THE thuggish criminality in the United Kingdom exempted, mass protests have been sweeping through many countries with people standing up for their right to decent lives. Nigeria, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Uganda, Sudan, Eswatini, South Africa and, of course, Bangladesh.

They have been sad days in Bangladesh where bloody mass protests, mainly driven by students, under the banner of Students Against Discrimination, SAD, swept away Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The discrimination referred to are job quotas in public jobs in which 30 per cent was reserved for descendants of nationalists who fought in the 1971 War of Independence against Pakistan. Another 26 per cent was reserved for various groups. This had become quite contentious where in a population of 170 million, 32 million youths are unemployed.

But rather than address the issues raised, the government first blamed the opposition parties, the Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, BNP. Then it claimed the protesters were “rajakaar” or pro-Pakistani terrorists. 

In July, over 150 persons were killed in the protests. The Supreme Court on July 21, ruled that 93 per cent of employment should be on merit. So the main reason for the protests had been seemingly addressed. But the protesters returned to the streets last week to demand the unconditional release of all arrested protesters, reopening of the campuses, restoration of internet connections and a public apology from Hasina for the violence. The demands seem simple but were not readily met. This second seismic eruption, proved far more devastating.

Last Sunday, the protesters made a determined push and some 100 were killed. This eruption on August 5, forced Hasina who had just in January claimed a fourth term electoral victory, to flee to India. The parliament also became history. Power was lying in the streets and the military tried to pick it up. But the protesters who were obviously too young to rule but too strong to resist, forced the military to retreat. They must be good students of history because as happened in Sudan, the military in many countries, is predatory and opportunistic; always on the look out to cash in to any situation. Besides, the Bangladeshi military had since 1971, staged 29 coups and counter-coups.

So, the Bangladeshi students settled for Nobel Laureate Muhammed Yunus, who had been endlessly vilified by the ousted government, to run an interim government. This is designed as a stop-gap before an inclusive and democratic government is elected. The direction of the new leadership is uncertain and the dead are still being mourned. The open sores remain. The aftershocks are still being felt.

The ten-day mass protests in Nigeria began on August 1, 2024. Its main oxygen is hunger, powered by hyperinflation and assisted by wild winds of anger. The immediate reason for this is self-inflicted. When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was sworn-in on May 29, 2023, he immediately announced the abolition of fuel subsidy. This greatly fuelled inflation in an oil-rich country with no single functional refinery. The reason for the fuel subsidy is simple: governments in the 25 years since the return to civil rule, have been incapable of refining the petroleum product needs of the 220 million populace. So the simple solution is to refine. However, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, IMF, are ever breathing down the necks of Nigerian governments not to refine, but increase fuel prices. But with the on-going protests, the lousy representatives of these shark institutions have been silent, making the Tinubu administration to carry the can alone. They wield power without responsibility and would be the first to flee the country were the situation to get out of hand. The second reason for the Nigerian hyper- inflation is the water-boarding of the Naira, again, as the IMF and World Bank have always insisted since 1981. This has always been devastating for an import-dependent country. It is these, coupled with the banditry and terrorism which have forced many farmers off their farms, that have led to the sorry state of the Nigerian nation. The solution is to address these concrete matters rather than dissipate energy looking for those carrying the Russian flag in the protests or detaining the alleged leaders of the protests. Some observation. The Nigerian Generals have been too intrusive in their loud media campaigns before and during the protests. Their involving soldiers from the very first second of the protests, is not in the interest of democracy and constitutional governance. As one of those who fought military misrule in Nigeria for decades, my antenna is up when I observe the lurking of a tiger.

The Kenyan protests were triggered by a Finance Bill powered by the same IMF and World Bank breathing down the necks of underdeveloped countries, as the country descended into chaos. The IMF tried to exonerate itself. Its Director of Communications, Julie Kozack, claimed all it had tried to do was to help Kenya “overcome the difficult economic challenges it faces and improve its economic prospects…” This came at the cost of dozens of lives and massive destruction. Even after President William Ruto withdrew the bill and reshuffled the cabinet, protesters are insisting he steps down. This is because Kenyans are tired of high food prices, rising poverty and corruption. Whatever the outcome, the Kenyan democratic project has suffered a serious setback and, healing is far off. Ruto had come from the streets and his greatest fear might be returning there.

The July 2024 protests in Uganda were against alleged massive corruption and a demand that Parliamentary Speaker Anita Among, steps down.

Ghana used the courts to block ‘The Gen-Z Demo’ planned for seven days from July 31, 2024. There had been massive protests in June against power outages. The protests in September and October, 2023 were mainly against hyper-inflation and mass unemployment. Zimbabwe detained and charged over 70 persons for allegedly gathering with the intent to promote violence. They were denied bail.

In Angola, the June 6, 2023 mass protests were against fuel price increases and the massive devaluation of the Kwanza. Over a dozen extra-judicial executions were traced to its security forces.

Perhaps, the most massive protests in South Africa this season took place on May 11, 2024 over the sack of 4,002 mine workers. On Wednesday, August 7, 2024 the street protests were restricted to the Western Cape Province.

Generally, the protests, especially in Africa, are against the implementation of the poverty-inducing policies of the IMF and World Bank, and democracies that do not yield dividends. They are a sort of plebiscite against political independence without economic independence. In many instances, the issue boils down to the fact that the people know what they want, but that is not what the governments want..

ANGRY reactions yesterday trailed the invasion of the headquarters of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, by some security agents late Wednesday night.

Although operatives of the Department of State Services, DSS, were said to have carried out the attack, the secret police were, however, quick to deny its involvement yesterday.

Recall that agents of the state raided the NLC offices at about 10 pm, which is what sources described as being connected with the recent nationwide protests against hardship in the country.

DSS denies involvement

“Good morning dear friends. Please, kindly note that the Service (DSS) did not carry out any operation at the NLC office in Abuja,” a spokesperson of the DSS, Dr Peter Afunanya, said in a terse statement.

Among those who reacted included former Vice President, Abubakar Atiku, his counterpart in the Labour Party, Mr. Peter Obi, Amnesty International, International Trade Union Confederation, ITUC, lawyers and civil society organisations., CSOs.

In its immediate response to the raid, the NLC sought an international inquiry into the invasion, describing the development as dangerous to the nation’s democracy.

Efforts to get the reaction of both the Presidency and the information minister proved abortive last night.

We‘re still shocked by the invasion—NLC

Reacting to the raid yesterday, NLC’s Head of Media and Public Relations, Benson Upah, said the labour movement had already directed all employees to stay away from office.

He said: “We are still shocked by the invasion. First, all staff of the Congress stayed away from the office as directed by the leadership. We cannot yet fathom the reason or reasons for the invasion.

‘’Since last night, we have been receiving calls from across the globe, including our affiliates to express their disbelief and outrage over the invasion. They said not even under military dictatorship did such a thing happen.

“We understand that the Department of State Services, DSS, has denied involvement. Who did it, alongside the uniformed policemen that invaded and ransacked the Labour House? We are in dangerous times in Nigeria. From what is happening, everybody is threatened. This is all I can say for now.”

Atiku condemns invasion

In his reaction, former vice president and presidential candidate of Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in the 2023 general elections, Atiku Abubakar, while condemning the invasion, said whoever ordered the invasion by men believed to be a combined team of security officials should be held accountable.

Atiku, who spoke through his Media Adviser, Mr. Paul Ibe, said such clandestine raids on civil liberties had no place in a democracy.

He said: “The invasion of the national secretariat of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, by persons believed to be security operatives, whether singly or as a combined team, stands condemned.

“The practice of such raids without a valid court order and in the wee hours of the day reflects the current administration’s desire to hold on to the vestiges of military dictatorship which the NLC, civil society and the media fought so hard to end and birth the democratic rule we enjoy today.

“Events of the last couple of weeks have shown this administration’s growing obsession with militarization of our polity.

“They are trying to suppress civil liberties and silence the media. Just the other day, they had protesters shot at and some killed for daring to protest the hardships this administration’s policies have unleashed on the people.

“This administration must be told in clear terms that democracy has come to stay in Nigeria and those who do not share the same views with government must be allowed to air their views.’’

Invasion of NLC secretariat condemnable- Obi

The presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP), in the 2023 general elections, Peter Obi, in his reaction, described the raid as condemnable.

Speaking through his Media Aide, Dr. Yunusa Tanko, Obi noted that raiding the office of the labour union, especially at an unholy hour, was not the best thing to do.

He said: “The NLC as an organization, fights for the rights of the majority of Nigerian workers and their officials are accessible.

“If any of our security agencies desire to see them, the proper thing to do is to invite them and I know they are law-abiding; they will honour such invitations.

“Invading their offices, especially after office hours, is an attempt to intimidate them. This has no place in a democracy.’’

ITUC demands investigation

In its reaction, the International Trade Union Confederation, ITUC, in its X handle, called on the Federal Government to immediately return all property carted away by the invading security operatives.

