tears began to stream from his eyes, and I may have seen fumes of smoke coming out of his huge nostrils. He spoke for a long duration, lamenting the calamities that have befallen the lgbo – mostly self-inflicted. I was so frightened to speak. I hung my head very low and avoided making any sustained eye contact with the Igbo leader by the shores of the powerful Atlantic Ocean. Our ancestors took turns in delivering valuable messages to the world, and to our people at home. They said much more, in some sort of je ne sais quoi; in inexplicable, indefinable and ineffable words – words so difficult to put into writings.
As I attempt to personalize the larger story of The Igbo Landing through my individual experiences, I have entered transformative eye – opening and gut-wrenching conversations that will hopefully recall the horrors and sheer magnitude of the injustices of oppression be it in St. Simons Island or in Awka, Nigeria.
I was immersed in my dream with my trembling becoming more of a quake, accelerating with each word that my ancestors spoke. At that point, I began to wonder why these ghosts chose me as a messenger for their address of the many spectrum of issues that have bedeviled the world, and particularly the trauma of the Igbo existence. Then, suddenly, from the back of the river rose a voice from a younger ghost who appeared to be the scribe of the group. He was a huge but well chiseled man with his entire face covered in a bushy beard. His eyes were bloodshot red, and with his long strong arms, he held up what appeared like a stone tablet from which he read out a long list of their communique to the world and to Ndigbo. I instantly began to take mental record of the very perfectly articulated message that helped me not only to decolonize my mind, soul and body, but brought me to a deeper level of how I must be motivated to work for the demise of evil in this world. As I listened to the long catalogue of our problems, especially those of the Igbo in the present day Nigeria from this scribe, who I have now named Ojelilgbo Ozi, I found in his message, the decadence that has enveloped our people. I was enraged – but I found in the rage and fierce anger, a healing source of love, strength and hope, and a catalyst for positive change and healing in our home.
All of a sudden my dream that had lasted for many hours began to end. The lgbo ghosts of St. Simons Island had finished with me, and they turned their backs to me, and began to return to the water in slow, but measured gait singing in loud sweet melodies of songs in lgbo that l have never heard before. l then noticed that all their backs were lacerated with sweltings that came from the whippings received from the sharp and strong horsewhips, and the painful floggings they received from their wicked white slave owners. The deep wounds may have healed, but they left scarred evidence of the horror inflicted by our fellow humans on us. Crying, I was jolted out of my bed that has now been drenched in tears and cold sweat in a bloody cold Georgia winter night.
•Okey Anueyiagu, a Professor of Political Economy and is also the Author of Biafra, The Horrors of War, The Story of A Child Soldier
“Let me use this New Year’s message to urge our governors and local council chairpersons to work closely with the central government to seize emerging opportunities in agriculture, livestock, and tax reforms and move our nation forward. I commend governors who have embraced our Compressed Natural Gas initiative by launching CNG-propelled public transport. I also congratulate those who have adopted electric vehicles as part of our national energy mix and transition. The Federal Government will always offer necessary assistance to the states,” President Bola Tinubu said in his January 1, 2025, press statement.
Nigeria’s Constitution established and recognised three arms and three tiers of government. The arms are the executive, legislature and judiciary. The tiers are the Federal, State and Local Governments. There are 11, 082 elective political offices in Nigeria. They are as follows: One presidential seat, 36 governorship positions, 109 senatorial seats, 360 House of Representatives positions, 993 State Houses of Assembly seats, 774 local government/area council chairmanship seats and 8,809 councillorship positions. Out of these elective offices, only 470 are at the federal level i.e. president, 109 senators and 360 House of Reps. States have 1,029 namely; 36 governors and 993 State Assembly members while the rest, 9,583 operates at the local government levels.
Most times media and civil society beamed their searchlights on the Federal Government while paying little or no attention to the subnational governments. Meanwhile, sizeable national resources are spent at the subnational. If not for our warped democracy, which has practically centralised governance as if we are under a unitary system and not federal, subnationals are supposed to be more powerful than the centre. Unfortunately, the preponderance of governance areas is under the exclusive legislative list, while just a handful are under the concurrent and residual lists. Despite removing electricity, railway and correctional services from the exclusive to concurrent legislative lists, 65 items are still under the Federal Government’s purview to determine.
Unknown to many Nigerians, items such as education, roads, health, housing, water, agriculture, electricity, prisons, and railways are under the concurrent legislative list where both federal and state governments have jurisdiction to provide these amenities and services. When roads are deplorable, the blame is heaped on the President not minding that these bad roads could be Trunk B road, which is under the state government, or Trunk C road, which is under the local government authority. Same with health services. Many compatriots do not know that primary health centres are under the control of local government while general hospitals are under the state government. It is only tertiary hospitals and federal medical centres that are under the Federal Government. Same with schools. There are federal universities, polytechnics and colleges of education just as there are state-owned ones. Secondary schools are mostly established by state governments, while primary schools are supposed to be established, funded and controlled by the local government areas.
It is noteworthy that President Tinubu’s administration, just like his predecessors, has been doing a lot to assist the subnational levels. With the removal of subsidies, the federal allocations coming to the subnational levels have significantly increased. In August 2024, the President said that the Federal Government had released N570bn to the 36 states of the federation to expand livelihood support to Nigerians.
Speaking on Sunday, August 4, 2024, during a national broadcast to Nigerians as a result of the hunger protest embarked upon by the citizens, the President added that while 600,000 nano businesses had benefitted from the Federal Government’s nano grants, an additional 400,000 more nano businesses were expected to benefit. Last year, the Federal Government distributed 42,000 metric tonnes of grains through the states to poor Nigerians at no cost to them.
