Nigeria’s oil production, including condensates, declined to 1.544 million barrels per day (bpd) in September 2024, down from 1.570 million bpd in August 2024, reflecting a 1.7 per cent decrease month-on-month.

The Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) revealed this in its October 2024 Crude Oil and Condensate Production report.

Developing story…

[Vanguard]

Last week, I attended the book launch of renowned author and writer, Professor Tunde Olusunle. He launched two books. One of them is *Oriṣiriṣi: Vistas on contemporary politics in Nigeria.* In the book, the author noted how “Nigeria’s political class has perfected the art of recycling mediocrity,” One of the highlights of the book is “leadership ineptness”. I can bet that if the author had delayed the book launch, he would have added the proposed *Bola Ahmed Tinubu Federal University of Nigerian Languages* to the list of *Oriṣiriṣi!*

What God cannot do, does not exist. A bill seeking to establish the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Federal University of Nigerian Languages has passed its first reading in the House of Representatives. For the first time, Nigerian languages will be taught in a specialised university. The reason is simple. Nigerian languages are well sought after around the world, including my native *Igala* language in Kogi State. I am also glad because the *Ngas* language in Plateau State would also gain prominence and my wife would be happy. I can’t thank Rt. Hon Benjamin Kalu, the deputy speaker of the House of Representatives enough for sponsoring such an important bill in the country’s legislative annals.

From what I gathered, the school would be located in Aba, in Abia state, and aims to “promote the study and use of Nigerian languages and culture for national development.” The institution will offer academic and professional programmes, including diplomas, degrees, and postgraduate research with a focus on Nigerian languages and cultures. It aims to “produce socially mature persons with the capacity to communicate, understand, and use Nigerian languages for national development”. We indeed have great thinkers in the country.

The last time I checked, there are *62 federal universities in Nigeria.* This almost works out at two federal universities per state in the nation’s 36 state structure. This number is too low for Rt Hon Benjamin Kalu and his co-sponsors. They want it to be at par with state universities across the country and for the larger population to be “socially mature to communicate, understand and use the Nigerian languages for national development.” This is good because the only problem they have identified is that Nigerians are not socially mature in the use of national languages, and it has hindered sustainable growth and development in the country.

Let me put it simply. The sponsors of this bill need to be chaperoned to Eagle Square in the “three arms zone” in Abuja and thoroughly flogged. The consultants who developed the concept notes should be conscripted into the Nigerian Army and deployed to the theatre of counter-insurgency operations in the North East. Let them use their conceptual “ingenuity” for the benefit of the country up there. This is what they have reduced the country to. It might be a political strategy as the proposed university would be cited in Aba, a city that is known for commerce and industry. However, what I know is that there is a *National Institute for Nigerian Languages (NINLAN),* also in Aba, Abia State. According to relevant information, “NINLAN is an Inter-University Centre for Nigerian Language Studies, under the regulation of the National Universities Commission (NUC) in Aba and established in 1993 as the apex institution for research, teaching, documentation, and coordination of studies in Nigerian languages.”

NINLAN’s mission is “to have accurate documentation of all Nigerian languages and develop standard orthographies for them by the year 2025, promote the study and use of Nigerian languages and to be the apex world-class centre for teaching, learning, and research into Nigerian languages, leading ultimately to a linguistic foundation for national unity, industrialization and socio-economic growth.” What I do not know is whether the plan is to change NINLAN to Bola Ahmed Federal University of Nigerian Languages. More so, NINLAN is a Federal Government tertiary institution and a unique and specialized tertiary educational Institution that runs a range of programmes. For example, the Institute currently runs three academic programmes. Its National Certificate of Education (NCE) programme is a combined honours programme in a Nigerian language and any other subject.

The Nigerian Language options include Efik, Fulfulde, Hausa, Ibibio, Igbo, Kanuri, Tiv, Urhobo and Yoruba. The Institute runs a Sub-Degree/Diploma Programme in Nigerian Languages, Communication Studies, Education, Linguistics, Library and Information Science, Translation Studies, and French, leading to the award of Diploma. It also runs Postgraduate diploma courses in Education (PGDE), Linguistics (PGDL), Translation Studies (PGDTS), Library and Information Science (PGDLIS), Communication Studies (PGDCOM); and a 12-month Graduate Conversion Programme for Graduates of disciplines other than Nigerian Languages.

Now here is the main gist. In August 2024, the federal government approved the upgrade of the National Institute for Nigerian Languages (NINLAN) into a degree-awarding institution to offer full-time degree programs in a range of disciplines that includes Bachelor’s degrees in Early Education, Business Education, Library and Information Science, Igbo and Community Studies, Igbo Language, Linguistics, and Mass Communication. Starting from the 2024/2025 academic session, NINLAN will deliver these courses in affiliation with Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka.

In the light of the above revelation, I do not know what Rt. Hon. Benjamin Kalu is up to with the quest to establish a Bola Ahmed Tinubu Federal University of Nigerian Languages in Aba again. Is it to rival the National Institute for Nigerian Languages? Because his proposal is a very obvious duplication. Maybe he wants to add to the list of federal universities in his home state as the deputy speaker of the House of Representatives. Maybe he wants to position himself for relevance in the political hierarchy of the state and the country. And the choice of name for the proposed institution is indicative. These are my assumptions and I stand to be corrected. Did I remind us that Nigerian language are thought in most conventional Nigerian universities? Have we forgotten the long existing *Institute for African Studies* at the University of Ibadan which is a repository of various Nigerian cultures?