ITUC, which plans to issue a full statement today (August 9), said: “ITUC strongly condemns the attack on NLC Headquarters by security forces.

‘’We call on the Nigerian government to immediately recall its security forces from the premises of the NLC, return all property taken from the premises, and conduct an investigation.’’

ITUC also called on the Federal Government to respect labour and trade union rights as #HumanRights, build trust with the labour movement in Nigeria, listen to their demands for meaningful and effective dialogue, and stop attacking them!”

TUC fumes, demands investigation

Also reacting, the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUC , condemned the invasion and demanded a thorough investigation into the incident.

TUC in a statement by its President, Festus Osifo said: “The TUC condemns the Wednesday night’s invasion of the Labour House, headquarters of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, in Abuja, by security operatives.

“The reported confiscation of books from the NLC library, allegedly in search of ‘End Bad Governance’ materials, is a troubling act that raises serious concerns about the violation of fundamental rights, including freedom of speech and expression.

“This action represents an overreach by security forces and poses a threat to the democratic principles that allow for peaceful dissent and free expression.

“We consider this invasion a direct attack on the rights of Nigerian citizens to freely express their views and to access information.

“The TUC calls on the Federal Government to immediately launch a thorough investigation into this incident. Those responsible for authorizing and executing this operation must be held accountable. “We demand the prompt return of all seized materials to the NLC library and an explanation for this unjustified action.

“Nigerians must be reassured that their rights are protected and that security agencies operate within the confines of the law, respecting the freedoms guaranteed under our constitution.”

Amnesty International condemns the raid

On its part, the Country Director of Amnesty International, Isa Sanusi, described the raid as a “sinister and calculated attack” designed to intimidate the labour union.

Sanusi said: “Amnesty International strongly condemns the brazen invasion of the headquarters of Nigeria Labour Congress by a contingent of armed security personnel.

‘’The chilling raid last night (Wednesday) appears to be part of a sinister and calculated attack designed to intimidate the labour union.

“We are deeply concerned about the safety of NLC officials. Under international human rights law and standards, trade unions cannot be targeted for their participating activities.”
Amnesty International emphasised that Nigeria had an obligation to respect and protect the rights of trade unions under international human rights law.

“Under international human rights law, Nigeria has an obligation not only to respect the rights of trade unions but also to protect these rights from abuse,’’ the group added.

Mike Ozekhome, SAN

Also reacting yesterday, human rights activist, Mike Ozekhome, said: “The invasion will depend on what sensitive information the Secret Service had regarding existential national security matters.

‘’If the invasion was carried out merely as part of scare-mongering device, artifice and tactics to repress popular dissent and permissible civil and peaceful protests, then it was utterly wrong.

‘’But, if it was done to protect public safety, public good and the rights of others to enjoy their fundamental rights, then it could be excused.

“However, the onus lies on the DSS to show that it acted within the confines of the law and that there was, indeed, an urgent clear and present danger it hoped to avert or unravel through the invasion, necessitating it not obtaining a prior order of court to search the Labour House premises.”

IGP must fish out invaders – Falana

On his part, human rights activist, Femi Falana, SAN, said: “Yesterday (Wednesday), the secretariat of the Nigeria Labour Congress at Abuja in the Federal Capital Territory was invaded and occupied by armed security forces.

‘’The invasion was apparently designed to silence the leaders of the Nigeria Labour Congress for having the temerity to criticize the harassment of the #endbadgovernance protesters by the police and other security agencies.

“The invasion is a shameful reminder of the armed invasion of the NLC Secretariat on February 28, 1988, following the loss of the post of the president of the congress at the Triennial Delegates Conference of the Congress by the stooge of Ibrahim Babangida’s military junta.

‘’As if the invasion was not enough, the reactionary forces in power at the material time proceeded to seize the secretariat and impose a sole administrator to manage the affairs of the Congress for over a year.

‘’Two years earlier, security operatives had detained NLC leaders, including its president, Comrade Ali Chiroma, who died a few months ago. The Gestapo tactic on that tragic occasion was to forestall a nationwide protest in response to police killings of Ahmadu Bello University students.

“For genuine democrats, it’s utterly regrettable that official actions in a democratic dispensation could be reminiscent of the atrocities that defined the dark days of military dictatorship.

“It is incontestable that it is illegal for security forces to invade the homes and offices of law-abiding citizens and corporate bodies under a democratic dispensation, hence, the State Security Service has denied its involvement in the invasion.

‘However, the official denial of the State Security Service in the repressive activity is not sufficient. We are, therefore, compelled to call on the Inspector-General of Police to order an inquiry into the identities of the perpetrators of the illegal invasion. This should not be a case of unknown invaders!”

Raid shows govt has no regards for democratic space — Inibehe

Similarly, Inibehe Effiong, human rights activist/lawyer said: “It seems this government has no regard for the democratic space. It is a further escalation of attacks on the human rights of Nigerians. It shows that the current administration has no regard for the labour union.

“The fact that the government would be so comfortable to invade the NLC secretariat in that manner should worry all of us. It shows that the city is not safe. That has to stop. But it is completely condemnable. The continuous Nigerian descent into a police state is now being pursued at a very scary pace.

“We cannot continue to condone this kind of behaviour. I don’t understand why that had to happen.It is completely unnecessary and such actions must stop.

“It is also an opportunity for introspection by the labour leaders. They may have to review their relationship with the government.

Raid, sign of Tinubu’s disregard for democracy — Adeyanju

Also reacting, one of the organisers of the recent protest against hardship in the country, Mr Deji Adeyanju, described the raid as a total disregard for democracy.

He said: “One would have thought that a Tinubu that was protesting against the military that he would even understand the concept of democracy, is now one of the greatest threats to Nigerian democracy by going after freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, freedom of association, and even raiding the Nigerian Labour Congress, NLC, headquarters.

“It is unthinkable that a man who ran away on exile out of fear for his life is now picking up protesters from their homes, mount security agents, which they constitute a special task force, comprising Department of State Security Service, DSS, Nigerian Police Force, NPF, Nigerian Army, Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps, NSCDC, picking up protesters in their homes on the order of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

“Unfortunately, we have degenerated to this level under the Tinubu-led administration that did not have regard to democracy, freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, freedom of association, freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, freedom of association, in fact, Tinubu should hide his face in shame.”

Raiding, seizing books, publications shameful – HOMEF

Equally reacting, the Executive Director, Health of Mother Earth Foundation, HOMEF, Arc Nnimmo Bassey, described the act of raiding and seizure of books and publications at NLC headquarters disturbing and shameful.

Bassey said: “The invasion of the NLC headquarters by security agencies without a court order is a shocking development. The seizure of books and publications is both disturbing and shameful.

‘’If the action was actually related to the #EndBadGovernance protest, then it is a big insult not only to workers across the nation, but also to every hungry and angry citizen.

‘’The government should ‘go to court’ if they suspect the NLC of indoctrinating the poor Nigerians who went on the streets to tell the world they were hungry.

‘’Why seize books? Is the government afraid of books and ideas? Are the security agents now constituting themselves into a thought police?

‘’Unless they have credible information implicating the NLC in acts of illegality, the security agencies should understand that acts of this nature are embarrassing to the people and the government.

‘’The security agencies should apologize to the NLC, return the books that were seized and be careful not to further stoke the fires of anger and frustration through such abrasive actions.

Govt’s action wrong, aggravating polity – Global Rights

The Executive Director, Global Rights, Abiodun Baiyewu, also said the action of the government was uncalled for.

She said: “The government clearly has made a very wrong move and is only aggravating the polity. They are only piling on their list of atrocities. If they are not careful, it will blow up in their faces.”

Similarly, Dr. Zikirullahi Ibrahim, Executive Director of the Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education, CHRICED, warned that the country was almost returning to a full-blown dictatorship, with the government using iron-fist tactics to suppress dissenting voices.

He criticized the government’s hypocrisy in calling for dialogue while clamping down on dissenting voices.

Zikirullahi said: “We are almost returning to a full-blown dictatorship. The invasion of the NLC national office is reminiscent of our experiences during the dark days of military dictatorship in our nation’s history.

“It’s unfortunate that the President is not even pretending to have learned much from the military days. He wants to use an iron fist to treat issues that could have been better resolved through dialogue.

“On the one hand, he is calling for dialogue with Nigerians, while on the other hand, he is authorizing the security agencies to hunt down and clamp down on Nigerians who are expressing their grievances over some of his policies.”

[Vanguard]

The Dangote refinery says since it commenced full operations, it has processed 50 million barrels of crude — with 60 percent of its feedstock coming from the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited.

Aliyu Suleiman, the group chief strategy officer of Dangote refinery, spoke when he appeared before an ad hoc senate committee on August 7.

The committee, led by Opeyemi Bamidele, the senate majority leader, is probing the alleged importation of substandard petroleum products into the country.