Several other Federal Government initiatives, such as the conditional cash transfer to millions of vulnerable Nigerians; the home-grown school feeding programme; single interest loan scheme to millions of nano, small and medium as fertiliser support to farmers and the provision of CNG buses to commuters, are being done by the Federal Government through the states.
It is therefore important to know what the states are doing with their resources. There is no gainsaying that if the three tiers of government work collaboratively on agricultural production and infrastructural development and join hands to fight insecurity, Nigeria will be a better place to live in.
That is why what some state governments are doing in terms of these governance issues is heartwarming. Just last Saturday, January 4, 2025, President Tinubu was in Enugu State to inaugurate projects completed by Governor Peter Mbah. The projects inaugurated by the President were the 30 completed and equipped Enugu Smart Green Schools out of 260 under construction across the 260 wards in the state; 60 completed and equipped Type 2 primary healthcare centres out of the 260 under construction across the 260 wards in the state; a multi-auditorium and multi-functional Enugu International Conference Centre; 90 completed urban roads in Enugu City; and a state-of-the-art command and control center/150 patrol vehicles fitted with AI-embedded surveillance cameras. It is noteworthy that the President is not in the same party as the governor. While the President is a member of the All Progressives Congress, the governor is a member of the Peoples Democratic Party. Good governance, not reckless partisanship, is needed.
Mention must also be made of the yeoman efforts of Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, under whose watch the metro rail of the state has come to fruition. The blue and red rail lines have been inaugurated and are now in full operation. This transportation option has given Lagosians a multi-choice of commuting options. You may choose to commute via water, rail or road in Lagos. This ultimately will help to reduce traffic jams that have been synonymous with Lagos.
I am excited about what Governor Alex Otti is doing in Abia State. Most heartwarming to me is that 82 per cent of his N750.28bn Abia State 2025 budget, which he signed on Friday, December 27, 2024, is capital expenditure, while a mere 18 per cent is recurrent. He was quoted as saying, “Our push for infrastructural development is reflected in this budget because when you allocate over 80 per cent to capital expenditure, it speaks to what you want to achieve with infrastructure—things that will outlast all of us.”
In October last year, the Borno State Governor, Babagana Zulum, unveiled six projects during his tour of two local government areas of the southern part of the state. The projects unveiled included a 60-classroom Islamic college through which the state government aimed to combat violent extremism and avert young people from being radicalised by terrorist sects. His handling of the unfortunate flooding of Maiduguri last year and the resettlement of internally displaced persons back to their ancestral lands are all commendable. I know many other states are doing well but they need to do more.
Unfortunately, the development in Edo State in the way and manner Governor Monday Okpebholo and the Edo State House of Assembly are treating the 18 local government councils in the state is reprehensible and heartrending. First, the governor wrote to demand an audit report from the LGAs. When he was ignored because he was acting ultra vires, he allegedly petitioned the Edo State House of Assembly, which promptly passed a motion suspending the LGA chairmen and the vice chairmen for two months. This has been roundly condemned by well-meaning Nigerians, including the Attorney General and Minister of Justice. As if that was not enough, councillors in these LGAs are now being induced to impeach the suspended chairmen. This is unhealthy for our democracy. The governor and the state House of Assembly lack the power to suspend chairmen of councils. While the councillors are vested with the constitutional right to impeach chairmen and vice chairmen, due process ought to be followed. In the extant case of Edo State, the rule of law is being flagrantly flouted in handling the local government crises.
X: @jideojong
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Ten years ago when he clocked 80, his good old, shoot straight self was more evident than ever.
“I don’t want people to remember me for anything (other) than this was a man who worked hard, and walked straight,” he told This Day in a rare, detailed interview.
That was him in his true elements, saying it as it is, with fervour; always with candour and dignity.
Pa Frank Abiodun Aig-Imoukhuede, the respected and celebrated man of culture and the arts.
Today, Wednesday January 8, 2025, he clocks 90, and not a few in Nigeria’s culture sphere and allied industries will be elated to see a true man of letters; an icon of the culturatti and inded one of the remaining shining stars of arts and literature engage in an authentic dance of the elders.
Journalist, poet, author, thespian and admistrator per excellence, Pa Aig-Imoukhuede is one of those blessed gems who have witnessed Nigeria’s transformation from the last few decades of her colonial era in the 30s, 40s and 50s; and of course all of the intriguing 64 years after independence.
At every point in time since his undergraduate days, he has captured different slices and shades of the country’s journey.
He has, in the process, contributed his own indelible quota to the greatness that Nigeria has achieved among the committee of nations.
Many knew him as a younger brother to the literary matriarch, Mabel Segun, together with whom they are the only surviving siblings from a family of six children.
Many more would know him as the father of the accomplished banker, business man and an art aficionado in his own right, Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, the chairman of Access Bank Holdings.
But Pa Aig-Imoukhuede is definitely known and celebrated beyond his family pedigree and progeny.
Until his retirement in 1995 as the Federal Director of Culture, he was a prime go-to man in matters of culture.
I bear witness to his wealth of knowledge, firm but accommodating spirit and his unwavering belief in how and why Nigeria must fulfil her potential as a uniquely blessed country.
As a young reporter with The Guardian in the mid 1990s, Pa Imoukhuede was an unrivalled resource bank for journalists, especially on federal matters.
His younger colleague, Oba Gbenga Sonuga (now the Fadesewa of Simawa, in Makun, Sagamu Ogun State) was another reliable source while he the Director of Lagos State Council for Arts and Culture and later Founder/CEO of International Centre for the Arts, Lagos (ICAL).
But Pa Imoukhuede was helpful to me beyond a couple of interviews he granted The Guardian.
