Over the years, the Nigerian creative industry has continued to boom, with experts projecting a revenue of $100 billion by 2030. From Nollywood to music and arts, the creative economy has provided over four million jobs for creatives across the space.

Various sub-sectors in the entertainment space have continued to witness a significant boom, with Nigeria’s reality TV shows, particularly Big Brother Naija, contributing immensely to the growth since it made a comeback in 2017.

With an estimated production cost of over N18 billion across four seasons between 2019 and 2023, BBNaija’s contributions to the industry continue to grow, employing over 2,000 creatives year-in and year-out for the three months in which the show airs.

Yearly, young Nigerians turn out in their numbers to audition to participate in what is unarguably Africa’s biggest reality TV show.

Showcasing their talent and telling their truth while applying their life skills to live with people of varied ethnicities, upbringings, and social values.

In this period, over 30 million people have voted to keep their favourites in the house to win the grand prize that can change the trajectory of their lives in the creative space while engaging enthusiastically with content from different platforms and brands during the lifespan of the show.

From content creators like Glory Elijah, who has built a community with over 300k subscribers on YouTube, from analysing housemates and activities around the show, to online platforms like Netng which have an audience reach of over 20 million across their social media platforms, seeking exclusive BBNaija content, BBNaija’s impact is unrivalled in the TV sphere across Africa.

For the housemates, the BBNaija has become a platform to build social capital, turning many into social media influencers, while helping them launch illustrious careers in different fields. Year-in-year-out housemates see an over 500% increase in their follower counts and engagement and these statistics still hold for the BBNaija No Loose Guard season.

Arguably, there’s no show in Africa that benefits the contestants, content creators, and stakeholders of the show like BBNaija.

To put in perspective, after Ebuka Obi-Uchendu’s feature on the first season of the show, the current host of BBNaija has gone on to make himself a household name in the entertainment industry by successfully branding himself as the most stylish host to grace the TV space in Nigeria.

Every year we see Ebuka working with innovative designers like Mai Atafo and Ugo Monye to create ensembles that often change the trajectory of male fashion for the forthcoming year, his influence is undeniable.

In the space of seven years, he has established himself in the broadcasting sphere while further making a name for himself as the host of the past eight seasons of Big Brother Naija.

Then there is Bisola Aiyeola, who, as a housemate on BBNaija See Gobbe, showed that she was a big ball of talent with so much to offer the entertainment space. Since she was featured on the show, she has gone on to establish herself as one of Nigeria’s brightest stars with features in blockbusters such as Sugar Rush, Bling Lagosians, This Lady Called Life, Flawsome, and more.

Her acting prowess has earned her multiple accolades, including the AMVCA Trailblazer award, where she became the first BBNaija ex-housemate to win this at the 2018 Africa Magic Viewers’ Choice Awards. Being the multifaceted talent that she is, she has successfully produced movies like Introducing the Kujus while simultaneously becoming the first African media personality to host Family Feud, a TV reality show organised by MTN and Ultima.

On the other hand, ex-BBNaija Housemate Tobi Bakre’s achievements in Nollywood have distinguished him as the new King of Thriller. In three years, he has featured in high-earning box office films like Brotherhood and Gangs of Lagos, while working on TV series like Africa Magic’s ‘Slum King,’ where his role as Maje further proved that he is here to stay. His proficiency as an actor earned him the Africa Magic Viewers’ Choice Award for Best Actor in a Drama, Movie or TV Series in 2023.

The success stories are numerous. From contestants who have won and gone on to secure their space in the professional sphere like Miracle Igbokwe, to talents like Elozonam, Laycon, Saga Adeolu, and Mercy Eke, who have leveraged the fame they achieved on the show to further push their careers in the creative industry.

BBNaija has constantly proven its influence.

In Dr. Busola Tejumola’s words at the BBNaija All Stars prize presentation last year, BBNaija has been a certified investment story breeding new opportunities for housemates, brands, partners and viewers.

“It’s been eight years of impacting over 2,000 people who work on the project. It is a certified investment story, one that we would continue to invest in across our different productions at Africa Magic and MultiChoice,” she said.

Regardless of personal bias, BBNaija is a platform that serves as a launchpad for talent while significantly contributing to the Nigerian creative economy.

For small businesses, creatives, talent, and content creators, there’s a ripple effect that benefits everyone involved with the show directly or indirectly. This is why brands such as Pepsi, Guinness, and Lush Hair come back as sponsors season after season.

For the No Loose Guard season, N65 million cash and an SUV worth N50 million are up for grabs, a prize that will change the trajectory of the winner’s life.

[TheCable]

As we read this, the results from Saturday’s local government elections in Rivers State are still filtering in. The elections held in spite of the refusal by the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, to avail the state electoral body an updated version of the state’s voters register. To add to the intrigues, the Police – supposedly acting on a court ruling – abdicated its responsibility and refused to be part of maintaining lawful conduct of the polls.

The elections held all the same and by the time all the results are called, Governor Sim Fubara will surely enter the history books for making a ‘success’ out of the chaos foisted on him by INEC and the Police believed to be acting for vested interests in the state. Former Governor Nyesom Wike, now Minister of the FCT has vociferously led the opposition against the governor and acted up to his promise to make the state ungovernable. Saturday’s election was the latest front in that battle for the political soul of Rivers State.

The chaotic State of our electoral system didn’t start in Rivers State; the rot has been there for over a decade, even if it has deteriorated exponentially in recent years, especially on the watch of Mahmood Yakubu as the nation’s chief electoral umpire.

The charade that went for the governorship election in Edo State has come and gone. It has, quite predictably, been called for Monday Okpebholo of the All Progressives Congress that administers Nigeria’s federal government. Many have advised the losers, especially Asue Ighodalo of the Peoples Democratic Party, not to bother seeking redress at the courts where characteristically, the APC chieftains have urged him to seek further redress.

Asue may be new in the dark waters of Nigerian politics, but he is experienced enough to know that the courts, in this case, are a waste of his time, his resources and peace of mind. As has been proved in our recent history, when members of the ruling APC goad you onto the courts after an electoral heist has taken place, you heed their advice at your peril.

What rankles about the Edo sham election is not only that Governor Obaseki and his protégé, Ighodalo, have been outsmarted by the APC, it is the damning reports by observers that once again, the Independent National Elelctoral Commission, INEC, was hand-in-gloves with those that perpetrated that tragedy that befell the people. The umpire who loves to descend into the arena to subvert the huge public trust invested in it was alleged to have turned the books upside down in favour of its paymaster.

When the Igbo say no dogs eats the bones tied around its neck, INEC had not been established.

Another disgusting aspect of the Edo charade is the narrative that has been promoted to give the impression, obviously false, that most of the established institutions in the state – especially the Benin palace – were opposed to the Ighodalo candidacy. It is not true, even if the narrative was promoted as an alibi, to deflect from the clear subversion of the people’s will. While it is true that Obaseki, like any other governor who is determined to fight godfatherism that was so entrenched in the state, would naturally face stiff opposition, the so-called anger by the Oba’s palace is greatly exaggerated.

The narrative that the Oba’s palace was involved in the political contest serves the interests of the victorious APC but it does so much harm to the state’s foremost traditional institution. And it still shocks every discerning onlooker why the palace would look helpless in the circumstances, keeping mute while its reputation as the father of all, is being dragged down. It owes its children a response, at least to counter that single narrative that can lead Edo people to default assumptions, wrong conclusions and a fatal misunderstanding about their traditional institution.

Elections come with their complexities and their nuances; it will be tragic indeed when the voter in the street is led to conclude that the all-important decision about who governs the state was taken in the Oba’s palace that stands as a refuge for all. And if, perchance, it is true that the palace rejoices at Okpebholo’s victory, then it will share in the fallout if he ends up a bad governor? The problem with such stereotypes of invincibility being weaved around the palace is that it becomes complicit, inadvertently, when things dont turn out as expected.