However, I have a suggestion to help the bill scale second reading. The proposed university should be sited in the federal capital territory and with campuses in all states in the federation because the objective is to “promote the study and use of Nigerian languages and culture for national development.”. Please don’t get me wrong. I am excited because I am *Igala* and the *Igala* language would be studied across the country too. The “ingenuity” of Rt. Hon Benjamin Kalu and the co-sponsors of the bill must be commended and appreciated. This is another *Oriṣiriṣi.*

Ocheja, a military historian and doctoral researcher, is an alumnus of the Nigerian Defence Academy.

In a period of less than four weeks, representatives from 186 countries that confirmed their participation would be assembling in the splendid city of Baku, the Azerbaijani capital to showcase their efforts to limit global warming and host discussions to prepare for future climate change.

The expected delegates, numbering between twenty to forty thousand, coupled with about the same number of activists and other interested parties are expected to discuss the adaptation and mitigation efforts required to achieve significant positive outcomes in the coming years towards tackling climate change.

Each country has its nationally determined goals and priorities (NDCs), and these are also the points of dissonances.

Azerbaijan, speaking through their minister of environment Mansour Babayev, says they want this year’s summit to give attention to making climate finance more available, accessible and affordable to developing countries so that they can achieve their climate ambitions and implement their their NDCs.

Beyond the hackneyed issues of mitigation and adaptation, the hosts this year have stated the goal of working with others to find ways for an increase in financing climate mitigation by the Least Developed Countries, LDCs.

Determined to assist these African and other developing countries to prepare themselves well with platforms and the usual debates, Azerbaijan dispatched several teams to visit to hear the expectations and vulnerabilities of those countries.

If this works out well, Africa would be delighted with this vision and commitment of Azerbaijan’s long-serving national leader, President Haydar Aliyev and his people who have shown a rare willingness and commitment to climate positive actions much earlier than the growing, intense awareness of the climate action seen in recent years.
Azerbaijani capital, Baku (they say its historically correct name is Baki) is a repository of climate actions and policies for as long as the city had been in existence. A visit to the sprawling city would convince even the most disinclined critics that its choice as the host of COP29 global conference is not by accident.
When my hotel said at the point of check-in that their fitness centre was unfortunately out of use, I asked to be shown a public park runners could use.

For those readers who would be there 11-22 next month, November for this event, they would see that virtually all the major city streets are characterized by greenery, designed as parks and gardens geared towards sustainable lifestyles. This is the city as it had always been, not a design change or make-believe to attract the hosting rights of the COP.

Away from capital, even the newly-recovered, Armenian-occupied territories around Nagorno-Karabakh in the latest round of war between the neighbouring countries have been designated as a “Green Energy Zone.”
With this, the region is set to witness a climate resilient development that would transport it to the future in terms of greenery and resilience.

The country’s passion for the green agenda is equally manifested by the achievements of two key sectors – oil and gas and electric energy sectors.

As is Nigeria, Azerbaijan is an oil and gas economy. They are not in OPEC but they are, like Russia -the world’s second largest oil producer- in a sort of community with the organization, working together to decide the price of oil and other oil commodity policies. Together, they make up what they call “OPEC plus.”

It then follows that the country would be concerned, as we are here, with the growing Western rhetoric of a hastened, total ban on the use of fossil fuels. Until the Russian war with Ukraine started, the developed economies of the West were taking a number of concretely aggressive measures to limit oil production and its uses, telling their banks to stop funding oil and gas development in countries such as ours.
Azerbaijan today produces between 700,000-800,000 thousand barrels a day and SOCAR, the fully state-owned national oil and gas company headquartered in Baku is currently making strategic shift as it evolves from a traditional oil and gas company to a comprehensive energy provider with medium and long-term decarbonization targets they would further unveil at COP29.

In October 2023, Azerbaijan completed a 230 MW solar plant in Garadagh, near Baku, sending another strong message of their passion for their green agenda. This was quickly followed by the laying of the foundation of two new stations to bring available capacity to 1GW (one gigawatt), marking a major step in the march to their energy transition.

In the medium term, Azerbaijan aims to generate 30 per cent of its energy from renewable sources by 2030.

While the country’s available electricity supply is put at 5 GW, regular consumption is currently at about 3.5G W, rising to a maximum of up to 4.5 GW.

Azerbaijani food culture is, as to be expected, significantly different from our own. But visiting Nigerians would have plenty to eat – and pleasantly 6 in the Old City, parts of which are designated as UNESCO heritage sites.

The French have a great reputation for being consumers of bread, but the Azerbaijanis eat on the average 100 per cent more bread than do the French citizens.

The Hausas will find themselves at home with their grilled meats-some of it much like our suya- and their Chay (tea), served freshly brewed, hot, and strong.

The Yorubas would not miss their hot peppered meals. Baku is not like other places where you ask them to give hot peppers, and they bring you curry powder or Tabasco. If they ask for it, they will

Although 90 per cent of them are Muslim, they don’t flock to the mosques as we do here. After 70 years of communist control under the Soviet system, many don’t remember how to pray five times in a day. Or even the direction of the Qibla. Yet, here and there, you can see women in their Hijab and a designated prayer place in public places. The city has beautiful mosques and a colourful orthodox-type cathedral.

When you see the free flow of alcohol and its consumption, you would think you are in a European capital or a major metropolis. In addition, they have a budding wine industry that has begun receiving global recognition.
In readiness for the climate conference, the host country has transformed the Baku stadium into a multi-venue meeting centre. The UN agencies alone have 120 meeting pavilions. There are several medical centres and a large number of fire trucks in the facility. The Green Zone has a setting to contain well-ordered demonstrations and protests, usually characterizing COP. Anything outside the approved protest guidelines will be met with a firm response. This country places law and order on a very high level, and a warning to our activists is that they should not take this lightly.
The city itself has prepared a list of 144 hotels in the third, fourth, and five-star categories, and the booking platforms are already released. A user-friendly, fast-track visas platform is available 24/7, and transportation would be available free of charge.