He was one of the key people that graciously granted my request for an interview when I was writing the biography of a special cultural icon, my grand uncle, who was the late Ashipa of Ibadanland, High Chief (Dr.) John Adeyemi Ayorinde.
Pa Imoukuede’s recollection of Papa Ayorinde was captured on Page 124 in Chapter 9 of my book, “Abokede: The Man, The Hill, The City”, published in conjunction with the Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan in 2011.
My grand uncle was one of the key people that Pa Imoukhuede served with on the same committee during the hosting of the FESTAC in 1977 and while he was Secretary at the National Council for Arts & Culture (NCAC).
His views as captured in the book reads in part: ” I was co-opted into the committee through my boss, Chief Harold Dappa-Biriye, while I was at NCAC. I believe Papa J.A Ayorinde was appointed into the NCAC Board to represent Traditional Institutions. His deep knowledge of culture, clothing and traditional institution must have greatly endeared him to the authorities.”
His larger views on FESTAC are the stuff that words on marble are made of:
” FESTAC did a lot for the black man. It was a symbol that brought 59 countries of the world together. It was the biggest event for the black man in the last century. It has symbols such as the National Theatre, Festac Town, Durbar Hotel and so on.”
It is worthy of note that Pa Imoukhuede did not just jump into matters of culture.
Culture found him from a tender age!
He was born on January 8, 1935 in Edunabon, near Ile Ife, in the old Western Region (now in Edo State) as the fourth child of the family. But he lost his father, Isiah Aigbovbioise Imoukhuede early in life. He was only three-years-old when his father passed on, leaving him (with his other sibblings) in the care of his mother, Madam Eunice Ovbialeke Imoukhuede, a hard-working trader who ensured that all her children had University education.
Although his father departed early, he picked at least four major legacies from his dad.
A legacy of quality education.
Legacy of ecumenical service that saw the good Reverend Imoukhuede adding to the pioneering work of spreading the gospel through many communities of the old Western Region.
The legacy of bloodline of royalty and nobility, traceable from Oba Ozolua the Great, who was the founder of the Sabongida Ora’s family ancestral homestead. He ruled Benin in the 15th century.
And of course he picked from his father the legacy of respect for heritage and love for creativity and the arts.
His father was credited with the popular Yoruba children’s song: “Iwe kika, laisi oko, koi pe o…” (education without farming is inadequate).
From Edunabon to Ila Orangun where he also lived with his mother and where he encountered the Fakeye family of carvers; to Lagos, then Ibadan and back to Lagos, the good legacies that his father left would later shape his life’s trajectory as a cultured, creative and forthright gentleman.
He got to Lagos in 1947 with innate love for things of culture. “I used to watch the annual festivals in those days,” he pnce said in a newspaper interview. “In a way my experience living in several places influenced my passion for culture.”
He attended Igbobi College between 1950 and 1954, during which time he was a member of the College Cricket 11. Those were the good old days when education in public schools was not complete without sports arenas, including inter-house sports; literary and debating societies; functional science laboratories and excellent curriculum.
Young Frank Aig-Imoukhuede continued playing the gentleman’s sport at the University College, Ibadan where he enrolled to study English and would later graduate with honours in 1961.
He was a valued member of the University Cricket Team and won several international caps.
He was also a member of the University Hockey Team.
But University College Ibadan certainly did more for him than provide sporting activities.
It was at UCI that he honed his writing and theatrical skills.
He wrote, directed and acted in several plays, some staged at first in the dinning hall.
It is said that his was the first play penned by a Nigerian to be staged by the Arts & Theatre group of the University.
He would later lead the University Graduating Procession with his buddy, Prof. Wole Soyinka, the Nobel Laureate, who celebrated his own 90th last July.
It was not a surprise that both were involved in leading socio-cultural confraternity in campus and were welcoming to Robert Mugabe, who would later become the President of Zimbabwe (formerly Rodesia) when he had a stint at UCI.
But UCI sharpened Pa Aig-Imoukhuede’s somewhat revolutionary mien too.
He once protested the practice of Nigerian students playing the parts of animals in the classic university plays while their white lecturers had the good speaking roles.
His student political activism had peaked as soon as he arrived on campus.
Not surprisingly, he did not take the back seat, when almost two thousand students on campus led a major protest against the British Prime Minister at the time, Harold Macmillan, who had suddenly appeared at the university library one memorable day in 1958.
“It was the time of the atomic bomb in the Sahara desert”, Pa Aig-Imoukhuede, once recalled. “So we were politically alert. We were holding Independent movements and all that.”
The former British Prime minister, who incidentally was known as ‘SmartMac’ in England in those days, had to be rushed into a waiting car, hiting his head i the car in the process, to escape the wrath of the students in Ibadan.
That was years before ‘Ali Must Go’ protest; way before the protest that caught the late business mogul, Chief Arisekola Alao, at the University of Ibadan, and decades before the social-media driven #endsars protest by Nigerian youths in October 2020.
Upon graduation, his first job was with Radio Nigeria Service as Planning Officer to the Controller of National Programmes.
He also explored television briefly when he produced ‘Focus’ a documentary of Western Nigerian Government Programmes.
He worked with the Daily Express Newspaper as a journalist, thereby becoming arguably the first graduate of a Nigerian University to be hired by a local newspaper.
In 1962, he moved from full-time journalism to join the Nigerian Civil Service when he was appointed as Information Officer for the Western Region.
But then he continued to write columns for a couple of newspapers and magazines, including SPEAR and Modern Woman magazine.
In 1963, he was assigned to the Federal Unit as a Scriptwriter, a position he held till 1971.
During that time, he scripted the popular radio series: ‘Save Journey’, ‘Oga Mr. Councillor’ and ‘Constable Joe’ among others.
He also penned several radio plays that were performed to popular acclaim in Ibadan and Lagos.
