One of the first major policies of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's regime was the floating of the Naira to unify foreign exchange rates and save Nigeria the billions of dollars previously used to defend the Significant arbitrage between the official exchange rates and the rates in the parallel market, previously existed which many individuals and businesses exploited. Although the policy was implemented with good intentions, it has resulted in the devaluation of the Naira by over 200% and consequences for the Nigerian business environment.

Since equipment, spare parts, raw materials, and other inputs for production are often imported, the devaluation of the Naira has increased the costs of operation for manufacturing companies. These companies are careful not to immediately transfer all these increased costs to consumers to avoid losing patronage. Consequently, they have had to deal with reduced profit margins, and some unethical ones may reduce quality, while others seek ways to cut costs; reducing staff strength is often one of the first measures taken.

Non-manufacturing companies were also impacted, as energy costs soared significantly—at one point, the price of diesel rose to over 1,500 Naira per litre before the Dangote refinery commenced production. Many companies that could not cope with the increased cost of doing business have shut down, while the high capital required to start most businesses has equally become a barrier to entry.

The devaluation of the Naira has led to foreign exchange losses for many companies, with some reporting losses in billions of Naira. Small and medium-scale enterprises also suffered losses. Typically, when businesses whose functional currency is the Naira take on credit facilities in foreign currency (loans or goods, services, machinery, spare parts on credit, etc) they face foreign exchange risks, leading to losses whenever the Naira is devalued. The value of foreign exchange obligations in naira terms increases. The losses could be avoided or reduced with appropriate hedging practices. These credit facilities are often attractive due to favourable terms compared to what is obtainable within Nigeria.

When the Naira was floated, its value remained highly volatile for a while making it difficult for businesses to plan appropriately. During this period of instability, many businesses avoided making major investment decisions, awaiting a stable economic environment to avert losses. This resulted in a decrease in foreign direct investment during that period. Worrisome is that in recent weeks, the Naira has once again shown signs of instability, which the government is addressing.

The devaluation of the Naira made Nigerian exports more attractive and competitive, to the advantage of export-oriented businesses. Some argue that this has contributed to food inflation in Nigeria, as people from neighbouring countries increased their demand for foodstuffs from Nigerian farmers, finding them a cheaper option due to the Naira’s devaluation. This reduced food availability in Nigeria which was already grappling with inadequate supply, leading to demand-pull inflation. Government efforts to improve food production in the country are ongoing. It is important to note that the increased cost of food production and transportation also contributed to food inflation.

On the other hand, the devaluation of the Naira has led to lower purchasing power of individuals and a reduction in household consumption. Businesses have seen demand for their goods and services dip, leading to the closure of some of them. To cope, some had to review their prices, reducing their margins to stimulate demand. Many businesses have been unable to cope with the combined effect of increased costs of doing business and decreased sales. Implementation of the new national minimum wage is expected to increase household consumption.

While acknowledging that the floating of the Naira has enormous benefits for the Nigerian economy, including improved transparency in the Nigerian forex market and saving the country billions of dollars previously used to defend the Naira, it may be wise for the government to provide some form of intervention to the manufacturing industry which is a major driver of the economy. This could be in the form of reduced taxes or long-term low-interest loans. The government could also consider using part of the revenue expected from the proposed one-time windfall tax on foreign exchange gains of banks to support Nigerian industries. Furthermore, the government should put all measures in place to ensure the stability of the value Naira to promote investor confidence and prevent businesses from incurring huge forex losses in the future.

The decision taken by Nigeria, under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration to be floating the naira, allowing its value to be determined by the open market rather than pegging it to another currency or managing it through a fixed exchange rate, is a crucial economic policy choice. For Nigeria, the idea of floating the naira has been discussed and debated for years, with proponents arguing that it could bring about greater economic stability and transparency. However, as Nigeria has taken this significant decision, and is now in it, it is essential to draw lessons from the experience of Zimbabwe, a country that has undergone a turbulent journey with its currency.

Without recourse to denigration, Zimbabwe's economic history is a stark reminder of how currency mismanagement can lead to catastrophic consequences. Once considered one of Africa's most promising economies, Zimbabwe faced hyperinflation in the late 2000s, leading to the abandonment of the Zimbabwean dollar in 2009. The country then adopted a multi-currency system, primarily using the US dollar, in an attempt to stabilize its economy.

However, in 2019, Zimbabwe reintroduced the Zimbabwean dollar, abandoning the multi-currency regime. The reintroduction was accompanied by the floating of the currency, but it quickly became apparent that the move was premature. Without the necessary economic fundamentals in place, the currency's value plummeted, leading to a rapid loss of confidence among both local and international investors. The result was a return to hyperinflation and severe economic instability.

As gathered from literatures and books on Economics, as I am not an Economist, but a Journalist on the Business Desk of a national newspaper, permit me to share the “little knowledge” I gained by virtue of my profession, having had the opportunity of listening and interacting with Economic analysts and observers alike, by opining that Zimbabwe’s experience highlights the importance of having strong economic fundamentals before floating a currency. A country's currency value is not just determined by market forces but also by the underlying strength of its economy. For Nigeria, this means that before considering a float, the government must ensure that the economy is robust, with controlled inflation, a diversified revenue base, and a stable political environment.  This is as a weak economy will likely lead to a rapid depreciation of the currency, exacerbating inflation and worsening economic conditions.

Again, I for the umpteenth time read and heard that building confidence in the financial system is indispensable. The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched as confidence is key when floating a currency. It is little wonder that Zimbabwe's reintroduction of the Zimbabwean dollar was met with skepticism, both domestically and internationally, due to the lack of trust in the government's ability to manage the currency effectively. For Nigeria, building and maintaining confidence in the naira will be essential. This can be achieved through transparent and consistent monetary policies, clear communication from the Central Bank, and a commitment to protecting the currency from political interference.

In a similar vein, not a few Economists and Bankers are unanimous in their views that given the president economic predicament that Nigeria is undergoing that foreign exchange reserves matters.  The reason for their views cannot be farfetched as one of the challenges Zimbabwe faced was the depletion of its foreign exchange reserves, which made it difficult to support its currency. For Nigeria, maintaining adequate foreign exchange reserves will be critical as she is at the moment floating her currency. These reserves provide a buffer against speculative attacks on the currency and can be used to stabilize the naira if necessary. Therefore, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) should focus on rebuilding and maintaining healthy reserves before considering a float.

As gathered, there is also the need to manage expectations. The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched as the initial period after a currency float can be volatile, with sharp fluctuations in the exchange rate. In Zimbabwe, this volatility led to panic and a loss of confidence. Nigeria must manage expectations by preparing the public and investors for potential short-term instability. This includes setting realistic goals for the currency float and being prepared to intervene if necessary to prevent excessive volatility.

In fact, Zimbabwe's currency crisis was exacerbated by poor policy decisions, including the excessive printing of money and the lack of fiscal discipline. Nigeria must learn from these mistakes by ensuring that its fiscal policies are aligned with its monetary policies. The government should avoid the temptation to finance budget deficits through excessive borrowing or money printing, as this could undermine the success of a currency float.