In his presentation, Suleiman said while the NNPC supplied 60 percent of the total processed crude, 20 percent was imported, and 20 percent was purchased.

‘DANGOTE REFINERY CALLS FOR FAIR CRUDE PRICES’

He commended the NNPC for making the supply to the Dangote refinery.

“About 60 percent of that came from the NNPC, and we are thankful and grateful to them for their support,” he said.

“About 20 percent of that (crude) had to be imported from outside and the other 20 percent we purchased.

“Essentially, all we are asking for, and let us be very clear, we are happy to pay fair prices.

“We are very happy with the price that they set. The price is like supermarkets and that is what we buy.

“But what we buy from others is what we think the regulator should look at and the good thing is that the regulator has published a guideline that will address some of these.

“We hope that we will work with the regulator and we will get their support so that the refinery can get 100 percent of its crude from Nigeria and buy the crude from companies that produce it in Nigeria — not from international middlemen.

“Whatever the prices, as long as it is in Nigeria, and that is the price also that the producer will pay their tax on, we’ll be happy to pay that.”

Suleiman said the country would benefit tremendously from the refinery, outlining the benefits to include foreign exchange (FX) generation and job creation.

More importantly, he said the country would benefit psychologically as Nigerians, and Africans in general, will be confident that the continent can succeed.

On June 4, Aliko Dangote, Africa’s richest person, said the NNPC has been very helpful in providing crude to the 650,000 barrels-a-day refinery.

However, he said some international oil companies (IOCs) are struggling to supply crude to his refinery.

Speaking on Arise TV on July 15, Gbenga Komolafe, chief executive officer of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), described the claim as “erroneous”, noting that the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) has provisions that guide willing buyer-willing seller transactions.

But a few days later, the management of Dangote Industries Limited (DIL) insisted that the IOCs were frustrating its request to purchase crude feedstock for the refinery.

[TheCable]

Five years ago, on October 11, when Nigeria celebrated its 59th anniversary, I wrote a piece titled "The Call for a National War on Poverty," which was published in Thisday newspaper and several other traditional and online news platforms.

The motivation for writing the article stemmed from the excessive focus on fighting corruption, which had created a hostile environment for foreign investors. This focus led to economic recessions between 2015-2023, with Nigeria plunging into recession twice in those eight years.

Today, nearly five years after that article, Nigeria and its citizens continue to grapple with corruption and poverty. Instead of moving from poverty to prosperity, the standard of living has worsened, leading to the #EndBadGovernance protests by angry and hungry Nigerians, which regrettably resulted in significant unrest and destruction.

The four days of protests before President Bola Tinubu's national address wreaked havoc on the nation so much so that our beleaguered country and its struggling economy suffered further damage, with about 13 lives lost and properties worth billions of naira destroyed. The situation was so dire that the presumed convener of the protest, popular lawyer Olu Adegberuwa, reportedly expressed regret: “I appeal to the protesters to withdraw from their various protest grounds and suspend the protests immediately and indefinitely to give room for meaningful dialogue and engagement with the government.”

In recognition of the severe poverty currently ravaging Nigeria, as l earlier stated five (5) years ago, I wrote an article titled "The Call for a National War on Poverty." Originally published on October 11, 2019, I am republishing and updating it with a new title: "Issues Around the Issue Of Protests" which is focused on the question of whether President Tinubu’s reform policies are against or promoting poverty?”

The question raised in this article's title about whether the current administration is fighting poverty is crucial because unlike his predecessor, ex-President Muhammadu Buhari, who focused his leadership solely on fighting corruption for eight years, President Bola Tinubu's administration, just over one year old, has concentrated on implementing massive reforms that have the potentials to alleviate poverty. Ostensibly, these reforms are aimed at overturning decades-old policies that have kept Nigerians shackled and in poverty. But they are taking a bit longer to manifest their positive expectations which is why some Nigerians are anxious and aggrieved.

Key among these policies are the removal of subsidies on petrol, the naira, and electricity. These have been replaced with new socio-economic paradigms, which, although they hold promise for long-term improvement, have initially caused significant hardships for many Nigerians.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo offers a unique perspective on the removal of petrol subsidies and boosting local production of this crucial commodity. He remarked, “If those who are selling or supplying refined products for Nigeria feel that they will lose the lucrative opportunity, they will also make every effort to get him (Dangote) frustrated.” He added, “Those problems, as far as the government refineries are concerned, have never gone. They have even increased. So if you have a problem like that and that problem is not removed, then you aren’t going anywhere.”

Five years ago, I called for a paradigm shift in our development strategy from merely fighting corruption to combating poverty and reforming policies that hinder development. This call was ignored by the previous administration, which continued its anti-corruption efforts without investing enough effort in combating poverty. The efforts devoted to solely tackling corruption ultimately proved ineffective, as reflected in Nigeria's stagnant corruption perception index, while the fight against graft damaged the economy and the country's image. As a result, the economy and the lives of Nigerians deteriorated, leaving the current administration with the task of alleviating the masses' frustration after their painful experiences under the former regime.

Given this background, President Bola Tinubu, who promised change, was expected to quickly deliver the benefits of democracy. However, the delayed realization of promised economic reforms, which have had a severe impact on the general populace, has made the Renewed Hope Agenda seem like an illusion. That is why many Nigerians have been anxiously waiting for a drastic improvement in their conditions and becoming impatient as respite is not manifesting in their expected timeline.

Unfortunately, this expectation persists despite being unrealistic. The reality is that it is wishful thinking to believe that Nigeria's current economic problems, caused by poor policies over the past four to five decades that were supposed to be ad-hoc but became entrenched and permanent, would disappear instantly. When President Tinubu finally addressed the nation on the fourth day of the protests, which had turned riotous, he outlined the steps taken to help Nigeria escape poverty:

“In the past 14 months, our government has made significant strides in rebuilding the foundation of our economy to carry us into a future of plenty and abundance. On the fiscal side, aggregate government revenues have more than doubled, hitting over 9.1 trillion Naira in the first half of 2024 compared to the first half of 2023 due to our efforts at blocking leakages, introducing automation, and mobilizing funding creatively without additional burden on the people. Productivity is gradually increasing in the non-oil sector, reaching new levels and taking advantage of the opportunities in the current economic ambiance.”

He then highlighted that under his administration, the federal government has advanced about N570 billion to government at sub-nationall levels to ameliorate hardships at the grassroots level and Nigeria has reduced the proportion of revenue used to service debt from 98% to 68% and paid off $5 billion in foreign debt. Additionally, he announced an investment of N45.6 billion for the procurement and installation of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) kits in mass transit vehicles to counter the increased costs following the removal of petrol subsidies.
Mr. President also stated that the government under his watch has also allocated N200 billion to a newly formed program to drive consumer credit at single-digit interest rates to boost production and purchasing credit for the masses, just as it has provided N50 billion for the newly launched NELFUND, driving the currently functional student loan program. Other initiatives include setting aside $620 million for the empowerment of Nigerian youth through digital and creative enterprises.

Despite these measures, some protesters and leaders from the main opposition parties, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP), were not appeased. They argued that the broadcast, despite its calls for calm and dialogue, was self-serving. Fortunately, the nationwide tension has subsided, and peace has returned to most parts of the country. This may be because the genuine intentions of the protesters were overshadowed by those with a regime-change agenda, as evidenced by minors waving Russian flags during the protests. The use of minors to display these flags is likely a tactic to avoid prosecution, as the 1999 constitution as underaged individuals cannot be charged for criminal actions.

During the four days of unrest, three global events paralleled the protests in Nigeria.

The first event is the ongoing civil disobedience in the United Kingdom, fueled by misinformation spread via social media, similar to how social media was used during Nigeria's 2020 #EndSARS protests and is now driving the #EndBadGovernance protests. This disobedience was sparked by the tragic stabbing of three children in Southport by a 17-year-old, Axel Rudakubana, who was wrongly identified by far-right activists as an immigrant.

Although UK authorities classify this as an anti-immigration crisis, I argue it is xenophobia targeting not just blacks but Muslims and non-Caucasian foreigners. This attitude mirrors the xenophobic violence in South Africa, where locals attacked the businesses and homes of successful black immigrants. It is also similar to the events that happened in Nigeria in the mid-1980s when Ghanaians were expelled in an anti-immigration crisis dubbed "Ghana-Must-Go." A few years ago, Ghana retaliated by antagonizing Nigerians doing business and living there, accusing them of dominating commerce .

These scenarios illustrate that global poverty crises are triggering protests against authorities for either implementing poverty-inducing policies or being lax with immigration policies that allow immigrants, legal or otherwise, to take local jobs.

Ironically , just as Nigerians are marching against hunger, Britons are rioting under the guise of anti-immigration sentiments against Muslims, Arabs, and non-Caucasians, whom they believe are taking their jobs and corrupting their culture. This intolerance is both sad and disappointing.