Of course Lagos played a central role in his illustrious career as a civil servant and he has fond memories of the city that his grandchildren would probably be referring to as ‘Lasgidi’ today.
” We had all sorts of things happening at that time. Lagos was clean. We used to race in the gutter with matchboxes. We would make a shape out of it and we would run after it until we got to Marina.
“When I began my career, my office was opposite the Cathedral, the magazine section. That was when we started the cultural division and Marina was a bit different from what we have now.”
In 1964, he went on a post-graduate diploma course at Poona Film Institute in India, to study Cinenatography. His script at the Institute earned him a gold prize before proceeding to win another award at the maiden edition of the African and Asiant Film Festival.
Poetry had a sweet taste for him, especially the ones he wrote in pidgin. For their quality, he got them published in respected pioneer literary journals like the Black Orpheus (1964); The Horn and his major collection ‘Pidgin Stew and Sufferhead.’
His promotions and impact became steady in the ’70.
From becoming the first ever Cultural Officer of the Federal Civil Service in 1971 and rising to the position of Principal Cultural Officer in 1975, he had become something of a force in Nigeria’s culture landscape.
He practically supervised Nigeria’s entries and exhibitions during FESTAC.
Between 1975 and 1988, he held the post of Director at NCAC and the annual competitive National Festival of Arts & Culture (NAFEST).
The big one eventually came his way in 1988 when he was appointed the Federal Director of Culture, a position he held until his retirement in 1995.
Few people have made matters of culture and creativity their full menu like Pa Aig-Imoukhuede. And he’s been somewhat relentless, even in retirement.
If he’s not serving on the Board of several government and non-governmental agencies, he is presiding over committees and councils, or attending conferences.
He has remained a veritable resource, post-retirement, to the parastatals that were created from the old directorates of culture.
With dedication and integrity, he has played useful roles as culture and heritage specialist as well as arts and tourism consultant, including making contributions to the Niger Delta Development Plan, among other initiatives.
In retirement, he chaired the review of Nigerian Film Policy, even as many years in retirement saw him attending conferences and making presentations and being involved in legacy-making documentations.
This will naturally include the writing of “A Calendar of Nigerian Traditional Festivals” and “Between God and Man: Meaning and Essence of Traditional Festivals.”
In the last 10 years, quite remarkably, he has continued writing and documenting Nigerian culture, exploring etymology of our ethnicity and interacting with old friends like Demas Nwoko and Bruce Onabrakpeya in similar endeavours.
Not surprisingly, he has aso found ample time for exhibitions at the Coronation Gallery, his son’s (Aigboje) arthouse in Lagos.
In fact, after the last exhibition at The Coronation, he was said to have remarked that although the exhibition was well-curated, but was lacking the works of “masters” that he would have loved to see.
His verdict, therefore: he must be invited to all the Coronation Gallery exhibitions.
That’s vintage Frank Aig-Imoukhuede, the quintessential artman who joins the league of nonagenarians today and will later in the year celebrate his 60th wedding anniversary to his childhood love, Emily Ofovwe, with whom they share four children who “have made me a proud father”: Erekpitan, a University don; Aigboje the indefatigable banker; Oluwakemi a business tycoon and education entrepreneur and Aigbovbioise, a stock broker.
“At times people used to say I’m proud. Well, how can a man who is proud be also full of humility?” He asks rhetorically.
He shoots straight, yet again, but with wise nuggets. “Life is about knowing where you are going and being focused!”
Happy birthday to this refined gentleman from Sabongida Ora who finds, and shares, values in culture.
Ayorinde, a journalist, author and TV Host, is former Commissioner for Information, Culture & Tourism in Lagos State
Welcome on board WT-2025. As we journey through this year 2025, may we all be blessed with the wisdom that is sufficient and similar to that of King Solomon to navigate its twists and turns. First, Let’s understand what wisdom is. Wisdom is the ability to make a good decision or judgement based on the knowledge, experience and understanding. In addition, wisdom can’t be given and is only grudgingly learned as exemplified by some of our offsprings.
Furthermore, wisdom is the culmination of experience, knowledge, and good judgment. Knowledge can be learned and judgement is a function of intelligence and forethought but experience must be gained first hand. Wikipedia defines wisdom as “Wisdom or sapience is the ability to think and act using knowledge, experience, understanding, common sense, and insight, especially in a mature or utilitarian manner”. So basically, the road of excess represent information, the more information you’ll have the closest you’ll get to the place of Wisdom. It’s sort of like Jesus’s parable of the talents. You are responsible to do well with what you are given. Ironically, life is full of twist and turn - nonetheless, wisdom comes from experience and self reflection.
Essentially, wisdom is when you stop thinking about yourself solely and more so as “Us.” Mathew 7:7–8 “Ask, and it shall be given to you; seek, and you shall find; knock, and it shall be opened to you: 8 For every one that asks receives; and he that seeks shall finds.” To me wisdom is when you can think clearly and act accordingly. You do not act on emotions but rather rationalize the outcome you want and works toward it.
Similarly, the wise man Solomon wrote, “He who finds a wife finds a good thing and obtains favor from the Lord” (Prov. 18:22). A good marriage is a great blessing and is the foundation of a healthy, happy home. Too many people take their marriage for granted. This is some parts of wisdom for marriage. It is important to embody empathy, compassion, love, kindness, humility, and understanding towards one another, however, doing so comes with experience and faith. Each partner develops mentally, emotionally, physically, and spiritually. In marriage, two individuals become a team by growing together.
Following from the above, a wise person knows that he does not know everything. He uses this as an opportunity to learn, making him all the more wise. Therefore, I'd like to share with my esteemed readers one of the feedback that I received some days back on the subject of WISDOM:
"Oga Richard, again Happy New Year; and thanks for sharing (this) your reflection which offers a thoughtful and insightful perspective on the distinction between wisdom and knowledge, and it highlights the importance of prioritizing wisdom in the coming year.