Again, it is germane to opine that Nigeria's economic landscape is vastly different from Zimbabwe's, but the lessons are still relevant. Nigeria's economy is larger, more diversified, and more integrated into the global financial system. However, it also faces significant challenges, including inflationary pressures, high unemployment, and a reliance on oil exports for foreign exchange earnings. These challenges must be addressed before a successful float of the naira can be attained.

Furthermore, Nigeria's political environment is complex, with various interest groups and regional considerations that could influence the outcome of a currency float. Therefore, as the government floats the naira, it must always be cognizance of the fact that there are risks and benefits therein and with a commitment to managing the process effectively.

As Nigeria insists on floating the naira, it is crucial to look to Zimbabwe as a cautionary tale. While floating a currency can bring about greater economic flexibility and transparency, it is not a decision to be taken lightly. Nigeria must ensure that it has the necessary economic fundamentals in place, build confidence in the financial system, and be prepared to manage the volatility that may arise. By learning from Zimbabwe’s experience, Nigeria can make a more informed decision and potentially avoid the mistakes that led to economic turmoil in its southern neighbor.

As the calendar inches closer to August 12, it is time to celebrate one of Nollywood’s brightest stars, Destiny Etiko. This year, as she marks another milestone, we reflect on her remarkable journey in the film industry, where she has made an indelible mark with her incredible talent and captivating performances.

Destiny Etiko is more than just a name in Nollywood; she is a force to be reckoned with. From the moment she stepped into the limelight, she captured the hearts of audiences with her natural acting skills and undeniable charisma. Over the years, she has continued to evolve, taking on roles that challenge her and showcase her versatility as an actress.

Beyond the screen, Destiny Etiko is a beacon of inspiration for many. Her story is one of determination and hard work. Despite the challenges that come with the entertainment industry, she has remained steadfast in her pursuit of excellence. She has risen above every obstacle, proving that with talent and tenacity, anything is possible. Her success is a testament to her unyielding dedication to her craft and her unwavering belief in herself.

Destiny’s influence extends far beyond Nollywood. She is also a role model for young women across Nigeria and beyond, showing them that it is possible to achieve their dreams regardless of their background. Her philanthropic efforts, particularly in supporting the less privileged, further demonstrate her commitment to giving back to society and making a positive impact in the lives of others.

One of Destiny’s most iconic performances came in the movie “Idemili” (2014), where she portrayed the role of Ekemma, a young woman entangled in the complexities of tradition and modernity. Her performance was nothing short of riveting, earning her widespread recognition and cementing her place in the industry. The movie not only showcased her acting prowess but also highlighted her ability to bring depth and emotion to her characters.

Destiny’s filmography is as diverse as it is impressive. In “My Private Part”, she displayed her talent for drama and suspense, keeping viewers on the edge of their seats with her intense and emotionally charged performance. Then, in “The Return of Ezendiala”, she took on a more traditional role, embodying the cultural richness of Nigeria with grace and authenticity.

Born in Udi, Enugu State, Destiny Etiko has always had a flair for the dramatic. Her journey into the world of acting began at a young age, and it did not take long for her to become a household name. With her debut in 2012, Destiny quickly established herself as a force to be reckoned with, delivering performances that are nothing short of spectacular. From the girl-next-door roles to the fierce and feisty characters, she has shown her versatility and range as an actress, earning her a place among the top stars in Nollywood.

But Destiny is more than just an actress; she is a phenomenon. Her beauty, both inside and out, radiates in every role she takes on. With each movie, she brings a unique blend of grace, strength, and authenticity that resonates deeply with her audience. Whether she’s playing a tragic heroine or a comedic lead, Destiny’s performances are always compelling, leaving viewers spellbound.

Not one to shy away from challenging roles, Destiny also starred in “Fear of a Woman”, where she played a character that was both vulnerable and strong, a testament to her ability to navigate complex narratives with ease. In “Black Xmas”, she proved once again that she could handle any genre thrown her way, bringing both humor and heart to the screen.

Destiny’s commitment to her craft is evident in every project she undertakes. Her dedication to bringing her characters to life has earned her numerous awards and accolades, and more importantly, the admiration of millions of fans across the globe. Whether she’s playing a loving wife, a fierce warrior, or a comedic relief, Destiny brings authenticity and passion to every role.

As we celebrate Destiny Etiko on her upcoming birthday, we acknowledge not just the years she has spent in the industry, but the countless lives she has touched with her performances. Her journey is one of hard work, resilience, and an unwavering love for the art of storytelling.

Destiny Etiko, as you turn a year older, we celebrate the incredible woman you are, both on and off the screen. May this new chapter bring you even more success, joy, and opportunities to continue doing what you do best, entertaining and inspiring us all. Happy Birthday in advance!

In the annals of Nigeria’s socio-political history, certain terms have emerged as symbols of the collective frustrations, aspirations, and resilience of its people. Today, as we navigate the turbulent waters of our national life, two phrases stand out, “Zanga Zanga” and “Nigeria Jagajaga”. These expressions encapsulate the prevailing sentiments of chaos, disillusionment, and the enduring quest for good governance that characterize the current era.

The term “Zanga Zanga” is a colloquial expression often used to describe protests, upheavals, and widespread demonstrations. It signifies the raw energy of the masses, particularly the youth, who have taken to the streets in recent years to demand accountability, justice, and a better future. This phrase embodies the spirit of defiance and the refusal to accept the status quo, no matter how entrenched it may be.

“Nigeria Jagajaga,” on the other hand, is a phrase popularized by the legendary Nigerian musician, Eedris Abdulkareem in his 2004 hit song of the same name. The phrase translates loosely to “Nigeria is in disarray” or “Nigeria is messed up,” and it struck a chord with many Nigerians who felt that the country’s potential was being squandered by poor leadership, corruption, and systemic failure. Nearly two decades later, the phrase still resonates, perhaps even more profoundly, as the challenges facing the nation seem to have intensified.

Nigeria’s youth, who make up a significant portion of the population, have grown increasingly disillusioned with the state of the nation. High unemployment rates, poor infrastructure, insecurity, and a lack of opportunities have fueled a sense of hopelessness. However, rather than resigning themselves to a bleak future, many young Nigerians have embraced the spirit of “Zanga Zanga” by taking an active role in demanding change.

From the #EndSARS movement, which called for an end to police brutality, to ongoing protests against bad governance and economic hardship, the youth have shown that they are unwilling to remain silent in the face of injustice. Social media has become a powerful tool in their arsenal, amplifying their voices and connecting them with like-minded individuals across the globe.

The “Zanga Zanga” era is characterized by a heightened awareness of civic rights and responsibilities. It is a time when the youth are not only challenging the old order but also seeking to redefine what it means to be Nigerian in the 21st century. They are demanding transparency, accountability, and a government that truly serves the people.