Baku, which is notorious for its slow movement of traffic, is promising transport management using mostly buses. Given the big inflow of people during the conference, this should mark a reduction of carbon imprint.
Negotiators at the Glasgow COP26 climate change summit agreed in November 2021 to create a global carbon credit offset trading market. By this, countries could emit a certain amount of carbon dioxide or other greenhouse gases (GHGs) and to sell the excess number of credits allowed them by the UN.

Africa, which in total is responsible for only two per cent of the world’s greenhouse emissions, is increasingly becoming more or less the shopping mall for carbon credits.
A growing number of African countries see a strategic opportunity to leverage the continent’s renewable resources to earn money while advancing global climate goals.
This is, however, being seen by the activist community as a precursor to a new colonial rule in Africa.

Rich countries, including some in the Middle East, are on a buying spree of swathes of African forests under the United Nations Framework Convention for Climate Change, UN-FCCC, to counter emissions by preventing deforestation.

Gabon, one of the most forested African countries, is on the record as the first country on the continent to make carbon credits available for sale.

Since then, others, including Kenya, Malawi, Togo, Burundi, and Rwanda, have entered the trade.

For example, a company called Blue Carbon, founded by Sheikh Ahmed Dalmook Al Maktoum, a member of the royal family of Dubai, has signed MOUs with the governments of Liberia, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe to manage huge swathes of their forests and produce carbon credits from conservation activities.
Notable carbon projects in Kenya include the Northern Rangeland Trust Carbon Project, the Kasigu Wildlife Corridor Project, and the Mikono Panuja Project.

These projects, in a way, give the wealthy countries and corporations a lisence to continue to pollute the planet.

Last year, the Vice President of Nigeria inaugurated a committee of experts to advise the government on the activation of a sustainable carbon market.

On the basis of this committee’s recommendations, the government is hoping to ensure the creation of “an efficient carbon market ecosystem” expected to fetch the country more than two thousand, five hundred million Dollars ($2.5 billion). Nigeria has a very hard decision to make.

With growing fears of such deals tending to
breach community land ownership and violate people’s rights to have a say in the development of their land, African governments are coming under increasing criticism from international NGOs, urging them to halt the relapses into colonialism by the way of foreign rule over their territories.

How all these play out – the pro and con- at COP29 – will have a significant impact on the African, nay world order.

Shehu, journalism and PR practitioner.

A two-storey building has collapsed in the Orile-Iganmu area of Surulere, Lagos.

The incident occurred at about 8am on Monday.

Social media footage showed the moment the building caved in as people in the vicinity scampered for safety.

Nosa Okunbor, head of public affairs unit of the Lagos State Emergency Management Agency (LASEMA), said there were no casualties from the incident.

“LASEMA Response Teams in Search & Rescue Operation at a self-collapsed building on Amusu Street, Baale Bus Stop, Orile Iganmu,” he said.

“Incident summary: Transmitted at 08:54am; No Casualties.”

Okunbor said the agency would share more information in the coming hours.

In July, three site workers died when a building collapsed in the Maryland area of Lagos. The incident occurred at No 13, Wilson Mba street, Arowojobe Estate. 

Three other site workers were rescued alive and were rushed to hospital.

Building collapses are commonplace in Lagos — Nigeria’s commercial capital and most populous city.

[TheCable]

Falz, the Nigerian singer, has shared his unsuccessful attempts at engaging in threesomes.

A threesome is when three people engage in sexual activities with each other.

Speaking on the Over The Top show, the ‘Ndi Ike’ singer disclosed that he attempted a threesome twice but it did not go well on both occasions.

Falz said he sought professional help to understand why his threesome experiences were unsuccessful. The 33-year-old said he was told the problem was because he was “planning it”.

The rapper said he was also advised to allow the act to happen spontaneously.

“What might be interesting to note is that I have only attempted it twice and on both occasions, they did not really go well. To answer your question, the last time was about two years ago or so,” he said.

“This is because, after that second time, I was like I give up. I also spoke to some professionals and they said to me that the problem is that you are planning it. They said just let it happen.”

Falz, who rose to fame in 2009, is renowned for using his music to address societal issues and bad governance. Some of his popular tracks include ‘Wehdone Sir’, ‘Child of the World’, and ‘Talk’.

His impressive career has earned him multiple awards, including ‘Album of the Year’ at the 2016 City People Entertainment Awards.

Aside from his music career, Falz has also made a mark in Nollywood. He made his movie debut in ‘Couple of Days’ (2016).

Falz was recently involved in controversy when activist VeryDarkMan shared a purported audio conversation wherein Bobrisky, the social media celebrity, claimed he and Femi Falana, his father, helped drop the money laundering charges against her by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

[TNG]

Our habits, when we buy groceries, we question what we buy. Is this flour pure, are there stones in the rice, does the soap lather well? If you buy a motorbike, or a fairly used car, you ask about the mileage, is the after sales good. Even when you buy a pencil you fuse over it and nothing. You question each and everything all the time. Except for one thing. When you chose your government. You ask so many questions over a mosquito coil that last five hours, does it give too much smoke or give out smell, will it kill mosquitoes. So, before you vote away four years ask how will they advance our country–Sharukh Khan

Abeg, Can I Get Some Answers?