I have a few comments on your thoughts:
1) Wisdom vs. Knowledge: You're absolutely right that wisdom and knowledge are not the same. While knowledge is about gathering facts, information, and understanding specific subjects, wisdom is about how to apply that knowledge effectively and seeing the bigger picture. Wisdom often involves making sound judgments based on experience, understanding, and a deep awareness of life's complexities.
2) Reinventing the Wheel: Your mention of wisdom coming from experience, often referred to as "reinventing the wheel," is an interesting point. While it’s true that wisdom can be learned through personal trial and error, it’s also valuable to learn from others’ experiences, which can help avoid unnecessary mistakes and accelerate personal growth. In many ways, seeking wisdom from others’ insights helps us expand our own understanding and gain wisdom more efficiently.
3) Insight and Connection: The idea that wisdom is connected to deeper insight—seeing everything in a more profound way—is very powerful. Wisdom is about connecting with experiences at a deeper emotional and intellectual level, not just understanding them at face value. This deeper connection can lead to greater empathy, compassion, and personal growth, allowing us to make better choices and contribute positively to the lives of others.
4) Prioritizing Wisdom: Your call to prioritize wisdom in 2025 is both timely and essential. In a world filled with overwhelming amounts of information, wisdom becomes increasingly important in helping us navigate complex situations and make decisions that are not just informed, but also thoughtful, balanced, and compassionate. Wisdom can guide us through difficult decisions, personal challenges, and help us make a lasting positive impact on the world.
5) The Book of Wisdom: The reference to the Wisdom of Solomon from the biblical tradition adds a spiritual and philosophical dimension to your point. The Book of Wisdom emphasizes the pursuit of wisdom as a divine gift that offers profound understanding of life, the world, and our purpose. It’s a reminder that wisdom is not just intellectual but also has a spiritual and moral component that guides us toward a better, more ethical life.
To conclude, your reflection beautifully encapsulates the importance of seeking and prioritizing wisdom as we enter 2025. Wisdom not only enriches our lives personally but also has the potential to transform our communities and the world at large, if we approach it with humility, empathy, and openness. May this new year be one of growth, learning, and deepening wisdom for all of us."
Again, thank you for sharing
(_adeABANIDA_)
In conclusion, I like to share with you, the profound words of Aristotle, an Ancient Greek philosopher and polymath. Yes, Aristotle said, “Knowing yourself is the beginning of all wisdom”. This quote suggests that understanding your own strengths, weaknesses, values, and beliefs is essential for gaining wisdom and living a fulfilling life. Knowing thyself is a dynamic, life long process. Yes, that is how the wisdom begins.
Finally, as a people in a nation, facing difficult times, it can be helpful to focus on gratitude, surround oneself with supportive people, and engage in activities that bring us joy. Personally, during tough times, I find solace in practicing mindfulness and self-care. Taking time for myself, whether it's through meditation, exercise, or pursuing hobbies, helps me stay positive. Remember, it's important to be kind to yourself and seek support when needed.
Richard Odusanya
‘’With long life I satisfy him and show him my salvation’’ Psalm 91:16
One of Nigeria’s preeminent public servants; celebrated journalist, writer, artist and poet, Frank Abiodun Aig-Imoukhuede, OON, turns 90 on Wednesday, January 8, 2025, a significant milestone in a long and chequered life. His family is rolling out the drums to celebrate him for his unparalleled attainments and memorable contributions to Nigeria. Uncle Frank, as he is fondly called by friends, associates and family, including the children, has been a household name in contemporary Nigerian arts sector in the last five decades, having played prominent roles in the organization of FESTAC’77; the conception and building of the National Arts Theatre in Lagos and the formation of National Council of Arts and Culture, among others. He’s been practically involved in every aspect of the Nigerian art form right from the end of the civil war, either as an administrator, collector, curator or connoisseur.
In his younger days, inspired by his father, Rev. Isaiah Aig-Imoukhuede who created the popular Yoruba children’s song, ‘’Iwe kiki, l’ai si oko’’; Uncle Frank was a prolific song writer, a playwright who wrote several radio plays; a sculptor who won many prizes; a musician who played many instruments; a poet who wrote many poems, mostly in Pidgin English; a story teller; photographer, who owned a dark room and a collector who kept many Nigerian artifacts at home. ‘’Our home was like many galleries; he had musical instruments from all over Africa; collected artifacts and even comics. In a week, he would buy up to 25 comics for every age group, and would read all of them’’, recalls first child, Prof Erekpitan Ola-Adisa, a professor of Architecture at the University of Jos, in an hour-long conversation with me. She continued: ‘’my dad thought that I was going to turn out as an artist; he introduced me to his friends who were artists, people like Ben Enwonwu; but even though I ended up cutting a different path, I am proud to say that what he taught me long ago has had immense impact on my career. I am very close to him; he mentored me; encouraged me and I can say that my professional growth was influenced by him’’.
Dark complexioned, tall with sharp facial features, she is a spitting image of her father. ‘’My dad found a kindred spirit in my mother’’, she continued, remembering her mother who passed away in June 2021. Pastor (Mrs) Emily Aig-Imoukhuede was also an art aficionado, who built one of the first private galleries in Lagos. A former President of Nigerian Council of Women Societies (NCWS), she was also a Minister during the Babangida regime. Ola-Adisa describes her father as a fearless man of strong convictions who raised his children on the core values of honesty and hard work.