Despite the vibrant activism of the youth, the phrase “Nigeria Jagajaga” remains a stark reminder of the entrenched issues that continue to plague the country. Corruption remains endemic, with public funds often siphoned off by those in power. Insecurity has reached alarming levels, with insurgencies, banditry, and communal clashes leaving many regions in a state of perpetual fear. The economy, while showing signs of growth, has not translated into tangible benefits for the majority of Nigerians, who continue to struggle with poverty and inflation.

The disarray captured by “Nigeria Jagajaga” is evident in the crumbling infrastructure, inadequate healthcare system, and failing educational institutions. These issues are not new, but they have become more pronounced, leading to a growing sense of despair among the populace.

The juxtaposition of “Zanga Zanga” and “Nigeria Jagajaga” highlights the duality of the current era. On one hand, there is a deep-seated frustration with the state of the nation; on the other, there is an unyielding determination to effect change. This era presents an opportunity to channel the energy of the youth into constructive action that can help address the systemic issues plaguing the country.

For meaningful change to occur, there must be a concerted effort to bridge the gap between the government and the governed. Leaders must be willing to listen to the voices of the people, particularly the youth, and take decisive steps to address their concerns. This includes implementing policies that promote economic growth, create jobs, and ensure security for all Nigerians.

Moreover, the spirit of “Zanga Zanga” must be sustained beyond protests. It must translate into increased political participation, with more young people running for office, voting, and holding their leaders accountable. Civil society organizations and the media also have a crucial role to play in keeping the government in check and advocating for the rights of the people.

Without a doubt, the era of “Zanga Zanga” and “Nigeria Jagajaga” is a defining moment in the nation’s history. It is a time of great challenges but also of great potential. The phrases themselves serve as a call to action, urging every Nigerian to contribute to the rebuilding of the nation. While the road ahead may be difficult, the collective will of the people, especially the youth, can pave the way for a better, and more prosperous Nigeria.

The Nigerian government says it would soon commence disbursement of the N150 billion presidential palliative program to manufacturers and micro, small and medium enterprises.

The Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, Doris Aniete disclosed this at the weekend in a statement through her spokesperson, Terfa Gyado.

Aniete said over 700,000 applicants have applied for the scheme so far

“Disbursement is yet to start but they are finalising the first batch. To date, about 700,000 applicants have applied,” she said.

She explained that for manufacturers, for loans up to N1 billion, applicants must choose between working capital or asset financing, maintain at least a six-month business/corporate banking relationship, and provide additional documentation as required by the bank.

Recall that in December 2023, the Federal Government unveiled the Presidential Conditional Grant Scheme as part of the Presidential Palliatives Programme to cushion the impact of economic hardship in Nigeria.

The government had dedicated N75 billion to MSMEs and another N75 billion to the manufacturing sector.

However, the Minister had earlier announced a plan to commence disbursement in July 2024.

[DailyPost]

The National Youth Service Corps has denied a social media report that corps members’ bank accounts are being upgraded to accommodate the N70,000 new national minimum wage.

The corps said no directive has been given by the relevant authority for it to start the payment of N70, 000 minimum wage to corps members or to upgrade their accounts.

According to a statement issued by the NYSC Director of Information and Public Relations, Eddy Megwa, on Saturday, the report is misleading and absolutely false.

The NYSC, therefore, advised corps members to desist from allowing mischief makers who are set to mislead Nigerians to continue to play on their intelligence.

The statement read, “The attention of National Youth Service Corps management has been drawn to misleading information circulating in the media regarding payment of N70,000 minimum wage to corps members and the directive to upgrade their accounts. This is an absolute falsehood which is far from the truth.

“Corps members, parents and members of the public should note that no directive has been received from the relevant sector of government responsible for wages matters.

“It is, therefore, impossible for the NYSC to issue any information on such. Corps members already know the approved channel and mode of communication in the scheme and should therefore ignore the directive accordingly.

“The NYSC, by this release therefore admonishes corps members to desist from allowing mischief makers who are set to mislead Nigerians from continuing to play on their intelligence.

“Bloggers and social media influencers are warned to stop issuing statements that concern the management of National Youth Service Corps without authorisation.”

[Punch]

Abdulmumin Jibrin, a member of the house of representatives from Kano, says Alhassan Doguwa, chair of the house committee on petroleum resources (downstream), is the biggest threat to the administration of President Bola Tinubu.

The lawmaker said Doguwa is also a threat to the All Progressives Congress (APC) and to peace in Kano.

Jibrin is a New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) member, while Doguwa belongs to the APC. Both politicians have been aiming diatribes each other’s way for days now.

In a statement on Saturday, the NNPP lawmaker said Doguwa’s utterances are capable of brewing more tension in the north-west state.

“A peaceful Kano or otherwise, will have consequences on the country,” Sani Paki quoted his principal as saying.

“I strongly believe people like Doguwa are the biggest enemies of his party and the President because of such deliberate divisive and reckless actions and utterances which is deepening the already tense atmosphere in Kano.”

Jibrin added that Doguwa should never have insulted Rabiu Kwankwaso, a former governor of Kano.

“Doguwa has repeatedly tried so hard to drag others, especially his party leaders into the issues I raised with him as a result of his constant false and unwarranted attacks and insults to Kwankwaso,” he added.

“The reality is that this matter is about Hon Alhassan Ado Doguwa, him and him alone. It is about his reckless, insultive utterances and divisive character which he deploys to malign Kwankwaso and deepen the feud in Kano.

“Today, Doguwa stands tall as one of the biggest obstacles to peace in Kano.”

The heated exchanges between both men began after Jibrin asked Doguwa to stop insulting Kwankwaso.

[TheCable]

Undoubtedly, the political matrimony between President Bola Tinubu and Northern Nigeria is at Talaq stage. Talaq is the Islamic unilateral repudiation of a marital union. There are no sobs, no wails. No dabbing of the face with a handkerchief. But, the dusts provoked by the matrimonial dislocation hang notoriously in the sky. Even bystanders miles away can see them. The marriage is only 15 months old but the couple’s patience for each other is rope-thin. As our elders say, right in the presence of the kolanut seller, irreverent worms slide inside his pods. A matrimony celebrated with pomp and ceremony is now a chaotic market row. The gluttonous cat has eaten the poisonous meat of a toad. A post on X late last week even claimed that “Northerners have (begun) Al-Qunut prayers against Tinubu…Al-Qunut prayers (are) done…to eliminate evil.” There is a litany of allegations hung on the neck of the seismic marriage. It ranges from prostitution, abandonment, betrayal to battery. While the world sees the palm fronds, (mariwo) the egungun of the matrimony would seem to have been long gone.