My people, Nigerians! We are champions of interrogation when it comes to everyday things. We can sniff out a fake designer bag faster than a customs officer at Murtala Muhammed Airport. We inspect tomatoes like we’re performing surgery, and haggle over the price of pepper like our lives depend on it. But when it comes to those vying for the highest office or even the lowest offices in the land? We suddenly become shy.

Let’s face it, my fellow Nigerians, we’re masters of scrutiny when it comes to our daily lives. We can spot a fake N50 note from a mile away, but when it comes to our leaders, we suddenly turn a blind eye. It’s like buying a bag of rice without checking for stones – we’re setting ourselves up for disappointment. We need to ask the tough questions, like “Oga, how will you make our roads better than those in Dubai?” or “Madam, what’s your plan to make our hospitals rival those in the US?”

Think about it: We question the purity of our garri, the mileage on a ‘tokunbo’ car, even the sharpness of a pencil. But the folks who will be steering the ship of state for the next four years? We just…accept whatever they dish out? Haba! This is not the way of the wise Nigerian, and maybe we should even ask, who is a wise Nigerian?

We’re quick to complain about ‘bad governance’, but how can we expect good governance if we don’t ask the right questions BEFORE the ballot box becomes a magic show? It’s like buying a ‘pure water’ sachet without checking if it’s truly sealed – you’re just asking for trouble.

Beyond the ‘Owambe’ Politics

Yes, election season in Nigeria is a spectacle. Politicians transform into Father Christmas, promising everything but the kitchen sink. Music blares, crowds gather, and accusations fly faster than ‘suya’ at a barbecue. But amidst the fanfare, are we asking the tough questions?

Before we dance to the campaign jingles and collect the Ankara with their faces plastered on it, we need to ask:

• “Oga, how will you fix our schools so our pikin can learn better than us?” (Education)
• “Madam, what’s your plan for our hospitals? We don’t want to be traveling to India for every headache.” (Healthcare)
• “Sir, how will you tackle this ‘light’ situation? My generator is tired!” (Power supply)
• “Madam, this insecurity is giving us high blood pressure. What’s the plan?” (Security)
• “Oga, how will you fight corruption? We are tired of hearing stories that touch.” (Anti-corruption)

These are not ‘bonus’ questions. These are the ‘main exams’! We need to assess their track record, their vision, and their commitment to actually doing the work. It’s not about the loudest voice or the biggest crowd; it’s about the candidate with the best plan for our Nigeria.

Digging Deeper Than ‘Agbada’

We need to go beyond the ‘aso ebi’ and the fancy speeches. Let’s delve into the nitty-gritty:

• Economic policies: Will they create jobs for our graduates who are roaming the streets? Will they empower our market women and our farmers?
• Social agenda: Will they promote unity amongst all our tribes and religions? Will they ensure equal opportunities for our women and our youth?
• Leadership style: Will they be transparent and accountable, or will they disappear with our money like those before them?
• Foreign policy: Will they make Nigeria proud on the world stage, or will we be the butt of jokes at the UN?

We need leaders with integrity, competence, and a genuine passion for serving the people. Not those who see politics as a business venture or a path to personal enrichment.

Some say, “My vote doesn’t matter.” That’s like saying, “One grain of garri doesn’t make eba.” But my friend, it’s the collection of those grains that fills our stomach! Our votes are our power. We must:

• Register and guard our PVCs like it’s the key to Aso Rock.
• Come out en masse on election day and vote wisely.
• Hold our elected officials accountable. No more sleeping on the job!

Imagine if we applied the same level of skepticism we use when buying a second-hand phone to our politicians’ promises. “Is this really a 4G network or just 2G in disguise?” or “Will this ‘transformation agenda’ really bring change or just more of the same?” We mustn’t be satisfied with empty promises; we need concrete plans and tangible results. Our leaders should be held to the same standards as our favorite jollof rice – if it’s not up to par, we send it back!

We can’t keep doing the same thing and expecting different results. It’s time to break the cycle of apathy and take charge of our destiny.

The power to transform Nigeria lies within us. Let’s demand more from our leaders. Let’s make informed decisions. Let’s build a Nigeria where every citizen has a voice and a chance to thrive.

The next time you step into that voting booth, remember: You’re not just choosing a leader; you’re choosing the future of Nigeria. Ask the right questions, demand the right answers, and let’s create a Nigeria we can all be proud of. As it’s time to move beyond the politics of “my brother, my sister, my tribe” and focus on the issues that truly matter. We need leaders who’ll make Nigeria work for everyone, not just their cronies. So, let’s ask the right questions and demand real answers. Let’s make our votes count and hold our leaders accountable. As said in Igbo, “Onye aghala nwanne ya” – be your brother’s keeper. Let’s keep our leaders on their toes and build a Nigeria where everyone has a chance to thrive. Will Nigeria win—Only time will tell.

In Arabian folklore, the genie is a spirit depicted as being imprisoned inside a bottle or oil lamp. No matter how impregnable the walls of its captivity are, the moment it is summoned, the spirit comes out and grants the wishes of the one who invoked it. Trust them for their gift of incredible ingenuity, in the thick of their daily pain, Nigerians trip above their existential woes to summon the genius within them. Their latest invocation is a perfect-fit moniker which they affix to their president’s lapel. To them, their president’s diverse self-procured prefixes – Asiwaju, Jagaban etc – are miscasts today. “T-Pain” is his super fit. To be able to arrive at this moniker, Nigerians travelled through thorns and briers in search of existence. In the last 17 months, suffering and pain have been the first guests Nigerians see at cockcrow, sunset and at dusk.