MAHMOOD’S INEC

There are many similarities between Professor Attahiru Jega and Mahmood Yakubu. Both of them raised the expectation of Nigerians when they were appointed, at different times, as the nation’s chief electoral umpires, and both have ended as monumental disappointments. Jega’s appointment in June 2010 raised expectations that the much-desired credibility would return to the nation’s electoral system. Coming after the general elections of 2007 which even the winner, President Umaru Yar’adua acknowledged were flawed, Nigerias had reasons to place their hope on the former President of ASUU. With impressive academic and civil society credentials, Jega was the best man to deliver on the promises of electoral reform, which President Jonathan had promised. Or so we all thought.

The tenure of Mahmood Yakubu who equally boasts a rich civil society background came with so much expectation, but like Jega, he has turned out one of the most disappointing, soiling his reputation and ending up with a doubtful integrity. At a time the 2015 election was adjudged the worst in the nation’s history, the charade that was the 2023 national elections has taken the all-time record.

The electoral process under Mahmood has so deteriorated that even the state electoral bodies which many accuse of underhand tactics in helping the governors install their preferred choices as local government chairman, have taken cue. On Mahmood’s watch, the state electoral commissions have ended up as mere appendages of governors’ offices. Worse still, what they conduct are mere selections without any pretence to fairness.

As you read this, the results of the yesterday’s local council contests in Rivers state are being awaited. It was a sham in all intents and purposes, partly because the same INEC that had availed other states with the voters’ register decided, this time, to join Nyesom Wike, the minister of the Federal Capital Territory, in his battle against the Rivers state governor, Similayi Fubara. The INEC, believed to be acting Wike’s script, acted to sabotage the election, just like the Nigerian Police that relied on a questionable court judgment in addicting their responsibility of maintaining law and order during the polls.

By the time Fubara calls the election, it may enter the Guinness Books as, perhaps, the most chaotic of such exercises ever conducted, thanks in part to the indiscretions of Mahmood Yakubu’s INEC and the self-serving interests of the Police led by the IG, Kayode Egbetoku.

A Profaned Society:

A profaned society is one where the sacred values that hold a community together - its moral compass, cultural norms, ethical standards, and sense of duty - are desecrated, diminished, or destroyed. In such a society, materialism, corruption, selfishness, and cynicism replace shared spiritual and moral principles. This leads to a deep erosion of trust, unity, and collective responsibility, weakening the very fabric of society.

Nigeria: Tending Towards a Profaned Society?

Historical Context of Moral Decay in Nigeria:

Since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has oscillated between hope and despair. While the country had great potential, its trajectory has been marred by a steady decay in moral values, which has become evident in both individual behaviors and institutional practices. Key points in this moral decline include:

1. Military Rule and Corruption: The successive military coups that began in the 1960s brought with them authoritarian rule, suppression of civil liberties, and systemic corruption. The state became a tool for personal enrichment rather than public service, setting a dangerous precedent that eroded moral values in governance and trickled down to society.

2. Economic Collapse of the 1980s: The Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) implemented by the Nigerian government, under pressure from international financial institutions, resulted in widespread economic hardship. These economic crises further pushed individuals toward survivalist tendencies, often at the cost of ethical and moral considerations.

3. Post-Military Democracy: The return to civilian rule in 1999 came with renewed hopes, but endemic corruption persisted, especially in governance. Electoral fraud, political violence, and the mismanagement of Nigeria’s vast resources continued to erode trust in public institutions.

4. Religious Extremism and Ethno-Political Divides: In recent decades, Nigeria has also witnessed a surge in religious extremism (e.g., Boko Haram insurgency) and ethno-political conflicts. These events reflect a deeper moral crisis, where violence and division are often justified in the name of religion or ethnicity.

The Effect on the Individual:

The degradation of moral values in Nigeria has left a significant impact on the individual. The traditional Nigerian society, once known for values of honesty, communalism, and integrity, has been replaced by a culture where personal gain is prioritized above the common good. Corruption, dishonesty, and a lack of accountability have become normalized. The Nigerian youth are particularly vulnerable, often growing up in a system where short-term gains, quick fixes, and unethical practices are seen as acceptable pathways to success. Hopelessness, disillusionment, and a loss of identity plague the younger generation, while selfishness and cynicism are rife among many.

The Challenges to Nigerian Society:

At the societal level, the decay of moral values has severely hampered development. It manifests in:

1. Weak Institutions: Public institutions lack the moral authority to enforce laws, maintain transparency, or foster social justice. Corruption has eroded the public’s trust in key institutions, including law enforcement, the judiciary, and government agencies.

2. Economic Inequality: The concentration of wealth in the hands of a few corrupt elites has left the vast majority of Nigerians in poverty. The disparity between the rich and poor widens each year, and opportunities for social mobility are minimal.

3. Social Fragmentation: Moral decay has also contributed to the growing ethnic and religious divides in Nigeria. In a society where self-interest prevails, people seek security in their ethnic or religious identity, rather than in a shared national vision.

4. Brain Drain: Nigeria continues to lose its most educated and talented citizens to other countries due to a lack of opportunities, insecurity, and systemic corruption. This hinders national development, as many who could contribute to the nation’s progress are disillusioned and choose to seek better prospects elsewhere.

Characteristics of a Profaned Society:

1. Loss of Trust: Institutions and individuals are no longer trusted due to corruption, dishonesty, and a lack of accountability.

2. Materialism and Consumerism: A shift towards valuing material wealth and personal gain over communal well-being and spiritual fulfillment.

3. Cynicism and Apathy: People no longer believe in the possibility of a better society, leading to widespread disengagement from civic duties.

4. Moral Relativism: The distinction between right and wrong becomes blurred, with unethical behaviors becoming normalized.

5. Fragmentation: The absence of shared values leads to a divided society, where people are more loyal to subgroups (ethnic, religious, political) than to the common good.

Causes of Profaned Societies:

1. Corruption: A fundamental cause of moral decay, where public service becomes self-serving.

2. Poor Leadership: Weak, unethical leadership that prioritizes power over principle.

3. Economic Instability: Economic hardship often forces people into survivalist behaviors that compromise their ethical standards.

4. Cultural Erosion: Globalization and the erosion of traditional cultural values can lead to the loss of moral anchors.

5. Weak Education Systems: Education that lacks a moral foundation and civic responsibility fosters individuals who are technically skilled but morally adrift.

Historical Examples of Collapsed Civilizations:

1. Ancient Rome: Once the most powerful empire, Rome collapsed due to moral decay, political corruption, and the overextension of its resources.

2. The Mayans: While there were many causes of the Mayan civilization’s fall, internal strife, the abuse of power by leaders, and a disconnect from core values contributed.

3. The Soviet Union: Though a superpower, the USSR crumbled under the weight of corruption, economic inefficiencies, and the disillusionment of its people.

From these examples, we learn that civilizations do not simply collapse because of external pressures but because their internal moral and ethical foundations crumble.

Moral Principles as the Foundation for Nigeria’s Development:

Nigeria’s path to greatness lies in re-establishing a society where moral principles form the foundation of governance, business, and everyday life. These principles include integrity, justice, fairness, and community responsibility. A society that upholds these values will have stronger institutions, more engaged citizens, and sustainable development.

Practical Steps to Restore a Profaned Society:

A Special Case for Nigeria

1. Leadership by Example: Nigerian leaders must embody the values they wish to see in society. Accountability, transparency, and a commitment to justice must become the new standards of leadership.

2. Civic Education: Education must go beyond academic knowledge. Moral and civic education, which emphasizes ethics, citizenship, and the importance of community, should be integrated into Nigeria’s educational curriculum.

3. Cultural Renaissance: There must be a conscious effort to revive traditional Nigerian values that emphasize honesty, community, and respect for others. Cultural leaders, alongside religious institutions, should champion these values.

4. Youth Empowerment: Nigeria’s youth must be re-oriented towards the values of hard work, integrity, and service. Initiatives like mentorship programs, community service, and entrepreneurship training should be prioritized.

5. Reforming Institutions: Institutional reform is crucial. Anti-corruption agencies must be strengthened, the judiciary made independent and accountable, and public servants held to higher moral and ethical standards.