Well, as the saying goes, a household of misbehaving children is a reflection that it is devoid of elders with wisdom – (T’ómodé ilé bá ńse réderède, àgbà ibè ni ò ní làákàyè). Elders then summoned the couple and demanded the reason for their tiff. Flaunting patriarchal righteousness, the husband has kept mum, dragging smoke off his burning cigarette intermittently. The Northern wife however did the narration, tears coursing down her cheeks. On her knees, she tells the story of Lagere, the cripple and Python, a huge heavy-bodied reptile which kills its prey by constriction. Lagere was a prince crippled from birth. At his turn to succeed his father, Kingmakers bucked, citing an existing tradition forbidding disabled on traditional stools. Downcast, Lagere hopped down river road to commit suicide. As he folded his deformed leg to jump into the river, a huge python emerged from nowhere and demanded why he contemplated suicide. Moved, Python promised to help him. The snake jumped up, wrapped himself round Lagere and constricted him. Upon unwrapping self from the cripple, the deformed leg received strength. Overexcited, Lagere swore to show gratitude to Python.

Before he was crowned king, continued the Northern Wife, the Ifa Oracle summoned to divine Lagere’s reign muttered a saying, the purport of which was cryptic to all at the time. The Oracle said, “Oore tán, asiwèrè gbàgbé” meaning, at the fullness of time, the foolish will forget a kindness of the past. Lagere then ordered that a groove be earmarked in the palace for the worship of the mysterious reptile. He indeed worshipped Python for months. One day, however, having smoked alien weeds, the king’s head exploded with pride. Lagere reasoned that His Imperial Majesty shouldn’t be seen groveling before an ordinary reptile. He then ordered that the animal be brought to the palace to be sacrificed to him. On seeing what King Lagere was about to do with him, Python cried passionately and asked for mercy. Lagere would not listen. But as he was being dragged down for propitiation, Python suddenly pounced on Lagere, twined self round him. Instantly, he returned to his old cripple state. The town then dethroned Lagere. “That, elders of the land, is my story,” narrated the Northerner wife.

Being a student of Nigeria’s political history and one right inside its vortex, from its beginning, it should have occurred to Tinubu and his Northern bride that their matrimony would be short-lived. As the one who holds an umbrella all-day long would find out only later at sunset that they carry a heavy object, only at dusk would an Oko Ìyàwó Elépòn Búlúù (a vulgar Yoruba folksy appellation for a newly-wedded groom) realize that wedlock is the least of matrimonial rituals. Meeting responsibilities of matrimony is the toughest nut to crack. So long as there is a colony of lice on clothe, the fingernail cannot be devoid of blood. While narrating her ordeals and betrayal of trust from Lagere, the Northerner wife had lapsed into a  Yoruba proverb which says that if a monkey is uncertain about the danger upon a tree, it should not be found climbing it (Bi oju alakedun o da igi, kii gun) to which the elders nodded in unison.

Before the End Bad Governance protests which began on August 1, the depth of the matrimonial discord between Tinubu and the North was, at best, at the level of guesswork. For instance, we knew that it is almost an impossibility that tantrums won’t follow a stubborn child given a knock on the head. When the Tinubu government thus disgraced Nasir el-Rufai last year, tantrums were expected. So when the Tinubu government, for which he pulled critical chestnuts off the fire, rewarded him with a non-ministerial clearance by the Senate, many could swear by their mothers’ graves that the northern Eliri, the minutest of all rats, will become one of the rebellious faggots that will upset the fire. And that, whenever the North was reorganizing for an Araba, Eliri would play a prominent role. Araba should remind any student of Nigerian history of the historical Northern Nigerian cry of disaffection with the Nigerian state of affairs immediately Aguiyi Ironsi promulgated the highly objectionable Decree 34 which rendered Nigeria’s federalism unitarist. The North had earlier visited midless pogrom on eastern Nigeria. I got a whiff of the heartlessness of the bloodletting from a live play of Yoruba Apala music lord, Ayinla Omowura, recently. He sang, “wón ńpa yíbò bí eni p’eran alápatà…” – they butchered Igbo people as though killing cows in a meat shop.

In June, Northern politicians began coalescing around Muhammadu Buhari. They advertised this in a visit which anyone familiar with the colour, tone and tenor of historical serpentine regrouping of the north would know was the beginning of a call to put spanner in the works. Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar and Aminu Tambuwal, Sokoto state’s ex-governor, kicked off the visit. It was to Buhari in his Daura hometown. Within 24 hours, el-Rufai followed suit. Photograph of the former governor’s legendary stoops to shake hands, similar to Iscariot’s kiss of Jesus, a notorious signature tune heralding betrayal, was amply advertised. Packaged as “Sallah homage,” political watchers claim the visits were the beginning of a packaged northern tempest against the Yarbawa who the north was wedded to in a matrimony that has now gone sour. Shehu Sani, Afro-haired ex-senator said this much in a release and attributed it to an attempt to build a strong northern alliance using Buhari as a rallying point to challenge and evict Tinubu in 2027. On the comedic scene, a Bello Galandachi satirizes the rot in the Tinubu government almost weekly.

The End Bad Governance protest was the strongest alibi for Northern Nigeria to ventilate its 15-month accumulated angst. It has been said that the protest, which kicked off on August 1, was a reflection of the geographical and ethnic politics that Nigeria had practiced from pre-colonial times. While the southeast, in a bid to stamp its disavowal with its typecast as a bellicose race, signed off from the protest, the southwest, which goes on protests, whether it is convenient for it or otherwise, marched out, while the north, often pacifist in matters that doesn’t personally concern it, was at the height of its hostility. The social reality of protest against the status quo in Nigeria is that, outside of university campuses, protests are a rarity on the streets of the Muslim North. For the eight years of Buhari’s non-governance, the north was as constantly docile as the northern star. But in this protest against bad governance, not only did northern protesters go to the Hobbesian state of nature, inflicting nasty, brutish jabs on sanity, some protesters even waved Russian flags, shouting “Putin!”

There is no denying the fact that the current Tinubu government has made life very excruciating for the people of Nigeria. Perhaps, like no other government in recent history. The pain is such that, as the elders will say, it is only a child who has not beheld the sight of a lion’s devoured carcass in the forest who will pray to be killed by a leopard (Bí omodé ò rí àjekù kìnìhún nínú igbó, á ní kí eran bí ekùn ó pa òhun).The truth is also that, the government has democratized sufferings across board in Nigeria. Tinubu dishes out pains, death, escalating food inflation and hopelessness to Nigerians without any ethnic, religious or social discrimination. As the poor of Kaura-Namoda feels the cluelessness of Aso Rock, the poor of Nchatancha and Telemu equally feel it. But the way the North has taken the lead in escalating the protest this murderously, the question that begs for answer is, what exactly is that region beefing Tinubu about? Hunger? Certainly not. Since we have agreed that no part of Nigeria is spared Tinubu’s merciless, slavish Bretton Woods economic policies, why then is the north crying so vociferously as if it is the only bereaved?