Noelia Bueno-Gómez, in his journal article, “Conceptualizing suffering and pain” published in the Philosophy, Ethics, and Humanities in Medicine (2017) described suffering as an unpleasant, anguishing experience which severely affects a person at a psychophysical and existential level. Nigerians can relate with this definition, using the government of the day as an empirical example. Bueno-Gómez said when a human being is inflicted with this form of social and existential turmoil, like the excruciating poverty Nigerians undergo at the moment whose expiry no one can tell, the pain from it is comparable to a medical ailment.

But, why T-Pain? Are Nigerians suggesting that their president is wicked? Indeed, the last 17 months under his watch have been a very harrowing experience. Masochism occurs when one who inflicts pain on another derives pleasure and enjoyment in watching their victim experience such pain. Similar to it, sadism is the enjoyment of such inflicting of pain on someone else. By labeling their president T-Pain, are Nigerians saying he is a masochist or sadist?

The T-Pain moniker for the president is a borrowing from the stage name of an American singer named Faheem Rashad Najm. Born September 30, 1984 in Tallahassee, Florida, Najm’s professional alias of T-Pain has successfully drowned his real name. That stage name, eerie as it may sound, is a shortened form for “Tallahassee Pain”. The musician chose it to remind himself of the hardship and excruciating pain he experienced while living Tallahassee. Songwriter and record producer, T-Pain’s musical prowess stems from popularizing creative use of Auto-Tune pitch correction, a creation known to be used with extreme parameter settings in electronic-styled vocal performances. He blends R&B and hip hop throughout the 2000s and this shot him up as a prominent figure in both musical genres. The genie that pounced on those who couched Najm’s alias as moniker for the Nigerian president results from the unbearable pains the people suffer under his watch. Incidentally, “T” begins both the president’s name and his recent alias.

Countless times, the president and his minders have claimed they are reformists miscast as sadists. And that, like reformists all over the world, their heroism will come long after. But, aren’t there examples of reformists in countries of the world who deaden pains of reforms on their people? So, why did this government choose a reform model that is inhuman and inflicts maximum pain on the greatest number of the people? Is inflicting pains innate in the architects of the present reform? Against this background, the question that comes up is, how much of their president do the Nigerian people know? Did Nigerians know T-Pain enough when they voted him as their president?

In May, 1975, as Federal Commissioner for Works under Murtala Muhammed, Olusegun Obasanjo forcibly took over a building occupied by the US Embassy. The US Embassy building stood strategically behind the Federal Cabinet Office. Earlier in 1974, while a student of the Royal College of Defence, Obasanjo’s thesis centered on the unfavourable relationship between Britain and Nigeria. The work lamented the paucity of British economic assistance to Nigeria, vis a vis the humongous economic benefits it made from the country. To be fair to Obasanjo, for two years, the Murtala government had issued warnings upon warnings to the US to relocate from the building, stating that it wanted it for public use. So, angered by what he termed American arrogance, Obasanjo just woke up that day in May and crudely ordered soldiers of his Corps of Engineers to round up the US Embassy building. Frightened, the Americans ran like a snake escaping the gripping claws and maniacal jaws of the mongoose.

Twenty four years after, on November 20, 1999, as civilian president, Obasanjo ordered an invasion of a predominantly Ijaw town of Bayelsa State called Odi, leading to the massacre of an approximate 1000 civilians. Nigerians should have known that, as that English proverb goes, as they laid their beds, so shall they lay on it. They had elected an unrepentant dictator. Two years after, that same president ordered another massacre of unarmed civilians in Zabi-Biam area of Benue State in an invasion codenamed “Operation No Living Thing.” It was a mass execution of hundreds of unarmed Tivs by the Nigerian Army which happened between October 20 and 24, 2001. The Odi villagers had killed 12 men of the Nigerian police on November 4. In Zaki-Biam, men of the Nigerian army were ordered to avenge the killing of 19 of their men whose mutilated bodies were recovered on October 12, 2001. Till date, no soldier was ever punished for the massacres, nor did anyone suffer for this gruesome vengeance.

In the final analysis, as revealed by the above and subsequent others, Nigerians may actually be their own problem. In the criminal and wicked leadership they suffer, the Nigerian cannot be totally exonerated. The people’s undoing may actually be the general atmosphere of unscience that pervades the Nigerian mind. This has led to Nigerians’ inability to scientifically and critically appraise those who put themselves forward to lead them. The same way religious charlatans fleece them out of their ignorance, subjecting them to harrowing spiritual tasks that have no foundation in reality, is the way Nigerians are victims of political shylocks and narcissists masquerading as leaders.

Take another example. On October 13, 2000, hurting and grumpy as a result of inter-ethnic attacks between Fulani herders and their Oyo State hosts in the Oke-Ogun area of the state, General Muhmmadu Buhari, accompanied by Gen Buba Marwa, a former military administrator of Lagos State, had stormed Ibadan, the state capital. Wearing long faces, Buhari and his Arewa entourage sought and got audience with the state government under Late Alhaji Lam Adesina.

When it was his time to speak, spitting fire, Buhari said: “Your Excellency, our visit here is to discuss with you and your government of our displeasure about the incident of clashes between two peoples… the Fulani cattle-rearers and merchants are today being harassed, attacked and killed like in Saki. In the month of May, 2000, 68 bodies of Fulani cattle-rearers were recovered and buried under the supervision and protection from a team of Mobile Police from Oyo State Command.” Replying, Governor Adesina expressed disappointment that Buhari, a national leader and former Head of State, could descend into such “my people…your people” narrative.