6. Engaging Civil Society: Civil society organizations should lead efforts to promote good governance, accountability, and social justice. By keeping institutions in check, they ensure the moral values of society are not undermined.

7. National Dialogue: A national conversation on the moral direction of the country should be initiated, involving all stakeholders - government, religious leaders, community heads, and ordinary citizens.

Conclusion:

The time is now for Nigerians to rise and embark on the Revolution of the Mind. The restoration of our moral values is not just a lofty ideal but a practical necessity for the survival and thriving of Nigeria as a nation. Every Nigerian must commit to this change, starting with individual, and collectively, we can build a nation grounded in the Moral Principles that will drive our development and prosperity for generations to come. Nigeria Must and Will Rise!

Yours for Nigeria as a Global Leader!

Musa-Ododo Abdulrahaman,

Founder/President,

Initiative for Discovery of Nigeria Heritage and Endowment (IDNHE).

Project Coordinator,

National Policy Dialogue.

www.nationalpolicydialogue.org

(Address delivered on 8th October 2024 at the 54th Annual Conference of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria at Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja).

I sincerely appreciate the immense honour and special privilege accorded me as the Chairman of the Plenary I Session of the 54th Annual Accountants Conference of our beloved Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria [ICAN].

Please permit me to congratulate most heartily Chief Davidson Chizuoke S. Alaribe FCA, the freshly cut Diamond President of ICAN on his elevation to the position of Commander-In-Chief of Chartered Accountants in Nigeria and the diaspora. We cannot fault his choice of “GOVERNANCE REIMAGINED : MAPPING THE FUTURE” as the theme of this year’s conference.

To crown it all we have as the presenter of the lead paper the cerebral and feisty Governor of Abia State, His Excellency Dr. Alex Otti, OFR whose state was recently declared number one in the WAEC (West African Examination Council) ranking in terms of performance amongst the thirty-six State of Nigeria and the Federal Capital Territory. He certainly deserves a resounding round of applause for this most commendable achievement within his first year in office.

As Chartered Accountants, we are entitled to request confirmation/verification regarding the following report which made the front page of several newspapers and has gone viral on social media.

Headline: “ALEX OTTI VOWS TO SHOCK NIGERIANS:

   EXPOSES GOVERNORS AS THIEVES AND PROMISES

   ACCOUNTABILITY”

Perhaps that was what prompted Chief Alaribe to immediately dispatch an invitation to the Guest Speaker. Having whetted our appetite, what followed was the main course:

“I have not done 5 per cent of the 100 per cent plans I have for Aba. I am here to shock Nigerians and tell them their Governors are all thieves and by the time I am done working, you will stone your Governors anywhere you see him. Hold your governors accountable. The President is doing what he is supposed to be doing. I give him kudos. He is not our problem in Nigeria but we, the governors.”

At this juncture, I believe I am entitled to issue a disclaimer and seek the protection of other Past Presidents of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria. They are here in large numbers and the Chairman of the Body of Past Presidents, Sir Herbert A. Agbebiyi FCA has assured me of diplomatic immunity provided I stick to the title of my own address:

“THE NATION IS WAITING FOR A CEASEFIRE.”

Indeed, we are at a critical intersection of our nation’s trajectory. Some of our most eminent Chartered Accountants as well as profoundly engaging economists and brilliant political scientists insist that we are actually at the brink. Hence, we must exercise sound judgement re-inforced with a delicate balancing act. Our financial architecture is in a shambles and requires urgent re-engineering. The figures simply do not add up !!

Our Nation is clearly in crisis. Rage and distemper have engulfed our country while bandits, kidnappers, fraudsters, rapists, looters, money-launderers, and arsonists hold sway. Yet, considering the intellectual endowments of our fellow citizens (starting with the nearly seven thousand Chartered Accountants who are attending this conference physically or virtually) and the enormous natural (and unnatural !!) resources which the Almighty has lavished on us – oil and gas; gold; diamond, Lead/Zinc, Limestone, Salt, Cassiterite, Clay, Dolomite, Marble & Tantalite, Bentonite, Gypsium, Kaolin & Magnesite, Lignite, Uranium, we have no business with poverty, hunger, ignorance, deprivation, homelessness and hopelessness. We have not even factored into the

equation our vast arable land and abundant water resources as well as glorious sunshine for most of the year. Freezing cold, monsoons, hurricanes, and tsunami are not our portion.

Sadly, the recent floods in Maiduguri have wreaked havoc and led to loss of thousands of lives and devasted property which would cost billions to replace.

We are confronted with erratic data and indexes combined with intimidating climate change and perplexing algorithms.

Perhaps the intercession of a ceasefire will provide us with the breathing space and respite to reflect on the gravity of our situation. Our first hurdle is our massive bust deficit – between the Governors/rulers; and between Chartered Accountants and their clients. It is an enigmatic quadratic equation. Our salvation may well lie in our culture and history which would galvanize us on the path to restoration of mutual respect; service to our nation (which resonates with our National Anthem and the school song of King’s College, Lagos); law and order anchored on justice; and gender equality. These are the irreducible minimum as we contend with ethnic strive and religious bigotry.

At the recently concluded United Nations General Assembly (……….to September 2024, His Excellency President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR delivered a passionate plea for Debt Forgiveness. Our fervent hope is that the forgiveness will not come too late. We must also work assiduously in preparation for the awkward question that would be inevitably be asked as well as our own arsenal of documentary frauds going back several decades – with Nigeria as the victim.

We must not underestimate the eloquence or gravity of a ceasefire. It comes with a genuine desire and commitment to restore justice based on conviction and reconciliation together with justice.

Here is the continuation of “CHARTERED ACCOUNTANTS VERSUS ECONOMISTS” to the subject matter.

“Is it true you were once a Catholic?

No! People make mistakes. I attended a Roman Catholic school, St Aquinas College Akure, just like College of Immaculate Conception, CIC, here in Enugu. If somebody attends CIC, must he be a Roman Catholic? But you find that it was made compulsory for everybody to behave like a Roman Catholic and because of my attitude and way of life, I speak Latin, the Irish Fathers loved me and so they put me in charge of the Sacristy.

At that time, I was serving Mass, we were all made to attend the chapel, whether you are a Roman Catholic or not, it was compulsory. So, I was influenced a bit by the Roman Catholic doctrine, which was an eye-opener and my father therefore said why don’t I become a reverend father because of the way I served Mass and followed the reverend fathers for evangelism.

My father wanted me to be a lawyer and some people wanted me to be a Reverend Father. I started teaching, from teaching I was to read law in the University of Ife but I went into Theology because during the civil war I was one of those that would have been killed in the Asaba genocide but God saved my life.

In 1967 I was to be killed among those that were killed but God saved my life. When they were shooting, I fell down and in the night I escaped. So, I experienced the genocide of the Nigeria civil war. I saw war with my eyes, I saw blood with my eyes, and it was a serious genocide. Innocent people in my Asaba area were killed for nothing except that we were ‘Ajukwu’ brothers (Ojukwu brothers), that was what they were saying. My father’s first house in Asaba was burnt down, many of our houses were burnt, many of our relatives were burnt, many of our kindred were killed unnecessarily and many of our women were forcefully married by the soldiers. It was such a terrible thing that when I remember it I shed tears especially when they are doing Armed Forces Remembrance Day.

I feel that Nigeria still has to apologize to the Asaba people and to the Eastern part of Nigeria for the genocide and war. That was the reason I said that January 15, which is my birthday, Nigeria should be celebrating it as a day of mourning and forgiveness, asking God for forgiveness and thanksgiving for the end of the war. Remember that in the Bible when God destroyed the world with water Noah prayed to God and he stopped the war of water and Noah praised and thanked God for it. So if war has ended we should be able to say father thank you for the war that ended but rather than doing it what you see now is selectiveness against the Igbo. We are being neglected, sidelined and nobody is thinking about what we suffered during the civil war. This is unfortunate and I feel that President Bola Tinubu, if they could do something to MKO Abiola and honour him, the people of Asaba should be honoured with a day of forgiveness, thanksgiving and then a lot of things should be done in memory and compensation for the Eastern part of Nigeria for the civil war.