Surprisingly, Britons may not even accept legal immigrants, despite these skilled workers filling gaps left by the UK's exit from the European Union. This situation highlights global crises of various kinds, with world leaders still struggling to find solutions. This is evident as former U.S. President Donald Trump, now a candidate of the Republican Party, and his supporters—comprising about 30% of voters, similar to the Republican's 30%, (with 40% as independents in swing states which both parties are struggling to win over to their respective sides) —also expressing displeasure over illegal immigrants, whom they accuse of taking American jobs.

Given these dynamics, Trump is likely to win the November 5 election due to his stance on immigration, much like Marine Le Pen's National Rally Party, which gained 143 seats in the French parliament by pushing an anti-immigration agenda. Consequently, with significant seats in the French parliament, President Emmanuel Macron must form a coalition government after the ongoing Olympics in Paris.

These events underscore a growing global intolerance towards foreign nationals and frustration with leaders' policies on socioeconomic issues and immigration across the world.
Ultimately, citizens are expressing their dissatisfaction through protests and at the ballot box, as seen in the recent violence in the UK and France, following elections that enabled far-right gains. This expression of discontent is a hallmark of democracy, which guarantees freedom of speech, so protests against government in Nigeria is not an exception. But forceful regime change which has been established as the sinister motive of some of the protesters in Nigeria is condemnable and thankfully and commendably ,Nigerian security agencies gathered enough intelligence to figure it out and nipped it in the bud.

Another significant moment for me is Nobel laureate Professor Wole Soyinka's condemnation of the Nigerian police's brutal response to protests, resulting in numerous deaths, a figure disputed between 13 by some accounts and 7 by the Nigerian police. Unimpressed with the police conduct, Prof. Soyinka stated:

“Live bullets as a state response to civic protest – that becomes the core issue. Even tear gas remains questionable in most circumstances, certainly an abuse in situations of clearly peaceful protest.

“Hunger marches constitute a universal S.O.S., not peculiar to the Nigerian nation. They belong indeed in a class of their own, never mind the collateral claims emblazoned on posters.

“They serve as summons to governance that a breaking point has been reached and thus, a testing ground for governance awareness of public desperation.

“The tragic response to the ongoing hunger marches in parts of the nation, and for which notice was served, constitutes a retrogression that takes the nation even further back than the deadly culmination of the watershed #ENDSARS protests.

“It evokes pre-independence – that is, colonial – acts of disdain, a passage that induced the late stage pioneer Hubert Ogunde’s folk opera BREAD AND BULLETS, earning that nationalist serial persecution and proscription by the colonial government.”

Compared to the British police's reliance on technology and surveillance cameras to manage riots, the Nigerian police's lack of such infrastructure has led to accusations of unprofessional conduct. However, the security agencies argue that their harsh response was due to a hidden agenda among protesters, aiming for regime change through subterfuge, which they were duty-bound to prevent as earlier stated.

In fact, it was rather disconcerting and surprising that the suspicion of a regime change became evident when protesters were seen waving Russian flags. This act confirmed intelligence reports, leading the Inspector General of Police, IGP Kayode Egbetokun, to announce that the military was on standby in case the police were overwhelmed. This position was echoed by the Chief of Defense Staff, Army General Chris Musa, in a subsequent press conference.

Considering Russia's involvement in neighboring Niger Republic, Mali, and Burkina-Faso where regime changes supported by the Wagner Group—a Russian-backed mercenary organization—have replaced French colonial influence, the concerns of Nigerian security agencies about potential plans to forcefully remove the Nigerian president were valid and commendable.

Hence, possibly as a preemptive measure, military force was used in some cases to repel suspected regime change agents who had infiltrated genuine protesters. This might have unfortunately resulted in the tragic deaths of Nigerians, estimated by Amnesty International to be up to 13, though the Nigerian police as earlier stated claim the number is 7. Although the death of even one Nigerian arising from engaging in street protests is unacceptable, the conduct of the Nigerian police, especially the commissioners in Edo, Rivers, and Lagos states, is commendable as they worked hard to gain the trust and confidence of the protesters, making the protests in these locations less destructive.

Another key point for me is the CNN documentary titled "1968: The Year That Changed America," which highlighted significant events in the US, including the civil rights movement and riots in Washington, DC, revealing the brutality of security agencies at that time. The documentary struck me with the similarity to how present-day Nigerian police had treated protesters, particularly during the #EndSARS riots in 2020, though having learned their lessons they have been less harsh in the current protests. The takeaway from the documentary is that Nigeria's current practice of democracy is reminiscent of the US in 1968, over half a century ago.

Finally, as the dust from the imbroglio or temporary madness that engulfed our country resulting in an orgy of bloodletting settle, it is hoped that both the administration and the masses have learned lessons from the catastrophic fallouts.
Hopefully, going forward, Nigeria and Nigerians will not be prosecuting just a war on corruption which it has been doing without significant success even before Nigeria secured her independence in 1960 from British colonialists, as one has cataloged in this piece, but also a more serious war against poverty which is the enemy of the multiple ethnic groups/ nationalities that make up this great nation and who speak over 250 tongues and have risen in unison to declare collectively that they are hungry . As a stanza in our national anthem enjoins us "...though tribe and tongue may differ in brotherhood we stand". We should all do well to imbibe the wording in the national anthem which are critical ethos that we should operatoonalize as good citizens of our great nation, Nigeria.
In light of the foregoing, our subsidiary fights should be against religious bigotry and zealotry as well as against ethnic jingoism which crept into the agenda of the protesters in the nasty incident in certain parts of our country, particularly in Lagos state.
Commendably Lagos state governor Babajide Sanwo- Olu distanced the state government from the xenophobic outburst by the leftists just as the President Tinubu has done in his broadcast demonstrating that there is zero tolerance for hate in our county.
As Nigerians, we must all rise up against politics of excluding any members of any particular ethnic sections of our country from living in any part or being in the leadership of our country.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.
To continue this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng

Many Nigerians and non-Nigerians alike have repeatedly asked me if the Supreme Court was not wrong in its interpretation of section 162(3), (4), (5) and (6) of the 1999 Constitution and what happens to the allegedly wrong judgement. They want to know if the judgment is superior to the said "clear" provisions of the Constitution and if it is ENFORCEABLE or capable of being enforced. They also want to know how, in the event that I say it is enforceable. My simple answers to both questions are yes, yes and yes. Let's take them one after the other.

1. THE JUDGMENT OF THE SUPREME COURT IS SUPERIOR TO THE PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION.

A law is only what the courts interpret it to be, not what it says on bare paper. That was why Oliver Wendell Holmes Jnr, a very influential civil rights Jurist, Brevet Colonel during the American Civil War and longest serving Justice of the US Supreme Court (1902-1932), who retired from the US Supreme Court at 90, once famously declared that, “the prophesies of what the courts will do in fact, and nothing more pretentious, are what I mean by the law”. In other words, the law (whether constitutional, substantive, statutory, or adjectival) remains what it is-inanimate and dead on paper-until the life and the oxygen of interpretation are breathed into it by a court of law. Consequently, it is thus the interpretation which was given by the Supreme Court to the entire section 162 of the Constitution on the sharing procedure between the Federal government, states and the LGCs, and not the bare provisions of the Constitution that prevails.

IS THE JUDGMENT ENFORCEABLE?
The answer is also in the affirmative. Section 287(1) of the 1999 Constitution comes to our rescue by providing that “the decisions of the Supreme Court shall be enforced by in any part of the Federation by all authorities and persons, and by courts of subordinate jurisdiction to that of the Supreme Court”. Even if the Supreme Court was wrong in its interpretation of section 162 dealing with the State Joint Local Government Account, the judgement remains binding on all and for all times. It is only an amendment of the Constitution under section 9 thereof that can override the decision. No person or authority can decide, whimsically and arbitrarily to disobey the judgement, or pick and choose what portions of the judgment to obey or which to discard. In Rt Hon Michael Balonwu & Ors V Governor of Anambra State& Ors (2007) 5 NWLR ( Pt 1028) 488, the intermediate court held that "an order of court whether valid or not must be obeyed until it is set aside. An order of court must be obeyed as long as it is subsisting by all no matter how lowly or lightly placed in the society. This is what the rule of law is all about, hence the courts have always stressed the need for obedience to court orders". It therefore does not matter that the judgment is downright stupid, illogical, or not well researched; or that parties affected do not like it. That is what the rule of law dictates  and is all about. See AG Anambra v AG FRN (2008) LPELR-13(SC); Abeke v Odunsi & Anor (2013) LPELR-20640( SC); Ngere v Okuruket & Ors ( 2014) LPELR-22883 ( SC).
Right or wrong therefore, court judgements must be obeyed until set aside by a higher court, or a challenged section is amended by the Legislature. Since no court is higher than the Supreme Court of Nigeria, only an amendment to the Constitution by the NASS under section 9 can override the judgment: Obineche & ORS v. Akusobi & ORS (2010) LPELR-2178 (SC); Anchorage Leisures LTD & Ors V. Ecobank (NIG) LTD (2023) LPELR-59978 (SC) . That was why the same Supreme Court, acutely aware that it is susceptible to mistakes and errors being constituted by mere mortals and not almighty God or angels, once famously declared through late venerable Socrates of the Nigerian Bench, Honourable Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, in the causa celebre of Adegoke Motors Ltd v Adesanya (1989) NWLR ( Pt 109) 250, that “the Supreme Court is final not because it is infallible, it is infallible because it is final”.