In 2015, Nigerians went ahead to elect that same man, with such narrow-minded obsession with an ethnic superiority mentality, as president. The rest, as they say, is history. Buhari ran one of the most closet-minded governments in the history of Nigeria. He preferenced his northern people ahead of every other tribe and dealt with others as expendable specimens.

Before coming into office, the duo of Goodluck Jonathan and Umaru Yar’Adua also demonstrated tendencies which shouldn’t make their eventual manifestations in power strange. If, in spite of widespread knowledge that they harboured personal traits unbecoming of national leadership, the people still went ahead to elect such characters into office, such people can be likened to a farmer who knew that the farmland he ploughed and planted groundnut seeds on was squirrel-infested, yet howled helplessly when squirrels make mincemeat of his groundnuts. To avoid this, as America matches towards the November elections, every effort is being made to expose character traits in Donald Trump and Kamala Harris which may impact negatively on the quality of the presidency of America.

Unless they want to deliberately deceive the world, those who have had close association with our president, especially before his coming into office, will confess that he is a cold-hearted political calculator. A great giver who gave in a way that positively embarrasses the receiver, there is hardly any state in Nigeria where there isn’t someone or a group of people who have benefitted from his giving. In accepting his bucks, however, no one asks for his shop. It is said that he patterned his giving after Chief MKO Abiola who was known for such eye-popping generosity. Though he was a bit thrifty in the first few months of being in office as governor of Lagos State, the tsunami of his Chicago certificate scandal in the year 2000 was an about-turn for him. He emerged therefrom with the Yoruba philosophy that whoever pre-pours water on the intended path they hope to tread will navigate through an already comfortably wet route.

From journalists to judges, lawyers, political icons to government officials – name them – the extent of IOUs that T-Pain accumulated in the hearts of the high and mighty in Nigeria is unbelievably massive. However, he does most of the giving with an eye on self, something in the realm of narcissism. How do you think T-Pain was able to navigate through a hostile presidency under Muhammadu Buhari, to emerge the Nigerian president? Unbeknown to the somnambulist president, Tinubu the candidate had run a water-tight ring round him. Buhari was probably the only one in Aso Rock who had not been swept off his feet by the T-Pain person-purchase mystique. Even in running his presidency, T-Pain still believes in this person-purchase mystique as device of rule.

In 2010, T-Pain invited a gubernatorial candidate to his Bourdillon home. He gave him such money (an amount I don’t want to mention) that the politician almost fainted. The cash filled a whole bus. Fazed and as if hit by a tempest, the candidate prostrated in appreciation. The politician told me that T-Pain coldly upbraided him for thanking him. He didn’t give the money because he was Santa Claus, T-Pain said in a voice devoid of blood which grated like that of an underworld Capon. “I gave you the money because you are the one who can take that state for me,” he told the candidate. The politician won and throughout his eight years in office, T-Pain was exposed to plum cheese of the state.

My reading of Nigerians and the Nigerian electorate is that they have very poor reading of their subjects, leading to warped choices. T-Pain’s giving obviously towers more than his failings. It was the giving that Nigerians saw in their assessment of him at the polls, rather than his ability or a pedigree of pro-people interventions. No one bothered to come to the right conclusion that T-Pain is a functional giver who gives because of himself. It is why, in the last 17 months, apart from a coterie of aides and hangers-on who have benefitted tremendously from his presidency, the common man has not fared well in it at all. Apart from accidental benefits, I have asked, without answer, to be shown what good T-Pain has done for the people since he began politicking. And I am not talking about dashing out money.

Last Thursday, the First Lady, T-Pain II, also threw money at the situation. It was a perfect proverbial situation. As the Yoruba say, “Òwú tí ìyá gbòn lomo ń ran” meaning, you cannot stop a familial motherhood trait from emulation by the offspring.  At the Palace of the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, T-Pain II was said to have pledged the sum of N1b while inaugurating a hostel and a 2.7 kilometer road donated to the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) by Ogunwusi. Thereafter, she went on a bumbling spree. According to her, the T-Pain-led administration was still very young and it should not be blamed for the current economic pains. Mrs. T-Pain has been variously pilloried for that unfeeling statement. “We are just 18 months into our administration; we are not the cause of the current situation; we are trying to fix it and secure the future” she said. This is a converse to her husband’s more realistic claim that he was not complaining as he knew the massive nature of the problems Nigeria faced before he opted for its leadership.

If you ask me, Mrs. T-Pain’s claim oscillates within the orbit of the usual anti-people assumption and self-righteousness of a larger mindset. Does she feel the pain of suffering Nigerians? Does she know that Nigerians are dying due to her husband’s very inhuman reforms? As usual, just like colonialists who sold God to us while filching our commonwealth, Madam T-Pain mumbled that same recourse to the Omnipotent at the OAU event. “With God on our side…” she assured of a better Nigeria. Yet, while the people wait and die waiting, it is fair for them to continue to die in droves? In the final analysis, I hope Kabiyesi will stop descending into the arena of matters pertaining to a federal institution as the OAU. He was quoted to have named a road in OAU after Mrs. T-Pain. What right has he to do this? Is he the OAU Chancellor?

That same Thursday when we got that bumbling from Mrs. T-Pain, Senator Godswill Akpabio also came with his own bumble. He urged Nigerians to cut back on the number of cars they own and embark on belt tightening measures. Akpabio spoke while addressing journalists in the senate. The paradox that juts out of this unfeeling statement is huge. The senate that Akpabio heads is the topmost demonstration of wastage, constituting a big drag on the Nigerian economy. Nigerian lawmakers own fleet of cars purchased from the laxity of Nigerian economy.