How did the Asaba genocide actually happen?

The Nigerian soldiers were to cross the River Niger and when they came they couldn’t cross. They said there was a goddess in the River called Onishee who would come out and their boat would sink because at that time the bridge had collapsed. So, the soldiers got angry and said that there were some Biafran soldiers among us. In fact, they separated us, I was about 14 years. They separated the women and said that all of us, the male, should be lined up and killed. In the course of the shooting I fell down and corpses fell on me. That was how I escaped.

When I spoke Yoruba, one of the soldiers said ‘are you a Yoruba man?’ And I said yes and that was how they rescued me. The soldiers were tall, we called them Gongola, gwodogwodo! Some of them said it was because of Chukwuma Nzeogwu, who was not from Asaba really, he was from Ika Ibo, but they still dealt with us and that’s unfortunate. To God be the glory we survived.

What do you think is the reason General Yakubu Gowon is yet to say anything about the civil war?

Gowon is very apologetic and that was why he started Nigeria Prays and we have to commend him for that. That Nigeria Prays was to revive the spirit of the people back from the civil war and to reconcile people back to God and to go on with one Nigeria.”

Another illustration of the need for ceasefire as a pre-requisite for:

 “GOVERNANCE REIMAGINED : MAPPING THE FUTURE”

Is provided by the following vignette courtesy of Festus Adedayo of “Sunday Tribune” newspaper.

“In 2019, investigative journalist Fisayo Soyombo, adopting the pseudonym, Ojo Olajumoke, spent five days in a police cell and eight days as an inmate in Ikoyi Prison. It was in the bid to crack corruption in Nigeria’s criminal justice system. There was no single whimper from the Nigerian establishment (including the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria !!). After Soyombo’s arrest and detention in police custody, he was arraigned in court and ultimately got a remand in prison. He emerged with very distressing stories of illegitimate arrests, extrajudicial killings, bribery and corruption and a criminal justice system that is in a sorry case. He even claimed that a prison official asked him for money to remove his name from jailbirds’ roster.”

Yet another case in point was the order by a then military Head of State that university lecturers and professors who were about to launch a protest against their salaries and conditions of service should vacate staff quarters/accommodation provided by the universities. The consequences were disastrous. The lecturers and professors were running helter skelter. It has not occurred to them that they needed to own their own houses. Some ended up squatting (along with their families) with friends (sometimes in their Boys’ Quarters which were meant for their domestic staff). Others resigned to take up lucrative jobs in Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi, Britain and United States of America. The brain drain was massive. It heralded the “JAPA” syndrome – exodus of critical manpower.

I suspect that the older generation of Chartered Accountants in our midst would readily recall that in year 2000, the Nigerian Government budgeted the hefty sum of N10 billion in anticipation of the threat that at the stroke of midnight on 31st December 2000, all computers would cease to function !! It was going to be an apocalypse of monumental dimensions. Actually, 31st December 2000 came and went seamlessly. Nothing happened. To the best of my knowledge, nobody was ever asked to account for the N10 billion booty and the frantic sharing of money that preceded the non-event.

As matters stand, the hornet’s nest has been stirred. Chartered Accountants are sufficiently concerned and energized (without relying on steroids). It is time to turn a new chapter. To the more discerning, the crisis within our own profession are as myriad as those bedeviling our nation. Hence, we must not only get our priorities right, we must tread carefully – with cautions optimism as our guidepost. It was not so long ago that the Minister of Finance (Chief A.A. Ani); Governor of Central Bank (Mr. Paul Ogwuma; and Chief Joseph O. Sanusi); Minister of Industries (Chief Kola B. Jamodu); and Head of (civil) Service (Mr. Steve O. Oronsaye) and the Director-General of Budget and Planning (Pastor Ken Akabueze) were all Chartered Accountants. The power structure and influence landscape have undergone change that is almost beyond recognition. If we are not careful Chartered Accountants would be pushed to the middle rank or right to the back of the surging queue. Clearly, we have lost a lot of ground.

In seeking restitution or redress, we must adhere to the ethics of our profession and our commitment to the enduring principles of accuracy and integrity within the ambit of “true and fair.” What stares us in the face are harsh realities. More and more of our members are in distress.

Many are merely surviving as best as they can while others settle for menial jobs (e.g. as cab or Uber drivers). On a recent trip to London, the guy who checked me in at the check-in desk was a Chartered Accountant !!. There is not enough time or space to dwell on the plight of Chartered Accountants who are in practice but are forced to accept meagre fees for their professional services at a time when inflation is officially34 per cent and the exchange rate of the naira has nose-dived.

No matter how pushed to the wall we are, we must remain steadfast and faithful to the tradition of our noble profession. We are the conscience of the nation. If there is any iota of doubt, the least we can do is call for a CEASEFIRE.

When debt service escalates to 96 per cent of revenue and is four times what we are spending on education or health, ordinary folks (our fellow citizens) are entitled to ask what future are the Chartered Accountants postulating about at their conference. We shall soon find out.

When Major-General Muhammadu Buhari overthrew the elected civilian administration of President Shehu Shagari on the last day of 1983, he inherited an economy in a mess and a political system in turmoil. That crisis of a dysfunctional political economy was Buhari’s principal reason for sacking the Shagari administration.

For Buhari, Nigeria’s crisis of balance of payments was the result of two things: indiscipline and economic crimes. His answer to the former was a War against Indiscipline (WAI), a catch-all acronym for everything from instilling a queue culture in the population to capital punishment for drug suspects. Turning to the latter, General Buhari invented a very capacious category of economic sabotage. Those arrested for these did not necessarily have to suffer a predictable judicial ritual.

In 1984, the Buhari regime ordered the detention of five citizens of Taiwan arrested by the officers of the Customs Service who caught them in possession of blank attested and proforma invoices for goods supposedly imported into Nigeria. One of the arrested persons was known as Wang Chin-Yao. They were supposedly involved in economic sabotage of the country which was meant to be a crime. Rather than charge them with a crime known to the law, however, the regime arranged to have them locked up in administrative detention under the State Security (Detention of Persons) Decree No. 2 of 1984. Under this decree, a detention certificate issued by the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters was enough to lock a person away interminably. Among its features, the decree precluded courts from inquiring into anything concerning the detention of persons held under its authority.

Fearing interminable detention, Wang Chin-Yao and his compatriots sued the Chief of Staff in the hope that the court could pronounce on the lawfulness of their detention, but the High Court chose to emulate the Biblical Pontius Pilate and decided that the decree under which they were held precluded it from questioning the detentions. On All Fools Day (1 April) in 1985, the Court of Appeal decided their appeal against the decision of the High Court. In a judgment delivered by Phillip Adenekan Ademola, the Court of Appeal affirmed the ruling of the High Court. Adenekan Ademola, whose father was the first indigenous Chief Justice of Nigeria, stated his reasons with flamboyant economy holding “that on the question of civil liberties, the law courts of Nigeria must as of now blow muted trumpets.”

These words were to prove exceedingly corrosive in their effect on judicial imagination under the military. A mere three years after this judgment by Adenekan Ademola, his bosom friend and Sarkin Wurno, Shehu Malami, became the subject of considerable interest by the security services of the military government when he threw his hat into the ring to become the 18th Sultan of Sokoto at the death of Sultan Siddiq Abubakar III.

It was impossible to find a court without its own muted trumpet. The muted trumpets of the courts enabled the abuses that ultimately made military rule untenable and brought about its demise one decade later.

The hope - with the end of military rule - was that the return of the country to government with electoral legitimacy would unleash the civic imagination of Nigerians.

In the run-up to Nigeria’s presidential elections of 2023, part of the claim made in favour of the man whom the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) eventually anointed as president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, was that he had fought the excesses of military rule as a chieftain of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), a pro-democracy collective, many of whose leading members were exiled during the last half-decade of military rule in Nigeria. It is natural to expect that the government of a man with those credentials would be a paradise for the kinds of rights for which he reputedly took the military to task.