After his announcement as winner of the 2023 presidential election, one of the victorious thoughts that must have crossed Tinubu’s mind was that the ground Chief Obafemi Awolowo wobbled while treading, he gallantly stomped on it. Awolowo’s famous 1959 election campaign round the north, which roused Ahmadu Bello from his slumber, culminating in a Sardauna embarking on a political campaign which got his royal face caked with dusts in the process, opened Awolowo’s eyes to the myth of a monolithic north. Awolowo then came to the conclusion that an alliance of Southern Nigeria with the Middle Belt and Christian North holds the key to a southerner’s presidency of Nigeria. An alliance of his AG with NCNC to form UPGA had Michael Okpara, Eastern Premier, campaigning on the streets of Ibadan. This model still didn’t work during the Second Republic. Citing S. L. Akintola in his book, House of War (2003) Dare Babarinsa said Akintola, Western Nigeria Premier, rationalized his romance with the feudal north in that, the economic, educational and commercial aggressiveness of the Igbo was a greater danger to the Yoruba than the political hegemony of the Hausa/Fulani. An alliance with the NPC, he believed, was the surest way of rescuing the Yoruba from political annihilation. MKO Abiola lapped up the Akintola power model. From his alliance with Muhammadu Buhari in 2014, Tinubu also dusted the Akintola and Abiola handbook hook, line and sinker. On a superficial level, the trio of Akintola, Abiola and Tinubu would seem to be right and Awolowo wrong, right?

The above, however, cannot elicit a QED (quod erat demonstrandum) answer. The northern establishment’s political pedigree hoists it as a typical African witch. Of the many symbols and attributes of the witch, she holds tightly to her ferocious mystic power, using it as bait. She is also reputed with the upside-down symbolism. Among the Akan tribe of Ghana, the witch is literally “inverted.” Hans Werner Debrunner, in his Witchcraft in Ghana: A Study on the Belief in Destructive Witches and Its Effect on the Akan Tribes (1961) said of witches, “Before they leave the body, they turn themselves upside… They walk with their feet in the air, that is, with the head down, and have their eyes at the back of the ankle joints.” The Ewe in same Ghana also believe that witches walk backwards and, in walking upright, have their feet turned backwards. The witch is represented by such animals like snakes, owls, hyenas, and leopards, characteristically nocturnal animals.

As it romances political power like the witch, the Northern establishment has an inverted thinking as well. Awolowo’s welfarist philosophy futuristically foretold that a feudal north not weaned of its weaponization of the large population of its Talakawa and roam-about Almajiri children would pose huge danger to the rest of Nigeria. That prophecy has made him a Nostradamus today. In a 1978 presidential speech, Awolowo had said, “For the North, I have three things, Education, Education and Education.” He also maintained that, “The children of the poor you failed to train will never let your children have peace”. The bulk of Nigeria’s social malaises today – insecurity, bloated population, renteer system of overdependence on the lean purse of the federal – come from the north. This has bred multidimensional poverty, misery and anger in the region. Governor Uba Sani recently said the region has over 70% out-of-school children and same number living in grueling poverty. You cannot solely blame Tinubu for all these as the north’s vulture has been suffering the merciless trouncing of rainfall strokes for more than a century. From Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Mohammed, Shehu Shagari, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Abdulsalami Abubakar to Musa Yar’Adua, as well as their northern accomplices, successive northern leaders share huge slices of the hopelessness that the north is today. Not minding the multidimensional poverty, the northern establishment still frantically shuts the door against education of this crop of persons, lest they be liberated from its chokehold.

At the turn of Lagere to narrate the root cause of the tiff, the elders were aghast. Rather than him being an ingrate, the python is almost the equivalent of Omolokun, he said. Omolokun is a Yoruba Ifa deity scholar and practitioner, Araba Ifáyẹmi Ọ̀ṣúndàgbonù Elebuibon’s drama series that ran on western Nigerian television in the 1980s. A couple, suffering decades of bareness, besought a deity for a child it named Omolokun. A spoilt brat who demanded the impossible at every point, when Omolokun one day demanded a human being to be propitiated to him, it dawned on the couple that it had a misbegotten ghormid in its household. Lagere reminded the elders that but for him, their son, Buhari, could not have won the presidency. Like Omolokun’s parents, the Lagere in Aso Rock has bent over backwards to please his Python, allocating consequential federal ministries to the North and in many cases, devoting junior and senior ministries to it. Recently, Lagere even established a Federal Ministry of Maalu as sacrifice to Omolokun. Yet, the northern establishment is steeped in roiling anger and cannot be pacified.

Lagere compared the excesses of his Northern wife to an excessive liquour that intoxicates; excessive sun that runs a child mad; excessive stronghold that begets madness and a spinach vegetable which, if it grows in excess by the stream, is rendered a common weed (Bí otí bá kúnnú, otí á p’omo; bí òòrùn bá pò l’ápòjù, á s’omo di wèrè; bí a bá l’óba l’ánìíjù, á sínni n’íwin; bí tètè ègún bá pò á di òleri). Lagere concluded that he had reverenced the cow enough and even went overboard to call it “Brother.”

The target of the Northern Witch is to stop Lagere’s reign. By now, Tinubu must have realized that the Awolowo who divined education and welfare as antidote to the tyranny of the Northern Witch was no fool.

The Witch cannot be appeased. It is insatiable. Like Omolokun, this Witch will demand flesh and blood. Suffusing Nigeria with plenty and Northern Talakawa with education is the only route to rescue Lagere from the chokehold of his Python captor.

Reports that the Oyo State government has just created an agency for the enforcement of the rule of law sounded strange to me because I could not appreciate how a subnational entity can successfully implement an assignment that is essentially federal. Although I am aware that some states often maintained federal roads in their states and occasionally got reimbursed by the federal government, I was unsure of the applicability of such to the implementation of a contentious subject like the rule of law. Would it not lead to clashes between federal officials and those of the state concerned? Due to the boring details of the reports, I called an old schoolmate in Ibadan to get a better brief on the subject.

Whereas my friend, Bisi, had himself not heard of the proposed rule of law agency, he believed that it was a credible story having been credited to the Ibadan-based Oyo state government which could decide to be innovative like its predecessor of the first republic. For the next 20 minutes, Bisi kept talking about the glorious days of the defunct Western Region which led the rest of Nigeria in establishing several structures such as the first television station in Africa that others struggled hard to emulate. He pleaded with me passionately not to doubt the capability of the Oyo state government because it was operating from the same ‘charismatic location’ designed by the legendary Obafemi Awolowo.

Realising that my friend and I were obviously not on the same page, I ended the discussion and went back to other media reports to get a more realistic information on the rule of law story from Ibadan. Alas, the type of rule of law in focus in Oyo state concerns those relating to health and environmental standards and road traffic safety etc. for which Governor Seyi Makinde had signed into law a bill for the establishment of an Enforcement Authority. Indeed, Makinde had earlier authorised previous rules on the protection of mining communities as well as safe handling and storage of harmful substances in his state.

