Moniepoint Inc has announced a strategic partnership with Afrigopay Financial Services Limited (AFSL), a subsidiary of the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System (NIBSS), to distribute five million AfriGO cards to Nigerians.

The partnership, which aims to further enhance the government’s digital payment agenda, is also set to accelerate the adoption of AfriGO Card, Nigeria’s National Domestic Card Scheme, nationwide.

According to a statement from the two organizations, the collaboration will also leverage Moniepoint’s reach and infrastructure to tap-and-pay solution, which allows users to make payments by tapping or hovering their contactless card or Near Field Communication (NFC) enabled device over a payment terminal or directly on compatible mobile phone devices.

Transforming financial services delivery 

Speaking on the collaboration, the Managing Director and CEO of Afrigopay Mrs. Ebehijie Momoh, said the partnership is set to transform financial service delivery, particularly in underserved areas, by leveraging AfriGO’s innovative payment solutions.

• She added that with AfriGO Cards, merchants and agents will experience seamless transaction finalization and instant settlement, leading to improved efficiency, better cash flow management, and reduced risk.
• According to her, by reducing the country’s dependency on foreign exchange (FX) for payment transactions and ensuring data sovereignty, AfriGO Card strengthens and empowers local businesses, creating new opportunities within the growing card business ecosystem in Nigeria.
• Also commenting on the partnership, the CEO of Moniepoint Inc., Tosin Eniolorunda, said the partnership would further drive financial inclusion across the country.

“The benefits of contactless payments are far reaching and will be great for our ecosystem.  

“There are mutual synergies in unlocking potentials by creating a better life through our services for all Nigerians and we can reshape the digital economy so everyone — individuals, financial institutions, governments and businesses — can realize their ambitions,” he said.

What you should know 

The AfriGO card initiative was launched in January 2023 by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the NIBSS to boost financial inclusion in the country and reduce dependence on foreign cards.

• The immediate past Governor of the CBN, Godwin Emefiele, who presided over the launch said the card was designed to cater to local peculiarities that the existing card products have failed to cater to.
• According to him, with the AfriGo card, Nigeria joined countries like China, Russia, Turkey, and India which have their local cards. He noted that the operation of the local cards will not prevent the use of the existing international cards but will provide more options for Nigerians.
• Meanwhile, Afrigopay Financial Services Limited is also partnering with the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) to deliver the country’s general multipurpose card, which infuses payment into national identity.

[Nairametrics]

Speaking with Saturday Punch on the condition of anonymity, the aspirant noted that Tinubu’s influence in the ongoing power tussle was unmistakable.

“Tinubu’s handwriting on the Lagos Assembly crisis is clear on the wall,” he said.

The politician compared the President’s role in the Lagos crisis to his swift intervention in Rivers State, where he stepped in to mediate between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Nyesom Wike.

He said, “Mr President intervened in the crisis between Nyesom Wike and Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, but he wants us to believe that he closed his eyes to what is happening in the Lagos State House of Assembly.

“We know Obasa has the President’s backing, and that is why he is acting the way he is.”

The aspirant further challenged Tinubu to publicly clarify his position on the Lagos Assembly crisis, rather than allowing speculation to fester.

“If Mr President wants us to believe he is neutral in this crisis, he should come out openly and give a direction on the matter,” he added.

[NaijaNews]

In Nigeria’s ever-turbulent political landscape, few figures have been as popular as Senator Godswill Akpabio. A seasoned politician, former governor, and now Senate President, Akpabio’s name unarguably rings a bell. His tenure has been characterized by strides of infrastructural developments, good governance, but unfortunately, his enviable reputation has in the last few years been under the threat of allegations that bother on sexual harassment. The latest scandal involving Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is yet another chapter in his long history of contentious encounters with powerful women in politics. This raises a critical question: “Is Akpabio a victim of fate?

To appreciate the gravity of the latest accusations against Akpabio, one must revisit a similar scandal that played out in 2020. Then, it was Joy Nunieh, the former acting managing director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), who accused Akpabio of sexual harassment, intimidation, and corruption. Nunieh’s revelations, though explosive, were met with fierce denials from Akpabio, who swiftly threatened legal action.

Fast forward to 2025, and similar allegations have resurfaced, this time from Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. In an interview on Arise Television, she recounted instances where Akpabio allegedly made advances toward her, attempted to manipulate Senate proceedings against her, and ultimately humiliated her in the upper chamber. Akpoti-Uduaghan has gone as far as to file a lawsuit, seeking damages for defamation and legal costs.

One cannot ignore the striking similarities between the accusations leveled by Nunieh and Akpoti-Uduaghan. Both women have held significant political positions and have accused Akpabio of using his influence to suppress them when they refused to comply with his alleged demands. Is it possible that two women in high political offices, years apart, are fabricating the same kind of story against the same man? Or does this indicate a recurring behavioral pattern from Akpabio?