Whoever couched that T-Pain alias deserves a Nobel. Doesn’t it sound like Xi Jinping, warts and all?

In Nigeria, the allure of politics is undeniable. It offers power, influence, and, quite often, a direct route to immense wealth. This “cool money”, as it is often called, seems to come easily to those in political positions. From lucrative contracts, salaries, and allowances to political connections that open doors to more financial opportunities, the gains are obvious. However, this reality has led to a critical question: “Does making cool money from politics truly make Nigerian politicians more hardworking than other citizens?” Or has the allure of easy wealth blurred their perspective on the value of genuine hard work?

Politics in Nigeria is frequently seen as a fast track to financial success. Politicians, once elected or appointed, often enjoy the benefits of inflated allowances, hefty salaries, and control over national resources. The National Assembly, for instance, has been repeatedly criticized for its opaque pay structure, with many speculating that lawmakers earn far more than the average Nigerian can even dream of.

This financial reward system makes it tempting to view politicians as “successful” or “hardworking” simply because of their access to this wealth. For the everyday Nigerian struggling to make ends meet, the perception often forms that politicians are reaping rewards not necessarily from their hard work but from the privileges of their position. The question of whether this money was earned through genuine labor or through systemic advantages remains.

There have been instances where political elites, through their speeches or actions, indirectly imply that the average Nigerian is lazy. A notable example is President Muhammadu Buhari’s 2018 comment at a Commonwealth Business Forum, where he stated that “many Nigerian youths just want to sit and do nothing because Nigeria is an oil-rich nation.”

In a similar vein, Tinubu’s wife, Oluremi Tinubu, recently mocked ordinary Nigerians by implying that their struggles were due to laziness, using the phrase “No food for lazyman.” Her remarks, made in a tone that many found dismissive, seemed to downplay the genuine economic hardship and widespread unemployment faced by the masses. Instead of acknowledging the structural challenges and governance issues contributing to poverty, she shifted the blame onto the people themselves, sparking outrage and reinforcing the perception that Nigeria’s political elites are disconnected from the everyday realities of its citizens.

This perception of the general public as “lazy” often comes from politicians who, ironically, are seen as the beneficiaries of a system that rewards them without requiring proportional effort. Some politicians may genuinely believe that they work harder than the average Nigerian, because of the grueling nature of campaigns or the time-consuming nature of governance. But this interpretation raises several questions: Is sitting through legislative sessions or heading ministries truly harder than the back-breaking labor of farming, trading, or running small businesses in an unstable economy?

For the average Nigerian, hard work takes on a different meaning entirely. Farmers work long hours under the hot sun, traders spend their days hustling in chaotic markets, and small business owners face endless challenges from inflation, poor infrastructure, and erratic government policies. Despite their immense efforts, the rewards are often meager and uncertain. Yet, these Nigerians continue to work because they must, and there are no fat allowances or political connections to fall back on.

In this context, the claim that politicians are somehow more hardworking than the average Nigerian rings hollow. While the processes of governance and legislation are undoubtedly demanding, they are not comparable to the labor-intensive, physically exhausting, and financially unstable conditions faced by millions of Nigerians daily.

There is another angle to consider in this debate: the distinction between hard work and public service. Ideally, politicians should not only work hard but also serve the public. The concept of public service involves a sense of sacrifice, of putting the needs of the people above personal gain. Yet, in Nigeria, it sometimes seems that the goal of politics is not public service but personal enrichment.

Many politicians enter politics already wealthy or connected, and they often leave with even more wealth, regardless of the quality of their service. The irony is that politicians are compensated well for their “hard work” in a system that continues to underpay doctors, teachers, and public sector workers, many of whom are far more essential to the day-to-day functioning of society. The question arises: “Is it truly “hard work” if the primary outcome is personal gain, rather than public benefit?

Another critical factor in this discussion is the widening gap between politicians and the public. Many politicians, especially at the federal level, lead lifestyles that are vastly different from those of their constituents. With luxury homes, foreign education for their children, and frequent trips abroad, it is easy for them to lose touch with the struggles of the ordinary Nigerian.

This disconnect often fuels the perception that everyday Nigerians are “lazy” or unwilling to work as hard as the political class. But in reality, it is the system that creates the disparity, not the people. When politicians enjoy a life of privilege while the masses toil under economic hardship, it becomes easy for those in power to underestimate the laborious efforts of the public.

It is impossible to discuss the wealth of Nigerian politicians without addressing corruption. While not every politician is corrupt, the country’s political system has been plagued by mismanagement, embezzlement, and the misuse of public funds. Corruption allows some politicians to amass wealth with very little actual effort, which only deepens the divide between the political elite and the general public.

Many Nigerians see this corruption as proof that the “hard work” of politicians is not what it seems. It is one thing to attend sessions or sign contracts; it is quite another to profit from kickbacks, inflated contracts, or diverted funds meant for development projects. When “cool money” is made through such channels, can it really be said that politicians are working harder than the average Nigerian?

At the heart of this debate is a fundamental misunderstanding of what it means to work hard. Politics is indeed demanding, but it is not inherently harder than the efforts of millions of Nigerians who work tirelessly every day with little to show for it. The wealth that politicians accumulate often comes from a system designed to reward them, rather than from the sweat of their brow.

If politicians truly believe they are working harder than other Nigerians, it may be time for them to step out of their comfortable enclaves and experience the daily grind of the average citizen. Perhaps then, they would see that the real hard work in Nigeria lies in the everyday struggles of the people, not in the halls of power.