The reality has been anything but…. The government of Bola Ahmed Tinubu has instead become the graveyard of freedoms of expression and association and of the right to protest in Nigeria and it is only just a little over 15 months in power. The numbers are there to prove it.

In the first year of the Tinubu administration, the Press Attack Tracker recorded 37 incidents of attacks against journalists and the press. The first five months of 2024 alone witnessed 27 such attacks. For comparison, advocacy organization, Global Rights, which monitored similar patterns under the Buhari regime recorded 189 journalists arrested, detained or harassed over the eight years of the Buhari administration. At the current pace, the Tinubu regime of NADECO graduates will by the end of its second year easily eclipse the record of the entire Buhari administration in press freedom violations over its eight years of existence.

At the end of August 2024, Bola Tinubu’s Nigeria comfortably topped the league table of attacks on journalists in Africa with over 76 recorded incidents of attacks against journalists, beating Somalia (with 18 attacks) into second place, with Congo DRC a distant third with five incidents.

These numbers only provide a peek into a more troubling pattern. Last month, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) reported “at least 56 journalists who were assaulted or harassed by security forces or unidentified citizens while covering the #EndBadGovernance demonstrations in Nigeria.” The “unidentified citizens” who were involved in some of these attacks mostly conducted themselves in ways which suggested that they were agents or emissaries of the ruling party or government.

The #EndBadGovernance protest and its aftermath have been a squalid advertisement of the illiberal credentials of the Tinubu Government. After failing to intimidate citizens out of the protest, the administration resorted to third-degree methods to squash it. It arrested thousands of citizens whose only crime was peaceful expression of dissent, instructed the freezing of the accounts of persons and groups whom it claimed to be organisers of the protests, and procured suspicious court orders to unsafely kettle and intimidate the protesters. Security forces killed at least 13 protesters although the real casualty count is thought to be well north of this number.

Not content with these, the government arranged in Abuja to charge many of the protesters with treason or conspiracy to commit treason. Campaigners at Human Rights Watch have rightly pointed out that this signals the extent of the regime’s “intolerance for dissent.” The significance of these charges goes well beyond this, however. The charges of treason for the #EndBadGovernance protesters are designed to intimate any wannabe protesters. They are also a dog whistle for the judges before whom these protesters are charged to treat them as beyond the pale and beneath the law.

The judges are listening. At the trial before the Federal High Court in Abuja, the court eventually granted the protesters bail on rather stringent conditions. Citizen groups are now working hard to socialize the costs of meeting these conditions. Lawyers for the government meanwhile go around intimidating the courts with specious reasons as to why protest has become treason under the government of a serial protester.

Nearly 40 years ago, when the son of a former Chief Justice of Nigeria told judges to blow muted trumpets on questions of civil liberties, there was an assumption that the judges were capable of doing differently. Now and again many of them indeed served the soldiers with a judicial bloody nose. Today, that capacity no longer exists. Nigerian courts no longer want to be associated with any trumpets, not even muted ones, lest they inadvertently let out some judicial sound.

Instead, many courts, under the thumb of their Chiefs or administrative judges have become enablers of the authoritarian instincts of the government of NADECO veterans. When the security services invade the offices of advocacy organization, SERAP; or interdict the passport of Omoyele Sowore at the airport, they don’t even contemplate the existence of judges capable of playing Pontius Pilate. For them, the courts no longer exist. That is some progress!

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

This assertion was made during the 2024 South-West Assembly of the All Progressives Congress (APC) held in Victoria Island, Lagos, and hosted by Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, the party’s zonal coordinator.

The event was attended by several prominent APC figures, including former national chairman Chief Bisi Akande, former Ogun State Governor Aremo Olusegun Osoba, and current governors Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), Lucky Aiyedatiwa (Ondo), and Biodun Oyebanji (Ekiti), all of whom expressed their support for Tinubu and the party’s aspirations for the 2027 elections.

In a keynote address delivered by former Ekiti State Governor, Kayode Fayemi, Tinubu was praised as a “listening leader” dedicated to the progress of the nation.

Represented by his Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, Tinubu urged Nigerians to remain patient, emphasizing his administration’s commitment to national development and progress.

Gbajabiamila reiterated the President’s resolve to make difficult decisions that would benefit the country, reinforcing the administration’s focus on long-term goals over immediate electoral ambitions.

As the political landscape continues to evolve, Tinubu’s commitment to future generations may reshape the conversation around governance and development in Nigeria, reflecting a vision that transcends the upcoming electoral cycle.

Gbajabiamila said, “Mr. President has asked me to tell you that he is not thinking of the next election but the next generation.

“He has asked me to convey his message, that he knows he has taken a very tough decision. He sees the light at the end of the tunnel. The time will come when we will all thank him for the decision.

“Mr. President said I should let you know that he is not thinking of the next election but the next generation. For every moment in a country, a particular leader is produced for that time. This is the time to produce a leader that is courageous.”

He stressed that Tinubu is firmly committed to the well-being of all Nigerians, particularly the masses, adding that despite the challenges posed by tough reforms, Tinubu is motivated by a strong conviction to guide Nigeria through this transformative period.

He stressed that Tinubu feels the pain of the people’s struggles but remains steadfast in his belief in his tough decisions, driven by his conviction to lead the country through challenging times. Gbajabiamila also noted that while Tinubu holds the office of President, his political roots are firmly in the Southwest, making the assembly’s discussions especially significant.

“The challenges facing our country are vast and complex. But for those who know him, Tinubu has always been a leader with a deep love for the people. He is pained by their struggles, but he is determined to push forward with his vision for Nigeria’s future,” he added.

Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu reinforced the importance of unity and cooperation within the Southwest, stating that the region’s collective efforts would be essential to harnessing its abundant resources and moving the country forward. He also stressed that the gathering was a way to reignite hope and uphold the values of “omoluabi” for the progress of both the region and the nation.

Sanwo-Olu called on all leaders and members to continue their support for Tinubu beyond the 2027 election and focus on the future.

Senate Majority Leader, Bamidele Opeyemi, highlighted the strategic importance of the South-West APC Caucus in the 10th Assembly, noting that 15 out of the 18 Senators from the region are from the APC, giving it substantial influence in national legislative matters.

He underscored the Caucus’s success in securing key leadership positions in the Senate and House of Representatives, which has allowed them to effectively represent the region’s interests.

Opeyemi also noted the passage of the South West Development Commission Bill, describing it as a necessary step for regional equity.

He credited the South-West Caucus for its stabilising role in the Senate, particularly in supporting Senate President Godswill Akpabio and his deputy, Jubrin Barau, during recent controversies.

Former Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi, in his keynote address, called for the replication of the South-West Caucus model at the state and local government levels, encouraging a united front within the APC to fulfil Tinubu’s “renewed hope agenda.” Fayemi expressed confidence that the party would remain strong and focused on delivering on its promises under Tinubu’s leadership.

“We cannot continue to rest on our oars as a party. I am convinced that APC will remain strong to accomplish the unfinished business of the renewed hope agenda of Mr President,” he said.

[Nairametrics]

As I walked into Lieutenant Colonel Gbolawole Majekodunmi’s (rtd) office in Idi-Araba, Lagos, I was struck by its simplicity. The walls were bare, except for a few framed photographs of his military days. He sat on an old chair, with a visage of a map of pain, reflecting the turmoil of his past. His brow furrowed and his lips pursed, as if the memories themselves were a physical burden. As we began to discuss his abrupt exit from the Nigerian Army, a profession he still holds dear to heart, Majekodunmi’s eyes clouded with a mix of pain and determination and his voice laced with a sense of loss and longing. With a career spanning decades, he had hoped to rise through the ranks to become a General. But his aspirations were viciously crushed when he was callously drummed out of service, on trumped-up charges that he later discovered were cunningly fabricated to thwart his ascension to the coveted position of Military Administrator (equivalent of state governor under military regime).