Defenders of Akpabio may argue that these accusations are politically motivated, aimed at tarnishing his reputation. After all, Nigerian politics is a battlefield where allegations, true or false, are often wielded as weapons. However, such a defense falls apart when one considers that both Nunieh and Akpoti-Uduaghan have presented specific instances and circumstances where they claim Akpabio crossed the line. In Akpoti-Uduaghan’s case, she has even challenged the Department of State Services (DSS) to retrieve WhatsApp conversations as evidence.

Given the level of power dynamic at play, and expected flurry of defenses, in favor of or against either of the contending personalities, it is not a misnomer to opine that sexual harassment in the corridors of power is not a new phenomenon, and it is not exclusive to Nigeria. Across the world, powerful men have faced allegations from women who found themselves in vulnerable positions. The common thread in such cases is the power dynamic: a man in a position of authority attempts to exploit a woman’s ambition, need, or access to career advancement.

For instance, Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegations suggest that Akpabio used his position as Senate President to frustrate her legislative motions, particularly concerning the Ajaokuta Steel Company, simply because she did not yield to his advances. If true, this paints a grim picture of the extent to which women in Nigerian politics must struggle against both systemic barriers and individual predators.

There is no denying the fact Akpabio has earned a reputation that precedes him. The foregoing view can be buttressed by opining that beyond allegations of sexual harassment that his reputation in Nigerian politics has long been a subject of scrutiny. In fact, his tenure as governor of Akwa Ibom State was riddled with accusations of corruption and mismanagement. His role in the NDDC scandal, which saw the agency become a cesspool of financial misappropriation, further solidified public perception of him as a politician who thrives on impunity.

Even within the Senate, Akpabio’s leadership style has been described as authoritarian, with critics accusing him of treating the chamber as his personal fiefdom. His reaction to Akpoti-Uduaghan’s seating dispute, ordering her to be physically removed, only reinforces this perception. Rather than address the issue diplomatically, he resorted to public humiliation, further fueling speculation that his actions were driven by personal vendetta rather than procedural concerns.

The allegations against Akpabio highlight a broader problem in Nigeria’s political sphere: the persistent victimization of women in leadership. Female politicians often face additional hurdles beyond the usual political rivalry; they must contend with sexism, misogyny, and, in some cases, outright predatory behavior from their male counterparts.

The cases of Joy Nunieh and Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan should serve as a wake-up call. If influential women in government can be subjected to such treatment, what hope is there for the average Nigerian woman seeking to enter politics? The fear of retribution, character assassination, or career sabotage keeps many talented women from pursuing leadership roles.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to ask at this juncture, “Is Akpabio a Victim of Fate?” To frame Akpabio as a victim of fate would be to absolve him of accountability. Fate did not force him into the situations that have led to these allegations; his actions did. While he remains innocent until proven guilty in a court of law, the weight of accusations against him cannot be ignored. The sheer consistency of the claims, coupled with his history of political strong-arming, makes it difficult to believe that he is simply an unfortunate target of political machinations.

However, if he truly believes he is being unfairly accused, the onus is on him to provide irrefutable evidence that these allegations are false. In a democratic society, public figures must be held to high ethical standards, and transparency is the best defense against false accusations.

Akpabio’s political career has been long and eventful, but it is now at a crossroads. The latest allegations against him present not just a legal battle but a moral reckoning. If he is innocent, he must prove it beyond doubt. If guilty, he must face the consequences of his actions.

Regardless of the outcome, one thing is clear: Nigerian women in politics deserve a safe and respectful environment where they can serve without fear of harassment or intimidation. It is time for the Nigerian Senate and the entire political system to confront this issue head-on and ensure that power is not used as a tool for personal gratification at the expense of justice and dignity.

It is not surprising that the revelations and admissions by former military president, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB)., in his recently released autobiography, A Journey In Service, has elicited a lot of reactions from virtually every section of Nigeria and her citizenry. The thrust of most of the reactions is that he made his revelations very belatedly, after the nation had gone, full cycle, through the agony of some of his actions while in office, key of which is the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election. In my opinion, however, it is wrong to accuse IBB of coming with his revelations belatedly simply because of June 12. IBB in his book raised other critical issues that transcend June 12.  As far as I am concerned, he came up with them at the most appropriate time since it gives us a larger ambience to interrogate other acts of perfidy that were committed against Nigerians and their country before and after June 12.

Minus the fact that many Nigerians miss the amiable and very large-hearted Moshood Abiola – who perhaps would have still been alive today but for that annulment   – I believe that the nation has since put June 12 behind it; especially after the regime of President Muhammadu Buhari wisely decided to recognize him as a former president. We should count ourselves lucky that God kept General Babangida alive up till now. IBB would have had nothing to lose if he had preferred to keep mute till the Almighty Allah takes him away. In other words, Nigeria as a country is the beneficiary since, as I have already pointed out, the book has armed us with materials for a more transcendental interrogation of our collective existence.