Uncle Frank was born to Rev. Isaiah Aigbovbioise and Eunice Aig-Imoukhuede in Edunabon, in what is now Ife North LGA of Osun State., fifth child of six children. But he became the last child when two of his siblings died in infancy. Three short years later, his father died, leaving the young Frank in the care of his mother who ensured that he was well educated up to university level. Uncle Frank was born into royalty and nobility traceable from Oba Ozolua the Great, founder of the Sabongida Ora family ancestral homestead, who ruled Benin in the 15th century. Little wonder that he grew up to become Nigeria’s repository of culture and arts. A loving family man, he sired four children who are successful in their chosen fields. Following the professor is Aigboje, banker and philanthropist. Next is Mrs Kemi Balogun, known as the Servant Leader of Rebirth Ministry with members from all of Nigeria, Africa and the rest of the world and married to the well-known stockbroker and capital market operator, Bolaji Balogun. The last is Aigbovbioise, who works in financial advisory and is named after his grandfather.
Over the Christmas holidays and well into January, the family has been busy putting together a reception to celebrate the new nonagenarian who had bequeathed so much for the children. In return, they adore him for varied reasons. ‘’He was a good disciplinarian who taught me how to be independent very early in life’’, said last child Aigbovbioise, Managing Director of Coronation Asset Management Limited. ‘’My dad taught me how to pay NEPA bill when I was 9 years old; and when I was in primary school, he made me pay my school fees on my own – he would give me his First Bank cheque; I would take it to the branch at Apongbon, near Marina, withdraw the cash; take it to school in Ikoyi and pay my school fees. I can say that he taught me the first principle of financial planning or planning for life which is cutting one’s coat according to its size. My dad was very particular about living within one’s means’’, he recalls with that last-born excitement. ‘’My older siblings used to act my father’s plays on TV; but my interest was reading the many comics he collected’’. Besides, Aigbovbioise enjoyed his father’s company during his travels around western Nigeria. ‘’He would take me along on his trips to Ibadan; Abeokuta, and all around most of southern Nigeria’’, he added.
The relationship between a young woman and her husband’s parents could be complicated in many ways, for many reasons. But for his daughter-in-law, Ofovwe Aig-Imoukhuede, Uncle Frank is a role model, a repository of family history, humorist and a story teller. Married to first son Aigboje means she would have to curate a special relationship with the old man. Herself a daughter of a prominent Urhobo public servant, Senator Fred Brume, Mrs Aig-Imoukhuede calls his father-in-law grandpa and holds him in high esteem and immense admiration.
’’When I first met him, he seemed an imposing and distant figure who did not suffer fools gladly. However, as I got to interacting with him more, I found out that he was a deeply intelligent and personable family-oriented man, who has passion for Nigeria’s culture and art; and is keen to share them with everyone around him’’, she told me candidly. She added matter-of-factly: ‘’He is a repository of family history, and loves to tell stories of the Imoukhuede and Aig-Imoukhuede families, making sure that we all know who is who and sharing insights into the various family personalities. He also delights in studying all his grandchildren and revealing ways in which they are similar to family members who are no longer with us. As an avid art lover, he particularly enjoys talking about art with his grandchildren and encouraging their artistic pursuits.’’ Uncle Frank has 17 grandchildren, some of whom are budding writers whose writing skills can easily be traced to his inputs.
Mrs Aig-Imoukhuede is executive vice chairman of Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation, a charity she founded with her husband in 2015. Svelte and soft spoken, she speaks passionately about her relationship with her father-in-law. ‘’He treats me very nicely, with love and affection; I have learned so much from him. I learned the importance of family from him and the essence of remembering our roots. I also came to appreciate the amazing culture of our country, much of which seems to be ignored or hardly talked about. Through his stories, I discovered a Nigeria that I had never encountered before, one that is rich with beautiful traditions that deserve to be celebrated more. Nigerians definitely need more people like him; people who help us to remember our traditions and keep them alive. His amazing books in which he catalogued Nigerian culture are vitally important and should be featured on coffee tables around the world’’.
Uncle Frank grew up in Yaba with other young men who later achieved their own respective renown. The Petgraves; the Fowlers; and the late Otunba Subomi Balogun, to mention a few. Today, they are related in marriage. Aigbovioise's wife, Funke, is Tunde Fowler's daughter while Otunba Balogun's son, Bolaji, is married to Uncle Frank's daughter, Kemi.
In 2006, President Olusegun Obasanjo bestowed the Order of the Niger (OON) National Award on Uncle Frank in acknowledgement of his immense contributions to the development of Nigeria’s art and culture. He deserves more: an honourary doctorate degree from one of our universities and a road in Abuja, Lagos or Benin named after him would be a fitting recognition. The children should come together and write his biography, for his has been a life of virtue, integrity and enlightened thinking.
[OPINION] M. Yayale Ahmed: Filling Gaps in Nigeria’s Administrative Reform History - Tunji Olaopa
AdminThis piece was meant to be my address and reflection during a planned courtesy visit in 2024 to the Federal Civil Service Commission of my old boss, Mahmud Yayale Ahmed, commander of the federal republic (CFR), former Head of Service of the Federation, former SGF and Hon. Minister, Ajiyan Katagum, and Chairman of the Governing Council, Ahmadu Bello Univerity, Zaria; a visit, which objective indeed had achieved by other means. When a personality like Mahmud Yayale Ahmed decides to pay a visit to an organization like the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC) to honour his mentee, then such a visit is far from being a mere courtesy visit. Such visitation generates reflections and discourses, and activate possibilities. That is the kind of personality Yayale Ahmed is. And such visit especially to the FCSC carries both the burden of administrative history and reform possibilities. Yayale Ahmed was not just my former boss, he is also a veritable mentor; I owe a significant portion of my trajectory into becoming a bureaucrat-scholar-reformer to his mentorship. He had a fundamental impact in shaping my foray into the maelstrom of public service institutional reform programme management in the federal service. Having such an old boss visit his boy at the FCSC is an event in itself, one that is sufficient to make me tremble at the possible comments I would receive.