2. ON HOW THE SUPREME COURT JUDGMENT IS IMPLEMENTABLE
The answer is equally simple. The FG, states and LGCs should now meet ( and I am toll they have been meeting) at FAAC and decide on modalities and procedures of opening up accounts for LGCs so that their allocation under section 162 is paid directly to them and not to the joint state LG account that is oftentimes waylaid by state Governors and fleeced without the helpless and hamstrung LGCs being able to raise a finger. This is not rocket science. That refusal by state governors to remit to the LGCs was the ugly mischief the apex court judgment sought to cure; and it did so perfectly, loud and clear, in my own humble opinion. Inter alia, the apex court had declared emphatically that, “by virtue of section 162(3) and (5) of the Constitution of Nigeria, 1999, the amount standing to the credit of LGCs in the Federation Account shall be distributed to them and be paid directly to them”; that “a state, either by itself or Governor or other agencies, has no power to keep, control, manage, or disburse in any manner, allocations from the Federation Account to LGCs”. The apex court also granted injunctive orders restraining "Governors and their agents, officials or privies from tampering with funds meant for the LGCs in the Federation Account" ; and further ordered “immediate compliance by the states, through their appointed officials and public officers with the terms of the judgment and orders”. The apex court further ordered the “Federation or Federal Government of Nigeria through its relevant officials, to forthwith commence the direct payment to each LGC of the amount standing to the credit of each of them in the Federation Account”. The content, terms and directives contained in this judgement, are in my humble opinion, very straight forward, unambiguous and are as clear and clean as a whistle. All parties concerned, - FG, states and LGCs- must therefore obey and enforce this judgement IMMEDIATELY. There is no option. I had earlier made public this same opinion of mine. I had written and stated on several TV stations that in my humble understanding of the principles of interpretation, the Supreme Court was right in the interpretation it gave to section 162 of the Constitution, so as to prevent continuation of years of wanton abuse of the provisions of section 162 by state governors.(See “LG Autonomy: Supreme Court's verdict timely, regenerative-Ozekhome", www.vanguard.com., 11, July, 2024 ). I still stand very firmly by this my earlier opinion. God bless Nigeria as we collectively seek true fiscal federalism and not the present unitary system of government that we are currently operating under the thin guise of federalism.

Almost everyone thinks they know what is wrong with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his government, except Tinubu himself. And to show that it’s not just bellyaching, there are plenty of examples to beat the president over the head.

Headline inflation has risen from 22.2 percent in April 2023 to 33.7 one year after – and is still growing – while attempts by the government to tame it have been largely ineffective. Food inflation has nearly doubled. The naira has been devalued by almost 70 percent in one year, and poverty levels, even among the once-comfortable urban population, have risen dramatically. Hardship has never been starker.

But that’s not all. Where Tinubu promised leaner government parastatals, they have increased. The talk about cutting the cost of governance is being crushed under the wheels of longer executive convoys and a parliament out of touch.

Events around the continent, especially in West Africa, where Nigeria is supposed to be a powerhouse, offer little comfort. On Tinubu’s watch, and some might even add, because of his mishandling, three countries – Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso – have pulled out of ECOWAS and formed a band of rebellious Sahelian states.

And on the continental stage, Nigeria has dropped from Africa’s largest economy to number four, a blow that a country with an oversized ego can still not reconcile with.

Crucify him

If one called for nails to crucify Tinubu, volunteers would supply more than enough to cover every inch of his body, with bags of it to spare. You will be reminded that this was self-inflicted misery when he removed the petrol subsidy on day one and attempted to merge the exchange rate without a clear plan.

That’s just as well. I can’t wrap my head around some of the events that happened in the last year. And I can’t remember how often I have asked if this is the same Tinubu I’ve known since 1998. Well, it’s the same Tinubu, more or less. It’s the same Tinubu, seasoned and buffeted almost equally from age and circumstance in a country that has also changed by far greater measure in the last nearly three decades!

Tinubu asked for the job, so there can’t be excuses for why the country is in such misery. It’s, however, fair to say, almost at the risk of attack, that those who judge Tinubu harshly underestimate the determined, active efforts of interest groups – both from within and outside his government – to ensure that he fails, despite his best efforts.

The heart of the matter

His government’s two most consequential decisions – announcing the removal of petrol subsidy and attempting to create a more transparent exchange rate system – touched a raw nerve. The biggest beneficiaries, primarily wealthy, powerful and deadly people across the country, but particularly in the North, are determined to fight his government to a standstill.

The pattern of last week’s #EndBadGovernance protests showed where poverty was starkest. But it also showed the locus of misdirected anger and resistance to change. The anger was against Tinubu’s policies.

But much more than that, it implicated sections of the Northern elite who have, over the years, underdeveloped and impoverished the region, primarily by playing the ethnic and religious card and refusing to be held to account. This same elite was on a roll last week, issuing Russian flags to protesters and pontificating how Tinubu had lost his way.

North’s misery

Things didn’t become suddenly hard for the North under Tinubu. As Kingsley Moghalu said four years ago, when Nigeria displaced India as the world’s poverty capital under the government of President Muhammadu Buhari, the North, regrettably, also became the poverty capital of the poverty capital, with the incidence of poverty up to 80 percent in the North-west.

Decades of the elite prioritising politics and a sense of entitlement over production and accountability have radicalised millions of young people without hope or a future. Their anger should have been directed at the elite responsible for the mess.

Unfortunately, the same elite stoked the discontent, capitalised on it and managed to frame it as evidence of Tinubu’s unfitness for office. And people who used soldiers to crush swathes of the civil population when they were in power are now teaching us lessons on civil management of public protests. The truth is more nuanced. 

The handling of the protests in several states was incompetent, disgraceful and indefensible. Nothing justifies using live rounds against primarily unarmed people expressing their right to dissent. It’s a disgrace that live rounds were used to disperse mostly unarmed crowds, as a result of which about 13 people were killed.

However, the suggestions that people with a sinister agenda sponsored the violence in several Northern states to destabilise Tinubu’s government and divert attention from their complicity in our current mess should not be dismissed out of hand.

Elite wars

It only takes a cursory look at the sections of the elite worst hit by the removal of the subsidy and the attempts to streamline the forex market chaos to understand why they won’t give up without a dirty fight, whatever the cost. Those who think it’s in their power to determine who rules and how long took advantage of the protests to fire warning shots about what they’re determined to do, if not sooner, then by the next election.

Kenya, the UK, and, later, Bangladesh have been touted as models for managing dissent and examples of what may happen if a government fails to listen to the people. While economic hardship is the common thread, those who cite these examples in Nigeria ignore the sinister role of interest groups that fear a prolonged loss of political power.

Insects within

Yet, suggesting that outsiders caused all of Tinubu’s woes would be foolish. Amid the chaos of last week, there were members of his cabinet who were more than delighted that the pressure might finally compel the president to review his government’s “tight-fistedness”. Under Buhari, the Ministry of Finance released quarterly capital votes to ministries and government departments, and they didn’t have to account for it.

Under Tinubu, however, the Ministry of Finance tightly controls releases. Payments are only made after projects have been verified and certificates of completion issued. It’s not the kind of thing people who are used to easy money would be happy about. Beneficiaries of the previous order will resist this change or stand idly by when the government is under attack.

What team?

The part of the whole business that I find troubling is the quality of Tinubu’s cabinet and inner circle. If it was a joke to please certain interest groups when he came to power last year, it has become an embarrassment. He has paid them what he owes, with interest.

With a few exceptions, his team is neither valuable for the country nor serviceable for a president in an emergency. Where did he find these people? And how long will he keep them as passengers on a train to nowhere, putting at risk his reputation as an excellent talent hunter?

I guess that the #EndBadGovernance protest will not be the last. One can only hope that lessons have been learnt and concrete steps will be taken to implement them for the benefit of citizens. That would be the biggest test of his presidency.

Ishiekwene, Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP, is the author of the new book Writing for Media and Monetising It.

For some inexplicable reason, people like to send me ‘accusatory’ messages about journalists and journalism. Even for things that I know nothing about. It is almost as if they feel I should be held accountable for the entire Nigerian media space. Three days to the commencement of the nationwide ‘End Bad Governance’ protests, I received one such message from a highly respected person in the North who is very political despite not being involved in partisan politics. I just scrolled through without bothering to respond. But following how the protests eventually panned out in a number of northern cities, I had to go back to the message because I remembered a certain word, ‘zanga zanga’—the meaning of which I didn’t even know until the protests started. 