So, much as the reawakening of the emotions over June 12 by IBB’s book is quite understandable, I think that what matters now is to immediately follow up with the revelations of the retired General. We have to immediately embark on a journey towards a true and final reconciliation; to which we have paid lip service  over the years. There was an attempt at that through the Oputa Panel but the opportunity was bungled. In the light of what we now know, thanks to Babangida’s book, we should avail ourselves another opportunity and with all alacrity this time around.

In making this submission, I am encouraged by the fact that the fellow currently at the helm of affairs, President Bola Tinubu, has demonstrated a tremendous flair for getting at the root of issues. Therefore, apart from the imperatives of his bold and courageous economic reforms, I think that providence is also saddling him with the responsibility of building a new nation.

 Let’s take the civil war, especially the circumstances that led to it. Take specifically the January 15, 1966 military coup and the counter coup of July 29, 1966. Even though a lot has been written before now about the two military coup de’tats that led to the war, I am of the opinion that IBB’s narration is the one we have been waiting for. Take the matter of whether or not the January 15, 1966 coup was an “Igbo coup”. I am of the strong belief that as far as majority of Nigerians are concerned, Babangida’s book has finally laid it to rest. Contrary to what have been bandied for nearly the past six decades, Babangida’s book has shown that it was not an “Igbo coup”, pure and simple. 

This was how IBB put it: “… as a young officer who saw all this from a distance, probably, ethnic sentiments did not drive the original objective of the coup plotters. For instance, the head of the plotters, Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, was only ‘Igbo’ in name. Born and raised in Kaduna, his immigrant parents were from Okpanam in today’s Delta state, which in 1966, was in the mid-west. Nzeogwu spoke fluent Hausa and was as ‘Hausa’ as any! He and his original team probably thought, even if naive, that they could turn things around for the better in the country … It should, however be borne in mind that some senior officers of Igbo extraction were also victims of the January coup. For instance, my erstwhile commander at the Reconnaissance Squadron in Kaduna, Lt-Col. Arthur Chinyelu Unegbe, was brutally gunned down by his own ‘brother’, Major Chris Anuforo in the presence of his pregnant wife … it should also be remembered that some non-Igbo officers like Major Adewale Ademoyega, Captain Ganiyu Adeleke, Lts Fola Oyewole and Olafimihan, took part in the failed coup. Another officer of Igbo extraction, Major John Obienu, crushed the coup”.

Babangida further pointed out that “those who argue that the original intention of the coup plotters was anything but ethnic refer to the fact that the initial purpose of the plotters was to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo from prison immediately after the coup and make him the executive provisional president of Nigeria. The fact that these ‘Igbo’ officers would do this to a man not known to be a great ‘lover’ of the Igbos may have given the coup a different ethnic coloration…”

I am relieved by Babangida’s disclosures. They have removed a load on my head with the realization that we can now bring a closure to one particular issue that has militated against our efforts at building a united nation since after the civil war.  Let’s not make any further mistake about it, the wrongful dubbing of the January 15, 1966 coup as an “Igbo coup” is at the very heart of our problem as a nation. That falsehood was what led to the second coup of July 29, 1966 and the subsequent pogrom which Babangida in his book described thus: “…the most horrific killing of the Igbos occurred in different parts of northern Nigeria on September 29, 1966… the killings were frightening” (page 63). If northern elements – both civilian and military – took a revenge on Igbo civilians, whose brothers in the army allegedly staged a coup that led to the death of several of their political and military leaders, the anger was total among the Igbo back home.

Stories of the pogrom were quite disheartening. I have a personal one. A man, who was popularly known as Bekee in my home town, Okohia, had his pregnant wife killed in his presence; her stomach ripped open and the unborn baby brought out from the womb and smashed. Although Bekee managed to escape and return home, he could not survive the trauma of that experience. The story angered the youths in my area as a result of which several of them – including my very self –  rushed to get enlisted into what was then known as the Boys Company, a branch of the Biafran army. Over 70 per cent got perished in the war.

Since after the war, caused basically by the falsity of an ‘Igbo coup”, the Igbo have been at the receiving end; and which is why there is a subsisting agitation for a separate country. What Babangida has done is calling on the leadership of the country for a final closure to what seems to be an animosity in perpetuity. If we must mobilize the entire citizenry for nation building, there must be reconciliation. So, rather than doubt his sincerity, Nigerians should see in what IBB has done through his book as a grand opportunity to pursue a new dawn. But for that to happen, some of the major dramatis personnea in that saga should take a cue from there and similarly tell the nation all that they know about that dark era of our history. Take General Yakubu Gowon, for example, who, more than any other living Nigerian, was most central in the events that ensued after the ‘Igbo Coup’.