However, when he is visiting in his capacity as the national chairman of the Council for Retired Federal Permanent Secretaries (CORFEPS), the matter becomes even more critical. CORFEPS is the association of retired administrative professionals that has been throwing the weight of its institutional memory and competences behind the ongoing efforts to transform the dwindling status and reputation of public administration and the capacity readiness of the public service in Nigeria. Thus, when CORFEPS meets FCSC, we are already not only laying the templates for all hands to be on deck, but also articulating the critical historical and administrative records that must undergird the necessity of institutionally rehabilitating Nigeria’s public administration architecture.
When CORFEPS held its maiden colloquium on 5-7 March, 2024, and had in attendance the administrative bigwigs—from HRM Olu Falae to Amb. Babagana Kingibe and, Dr. Bukar Usman, as lead speaker—the association demonstrates that the past administrative leadership cannot be retired out of the collective responsibility of institutional reform that the public administration and public service sorely need in Nigeria. Indeed, that maiden colloquium brought a new energy into the functionality of the communities of practice and service—retired heads of service and permanent secretaries at both the federal and state levels, platforms of retired directors, pensioners, Nigerian Association of Public Administration and Management (NAPAM), etc.—and the strategic and restorative responsibility for the institutional repositioning of public administration as a noble vocation in Nigeria. And the fundamental objective is clear: how the Nigerian public administration framework, and the public service system, can be reformed to jumpstart Nigeria’s strategic inclusion in the fourth industrial revolution and its implication for infrastructural development to service the wellbeing of Nigerians.
In this piece, my objective is to insert the administrative personality of Mahmud Yayale Ahmed into the reform trajectory of the Nigerian civil service system during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency. This is with the aim of filling out some missing gaps in the reform experiment at the commencement of Nigeria’s democratic governance in 1999. His proactive role as an institutional reformer par excellence also constitutes the occasion to ask fundamental question about the capacity of the civil service system to reform itself. This will eventually not only provide a historical and administrative basis for situating his significance in Nigeria’s reform progress, but also his current role as the chairperson of CORFEPS and its ongoing efforts to backstop restorative institutional reform.
The years between 2000 and 2007 were significant in Nigeria’s administrative and reform history because they present a moment of a major paradigm shift in change management praxis that contributed a fundamental template of reform progress to Nigeria’s reform architecture and achievements. And Yayale Ahmed was right in the centre of the critical efforts to lay the foundation of a world class civil service institution for the Nigerian state. It was at a critical juncture that Yayale Ahmed took over the rein of administrative affairs of a civil service system that had weathered several reform commissions and reports meant to translate the fortunes of the system into concrete administrative advances that Nigerians can relate with in terms of service delivery. The Udoji Commission (1974), Dotun Phillips Study Team (1984) and Ayida Review Panel (1994), all attempted to ground the public service on a pedestal of managerial efficiency and effectiveness that delivers the goods and the services.
When I met Yayale Ahmed, it was right in the midst of the unfolding reform efforts at making sense of the public service system within Nigeria’s democratic experiment. He was the permanent secretary at the federal ministry of education when I was the head of the policy division, as well as the special assistant to Prof. Tunde Adeniran who later mentioned me to his successor (the late Prof. Babalola Borishade). I was later introduced by the late Prof. Akin Mabogunje to Chief Olusegun Obasanjo who then seconded me, on the strength of my articulation through a concept note of the institutional reform challenges and direction of the civil service, to serve as the technical head of the secretariat of the strategy team located within the Management Services Office. I report directly to the permanent secretary, late Mr. O. O. Oyelakin, who reports directly to the head of Service, Alhaji Yayale Ahmed.
Given the reputation of someone that the president, Olusegun Obasanjo, referred to as “Mr. Civil Servant,” his in-depth grounding in the dynamics of the system, as well as the crucial understanding of the democratic imperative underlying institutional change, Yayale Ahmed was able to courageously articulate a reform methodology that jumpstarted a new era of administrative reforms in Nigeria. In 2001, as the second phase of the implementation of the Ayida Report was underway, Alhaji Yayale Ahmed faced the federal executive council presided over by President Olusegun Obasanjo, and boldly asserted that the civil service possessed the sufficient resident capacity to diagnose its institutional debilitation, articulate a reform strategy and oversee its own reform. And this revolutionary declaration was coming at a time when skeptics were not sure anything good could ever come out of the civil service.
Indeed, I strongly believed that it was part of the determination to prove the strength of his conviction about the system’s capability to reform itself that facilitated the broadminded learning and proactive space that led to the institutional and professional maturation of someone like me and my eventual transformation into a bureaucrat-scholar. What I mean to say is that under Yayale Ahmed’s watch, I saw the evolution and full maturation of my growing research expertise that came at a crucial point when the diagnostic study and strategic development of the reform methodology was unfolding. No wonder therefore that it was under his ambitious, firm and visionary headship that one of the largest reform programs in the annals of change management in Nigeria was successfully implemented.