Journey to the Army

He started the interview with Sunday Vanguard with the story of his journey into the Army. His words: “As a young boy, I attended Baptist Academy in Lagos. Then, at Oyingbo bus stop, I always saw Land Rovers carrying officers in their well-starched uniforms. I was immediately drawn to their professionalism and knew I wanted to join the Army. This motivation led me to write the Nigeria Defence Academy (NDA) examination, which I passed. I was called for an interview and subsequently offered a place at the NDA. However, my mother, a rich business woman, had different plans for me. She wanted me to study Pharmacy in America, and she had the resources to make it happen.

But my father, a civil servant in Kaduna, insisted that I joined the NDA. He even threatened to disown me if I didn’t report to the academy. My love for the Army uniform and fear of my father’s wrath led me to choose the NDA over America. I joined the NDA Regular Combatant Course 13; we commenced training on January 2, 1973 and I went on to have a distinguished military career. I was posted to Infantry, then changed to Engineers. The military sent me to Canada and America for advanced training. I also attended a degree course in Pakistan. Throughout my service, I was known for discipline and professionalism, which earned me the respect of my Commanders. I served as Brigade Major, the nerve center of every Brigade, and was sought after by Commanders who valued my expertise. In those days, the motivation to join the NDA was genuine, and politicians’ influence was minimal. Discipline was paramount, and young officers were driven by a sense of duty and honor.

However, times have changed, and today’s young officers often have ulterior motives for joining the NDA. Some are driven by ambition, greed, or a desire for power. The system has changed, and discipline is no longer the cornerstone of the NDA. I fear for the future of our beloved Army if this trend continues”.

Back to Nigeria

Majekodunmi inhaled deeply, his gaze intensifying, as he resumed his account: “Upon returning to Nigeria, I was posted to 3 Armoured Division, Jos, Plateau State where I served as the Cantonment Maintenance Officer, while General Olanrewaju was the General Officer Commanding, GOC. During a mini-maintenance conference, General Olanrewaju offered me a bicycle for maintenance tasks within the Cantonment, but I declined, preferring to use my Mercedes- Benz car which I brought from Pakistan. This seemingly innocuous exchange sparked General Olanrewaju’s anger and he admonished me, threatening at the same time to expel me from the Army if I didn’t ‘shape up.’

My Commander then, Colonel Idubueze, sensing my discomfort, intervened and offered to accept the bicycle on my behalf. However, the damage was done, and General Olanrewaju’s displeasure towards me was palpable. This incident marked the beginning of a downward spiral in my relationship with General Olanrewaju, culminating in my eventual posting out of the Command to the Nigerian Training and Doctrine Command in Minna, Niger State. In Minna, I served without incident until my subsequent posting to Ibadan, Oyo State, where a significant incident occurred in 1993. Under the command of the late General Aziza, GOC 2 Division, I received appreciation for my dedication and hard work. General Aziza even sponsored my wife’s pilgrimage through Lagos State, a gesture that unfortunately fueled jealousy among some colleagues”.

Maruti, the point of contention

He paused at this point as his phone’s insistent ringing shattered the air. His eyes darted towards it with a gaze that pierced the screen like a dagger, before refocusing on me. Slowly, he continued the traumatic event that shattered his 20-year military legacy, leaving scars that continued to throb and pulsate like a raw wound: “Later, the Maruti incident occurred.

Maruti was a small utility vehicle, an Indian-Suzuki jeep used for utility services. It was given to me by the Army to be working with. The mechanic was bringing it to me in Lagos from Ibadan because he just repaired it. And the driver was not around, so I was afraid that probably the Maruti would need to be driven by a technician. I told the mechanic to bring a driver and also come with my identity ID card to meet me in Lagos. I told them my ID card was inside the pigeon hole, that in case anyone stopped them on the road, they should show it that Colonel Majekodunmi sent them. That was the mistake I made because the Maruti was intercepted at the toll gate in Ibadan. I made such minor infractions which, normally, under normal circumstances, should have been an office issue to be handled by the late General Aziza. I believe he was used as a pawn on the issue. Otherwise he didn’t give me admonition; he did not give me warning”.

The accusation

A look of haunted introspection crossed his face, his eyes sunken, his features etched with the weight of a thousand unspoken words. His voice cracked with emotion, a heartwrenching whisper that conveyed the depth of his pain, as if every syllable was a tear shed for what could never be undone. Continuing slowly, Majekodunmi narrated: ”I was accused of stealing a Maruti and my ID card. I tried to see the late General Aziza who was the GOC 2 Mechanised Division when I learnt I would be court-martialed.

But my efforts were unsuccessful. I reached out to several people to beg my GOC on my behalf, including Papa Adeyemo, the Kabiyesi of Ibadan, Alhaji Jimoh Garuba, and the Alake (of Egbaland). Additionally, Justice Oguntade and Chief Bukola Okunowo intervened, begging Aziza to show mercy. Despite these efforts, Aziza ordered the court martial, which left me feeling hopeless and demoralized. The excuse he allegedly gave was that he had sentenced me to two-and-ahalf years in prison, but he wasn’t the judge and didn’t preside over the court martial. He also allegedly instructed the President of the court to sentence me, which was unusual. I was not supposed to be kept in the other ranks’ guard room after trial without confirmation from the appropriate supreme authority, but they put me there anyway.

The conditions were deplorable – the room was smelly and leaking from rain. I met others there, like Major Akinlade, who was accused of an affair, and Major Emelike. I was confused and wondered what was going on. I spent a month in that guard room without committing any major offense. I didn’t sleep with anyone’s wife and I didn’t plan a coup or steal anything significant to have warranted such treatment. In the past, when General Danjuma was the Chief of the Army Staff, the Chief of the Army Staff would review the judgment of the court martial case legally and make a justified decision. However, in my case, it was a satanic conspiracy between some senior officers against me and I spent three months in prison. The court martial verdict left me feeling utterly hopeless, and it took a significant toll on my spirit. I spent close to two-and-a-half months in Agodi Prison, Ibadan, and, even after my release, I struggled with feelings of hopelessness for four years. Despite the challenges in my marriage, I felt like I’d hit rock bottom. It was as if the second chapter of my life had been turned upside down, and I was struggling to find purpose and meaning again”.

Drama in court

His eyes would occasionally flash with a hint of anger, but it was quickly replaced by a sense of calm, as if he had long since made peace with his past. He narrated further, ”Before the court-martial began, I visited Colonel Alli, the Commanding Officer of the Special Investigation Panel, who later became the Comptroller General of the Nigeria Customs Service. I requested for a lawyer, Giwa Amu, who was 2ic to Ali. I had to meet the Provost Marshal, General Mujakpero. I asked him to allow a Military Police officer to be my lawyer, and he agreed. I wrote an application, and Ali approved it. Giwa Amu was my sent ‘messiah’. When the court martial commenced, I was sitting down facing the panel. Giwa Amu came to whisper in my ear that I should accept charge one; that I was guilty, and also accept charge two, stealing the Maruti that brought me to the venue, and that my ID card was stolen. I agreed.

But when the arraignment started and my charges were read, Giwa Amu had a change of heart. He rushed to tell me again to say I was not guilty. If he hadn’t done that, I would have accepted the charges, including stealing the Maruti. They had tricked Giwa Amu into thinking they wouldn’t do anything to me, but the spirit of God intervened, telling me not to admit guilt. If I had accepted that I was guilty of stealing the Maruti and my ID card, there was no way I would have won that case. The same Maruti that brought me in front of the Officers’ Mess, where the trial was held, was the same vehicle they said I stole. They commenced my case at 10 a.m. and finished it the next day. The next day was the confirmation. I had met the person in charge of the court, now late, before the trial. He told me not to worry, but unknown to me, they had already instructed him on how to handle my case. It was a set-up”.

Appeal case

His voice was a low, raspy growl at this point, with a sound that seemed to scrape against the inside of his throat, as if the words themselves were a physical torment he could hardly bear to utter. He went on: “Even when I met an officer in the Army Legal Department, he advised me to forget about the case because three senior officers who were instrumental to my woes were in the former Head of State, late Sani Abacha’s kitchen cabinet. However, after four years of being laid off from the Nigerian Army, someone suggested I appealed the case. I went to the Court of Appeal, where my father had worked as a civilian executive officer. When I arrived at the court, accompanied by my lawyer, the Registrar told me to go upstairs and narrate the case to the judge.