Essentially, I would like that General Gowon address Nigerians on the Aburi Accord; why it failed and which some narrators, including Babangida, cite as the final straw that broke the Carmel’s back; that is, the thing that finally led to the thirty-months long civil war. A well-known angle to the story has it that Lt-Col Yakubu Gowon – as he was then known – as head of state of Nigeria reneged on the agreements in the Aburi Accord upon the advice of Northern political leaders who told him that the Accord – which was that Nigeria should go for a structure of a loose federation – was not in the interest of the North.  Let’s take a look at the insights provided   by Babangida in his book:

“The emergence of Lt-Col Gowon as the new Commander-in-Chief of the Nigeria Armed Forces marked the beginning of the tension between Gowon and Lt-Col Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu. … Ojukwu rejected Gowon’s emergence as Head of State, insisting that in the absence of Aguiyi-Ironsi, the most senior Nigerian Army officer in the person of Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, should be Head of State and Commander-in-Chief”.  But that was not to be; and tension rose. According to IBB, it was under these circumstances that Lt-General Joseph Arthur Ankrah, then Ghana’s head of state, “stepped in by suggesting a neutral and safe venue for an actual Reconciliation conference between Ojukwu and the federal government”. Babangida further wrote that that intervention by General Ankrah led to the famous Peace Conference in …Aburi between January 4 and 5 1967 and which resulted in the “famous Aburi Accord”. But that was where the story ended.

Hear IBB: “in the absence of fully published records from the federal government regarding what transpired at the Aburi meetings, the details of what happened HAVE (emphasis mine) remained speculative. While the published accounts of the eastern Nigeria delegation insisted that an agreement for a loose Nigerian federation was agreed to, the federal government claimed that the agreement reached was understood and seen within the framework of a united Nigerian state… These differences in interpretations were the final trigger for the outbreak of the Nigerian Civil war”.

Since Ojukwu is no more, it is to Gowon, who was present at the public presentation of Babangida’s book – and even made a speech – that Nigerians should now turn to with the question: “What happened?” Why was the Aburi Accord not implemented; or why did the federal government which he led choose to wallow in ambiguity over the contents of the Accord as clearly stated by IBB? Why was Brigadier Ogundipe, who was the most senior army officer then, not allowed to take over as head of state and commander-in-chief? Fast forward to 1976, after the assassination of the then head of state, General Murtala Mohammed and how almost effortlessly the military hierarchy settled for the then Lt. Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, who was Mohammed’s second-in-command, to take over as head of state and commander-in-chief.

Babangida recalls: “We knew it would be either General Obasanjo or General Danjuma since as Lt. Generals, they were the most senior… the pendulum swung in favour of General Danjuma at the start of the deliberations. Everyone present, including Obasanjo, thought Danjuma should take over. But somehow, Danjuma cast his lot for Obasanjo, insisting that as Mohammed’s deputy and a ‘senior’ Lieutenant-General, Obasanjo should succeed Murtala Mohammed. Obasanjo refused and offered… to retire from the army to enable Danjuma to emerge as head of state. There appeared to be a momentary stalemate. But that soon faded away. Faced with the insistence of Danjuma, everyone caved in and Obasanjo accepted the challenge to succeed Murtala”.  Going by the above, was Ojukwu, not vindicated on his stance on Ogundipe in 1966?

The next among the resource fellows in our proposed final reconciliation conference would be former civilian president, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. I believe that many Nigerians are aware that in a book released earlier, BOLD LEAP, an autobiography of Senator Chris Anyanwu, she made a revelation which has remained a subject of discussion throughout the country in the past two months or so. Senator Anyanwu had in her book claimed that she got approval from President Jonathan to call in the military to intervene in the 2011 governorship election in Imo state.

On page 470 of her book, Anyanwu narrated how, at a meeting with Dr. Jonathan in his house in his home town, Otueke, in Bayelsa state, the then president, said “Ok” to her proposal to mobilize the military to Imo state in order to stop me from rigging the governorship election. And as is well known, the military invaded the state in a Gestapo style and unleashed terror on the electorate. The question Nigerians have been asking since after that revelation is, assuming that it was true that I wanted to rig the election, was drafting the military into an electoral process the best way to stop me? Up till this moment, Dr. Jonathan and his handlers are yet to respond to that claim by Senator Anyanwu, a claim that clearly defamed him and poured red ink on his democratic credentials. Like Gowon, Jonathan was present at the launching of IBB’s book. So, to him (Jonathan) also should be directed the question: “What happened”?