While there is merit in the decision of the Makinde-led government to prioritize the enforcement of state laws on environmental protection, sanitation and waste control as well as road traffic, open rearing and grazing regulation etc., two immediate questions standout.  First, why are these laws the only ones that deserve to be emphasized when the rule of law presupposes that all things ought to be done according to law? In other words, if the agency is not mandated to deal with breaches of other laws, we are just bothering about the rule of some laws instead of all laws. In addition, it is an open secret that some people are visibly more privileged and better positioned whereas ideally, everyone is supposed to be equal before the law.  

In fact, equality before the law is a global concept which Nigeria should not find difficult to embrace. As Bracton, the 13th-century British scholar and jurist once explained, everyone including the King is under the rule of law because ‘it is the law that made him King.’ Oyo state fully appreciates this hence at the inauguration of its relevant agency last week, the governor said “the rule of law as we know is the cornerstone of any functioning society as it ensures that everyone, regardless of status, wealth or background is held to the same standard and that justice is administered fairly and impartially.”

But, if the Oyo State Agency ensures that some citizens are sanctioned for breaching the specific laws that it was set up to handle while others are neither questioned nor sanctioned for the same breaches, the Agency is probably here to intensify Nigeria’s legal dilemma. One is really tempted to believe that the prioritization of the implementation of certain laws such as those on environmental sanitation or traffic will only embolden corrupt law enforcement officials to further extort funds from citizens. That notwithstanding, the approach adopted by Oyo state is still better than that of any other state where no effort is made to implement any law whatsoever.

If doing all things according to the law is precisely what the rule of law stands for, Nigeria can hardly be defined as under the rule of law. For example, citizens are supposed to be arrested for only offences known to the law, yet quite often, people are arrested for being allegedly rude to some big personalities. Even if waving another country’s flag is embarrassing, there is no law prohibiting the act. If so, what offence would those arrested for it last week be said to have committed? Again, no citizen is allowed to be detained for more than 48 hours; yet, the Nigerian prisons, now described as correctional centres are overpopulated because of a large number of suspects that are detained ad infinitum without trial.

Nigerian rulers hardly make rules or even policies that can enable every citizen to be equal before the law. For instance, although a salutary policy of assisting the elderly in our society with some stipends was surprisingly initiated some years back in Ekiti state, it did not last. But then, such elders could never have been described as equal to those in other states where such policy never existed. In every state of the federation, taxation and building rules as well as development projects in urban centres are not same as those of the rural areas. In the circumstance, does it make sense to say that Nigerian rules/laws are intended to make everyone equal?

Another aspect of the rule of law that is hardly adhered to is that which prohibits arbitrary amendments to laws. Whereas the constitution specifically puts security of the citizenry as one of the two-sided primary purpose of government, the immediate past government of President Muhammadu Buhari did not only insisted that security was the business of everybody but actually asked Nigerians to rely on self-help thereby changing the law without an amendment in line with the due process of law.  On its part, the police force which is the primary agency in Nigeria that is saddled with the implementation of the provisions of the law, often change some laws while implementing them.

Nigerians are legally entitled to use protests to ventilate their grievances as it is in a typical democracy, but quite often, the police hold on to either their own predisposition or to some obsolete laws thereby technically amending the relevant provisions of the Nigerian constitution. A good example is the inclination of the police to continue to abide by the repealed Public Order Act of 1979 which required anyone seeking to carry out any protest to first apply and obtain a police permit. 

Last Wednesday’s invasion of the national office of the Nigerian Labour Congress NLC by armed policemen has been condemned by a large number of Nigerians. To start with, many frown at the fact that the event took place at night. We now know however that although some of the armed men were not in uniform, the Department of State Services, DSS, did not participate in the alleged invasion. The Police have already confirmed that the operation was the handiwork of their operatives adding that their only target was a foreign crime suspect that they had traced to a shop within the Labour House.

Luckily, the nation was for once not emotionally assaulted by anyone calling the armed operatives, ‘unknown gunmen.’ It is rather unfortunate that in a country supposedly under the rule of law, nothing has been said about the allegation that the invasion was without a court warrant approving the operation. That is the aspect of the rule of law that worries more people than the establishment of an Authority to ensure the implementation of sanitation and traffic laws that exacerbate traffic hold-ups and corruption. 

Accordingly, the Nigerian government should prioritize the implementation of the rule of law which ensures the supremacy of law; equality of all citizens before the law; and the amendment of every law only through the due process of law. Oyo state in particular, should keep to the posture of Governor Makinde who has proven to be a true democrat and never return to the style of his predecessor who demolished a radio house because its proprietor could not be cowed into a pro-government journalist.

•We aren’t expecting any consignment after the one received in March – Lagos
•Taraba, Delta, Niger, Plateau, Zamfara and Abia: No food palliative received in July
•We got it – Kano, Oyo, Akwa–Ibom, Rivers, and Bayelsa
•The rations we got were a far cry from what we expected – Cross-River monarch

There seems to be confusion over the 740 truckloads of rice the Federal Government promised to deliver to the 36 states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory (Abuja) at the rate of 20 truckloads each last month (July) to alleviate the hunger in the land.

Whereas officials of some state governments said the consignment had arrived and shared to residents, officials of some told Sunday Vanguard they were still expecting the consignment.

But the twist to the story came from Lagos where a top official said the only consignment of palliative they received from the Federal Government was in March and that they were not expecting any fresh delivery.

States which said they had not received the rice palliative as of late week include Taraba, Delta, Niger, Plateau, Zamfara and Abia.

Meanwhile, if the Lagos situation is to apply, then the states claiming not have received the consignment may never get it if they received any in March.

The Minister of State for Steel Development, Uba Maigari, had, penultimate Wednesday, asked residents to hold their governors as the Tinubu administration had provided remedial measures to stem hunger in the country, including the distribution of rice and fertilizers.

Maigari spoke in Jalingo, Taraba State capital, on the sidelines of a town hall engagement with stakeholders ahead of the protest against hunger and hardship in Nigeria.

“The president directed the release of rice and fertilizers in large quantities directly to state governors, whether they are PDP, APC, or APGA”, he said.

“I think you should, as journalists and professionals, do your job by asking state governors, starting from our brother here.

“He has taken delivery of fertilizers the Federal Government sent to governors, and there is also rice delivered to governors across the country.

“These are some of the remedial measures, including the new minimum wage which has just been signed into law, before the long-term economic programmes and policies of government begin to benefit all”.

In Benue, the Executive Secretary of the State Emergency Management Agency, SEMA, James Iorpuu, declined comment.

Of the states monitored on the weekend, only Kwara, Katsina, and Kaduna claimed to have received the truckloads of rice.

Sunday Vanguard had earlier reported that the rice consignment had been received in Kano, Oyo, Akwa–Ibom, Rivers, and Bayelsa states, among others.

The rice palliative was arranged to ease the hunger affecting poor people, one of the reasons Nigerians trooped out in protest against the government on Thursday and Friday.
Critics, however, say the measure was not enough to address the hardship occasioned by the downturn in the economy.

The Federal Government had, about four weeks ago, precisely, Monday, July 15, said it had allocated 740 trucks of rice to the 36 states of the federation and the FCT, Abuja.