But my lawyer refused to go with me because he said it was unethical for a lawyer to be seen in the chamber with a judge. Eventually, I mustered the courage to knock on the judge’s door. To my surprise, the judge recognized me and asked about the case. I burst into tears and asked if he knew about it, he said ‘yes’. Just then, Aribisala, the son of a legal icon, walked in and offered to handle my case for free. He wanted to help me and also gain experience for his SAN qualification. I gratefully accepted his offer. But Justice Oguntade refused, insisting rather that my lawyer should handle the case.

And to God be the glory, I think after a year into the Appeal, I was discharged and acquitted by the Court of Appeal. In fact, in the January 2004 Nigerian Army Law Publication on Majekodunmi versus Nigerian Army, Justice Oguntade of the Court of Appeal stated: ‘It is really worrying that in a case as plain as this, when the observers of elementary principle of justice ought to have led the General Court Martial to return a verdict of not guilty, the General Court Martial found the appellant guilty; in the process, the career prospects of the appellant, a Lieutenant Colonel at the time of his trial, were needlessly ruined. Perhaps it is not out of place to say here that those called upon to conduct these trials should very carefully consider the ingredients of an offence under the Armed Forces Act before railroading their colleagues into prison and ruination in very undeserving situation’. With the court discharging and acquitting me, I approached the Army authorities with the verdict. They gave me compulsory retirement. But I was not satisfied with compulsory retirement. So, I met General Dambazau, who was the Minister of Internal Affairs. He spoke to the Chief of the Army Staff, Buratai, who called me for an interview, I wrote again, and they converted it to voluntary retirement”.

Military Administrator’s dream

At this point, Majekodunmi’s face convulsed in a storm of self-reproach, his features twisted in a grimace of anguish, as if the weight of the action was crushing him. He recounted: “The most important aspect of this experience was my naivety and the external factors that played a role. I realised after I left the prison that my offence was because I had approached some persons, indicating my interest to be Military Administrator. I didn’t know that these same people had somebody else who was also interested in the position. It wasn’t until after I left prison and was at home that I realized this. They announced the change of Military Administrators and mentioned that person’s name. That was when I remembered that a former top security official who became an Oba asked me who was senior between me and that person who was appointed Military Administrator. I then understood that the former top security big wig and a former top military senior officer who had shown apparent animosity towards me were acquainted with the family of the officer who was appointed MILAD, and therefore wanted him for the position”.

Lies

At this point, we had to pause for him to catch his breath, after speaking for long. In this fleeting moment, his face twisted in a tortured grimace, as if the memories of deceitful blows from those he trusted were physically pummeling him. When we resumed discussion, he said: “To further nail me, a colleague told me that during a debate on who would become the next Military Administrator, someone in The Presidency said I was from Abeokuta, Ogun State, and that I came into the Army through Lagos State illegally. However, everyone knew I was from Lagos State. One of the top military officers behind my ordeal knew me from our time in Pakistan or India and knew that my family, Majekodunmi, is from Lagos State. What pained me was that as a fellow Yoruba, if there were no political undertones or negativity, he would have granted me an audience to see him when I sought to see him to intervene in the court martial issue.

Admonition

“Indeed, the lesson from my experience is huge. I learnt one should not rely solely on humans or on the arm of flesh, as Shakespeare says, ‘There’s no art to find the mind’s construction in the face.’ A person’s true intentions can be difficult to discern, and they may not be trustworthy. I learned this lesson personally. Second lesson is that I was naive in my a p p r o a c h , broadcasting my intentions widely. But glory be to God; after my incarceration, I turned to God and pursued a pastoral course at the Redeemed Church. I also went to the Mountain of Fire Ministries and learned that forces of darkness can destroy someone. I am sharing this to warn future generations to depend on God for solutions to their problems.

Additionally, I want the Nigerian Army to know that I’ve worked under tough Commanders who recognized my dedication and commitment as an officer. Commanders sought me out to work with them, including General Garuba Mohammed, former Minister of Works, who gave me an excellent report. In his commendation note on me, he wrote, ‘I have no reason not to recommend this officer for promotion to Lieutenant Colonel, which is long overdue’, (reading from a document he collected from a pile of files on a table)”. With a heavy heart and a hint of humility, he continued his tale in a voice laced with a deep sense of regret and a longing for spiritual guidance, “Perhaps, if I were more grounded in biblical teachings or scripture, I would have understood the significance of sharing my ambition with those I did.

But the whole thing was a blessing in disguise. I recall that the most brilliant student in our Course was Major Akinyemi, brother of Prof Akinyemi. He excelled at Sandhurst, winning multiple awards as the Best Military Cadet, Officer, and personnel. However, after returning to Nigeria, he was involved in two coups and was eventually killed. He was imprisoned and allegedly injected with a harmful substance. If I had been accused of being involved in a coup, I would not be alive today. I now appreciate the value of prayers and the guidance of scripture.

Electricity is the backbone of any modern economy, fueling innovation, industry, and social development. Across Africa, countries such as Ghana, South Africa, Egypt, and Kenya have managed to provide their citizens with more regular and affordable electricity, creating an environment where businesses thrive, and homes function without the worry of frequent power outages or exorbitant costs. These nations have set an example of what is possible when a country’s energy sector is properly managed and maintained.

Nigeria, with its massive population and wealth of natural resources, should have been one of the first to achieve this feat. Yet, despite its potential, Nigeria remains stuck in an energy crisis that leaves much to be desired. Ostensibly to catch up with some African countries which offer regular and affordable electricity to their citizens, Nigeria has in recent months introduced a new electricity tariff structure, with bands such as A, B, and C, resulting in more consistent power supply. However, this has come at a high cost, as affordability has become a pressing concern for many consumers.

This begs the question: “If smaller African nations with fewer resources have achieved affordable and regular electricity, why has Nigeria, the giant of Africa, failed to do the same?”

For instance, Ghana is often hailed as one of Africa’s success stories in electricity provision. After undergoing severe power crises in the past, the country implemented structural reforms that have significantly improved its electricity generation and distribution. Ghana has invested heavily in its energy sector, diversifying its energy sources to include hydropower, natural gas, and solar power. Today, the country boasts one of the most reliable electricity grids in West Africa, with over 85% of its population having access to electricity.

More impressively, the cost of electricity in Ghana remains relatively affordable compared to Nigeria. This is because of the government’s proactive approach in subsidizing electricity for lower-income households while ensuring a consistent supply. The Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) also ensures transparency and accountability in its operations, which helps to maintain consumer trust.

In a similar vein, Kenya has emerged as a leader in renewable energy, making significant strides in achieving regular and affordable electricity for its citizens. The East African nation has focused on geothermal energy, which accounts for over 45% of its electricity generation. Kenya’s investment in renewable energy has not only improved the reliability of electricity supply but has also driven down costs, making it one of the most affordable in Africa.

In rural areas, the government has implemented off-grid solar systems to ensure that even remote communities can access power. This strategic approach to energy diversification has allowed Kenya to achieve almost 80% electricity coverage, with the goal of reaching 100% by 2030. As a result, Kenya has become a benchmark for other African nations, including Nigeria that are struggling with electricity provision.

While South Africa is currently experiencing electricity challenges due to aging infrastructure and the country’s reliance on coal, it remains one of the few African countries that has historically provided affordable and regular electricity. For decades, South Africa’s electricity system was one of the most robust on the continent, delivering power to over 85% of its population at relatively low costs.

Despite recent issues with load shedding, South Africa’s state-owned utility, Eskom, still manages to keep electricity rates affordable for most citizens. The South African government is now working to diversify its energy sources by investing in renewables like solar and wind power to ensure that its citizens can continue to enjoy affordable and regular electricity in the future.