However, he, Jonathan, does not have the liberty of waiting, like IBB, for thirty two years; for the simple reason that Nigerians are eager to come to a closure to the practices and individual idiosyncrasies that constitute stumbling blocks in our match to an enduring democracy. Even so, Babangida’s ‘crime’ is perhaps more pardonable since it was committed in the context of a military regime with June 12 epitomizing the determination of Nigerians to end it once and for all. On the other hand, the perfidy that occurred in Imo in 2011 came eighteen good years after Nigerians had decisively won the battle to install an enduring democracy.

Overall, Babangida’s book may have evoked angry sentiments of an era that Nigerians would have wished never had been their lot but we now have an opportunity to go the whole log. As suggested by President Olusegun Obasanjo in his speech at the book launch, IBB should not be deterred by the knocks he is receiving for making this patriotic move in the twilight of his life. My friend and brother, Femi Fani-Kayode, who was barely six years old in 1966, could not possibly fault Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, who was twenty four years old and already a commissioned officer in the Nigerian army by the time of the incidents under review. What FFK read as history, IBB witnessed as an event. So, Femi, my brother from another mother, don’t go there.

•                Ohakim is a former Governor of Imo State

In 2010, the World Bank praised the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) and described it as a model in sub-Saharan Africa. It acknowledged the Corps’ post-crash response facility among other novelties since its birth in 1988. The United Nations (UN) equally acknowledged the FRSC’s Lead Agency role as well as its creative interventions to tackle avoidable road traffic crashes.

When the Corps celebrated its 25th anniversary under the leadership of Osita Chidoka, the glasses clinked, the drums rolled, celebrating the lead traffic management agency in Nigeria. Leading the toast was the man who midwifed the Corps, former Military President, Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida.

He was strongly supported by the then Commander-in-Chief (C-in-C), President Goodluck Jonathan, with Professor Wole Soyinka, pioneer chairman of the FRSC governing council, beating the African bata drum in praise of the feat of the Corps

From across the globe, renowned specialists in traffic management were there to celebrate an agency that the World Bank says is a model for Africa. Some felt and still feel that the Corps can do better in addressing avoidable and irresponsible driving in our country. Both the World Bank and United Nations identified such a lacuna equally.

For the past 37 years of its existence, I have been, not just a keen observer of the tides and waves of this giant organisation, but also an insider, a paid worker, or what is generally known as a Regular Marshal, although now retired. I have been privy to the intricacies, challenges, constraints, hiccups and triumphs of staying relevant in a constantly changing environment.

When we clocked 32 years under the leadership of Boboye Oyeyemi in 2020, it was funfare galore. However, when we clocked 36 years in 2024 under the leadership of Dauda Biu, the red carpets were not rolled while glasses did not click. Neither did the drum beat. There was no toast, only sober and low key events in honour of the FRSC numerous strides despite hiccups.

I recall with nostalgia, the event celebrating the Corps 25th anniversary where, speaker after speaker, described the Corps as a pride. Jonathan as well as Babangida, and other dignitaries eulogised the Corps for helping to shape the face of Nigerian roads from what it was in 1988 when the annual statistics on road traffic crashes was 25,792

According to the Corps Marshal, Shehu Mohammed, that data has significantly been reduced over the years. During a media parley to mark 37 years of service, he expressed his elation on the Corps’ stride and recounted the significant expansion from 16 sector commands to 37.

He also recalled the expansion from five Zonal Commands to 12, the movement from its 1st national headquarters in Ibadan to Gbagada in Lagos and the final movement to Abuja in 1992. At 37, we have not just expanded but today, boast of 1,102 operational vehicles.

They comprise 157 administrative vehicles, 754 patrol vehicles, 143 ambulances, and 48 tow trucks, as well as 59 Emergency Ambulance (Zebra) Points. There are also Road Side Clinics (RTC) and National Traffic Radio 107.1 FM .Just recently, the FRSC Mobile Application for real-time reporting and update on traffic situations was recently birthed by the current Corps Marshal. Our social media handles and the 122 toll free number are vital instruments in driving robust engagement with the public.

According to the FRSC helmsman, this growth is a testament to the Corps commitment to its mission. Under his watch, he reeled out the establishment of electronic documents which has improved operational and administrative efficiency, the FRSC sponsored bill on the need for FRSC Armed Squad as well as other innovations to drive down deaths and injuries. Yet, he acknowledged that there is still work to be done.

As we reflect on 37 years of policing our roads, I am elated to have been part of a crop of Nigerians described by Punch Newspaper in one of its editorials as “an assemblage of the best road safety experts in sub-Saharan Africa.” As I reflect on my years in the Corps since porting from the defunct Concord Press Limited over 28 years ago to join the services of the Corps, and God’s divine mercy upon us in striving to meet this mandate, I also reflect on an editorial by ThisDay celebrating the Corps when we clocked 25 years which like the Punch editorial, aptly captures our place in history.