Yayale Ahmed’s stature as a public servant cannot be properly decided outside of the reform architecture during his time as the head of service. Indeed, his reputation is tied in with the establishment and fortune of the Bureau of Public Service Reform (BPSR) which is supposed to be the arrowhead of the courageous assertion that the civil service is able to diagnose and reform itself. The BPSR was established in 2003 as the lead reform implementation and monitoring coordinating agency armed with the objective of managing and sustaining service-wide reforms agenda of the Obasanjo administration, while also ensuring that the reform mandate was implemented in the Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs), the operational units carrying out government business. The three major justification for the existence of the BPSR are:
› The need to create a clearing house, a one-stop-shop of a sort, where all stakeholders could receive information and guidance on all the reform programmes of the Federal Government;
› The strong conviction that the reforms objectives will not be realized in the long term, through an ad-hoc committee or task force; and
› The need to have an “engine room” that is enabled with the required capability and resources to leverage on local and international knowledge networks and communities of public administration best practices, to support policy, institutional and governance reform processes with required expertise, and good practices on an on-going basis (http://www.bpsr.gov.ng/index.php).
However, the trajectory of the operational dynamics of the BPSR since 2007 has been less than optimal. And so, the question of whether it has been able to live up to its mandate is a difficult one to answer. And this is because of so many crippling circumstances, bureaucratic and political, that attended its operations. Since 2008, the capacity of the BPSR to manage and sustain institutional reforms has been stunted. For instance, by transferring its supervision from the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HCSF) to the OSGF, its mandate was though expanded from being confined solely to the core civil service rather than the wider public service, but at that it lost the required professional supervision it needs so badly to function. And it also implies that it would henceforth be managed as an appendage of the OSGF rather than as an active player in the few significant initiatives that have taken place in the civil/public service since then.
Reform efforts before the BPSR have always been hampered by an oscillation between comprehensiveness and selectivity in the choice of methodology for pushing reform through. And that indecisiveness also played out within the operational dynamics of the BPSR. But then the many attempts at pushing the BPSR into strategic irrelevance could not diminish a paradigmatic reform methodology: there was a decisive transition away from a decade of episodic structural review of the civil service system to a methodological perception of administrative reform as one trajectory of continuous learning and incremental improvement. And this is where the BPSR proved its most fundamental importance in providing the organizing framework for enhancing this paradigmatic reform methodology. It did this by developing a generic guideline for restructuring, streamlining and monitoring the operational bases of the MDAs.
Pilot MDA reforms were carried out as basis for measuring and documenting the administrative challenges confronted by the public service that undermine its performance efficiency. The pilot study also enabled the scaling up of the reform implementation strategy to other MDAs at: (a) service-wide systemic reform level, (b) the MDAs’ specific level which entails the implementation of performance improvement plans and the deepening and consolidation of reforms as it concerns cross-cutting reform programs with instruments such as challenge and performance improvement funds, and (c) the implementation of such reform programs as pension reform, national health insurance scheme, statistical reform, pay reform, SERVICOM, to name just a few.
It was therefore from broad-based analyses of the fundamental assumptions, presuppositions, indications, deductions and findings from the pilot MDAs study that generated the initiatives for designing and firming up the irreducible national strategy for public service reform (NSPSR). The document constitutes a fundamental reform blueprint for articulating the trajectory of reform management in Nigeria. The significance of the NSPSR derives from the host of reform initiatives and achievements that its methodological emergence made possible, especially post-Yayale Ahmed. I could mention a few. There was the finalization of the African Public Service Charter that encompass a continental administrative blueprint around which the NSPSR could also be mainstreamed. There was also a concerted and genuine effort to resurrect the National Association for Public Administration and Management (NAPAM) which fell through because of a lack of push-through by the bureaucratic leadership. We cannot but mention the service-wide significance of the tenure policy and the concern to contain the exploding but unsustainable institutional redundancies that birthed the Oronsaye panel on the rationalization of agencies and parastatals that became a poster initiative for the post-Obasanjo reform era. That reform policy is still the focal point of every effort to deal with the cost of governance problem that bedevils the public service. We must also signal the introduction of the ministerial scorecard as a managerial strategy for performance management under the Goodluck Jonathan administration. This is complemented by other initiatives like online training programme which has been expanded into the formidable Leadership Enhancement and Development Programme (LEAD-P).
In retrospect, the courage displayed by Yayale in insisting that the civil service possesses the capacity to reform itself, and the series of administrative incidences that attended the BPSR’s effort to championing that argument, only makes the issue even more cogent. All across the world, there are healthy scepticism around the possibility of a bureaucracy leading its own administrative reform. And the jury is still out on whether the Yayale Ahmed’s leadership of the civil service was able to undermine that skepticism enough given the undercurrent of the battle-royal between the federal service and the economic management team during the president Obasanjo second-term. And this generates more questions and discourses that public administration theorists and institutional reformers in Nigeria cannot run away from. Institutional reform in Nigeria always appears Sisyphean, as if the reformers are confronted with the task of rolling the boulder of administrative reform up a hill only to watch it roll back down perpetually. So, why is the task of institutional reform a series of motions without many substantive movements? In concrete terms, why is it the case that despite the numerous service-wide reform initiatives from 1999 to date, the federal civil service system is still, on balance, progressively declining in some critical performance indicators and parameters that overall, limit its capability readiness to sustain service delivery to Nigerians?
Jean-Baptiste Alphonse Karr, the French satirist, once remarked: ‘The more things change, the more they stay the same.” In change management terms, this is a crippling observation that not only inhibit the capacity of the system to backstop Nigeria’s democratic governance, but also gloss over, in an unfair manner, the enormous and paradigmatic efforts of institutional reformers like my old boss, Yayale Ahmed. I am however optimistic that Nigeria’s change management discourse will receive a new lease on life. For one, Alhaji Yayale Ahmed is not one to give up easily. His chairmanship of CORFEPS is just one significant indication of that. Second, the collaboration between CORFEPS and the Federal service, if concretized, portends a fundamental direction that brings the institutional experiences of retired permanent secretaries and heads of service in critical conversation with successive serving administrative leadership in time and space to move the civil service forward. This is why I am excited that my old boss had chosen to reach out to his mentee at the FCSC the way he did.