In the end, it is clear that “cool money” from politics does not necessarily reflect harder work but instead highlights the deep systemic inequalities that have shaped Nigeria’s political and economic landscape. The challenge moving forward is to bridge this gap and foster a political culture rooted in genuine public service and hard work for the collective good, rather than individual gain.

The political terrain in Nigeria is often seen as a battleground where the rule of law and accountability tend to take a back seat. Rivers State is no exception, and recent developments beg the question: “Who will tell Nyesom Wike, Governor Siminalayi Fubara, and their supporters that Rivers State does not belong to them?”

For years, the political scene in Rivers has been dominated by powerful individuals whose influence and actions suggest an unchecked belief that the state is their personal fiefdom. Nyesom Wike, the former governor and current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), and Siminalayi Fubara, the incumbent governor, have become the faces of this perceived political hegemony. Their supporters, emboldened by their political clout, are seemingly complicit in a narrative that depicts Rivers State as a political inheritance of Wike’s making.

Nyesom Wike’s rise to prominence has been a significant political story in Rivers. After serving as Chief of Staff to former governor Rotimi Amaechi, Wike’s influence grew, and he eventually became governor in 2015. During his time in office, Wike earned a reputation as a strongman, one who could use the powers of incumbency to sway political outcomes. His administration was marked by several achievements, notably in infrastructure, but was also criticized for high-handedness and for stifling dissent.

In 2023, Wike helped engineer the ascension of Siminalayi Fubara as his successor. Fubara, a former Accountant-General of the state, was seen by many as Wike’s handpicked candidate, someone who would protect the interests of the former governor even after his exit from the state’s top seat. Unfortunately, the relationship between Fubara and Wike has since become sour, raising concerns about whether the state is being governed in the interest of the people or for the benefit of a few political elites.

While their relationship was initially seen as a united front, recent reports suggest that Wike and Fubara may be embroiled in a quiet power struggle. Fubara’s refusal to attend a recent Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) rally in the state was seen as an open challenge to Wike’s authority. This has sparked speculations of friction between the two, with some interpreting it as a subtle attempt by Fubara to assert his independence. However, this clash is a reflection of deeper problems: a political culture where personal loyalty and interests take precedence over governance and the will of the people.

The battle between these two political figures, if unchecked, could drag the state into further instability. Rivers is no stranger to politically motivated violence, and a brewing conflict between Wike’s loyalists and Fubara’s camp could escalate tensions in the region. Rivers people deserve better than to be caught in the crossfire of political egos.

In the midst of this unfolding drama, one has to wonder: where are the voices of Rivers people? For too long, the citizens of Rivers State have been sidelined in political conversations about their future. Elections come and go, and leaders rise to power, but the people are left to watch from the sidelines as political elites carve out their influence.

It is a tragedy that in a democracy, the will of the people seems secondary to the ambitions of a select few. Rivers, rich in oil resources and strategically important to Nigeria’s economy, should be a beacon of progress, but instead, it remains mired in political turmoil. The state has witnessed successive administrations that prioritize personal political survival over addressing the pressing issues that face the people.

The question then becomes: who will tell Wike, Fubara, and their supporters that Rivers State does not belong to them? It is high time that the people of Rivers rise up and reclaim their state from the clutches of political godfatherism.

The concept of godfatherism in Nigerian politics is not new. It is a phenomenon where powerful political figures, often referred to as “godfathers,” wield immense influence over the political landscape, determining who gets elected into various positions of power. In Rivers, Wike has played this role, and Fubara’s rise to power is seen by many as a product of this system.

The problem with godfatherism is that it erodes the democratic process. Leaders are no longer accountable to the people but to the godfathers who put them in power. Policies are crafted not with the welfare of the populace in mind, but to please the political overlords. Rivers State, like many other states in Nigeria, has suffered from this undemocratic practice.

For Rivers to truly progress, there must be a collective rejection of godfatherism. The people must demand leaders who are accountable to them, not to a powerful few. It is only through such a shift that the state can move beyond the current cycle of political patronage.

It is not enough to simply identify the problem; there must be a concerted effort to address it. The people of Rivers must begin to question the legitimacy of a political system that operates in their name but excludes them from the decision-making process. Civil society organizations, traditional rulers, and youth groups must play a pivotal role in this regard. They must speak out against the monopolization of political power and demand greater transparency in governance.

Additionally, electoral reforms are needed to ensure that future elections in Rivers reflect the will of the people, not the preferences of political godfathers. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and other relevant bodies must work to curtail the influence of money and incumbency in the electoral process.

Furthermore, governance in Rivers must be people-centered. The state is plagued by numerous challenges, including unemployment, poor infrastructure, and insecurity. These issues require leaders who are focused on delivering dividends of democracy to the people, not on perpetuating their personal political empires.

The current situation in Rivers State is a microcosm of the larger political challenges facing Nigeria. The dominance of powerful political figures like Wike and the rise of leaders like Fubara under their tutelage is a clear indicator that the democratic process in Nigeria is still fragile. But it is not too late for change.

The people of Rivers must awaken to the reality that their state does not belong to any individual or group of individuals. It is a collective inheritance that must be governed with the interests of all in mind. Only through active participation, vigilance, and a rejection of political godfatherism can Rivers State truly fulfill its potential.

In the end, the question remains: who will tell Wike, Fubara, and their supporters that Rivers State is not their personal property? Perhaps it is the people of Rivers who will, by rising to demand better governance and an end to the stranglehold of political elites. The time for change is now, and it is up to the people to make their voices heard.