At 25, the FRSC has made more than passing impact on Nigerian road users. The commission’s campaigns have helped in reducing the carnage on our roads and have made travelling by road, especially during festive periods such as Sallah and Christmas, less of a nightmare. So, all factors considered, the investment has been worth it and the creation of the FRSC by the General Ibrahim Babangida regime can now easily be justified.

The FRSC institutional vision aimed at eradicating road traffic crashes and creating a safe motoring environment received great fillip under a former Corps Marshal, Mr Osita Chidoka. He has gone beyond routine administration to focus on the international profile of the agency, institutional capacity-building and operational effectiveness.

 [Leadership]

What started like an internal crisis on January 13, 2025, when 36 lawmakers impeached Rt. Hon. Mudashiru Obasa as Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly has now degenerated into a major political crisis unsettling the home base of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Even though he is yet to formally declare his interest in the race, sources say that the development in Lagos could pose some threats to the 2027 second term bid of President Tinubu, who needs all the home support he can get to actualise his ppresidential dream.

It would be recalled that Tinubu did not win Lagos State in the 2023 presidential election, but the dynamics of voting might change significantly in 2027, according to political pundits.

About two years ahead of the 2027 election, alignment and realignment of forces have started even as old foes and friends are reuniting, positioning strategically for the poll.

Politicians across all divides also have their eyes on the race, forming strategic alliances to make their dreams come true.

The are some indications that the northern part of Nigeria,  where President Tinubu made great inroad in 2023, is unhappy with the current administration at the Centre over a number of factors. 

This hint was voiced out by some notable personalities in the region, including former governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir El-Rufai.

In an interview with ThisDay, a former National Secretary of the defunct Action Congress (AC), Dr Usman Bugaje, described the current All Progressives Congress (APC)-led government as a disaster.

“If you cannot perform, you leave. What is the performance of the budget of 2024 for this particular president? My figure is that the budget performance was only 22 per cent. Do you think these kind of people should be allowed to continue? Now, forget that he’s from the south or the north or from anywhere. For me, wherever he comes from, if he cannot perform, he should leave; simple!” Bugaje made these remarks when referred to El-Rufai’s statement that Tinubu might get the former President Goodluck Jonathan’s treatment in the next round of election.

And it is from this perspective that the crisis in the Lagos State House of Assembly may further worsen Tinubu’s stand in the 2027 presidential race as analysts say this could unsettle the machinery which he had deployed for over two decades to help in winning various elections in Lagos State. 

This is despite the vote of confidence recently passed on him by the APC National Executive Committee (NEC) citing his performance in the last two years. But analysts say he needs more than the confidence vote to prosecute his 2027 agenda.

The crisis in the Lagos House of Assembly has also been linked to the jockeying for the 2027 election in the state with several politicians who are members of Tinubu’s political dynasty eyeing the coveted governorship seat with the hope of succeeding Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

The impeachment of Obasa on January 13th was considered a move to “clip” the wing of the Speaker who was perceived to be wielding enormous influence in the state’s political firmament, which might work for him in securing the APC’s ticket for the Government House in Alausa.

Obasa was away on vacation in the United States when the lawmakers impeached him and immediately elected his Deputy, Mojisola Meranda as the Speaker.  

Some of the allegations aagainst Obasa were gross misconduct and poor leadership, highhandedness and lack of regard for members, intimidation and suppression of members, including inciting members against one another, misappropriation of funds and lack of transparency, gross abuse of office and privilege; the allegations which he has debunked.

When many people thought his impeachment was a foregone conclusion, Obasa arrived in the country on January 24, 2025, to describe his removal as null and void, saying it did not follow due process.

Amidst the disquiet and anxiety surrounding the impeachment and the leadership turmoil in the House of Assembly, President Tinubu was said to have expressed displeasure over Obasa’s impeachment. Unconfirmed reports said the president even directed that Obasa be reinstated. 

Many keen observers fear that if this impasse lingers, the monolithic force that has always been a force behind the president within the ranks of his associates could be shattered completely. And given that he was unable to win Lagos State in the 2023 presidential election, this development may end up worsening his performance in the 2027 presidential poll.

Added to the fears is the indication of an expected big battle over the 2027 governorship bid in the state even within the APC, with the president’s son, Seyi said to be eyeing the No. 1 Seat.

According to some observers, the president’s inability to keep his home base intact ahead of the 2027 elections may give a wrong signal to his other associates within and outside the South West geopolitical zone.

GAC’s role in crisis

Tinubu was said to have been in the dark over the development and drafted the “GAC” to intervene. The Governance Advisory Council (GAC), the highest decision making organ of the APC in Lagos State, is revered by all party members. The members comprising former governors, serving and former 

senators, former deputy governors and other APC leaders, across the 20 local governments and 37 local council development areas in the state, decide who gets what at every election.