Egypt is another African country that has made remarkable strides in its energy sector. The North African giant invested billions of dollars into modernizing its power grid, which includes one of the largest solar parks in the world at Benban. Egypt has also successfully reformed its energy pricing system, ensuring that electricity remains affordable for its citizens.

In addition to modernizing its infrastructure, Egypt has reduced energy subsidies over time in a way that balances affordability with sustainability. This ensures that while the government reduces its financial burden, the cost of electricity remains within reach for both households and businesses. Egypt’s commitment to renewable energy has not only made it a leader in Africa but has also helped stabilize its electricity supply, achieving almost universal access.

Nigeria’s electricity sector tells a starkly different story. Despite being Africa’s largest economy and boasting enormous reserves of oil and natural gas, the country has struggled for decades to provide stable and affordable electricity to its citizens. The introduction of tariff bands like A, B, and C has led to more consistent supply for some areas, but this improvement has been overshadowed by soaring costs, which have made electricity unaffordable for many Nigerians.

Given the foregoing situation in Nigeria’s energy sector, not a few people have commented that the reasons for Nigeria’s ongoing electricity woes are multifaceted, blaming the country for so much dependency on fossil fuels. Their reasoning cannot in any way be faulted as it is crystal clear that Nigeria’s heavy reliance on natural gas and fossil fuels for electricity generation makes the country vulnerable to fluctuations in global energy prices. When the price of gas rises, so does the cost of electricity generation, leading to higher tariffs for consumers. This reliance on a single source of energy also limits Nigeria’s ability to diversify and stabilize its energy supply.

Also been mentioned for the umpteenth times as one of the reasons for poor and costly electricity supply is poor Infrastructure. The foregoing view can be buttressed against the backdrop of the outdated power infrastructure in the country; even as the infrastructure is poorly maintained leading to frequent breakdowns and inefficiencies. In fact, transmission and distribution networks are plagued with energy losses, which further contribute to the high cost of electricity. Without significant investment in upgrading these systems, Nigeria will continue to struggle with both regularity and affordability.

In fact, not a few people’s views have either being read or heard in the media saying that corruption has been a major stumbling block in Nigeria’s energy sector. As gathered, they often say that the privatization of the power sector, which was meant to bring about efficiency and improvement, has been hampered by vested interests and mismanagement, resulting to a system where power distribution companies (DisCos) often underperform, leaving consumers with erratic service at exorbitant prices.

For years, successive Nigerian governments have promised reforms in the power sector, but these promises have rarely been fulfilled. Political leaders often shy away from the difficult decisions needed to overhaul the system, such as cracking down on corrupt practices or fully liberalizing the energy market. The absence of strong political will to tackle these issues head-on has left Nigeria lagging behind its African counterparts.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, “Is There a Way Out?” Absolutely, Nigeria has the potential to provide both affordable and regular electricity. If smaller African nations with fewer resources have succeeded, there is no reason Nigeria cannot follow suit. The solution lies in a combination of key steps that cut across energy diversification, investment in infrastructure, government accountability and 4. Public-Private Partnerships (PPP).

Given the foregoing, it is expedient to opine that Nigeria must prioritize the diversification of its energy sources by investing in renewable energy such as solar, wind, and hydropower. Renewables offer a more sustainable and cheaper alternative to fossil fuels and will reduce the country’s vulnerability to global energy price fluctuations.

In a similar vein, there is an urgent need to overhaul Nigeria’s electricity infrastructure. Upgrading transmission and distribution networks will reduce energy losses and improve efficiency. This requires significant investment from both the government and private sector, but the long-term benefits will far outweigh the costs.

Still in a similar vein, the Nigerian government must demonstrate the political will to hold DisCos accountable for their performance. Strengthening regulatory bodies such as the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) to ensure transparency and fairness in tariff pricing is critical to restoring consumer trust.

Added to the foregoing steps, Nigeria should explore public-private partnerships to finance energy projects and build more power plants. By working with foreign investors and multilateral agencies, Nigeria can access the funding needed to improve its energy sector and provide affordable electricity to its citizens.

In fact, the examples of Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and Egypt show that regular and affordable electricity is not a pipe dream, it is achievable. Nigeria, with its abundant natural resources, has the potential to lead the continent in energy provision. However, without the necessary reforms, investments, and political will, the country will remain in the dark, while other African nations continue to shine.

It is time for Nigeria to harness its full potential and deliver what its people deserve: reliable, affordable electricity that powers growth and development. If other African countries can do it, why can’t Nigeria?

On October 5, 2011, the world lost Steve Jobs, the visionary co-founder of Apple Inc., at age 56 due to complications from pancreatic cancer. Jobs left an indelible mark on multiple industries, transforming the way people interact with technology through devices like the Macintosh, iPod, iPhone, and iPad. His influence extended far beyond consumer electronics, leaving a legacy that continues to shape modern life.

Born in 1955 in San Francisco, Jobs was adopted by Paul and Clara Jobs and raised in the heart of Silicon Valley. Although he dropped out of college after one semester, his journey would soon see him co-found Apple with his friend Steve Wozniak in 1976, in his parents’ garage. With no formal training in technology or business, Jobs possessed a unique blend of vision and intuition. He believed that computers could evolve from niche tools into devices integral to everyday life, a belief that became the cornerstone of Apple’s success.

Under Jobs’ leadership, Apple introduced the Apple II, one of the first personal computers, and later the revolutionary Macintosh in 1984, which introduced a graphical user interface that forever changed personal computing. Even after his departure from Apple in 1985, Jobs continued to leave his mark. He founded NeXT, a company whose technology would play a critical role in the development of the World Wide Web, and acquired Pixar, which went on to redefine the animation industry with “Toy Story” and other classics.

When Jobs returned to Apple in 1997, the company was struggling. Through his unmatched leadership and relentless pursuit of perfection, he turned Apple into one of the world’s most valuable companies. Products like the iPod, iPhone, and iPad became cultural phenomena, seamlessly integrating into the daily lives of millions of people across the globe. Jobs’ genius was not just in the products themselves, but in understanding how people would use them, and how they would impact culture and communication.

Despite his medical struggles, including a pancreatic tumor surgery and a liver transplant, Jobs’ commitment to his vision remained unwavering until the end. On August 24, 2011, just six weeks before his passing, he stepped down as CEO of Apple, leaving behind a company that embodied his passion for innovation.

Steve Jobs’ journey on Earth was one that left a monumental landmark. His life’s work was not only about creating products; it was about reshaping entire industries and redefining how we engage with the world. As his biographer Walter Isaacson noted, “Jobs was the greatest business executive of our era, the one most certain to be remembered a century from now.” His legacy lives on through the millions of lives touched by his innovations, his bold leadership, and his uncompromising vision of the future.

In the annals of history, Jobs stands alongside great innovators like Thomas Edison and Henry Ford, a true testament to his transformative influence on technology and culture. His earthly journey, though cut short, continues to inspire generations.

Steve Jobs’ journey on this earth is one that future generations should not only admire but also strive to emulate. His life was characterized by a relentless pursuit of excellence, a fearless willingness to take risks, and an unwavering belief in the power of innovation to transform the world. Jobs’ approach to life serves as a blueprint for aspiring entrepreneurs and visionaries. Despite lacking formal technical education and facing numerous professional setbacks, he possessed an uncanny ability to see opportunities where others saw obstacles. His resilience in the face of adversity, from being ousted from Apple in 1985 to fighting health challenges later in life, stands as a testament to his strength of character. His story encourages individuals to persist through failure and keep their focus on a higher purpose.

Moreover, Jobs’ journey highlights the importance of following one’s passion with dedication and discipline. He was not just a businessman or a technologist; he was an artist who approached technology with a deep appreciation for design and user experience. His ability to merge functionality with aesthetics revolutionized the tech world, turning Apple products into cultural icons. This dedication to creating products that people love, not just use, is a lesson that transcends industries and professions. Jobs taught us that true success lies in the impact we make on others’ lives, and that achieving this requires a combination of passion, vision, and the courage to challenge the status quo. His earthly journey, though finite, offers a lasting guide for anyone looking to leave a meaningful mark on the world.