Each state, including the FCT, under the arrangement, was expected to get 20 trucks containing 1,200 bags of 25kg each and the rice was to be distributed to the most vulnerable in the society.

The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, disclosed this while briefing State House correspondents at the end of a meeting of the Federal Executive Council, FEC, presided over by President Bola Tinubu at the Council Chamber, Presidential Villa, Abuja.

The Minister, who was flanked by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, said that the President directed the Minister of Agriculture to ensure that food is made available to Nigerians.

He explained that the distribution of trucks of rice was also to ensure that the hardship in the country was ameliorated, adding that it was expected that the state governors would distribute the trucks of rice to the most vulnerable.

Kwara

Kwara State government officials said they had received the rice consignment but did not release the details of how it was shared.

However, sources said the rice was distributed to residents through groups and professional unions.

For instance, it was gathered that a journalist was contacted by the leadership of the state Chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria to get the palliative to his colleagues.

However not even one-third of Christian journalists in the state benefitted from the palliative because it was grossly insufficient.

Chief Press Secretary to the governor, Rafiu Ajakaiye, who was contacted for details of how the rice was shared failed to respond at press time.

Taraba

Our correspondent in Jalingo, Taraba State capital, quoted the state government as saying they had yet to receive the truck loads of rice.

The state Commissioner for Information and Re-Orientation, Zainab Usman Jalingo, told Sunday Vanguard on Thursday that they were still expecting the consignment.

Jalingo noted that the state Commissioner for Special Duties, Saviour Noku, who is supposed to oversee the receipt of the food items, had not received any communication from the Federal Government regarding the delivery of the 20 trucks of rice to the state.

“As far as Taraba State is concerned, we have not received any allocation of twenty trucks of rice”, she said.

Niger

In Niger State, Sunday Vanguard learnt that the rice consignment was yet to be delivered.
Bologi Ibrahim, Chief Press Secretary to the state governor, Muhammed Umaru Bago, in a telephone chat, on Friday, said the state was yet to get the palliative.

“As I speak with you, the state is yet to get delivery of the rice consignment. It depends on the destination the consignment is coming from, but, for now, Niger State is yet to get the trucks of rice”.

Plateau

The situation is not entirely different in Plateau where government officials said that the state was yet to get the trucks of rice promised by the Federal Government.

Penultimate week, the state Commissioner for Information and Communication, Musa Ashoms, had told Sunday Vanguard, “Not yet, there has been communication and they will come when they will come. When we receive the trucks, we will announce them to the public because we are very transparent and accountable; we don’t hide what we do.

“Whatever we get in trust for our people will be given to the people. Whenever things come to the state, we set committees for fair sharing, equity, and transparency. When the trucks arrive, we will let the people know.”

Similarly, the state Commissioner for Agriculture and Natural Resources, Samson Bugama, on Thursday, stated, “The trucks are yet to arrive. Plateau State is still expecting ours, once the trucks come in, it will be made known that we have received them.”

He declined to mention the reasons for the delay and insisted, “All I know is that the trucks have not arrived yet”.

Abia

On its part, Abia State government said it was yet to receive the trucks of rice.

The state Commissioner for Information, Prince Okey Kanu, told Sunday Vanguard on Friday that no such palliative had arrived in the state, adding that there was no communication from the Federal Government for any such palliative.

Kanu also dismissed as fake reports that the Federal Government had distributed 50kg bags for rice to states for sale at N40, 000 each.

He said:” We didn’t see any truck of rice from the Federal Government. And the issue of selling 50kg bag of rice for N40, 000 is fake news.

“We don’t deal with rumours and speculations. There has been a way the Federal Government communicates with us when it has to do with palliative, and no such message has come from the Federal Government.”

Asked whether it was not proper for the state government to open channels of communication with the Federal Government on the issue, he said it was not necessary.

“There is no point for us to be wasting our time looking for where to verify the news. If the news was authentic, we could have gotten the message as a government straight from the Federal Government. No such thing happened!”

Responding to a question on the efforts of the state government to cushion the effects of the economic hardship on Abia residents, the Commissioner said the state government “believes in teaching the people how to fish” in addition to giving them palliatives.

“We have been doing all that. It’s a continuous process. We have shared palliative about four times since this government came to power. We received about twice from the Federal Government and we did the other ones on our own.

“Not too long ago, we shared rice to workers from grade level 0-7. Currently, the office in charge of palliative is compiling the list of workers from level 8-10 for another round of palliative. It’s a continuous thing.

“Even in August, the governor’s wife will also reach out to indigent people in society. We are a people focused government. Our policies are directed towards improving on the people’s welfare. “Recently, the state sponsored some Abians to Nassarawa State to understudy farming.

“So, it’s not just by sharing rice. The governor also distributed N100, 000 interest free loans to 10, 000 Abians. We believe in teaching people how to fish instead of giving them fish to eat”.

Delta

In Delta, the 20 truckloads of rice had not arrived as of Thursday.

Chief Press Secretary (CPS) to Delta State governor, Sir Festus Ahon, confirmed this to Sunday Vanguard.

Ahon’s words: “We do not know what is causing the delay, but once we receive them, we will let Deltans know.”

Zamfara

Our correspondent in Zamfara State quoted the Director General (DG) on Media and Communications, Government House, Gusau, Nuhu Salihu, as saying the state government was yet to even get the letter of rice allocation from the Federal Government.

The DG further said the moment the Federal Government was ready to send the allocation to the state, officials will be appropriately notified.

Rivers

In Rivers State where Governor Siminilayi Fubara said they had received 21,650 bags of grains, consisting of 3,680 bags of garri, and 17, 970 bags of corn, he explained that the state government constituted a committee to evenly distribute the items across the 23 local government areas of the state.

The Caretaker Committee Chairman of Khana local government area, Marvin Yorbana, claimed to have given a stipend of N145,000, 35 bags of grains, and eight bags of garri to each of the 19 wards of the council.

Cross River

In Cross River State, the Director General of the State Emergency Management Agency, SEMA, told Sunday Vanguard: “Between April and May 2024, we received food items from the Federal Government National Strategic Reserve.

“The items include 3,384 bags of garri (25k), 24,000 bags of rice (25kg), and 14,040 bags of maize (50kg).

“The maize, with Governor Bassey Otu’s approval, was swapped for beans (600 bags of 100kg) and 800 bags of 50kg garri”.

He clarified that in July 2024, 20 trucks of food items, including garri, rice, and beans, were received and shared among the 18 local government areas of the state.

The vulnerable, disabled, communities, groups, households, and organizations, according to him, received quantities of foodstuff as they were distributed to all parts of the state and “no one would say he did not get a share of the food, no matter how little.”

But a traditional ruler in Bakassi, Chief Edem Archibong, told our reporter that the rations that got to his community were “a far cry from what we expected, as some people got three cups of rice, others got two, and the garri was terrible. It looked like animal feed.”