Political observers cannot forget in a hurry how the GAC decided the fate of former Governor Akinwunmi Ambode and he lost his second term bid in 2019.

The GAC was, however, drafted to intercede in the ongoing impasse in the Lagos Assembly. Part of the group’s tasks, according to feelers, was to see to the reinstatement of Obasa.

But the 36 lawmakers backing Meranda rejected the decision, in what analysts describe as a direct challenge on the authority of the president who is invariably the leader of the party in the state.

Weekend Trust gathered that for the first time, the GAC  failed to resolve a major political crisis because members of the council have taken sides in the matter, and are therefore divided. The GAC has been turned along pro and anti-Obasa lines, it was gathered.

Two GAC members, Chief Muraina Taiwo and Senator Anthony Adefuye had sided with Obasa. They openly spoke against the process of his removal. Inside sources also said several others were backing him.

One of the GAC members who spoke with our correspondent, on the condition of anonymity, however, backed Meranda, reflecting the deep-seated division among leaders of the party.

The GAC member who was asked to comment on the crisis said: “Obasa is just one out of the 40-member House and if your colleagues say they don’t want you, why are you creating problems for us. To me, I think Obasa should just allow peace to reign and stop causing crisis.”

Bisi Akande drafted to resolve crisis

Weekend Trust learnt that when the GAC appear to have failed to resolve the crisis, former national chairman of the APC, Chief Bisi Akande and former Ogun State governor, Chief Segun Osoba, both confidants of Tinubu, were drafted to resolve the crisis. They were joined by other leaders, including Rep. James Faleke (Ikeja Federal Constituency), former Commissioner for Justice, Dr. Muiz Banire, among others.

Several meetings held last weekend pointed to the direction of Obasa resuming with the condition that he would resign afterwards to give him a “soft landing.” This, it was gathered from sources, was why his security details were restored by the police to pave way for his return to the House.

Weekend Trust  learnt further that the restoration of Obasa’s details early this week was a pointer to the gentlemen’s agreement which enabled him (Obasa) to storm the House of Assembly on Thursday with his supporters and loyalists. But the Akande-led committee was said to be unable to get the buy-in of other lawmakers to do the president’s rumoured bidding.

Is Tinubu behind Obasa?

Analysts believe the decision of Obasa to storm the assembly in a triumphant move on Thursday was a reflection of the support and green light he got from the top, however, “unpopular” the action might be.

Many lawmakers loyal to Meranda were within the premises of the House when Obasa arrived.

They watched in awe as the drama unfolded, but rejected his return and insisted Meranda remains their Speaker. They said they had decided to move on and there was no going back.

Sources said the decision by the lawmakers not to accept Obasa back was considered an affront to the president, who is widely reported to be in favour of Obasa’s return. “The president wanted a soft landing for Obasa and he doesn’t want him to be rubbished like nobody,” a source said.

The source said in backing Obasa, the president and those in alignment with him consider his popularity as a grassroots politician. In Agege, where he hails from, he is like a tin-god. The Arewa Community adores him and he remains one of the strongest APC leaders in the state, whose popularity the party cannot dispense with.

A chieftain of the party who spoke with our correspondent yesterday said: “The lawmakers insisting Obasa cannot return are actually daring the president. They cannot do such if the president were to be in the state.

“The president is now the father of the nation and that is why he has not spoken openly on the matter. But can these lawmakers confront him if he is in the state? The president said he doesn’t want something and you are saying otherwise. They are actually stepping beyond their boundaries. No doubt the House has its extant rules and regulations guiding its conducts, but the party is supreme and the leadership of the party cannot be challenged for anything”, he said.

Political scientist, Gbade Ojo, said the coup against Obasa was very “ridiculous,” saying he was impeached when he was not available to defend himself.

However, he stated that Obasa’s removal as Speaker might not affect the president’s second term ambition, adding: “The fact that the president is supporting him is still a rumour. The president needs everybody and the election has nothing to do with Obasa”.

Sanwo-Olu’s connection

In all of these, the state governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who is the number one political office holder in the state, has been mum as the crisis rages. But he has been fingered as the brain behind the removal of Obasa who, sources claim, has been “disrespectful” to the governor. There were speculations that the governor “mobilised” the lawmakers to carry out the impeachment and the new leadership of the house under Meranda has been paying obeisance to him.

While he has kept mute over the development, it was learnt that his position over the crisis has pitched him against the president to the extent that he has been denied “access” to Tinubu.

Public Affairs commentator, Jide Ojo, believes Obasa’s removal was masterminded by the governor in cahoots with some members of the GAC.

“There is no smoke without fire, and obviously GAC in cahoots with the governor masterminded the removal of Obasa”, he said.