Here was his message: “I don’t know where things stand now regarding the level of mobilisation for this zangazanga. The media have not been providing us with real and periodic assessment of the levels of mobilisation. Nor have they provided us with an analysis of which demographics are for it, and which are against it. As well as to why each demographic holds that view. And they (the media) have not provided us with the foreign dimension to all of this, if any. Some government officials, and pro-government commentators, have alleged foreign involvement. Niger Republic has openly been making inciting remarks, even wishing for a regime change. So, I think the media, generally, have not provided an assessment of the buildup, as it were, to the 1st August commencement of the zangazanga, as proposed. But maybe I just didn’t notice it.”

The Nigeria-Niger border is 1,608 kilometres long and traverses seven states: Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, Jigawa, Yobe, Katsina and Borno. Since local social media influencers are being contracted to spread pro-Russia propaganda in Africa, I will not be surprised if they also have their foot soldiers in Nigeria. “I manage the cyberwar, the media war… and (the late Wagner leader, Yevgeny) Prigozhin conducts military activities,” Luc Michel, who heads the Russian propaganda machine told the BBC two years ago. “I think that Russia must replace the French in all of Africa.” Nigeria, of course, is not a former French colony but we are too close to one for comfort.

On Tuesday, Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna alluded to that while lamenting the level of carnage in his state. “When you see, particularly children within the ages of nine, 10 and 14 now raising the flag of another country, you will agree with me that it’s well designed, sponsored by some elements who are calling for anarchy in their own country,” Sani said. “They took advantage by using the psychology of those children, knowing fully that here in Northern Nigeria, our people are close to our neighbouring countries, such as Niger Republic, making them to believe that what happened in Niger Republic can happen in Nigeria; what happened in Burkina Faso can happen in Nigeria and what happened in Mali can happen in Nigeria.”

In my column last week, I identified six categories to which Nigerians belong regarding the protests. In one of those groups are street urchins, the opportunistic criminals who wait in the hope of a confusion that would allow them to loot and maim. We saw them on full display in Kano, Kaduna and other cities across the country. Of course, I also mentioned those currently in power, especially in Abuja (and beneficiaries) who view the idea of a protest of any kind as ‘treasonable’. Yet, whatever may be our misgivings about street protests or reckless calls for a military coup, a system where public officials feel they should not be held accountable by citizens cannot for long endure. That is what we just witnessed in Bangladesh.

I am delighted that the protests have ended. I also believe the security agencies should fish out all the people involved in violence and looting. Since most of these criminal activities were filmed, perpetrators should not be difficult to fish out. If there are politicians behind the call for military takeover of government, they also should be made to answer for that. But the government must not misread public mood. There is real hunger in Nigeria. And there is also anger about misgovernance. 

Today, many people are saying the same about the government Tinubu heads, and it is difficult to fault them. At a time when most Nigerians cannot afford decent meals and millions go to bed on empty stomachs, it rankles that public officials continue to expend scarce resources to service ostentatious lifestyles. Buying expensive vehicles for lawmakers, and a yacht for the president while most governors live like emperors is part of the reason for the anger on the streets. Therefore, to the chief lawbreakers who taunt the people with their irresponsible ‘eating’ habits, I leave them with a story from the master of the craft, the late Professor Chinua Achebe. In a 1989 interview, which has since been published into a book, Achebe told a story which he would, by his own admission, use “again and again because I think it is a marvellous little story.” I have also recounted Achebe’s narration of it before on this page because it addresses leaders at all levels of society who conspire to hold down the people simply to preserve their own personal privilege. 

I consider it most fitting for a season such as this in Nigeria. And here goes Achebe: “The snake was riding his horse, coiled up in his saddle. That’s the way the snake rode his horse. And he came down the road and met the toad walking by the roadside. And the toad said to him, ‘Excuse me, Sir, but that’s not how to ride a horse.’ And the snake said, ‘No? Can you show me then?’ And the toad said, ‘Yes, if you would step down, Sir.’ So, the snake came down. The toad jumped into the saddle and sat bolt upright and galloped most elegantly up and down the road. When he came back, he said, ‘That’s how to ride a horse.’ And the snake said, ‘Excellent. Very good. Thank you. Come down, if you don’t mind.’ So, the toad came down, and the snake went up and coiled himself in the saddle as he was used to doing and then said to the toad, ‘It is very good to know, but it is even better to have. What good does excellent horsemanship do to a man without a horse?’ And with that he rode away…”

Achebe provided perspective to the story: “The snake in this story is an aristocrat, and the toad a commoner. The statement, even the rebuke, which the snake issues is, in fact, saying: ‘Keep where you belong. You see, people like me are entitled to horses, and we don’t have to know how to ride. There’s no point in being an expert. That’s not going to help you.’ If you think deeply about this story, it’s a two-edged sword. To put this other edge to it, which is not noticed at first… this other side is that the snake is incompetent, the snake is complacent, the snake is even unattractive. It’s all there in the story, and the time will come in this political system when all this will be questioned. Why is it that a snake is entitled to a horse? Why is it that the man who knows how to ride does not have a horse to ride? This questioning will come in a revolutionary time, and when it comes you don’t need another story. It is the same story that will stand ready to be used; and this to me is the excellence of the griot in creating laughter and hiding what you might call the glint of steel. In the voluminous folds of this laughter, you can catch the hint of a concealed weapon which will be used when the time comes…”

As we have seen from the experiences of other countries, real revolutions don’t come with timetables. They are most often spontaneous and sometimes ignited by seemingly innocuous occurrences. Given the ethno-religious divisions within our society, the prospect of such an upheaval should frighten us. That is why those who are “eating” today should not mock the millions of Nigerians who are going to bed hungry.

Beyond Covid-19 Pandemic Tales

When the Covid-19 pandemic broke early in 2020, the attention of the world was on Africa. Given the state of healthcare delivery on the continent, there were fears we would be falling in the streets and dying. In Nigeria, the apprehension was palpable. But, as it so happens whenever we manage to put the right people in the right places, the Nigeria Disease Control (NCDC) collaborated with other critical stakeholders to manage the health crisis in a manner that even developed countries could not. Part of that story is contained in ‘An Imperfect Storm: A pandemic and the coming of age of a Nigerian institution’, jointly written by the former NCDC Director General, Dr Chikwe Ihekweazu and his wife, Vivianne.

Having had the privilege of reading the book that is being publicly presented today in Abuja, I must commend Chikwe who is lucky to be married to a wife who also operates within the health sector as Managing Director of Nigeria Health Watch, a not-for-profit health communication and advocacy group. As the World Trade Organisation (WTO) Director General, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala wrote in her blurb, the book is more than a memoir of a public servant, it is a “fascinating journey through facets” that include the love story of the Ihekweazus and the early life of Chikwe who was born in Hamburg to a German mother and a Nigerian father.

Indeed, the World Health Organisation (WHO) Director General, Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus could not have been more apt when he described Chikwe’s narrative as “a true testament to collaborative efforts, leadership and the unwavering spirit that influenced an entire nation facing a global crisis.” Former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, ANAP Foundation Chairman, Mr Atedo Peterside and my aburo, Dr Ike Anya also provide insights about the book. In his foreword, a former Director General of the African Centre for Disease Control and Prevention, Dr John Nkengasong, said the book “sheds light on the intricate decisions, the weight of leaderships, and the importance of investing in public health infrastructure—offering invaluable insights and lessons for navigating crises in any corner of the world.”

I wholeheartedly concur as I commend Chikwe and Vivianne Ihekweazu for writing the book that provides insights into a never-to-be-forgotten period in the history of humanity.

2024 Teens Conference

The online registration portal for the 2024 edition of the teens career conference of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, The Everlasting Arms Parish (TEAP) will be closed by this weekend. Scheduled for next week Saturday, 17th August with the theme, ‘The Power of Music’, it will be streamed live. The main speaker this year is the former Cross River State Governor, Mr Donald Duke. He will be joined by Mr Darey Art Alade, Mrs Bukola Bekes and teen saxophonist, Damilola Adepegba. As in previous editions, it is going to be a day of fun, music, networking and impactful sessions. While attendance is completely free of charge (including food and drinks), intending participants must register online by visiting www.rccgteapteens.ng. But only a few slots remain.  

In the late 1960s when the vicious war between India and Pakistan ended, India faced a severe drought. A grave food crisis became its lot. The country depended on international philanthropy to feed its citizens. An exasperated Indira Gandhi who was then the prime minister vowed that never again would India rely on international charity for the survival of hundreds of millions of its citizens. The country embarked on various aggressive agricultural programmes and projects. India has since become a food superpower. It produces more rice than any other nation, and most Basmati Rice, popular in Nigeria because of the popular belief that it is for diabetic patients, is from India. India's 1.4 billion people are today respected across the globe. 