Archibong said government should bring down the cost of fuel and subsidize food prices, rather than bringing “animal food to us in the name of palliative”.

Kaduna

In Kaduna, the Chief Press Secretary to the governor did not respond to our inquiry concerning the 20 trucks of rice allocated to the state.

However, a reliable source in the government circle told our correspondent that the truckloads of rice had arrived in the state, but he didn’t know how the rice was being shared.

Katsina

Katsina State government confirmed the arrival of the 20 truckloads of rice.
Acting Governor Faruq Lawal Jobe made the disclosure during a meeting with key stakeholders, including security chiefs, government officials, and local government leaders, at the state Government House on Monday.

To ensure equitable distribution of the rice, the state government has established a seventeen-member committee headed by the Secretary to the State Government, Abdullahi Faskari.

The committee, inaugurated on Friday, is tasked with verifying the quantity of the rice received from the Federal Government, developing a distribution plan for the state’s 34 local government areas, and establishing local committees to oversee distribution at the grassroots level.

The committee will also monitor the distribution process in all local governments, provide regular updates to the public on its activities, and submit a comprehensive report to the government within three weeks of its inauguration.

The Acting Governor commended the Katsina State Care Authority (KT-CARE) and the State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA) for their efforts in providing empowerment and relief assistance to residents. He disclosed that KT-CARE has disbursed N300 million in empowerment funds, while SEMA has allocated over N63 million for relief materials.

Lagos

Lagos State government officials said there were no fresh trucks of rice being expected from the Federal Government as it received truckloads of rice in March and distributed same appropriately.

It also assured that there were ongoing measures to boost food sufficiency and affordability in the state.

Special Adviser to the Governor on Agriculture and Imota Rice Mill, Dr Oluwarotimi Fashola, clarified when contacted on the whereabouts of the reported 20 truckloads of rice for Lagos.

Fashola told Sunday Vanguard, “The Ministry received trucks of rice from the Federal Government (in several batches) in March.

“The rice came at a time when the state was also aggregating food items (bags of beans and garri) for the implementation of Phase 2 of the State Food Bank Programme.

“The bags of rice were subsequently applied as part of the food palliative distributed to vulnerable households through the Community Development Committees, State Institutions, military and paramilitary organisations, including the Nigerian Police Force.

“When this announcement on the release of 20 trucks of rice to the states was made by the Federal Government in July, the Ministry was then informed that the state (Lagos) had received its own consignment in March 2024 which, of course, had been distributed back then, so Lagos is not expecting any fresh consignment of truckloads of rice”.

However, to cushion the effect of hardship in the country occasioned by the economic downturn and insecurity which led to farmers fleeing the farms thus worsening food insecurity in Nigeria, the Lagos administration launched the EKOCARES, a social protection initiative. Under this programme, the state government introduced the Sunday Discount Markets where residents bought basic foodstuff at 25 per cent discount rate across the state.

Recall that Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu had previously initiated the distribution of food supplies to 500,000 vulnerable households in the state to mitigate the impacts of fuel subsidy removal.

Sanwo-Olu explained that the primary objective of the program was to provide essential food items to vulnerable households in two different ways.

The first category received bulk food items such as 50kilograms of garri and 100kg of beans.

The second category, vulnerable households, received food boxes containing 10kg of garri, and 5kg of beans.

The governor said he was aware of the challenges faced by many residents due to increased transportation costs and higher prices of essential goods following the removal of fuel subsidy by the Federal Government.

One of the measures announced and formally flagged off was the distribution of food items for vulnerable households through the Lagos Food Bank Programme.

“The strategic goal of this programme is to reach 500,000 vulnerable households in the state with staple food items using two methodologies – bulk and individual”, he said.
“Bulk food items include (50kg Rice, 50kg Garri and 100kg Beans) for groups; and food boxes (10kg Rice, 5kg Garri, and 5kg Beans) for individual vulnerable households”.

Sharing

To ensure transparency in the implementation of the intervention, Sanwo-Olu created a monitoring committee comprising representatives from various sectors such as religious groups, trade unions, people with disabilities, civil society organisations, youth groups, community development councils, and the Lagos House of Assembly.

The distribution was carried out in phases among the beneficiary groups to facilitate the process. Each group were duly informed of the collection dates.

Speaking on the scope of the food palliative program, the governor said: “Overall, the initiative will directly impact 500,000 benefitting households, over 2,500 Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises involved in bag manufacturing, food aggregation, packaging, and logistics, while over 25,000 employees of the MSMEs will be indirectly impacted.”

He, therefore, solicited the support of well-meaning and public-spirited individuals and organisations for this programme so that more people in need of this intervention could be reached.

“Be rest assured that adequate measures have been put in place to ensure that all items received get to the intended beneficiaries,” he assured.

Sanwo-Olu, penultimate Thursday, also urged agro and food processing companies to work toward reducing their prices given the current economic hardship as a way of alleviating the impacts in giving back to the society as well as ensuring food security in Nigeria.

He noted that Nigerians were going through tough times; therefore, private organisations, particularly agro and food processing companies, should think about people’s survival and sustainability above profitability during this crucial period in Nigeria.

The governor spoke during a courtesy visit by the Senior Management Team of Olam Agric Nigeria, led by its Managing Director, Mr Anil Nasir, at Lagos House, Marina, on Thursday.

Sanwo-Olu, who stressed the need for food security and support from every well-meaning individual and organisation, said his administration has done a lot through several intervention programmes to cushion the effects of economic hardship on the residents of Lagos State, adding that he would do more to continue to provide succour for the people.
According to him, “Agro and food processing is a critical industry because food security and food systems are as critical as people trying to safeguard either medical security or even sovereign security in times of war.

There is no better security these days than food.
“Today, being the first day of August, you can see agitation in some streets in Nigeria as a result of hunger. You (Olam Agric) are in a strategic position, and you have that structure and that capacity.

“At a difficult time like this, it shouldn’t be only the government reducing costs and providing avenues for people to buy things at a reduced price.

“You must be able to tell your shareholders that you have been in this environment for such a long time, and today it should not be about profit-making. Let us go into this market and just cover our costs and let us pass on. Let the people feel the critical support.

“I want you to take this message back. The private sector needs to know that there are times when it does not have to be about value to the shareholders because of food security and the logistics nightmare that is happening everywhere due to the economic challenge.
“We are all joint stakeholders, and we need to slow down on shareholder returns. We need to be alive today to be able to make a profit tomorrow.”

Kano

In Kano, while it was confirmed that the state government received the 20 trucks of rice from the Federal Government, it was not clear whether the rice has been distributed or not and what modalities were adopted in the distribution.

In a previous chat with Sunday Vanguard, the state Commissioner for Agriculture, Dr Danjuma Mahmud, confirmed that the consignment had been received. His words, “Yes, 20 trucks received by the Kano State government”, Mahmud said. When our correspondent called to ascertain whether the rice had been distributed and what modalities were adopted in the distribution, the Commissioner said he was not ready to speak on the matter.

[Vanguard]