The major driver of the EndBadGovernance protests that started on August 1 was the widespread hunger in the land arising principally from the petrol subsidy removal and the full flotation of the local currency by the President Bola Tinubu administration no sooner than it came into being in May 2023. Public officials at different government tiers should look at our recent history and learn from the example of Willie Obiano, Anambra State governor for eight years till 2023 regarding how to provide food to the people within a short period. Obiano made Anambra synonymous with agriculture, a remarkable achievement for a state long associated with trade, commerce, manufacturing, and education but never agriculture.

Obiano focused on rice for two reasons: it is now Nigeria’s staple and it can be harvested within three months of planting. Anambra was producing a mere 80,000 metric tonnes of rice per annum by 2015 when Obiano assumed office, but by the time he departed in 2022, the state was producing 420,00 metric tonnes. The rice production was well branded and marketed so effectively that some millers in Kogi and Benue states began to brand their rice Anambra Rice to be able to sell it fast.

Most Nigerians still do not know that the Lake Rice brand consumed in Lagos State is milled in Anambra State. It is produced in Kebbi State but Kebbi cannot mill it, so it is processed in Anambra State by a company known as Stines Rice Mills in Amichi, Nnewi South Local Government Area. On October 2, 2019, when the Coscharis Rice Mill at Igbariam in Anambra East LGA was commissioned by the then Central Bank governor, Godwin Emefiele whose bank helped finance the facility, the Kebbi State governor, Abubakar Atiku Bagudu who is now the Minister of Economic Planning, was there. He was there to negotiate with the Coscharis Rice Mill promoter, Cosmas Maduka, how the new firm could help process Kebbi rice. Kebbi is Nigeria’s greatest rice producer.

Obiano, a former bank executive director, approached rice production with the mindset of a business leader. Akinwunmi Adesina, the African Development Bank (AfDB) president, advised the Nigerian government when he was the Minister of Agriculture under President Goodluck Jonathan, to see agriculture as a business rather than as charity or social service performed by uneducated and old people. With the right incentives provided, Obiano was able to get hardnosed entrepreneurs like Maduka to invest heavily in agriculture.  Before building the Coscharis Rice Mill, Maduka had invested massively in rice production in Anaku, the headquarters of Ayamelum LGA, where he acquired a large swath of land. He found the rice production business so profitable that when the terrible flood of 2019 wiped out his production for the year, he started dry season rice farming and built a big dam to make it work effectively. He hired several Indian expatriates.

There were other big rice investors like JOSSAN operating in Orumba North LGA and Ayamelu LGA whom Obiano brought to the state. The rice revolution saw the emergence of both medium and small rice producers and millers as well as marketers in places like Ogbaru, Awka North, Orumba South and Ihiala. A 20 kilogramme of rice sold for as little as N3,000 while a 50 kg of Anambra Rice went for N6,500. It was easy for individuals and associations to purchase rice in large quantities to give out freely during Christmas and other festivities. The state government and its ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs) were also giving out rice to their staff, partners, and friends. How many states can afford to do so today as a 50kg bag of rice sellls for N80,000?

 Anambra State participated actively in the CBN’s loans for agricultural development programmes, and made creative use of the resources made available. Not only was it the first state government to repay the loans it took, it also provides funds to little-known farmers like Prince Ugochkwu Okparaeke from Umuchu in Aguata LGA who owns Eagle Farms in Umuchu as well as in Umunze, Orumba South LGA. Okparaeke was so imaginative that he developed a hybrid of the traditional Igbo cow that is short but fleshy and the stock from Northern Nigeria that is big but less fleshy proportionate to their sizes. The hybrid is, therefore, big and with plenty of flesh like the breeds in Europe and South America. Small fish farmers also benefitted from the CBN credit, and would proudly display their big catches during the annual Anambra State Agricultural Exhibition at the Alex Ekwueme Square in Awka.

Nigeria is facing an acute food crisis. Rather than just give out 50kg bags of rice at half the price and provide 10kg bags of rice free of charge to hungry and malnourised people in the name of offering them palliatives and removing the import duties on foodstuffs for six months, Nigerian government officials at the federal and state levels should be more imaginative because none of these measures can take the place of rigorous thinking and sound public policy. Let Tinubu study the Indian model initiated by Mrs Ghandi and let state governors learn from the ex-Governor Obiano example. Each state should be able to identify its staple foods and produce them in less than one year. There are agricultural research institutes throughout Nigeria, and they have developed high-yielding plants and seeds and are resistant to common diseases. The Federal Government needs to introduce a visionary agricultural policy, get the states and local governments for their buy-in, and coordinate the measures to get the country going in the right direction. We must avoid situations like the one in France and the Sudan which saw the people revolt historically against their rulers, chasing them away from power. 

As Willie Obiano turns 69 years old today (Thursday, August 8, 2024), the best tribute we can pay to the man under whose leadership Anambra State habitually took the first position in various key national and international competitions is to start to feed the 210 million Nigerian citizens with our own produce.

Obiakor, a retired deputy director in the public service, lives in Onitsha, Anambra State.

When the Dangote refinery controversy blew up, naturally as someone wired to support anyone l perceive to be oppressed, this time, Dangote, l lined up in support of the richest man in Africa.
I perceived he was being unduly treated by the Downstream and Midstream regulators, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA). For days, l had heated arguments with people with opposing views on this matter. However, Ademola Adigun, one person l respect on this app, cautioned that people should not be too emotive on this matter but seek knowledge. I took that as a challenge.

Subsequently, in an attempt not to look foolish out of emotive consideration, l opened my mind to critically study the issues involved and even the nitty gritty technical details of the oil and gas system. And because l owe an obligation to educate people, l had to open up myself to information, researching on this issue and the petroleum sector, devoid of emotion.

While several groups of people, including one of my constituencies -the Civil society, have made pilgrimages to the humongous site of the Dangote refinery, unarguably, the largest private refinery in World, l decided, what in my opinion, was sifting facts from emotion. The issue has even reverberated in the hallowed Chambers of the House of Representatives, where the adhoc committee set up to investigate the issue, among other issues in the upstream and midstream petroleum section, was dissolved yesterday.
In a report today by Daily Nigeria, the Speaker, Abbas Tajuddeen, dissolved the committee over alleged compromise by some members of the committee who had exculpated the richest man in Africa, even before the assignment kicked off.

From my findings, there are three major critical issues that are affecting the operations of Dangote Refinery

1) CRUDE SUPPLY-FEEDSTOCK

It does appear that when Dangote was building the refinery, there were no proper arrangements on ground on how he will get feedstock for the refinery. His refinery is the largest single train refinery in the world.
Nobody builds and opens a refinery of this magnitude without refinery agreement to get feed stock. Dangote didn't have a feedstock agreement for his refinery.

I have read where some people claimed that he has an agreement with NNPC Ltd but that arrangements was not a feed stock agreement. What happened with the NNPC arrangement was that during the project building phase, Dangote Refinery project got stuck and NNPC Ltd got the approval of the President to take equity.
Subsequently, the NNPC got a loan and paid $1bn as part of the 20 per cent equity while the rest was to be paid in crude supply.

The lack of feedstock was part of Dangote's problem and he is now sourcing feedstock when the refinery is powered. So far, NNPC Ltd has given him 39 cargoes.

2) CRUDE OIL PRICES
Dangote's claim that IOCs are selling crude oil to him at $6 per barrel above international price doesn’t seem to be true. What l discovered is that Crude oil has different grades. What he got from the US is WTI and the price is not the same as others.
Another key issue under pricing is that the margin of sale of crude oil is different because it is an international business. There is what is called market margin and it is usually from $1.5 to up to $20 per barrel.

There are several crude grades and Dangote Refinery uses different grades of crude to blend. So, when Dangote said he is importing from the United States, it is because he needs it as part of the grades to be used to blend in his refinery to produce petroleum products. His refinery needs several percentage of Bonny light, WTI and others to be able to blend very well. But he is using the fact that he imports from US to give the impression that he is importing from US and other countries, when in actual fact, is that he is sourcing different crude grades to blend.

Another critical point of under pricing is that the marketers buy this crude grades and add their own margin which ranges from $1.5 to $20 but the Nigerian government is giving it to Dangote at a margin of $0.5 per barrel which to me seems to me to be a good deal for him.

One other contentious issue is that Dangote is also persuading the regulator, to persuade the International Oil Companies to give him crude but the IOCs cannot do that because they have Production Sharing Contract (PSC) with the Nigerian government. Through the PSC, the IOCs produce, give Nigeria government its share and take the share of their crude and sell to marketers. Dangote didn't enter any agreement with the IOCs to give him feedstock. What people must also know is that these IOCs borrow money from banks, invest in equipments, drill the oil fields, give government its share and take theirs, sell, recover their costs and make further investments.
Also, Dangote wants to use the local refinery obligation to obfuscate issues but this is not working for him because the local refinery obligation, according to the PIA, is based on a willing buyer and willing seller arrangement. This means the product must be available, and the parties must agree on the price in line with Section 109 of the PIA, which deals with the National Crude Oil Requirement of Refineries. The section states that the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission shall base the allocation of the domestic crude oil supply obligation applicable to the respective lessees on the National Crude Oil Demand requirement supply curve, which is the supply curve of crude oil or condensate that can be supplied on a voluntary basis at the prevailing international market price.

3) DOWNSTREAM
On the controversial issue of licensing of Dangote Refinery, while it has the license to build the plant, the refinery does not have license that covers other parts of its operations.
For monopoly, Dangote is asking the regulator to direct all oil marketers to get petroleum products from his refinery. But the question to ask is: Can Dangote guarantee Nigeria three billion liters of petroleum products per day in strategic national reserves for 32 days and not sell it? As a business entity, for Dangote to keep these products in strategic national reserves without selling them will lead to huge losses for him.
For the regulator to give Dangote that monopoly that he asking means that the business of other oil marketers would be killed and this is against the policy of deregulation because marketers should be allowed to import so there can be healthy competition.

Another critical point to note is that Dangote Refinery operates in a free trade zone and he will be exempted from paying tax to government. This is a loss of revenue to the government. The petroluem products from the refinery would be sold in foreign currency instead of naira to Nigerians as oil marketers who want to buy from there will fill form M (Importers form) in the bank.

Another contentious issue is the sulphur content in the petroluem products. It was reported in the media that the NMDPRA has minimum of 11 staff members in Dangote Refinery and all other local Refineries. The test of the petroluen products from the refinery are done daily and sent to the regulator. This means the regulator knows what they are saying when they stated that the product is inferior.

One worrisome aspect of the whole arrangement is that Dangote will need a minimum of $1.8bn working capital to operate the refinery and no bank would be willing to give it to him because he appears to be at a financial tight corner.
This was further confirmed with yesterday’s International Fitch ratings which downgraded the Dangote industries Limited, reflecting the precarious liquidity position of the business conglomerate.
The report stated inter alia that the group’s liquidity position, “followed lower than expected disposal proceeds, operational and financial underperformance compared to our prior expectations, also affected by local currency devaluation, and lack of contracted backup funding to repay its significant debt facilities maturing on 31 August 2024….We view the lack of DIL’s audited accounts for 2023 as a corporate governance issue. The RWN reflects uncertainty related to the group’s ability to refinance maturing debt.

“Lack of tangible steps to refinance or repay the maturing debt would lead to further downgrade while we do not expect a positive rating action until the company’s liquidity position improves substantially.”

I love Dangote and his can-do spirit, the reason l initially was emotive when this controversy broke when l felt he was being unduly treated but my study of the whole scenario has changed my perspective. I want him to succeed but he too has to do the needful. The monopolistic mindset which he carried from his cement business cannot work in the deregulated petroleum sector. More importantly, he needs a pragmatic approach to solve his liquidity challenges in this petroleum sector, which, with the benefit of hindsight, he underestimated, based on the seeming hand-in-gloves relationship he had with the previous leadership of the CBN, where it appeared he had “easy” access to funds.

Soji Adekunmbi, an Abuja based public policy analyst, in an article in The Cable, proffered solutions to Dangote to enable him navigate the humongous financial quagmire he seems to have found himself, when he posited:
“A few options are available to Dangote but the most viable of them is that he should consider divesting some of his shares in the refinery. It may seem a difficult option but it is the best for him given the circumstances.

There are business entities who took a similar path when confronted with some of the challenges seemingly facing Dangote. In Saudi Arabia, the Saudi government sold Aramco, the national oil company to the public when it faced difficulties.

Even Microsoft founder, Bill Gates sold off a majority of his stake in the company retaining a mere five percent interest in the business. Gates took that route after facing anti-trade court cases following Microsoft’s monopolistic nature, which had caused the collapse of several IT companies.

Dangote should do the needful by selling shares to Nigerians as it is obvious given the intricate nature of business in the oil and gas sector particularly the huge capital outlay required to keep a business going, he cannot pull it off alone.” Richard Akinnola

In the ever-evolving landscape of Nigerian politics, language plays a crucial role in shaping public opinion. Recently, a phrase has gained prominence: “Let’s dialogue.” On the surface, it seems innocuous as it is in grammatical context a call for peaceful resolution, but beneath lies a deeper implication.

Against the foregoing grammatical backdrop, it will not be a misnomer to explore how this seemingly conciliatory phrase is similar to another ominous message: “You can go to court.”

Without a doubt, Nigerian elections are often marred by violence, rigging, and manipulation. The winner takes all, leaving the defeated with limited options. When politicians utter the phrase “Let’s dialogue,” another phrase that readily comes to mind is, “Seek redress in court.” Unfortunately, it is a veiled threat, a way of dismissing opponents while maintaining a veneer of civility.

Against the backdrop of the foregoing view, it is germane to opine that language matters, particularly when it conveys ominous message. Thus, when leaders choose their words, they wield immense influence. At this juncture, it is expedient to explain that “Let’s dialogue” may sound like an invitation to peaceful resolution, but it carries the weight of legal battles, bureaucratic hurdles, and delays. It is a strategic move, and a way to avoid direct confrontation while pushing opponents into the judicial arena.

In fact, the implications of this linguistic maneuver are significant. By framing court action as a form of dialogue, politicians subtly shift the narrative. They imply that legal battles are just another avenue for communication, akin to a negotiation table. But in reality, going to court is a complex, time-consuming process, one that often favors those with resources and connections.

Leadership demands transparency and accountability. When politicians use euphemisms like “Let’s dialogue,” they undermine these principles. Citizens deserve straightforward communication, not coded messages that obscure the true intent. Responsible leaders prioritize the welfare of their constituents over their own interests, choosing clarity over obfuscation.

As Nigerians engage in political discourse, it is expedient we remain vigilant, and the fact cannot be denied that behind seemingly harmless phrases lie deeper meanings. When we hear “Let’s dialogue,” from political leaders, let us recognize it for what it is, a synonym for “You can go to court.”

However, despite the linguistic jigsaw that Nigerians are often confronted with, the fact that our democracy thrives when citizens demand transparency, hold leaders accountable, and refuse to be misled by linguistic gymnastics cannot be denied. Therefore, it is expedient we collectively ensure that our dialogue remains genuine, our courts accessible, and our democracy resilient.

Thus, it is not surprising that the Lagos Planning Committee of the #EndBadGovernance protests has rejected President Bola Tinubu’s nationwide broadcast, through which he called for dialogue, describing it as “insensitive” and “arrogant.”

The committee, which met on Sunday, August 4, 2024, to discuss developments and the way forward, condemned the President’s failure to address the demands of the protesters, and also rejected the President’s call to suspend the demonstrations for dialogue, demanding instead that he acknowledges their demands and show commitment to true dialogue by establishing an inclusive public engagement protocol.

At this juncture, it is germane to opine that the protesters’ refusal to dialogue cannot be easily faulted as evidences of their knockback unarguably finds expression in the quote attributed to George Orwell, which says, "In our time, political speech and writing are largely the defense of the indefensible... Thus, political language has to consist largely of euphemism, question-begging, and sheer cloudy vagueness... Political language is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable."

Given the foregoing untoward development, it is expedient to urge our political leaders to bridge the trust gap between them and the citizens as doing so is crucial for a healthy democracy and effective governance. Therefore, it is incumbent on them to consider some key points that cut across exhibition of transparency and accountability, fulfilling promises as well as demonstration of responsive governance.

In fact, Nigerian politicians must prioritize transparency in their actions and decisions. This is as citizens deserve to know how public funds are allocated and spent. And this can be done by our political leaders through regular audits, open budget processes, and accessible financial reports. When the foregoing steps are consistently taken from one political dispensation to another, they would definitely build trust.

Thus, to earn the trust of the people, politicians must eschew empty promises during election campaigns as they erode trust. Rather, they should focus on realistic goals and deliver on their commitments, even as they make efforts to prioritize policies that directly impact citizens' lives, such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.

In a similar vein, politicians should actively engage with their constituents through regular town hall meetings, feedback channels, and consultations as they can bridge trust gap. At such meetings, issues affecting citizens should promptly and transparently be addressed.

Also, political leaders should put in more efforts toward involving citizens in policy formulation by consulting with civil society organizations, community leaders, and grassroots movements, and not only that, they should always ensure that decisions reflect the diverse needs of the population.

Again, politicians should always have it at the back of their minds that trust is earned through consistent actions, not just words. Nigerian politicians must prioritize the welfare of their constituents and work towards a more accountable, responsive, and trustworthy government. So, by doing this, the gap between leaders and the people would be bridged, and whenever they tell the people, “Let’s dialogue” their call would be heeded to with alacrity.