Meranda’s family background, support from colleagues threaten Obasa’s return

The crisis has thrown up the indigene-settlers’ crisis given the background of Meranda as a Princess of Iru land and a sister to the present traditional ruler of Oniru, a first class monarch in the state.

Following the withdrawal of Meranda’s security details, there were reports that those of the Oniru, Oba Abdulwasiu Omogbolahan Lawal, were also withdrawn, allegedly in connection with the Lagos Assembly crisis.

The monarch openly celebrated the election of his sister as the first female Speaker of the House of Assembly.

Following Meranda’s election, Oba Lawal wrote on his social media page thus: “I’ve just received the heart-warming news that my sister, Hon. Mojisola Meranda has been sworn-in as the first female speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly.

“I am thrilled & excited that providence has provided her a bigger platform to serve the good people of Lagos State. I pray to Almighty Allah, to give her wisdom, strength and courage to discharge her duties without fear or favour”, he wrote.

Already, the crisis has fuelled an indigene-settler debate with some people claiming that Obasa is originally from Ogun State while the indigenes are siding Meranda, asking her not to resign despite the pressure.

Findings by our correspondent revealed that Meranda’s background has been a pillar for her in the current battle of the speaker position.

“She is not just a princess, she is an indigene of Lagos and she is a woman. Unlike when the governor would be a man and deputy, a woman, today, we have men as governor and deputy governor and the women are happy that her emergence has given the women their place in the top echelon of leadership in the state,” Jide Ojo, an associate professor added.

He, however, advised that the president needs to do a serious fence-mending in order not to truncate his 2027 ambition. He stated that the lawmakers who are against returning Obasa were concerned about their fate in 2027 as well, which explains why the house spokesperson was beckoning on their leaders to meet them directly.

“If they have a promise of a return ticket, they don’t mind throwing Meranda under the bus. They are doing this because they want assurances from their leaders,” he added.

Meranda talks tough

Speaking yesterday, Meranda, described as a show of shame, the plenary conducted on Thursday by the ousted speaker, Obasa, with four members in attendance.

Yesterday, the Lagos High Court sitting in Ikeja, ordered that all members of the Lagos House of Assembly be joined as parties in the suit filed by the ousted speaker.

Justice Yetunde Pinheiro also adjourned till March 7, to hear all pending applications in the matter.

The 35 lawmakers backing Meranda as the speaker were at the court for the hearing of a matter brought by Obasa.

[DailyTrust]

The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) ‘climbed’ to power in Kano in 2023 with overwhelming grassroots support, riding on the influence of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and the Kwankwasiyya movement.
But less than two years into its administration, the party is showing signs of internal cracks.

Recent defections to the All Progressives Congress (APC), rising internal dissatisfaction, and governance challenges have cast doubt on NNPP’s ability to maintain its dominance in Kano.

On Monday, the Kano State chapter of the NNPP announced the suspension of a senator and three members of the House of Representatives.

The affected lawmakers include Senator Kawu Sumaila (Kano South), Aliyu Madaki (Dala Federal Constituency), Sani Rogo (Rogo Federal Constituency), and Kabiru Rurum (Rano, Kibiya, Bunkure Federal Constituency).

Hashimu Dungurawa, the party’s state chairman, in an interview with DAILY POST cited disloyalty and non-compliance with party directives as reasons for their suspension.

According to him, the lawmakers repeatedly ignored party activities, including major events organized by both Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and Kwankwaso.

“The governor has undertaken several projects in their respective constituencies, yet they never showed up. Kwankwaso organized events in both Kano and Abuja, but they were absent. During our recent nationwide committee meeting, all stakeholders attended except them, and they never offered any explanation,” Dungurawa stated in the interview.

The state chairman further alleged that Sumaila’s actions, including the invitation of key APC figures to his daughter’s wedding and the commissioning of his university projects, demonstrated his lack of commitment to the NNPP.

“The people who fought against him in 2009 and 2023 were present at his events, while those who helped him secure his political position were sidelined. This is why we had to act,” he stated.

However, the suspended lawmakers have rejected the party’s action.

They tagged it an illegitimate decision driven by Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s faction.

In a joint statement on Monday, the lawmakers accused the NNPP leader of running the party like a personal empire.

“Hashimu Dungurawa, a political puppet of Kwankwaso, lacks any credibility to speak on NNPP matters. This so-called ‘suspension’ is nothing but a fraudulent political gimmick designed to deceive the public and distract them from the monumental failures of Kwankwaso’s faction,” the lawmakers declared.

They accused Kwankwaso of using the NNPP as a tool for personal vendettas.

“Politics should be about service, integrity, and development not a tool for dictatorship. Unfortunately, in Kano State, Kwankwaso has turned the NNPP into his personal empire, disregarding party unity and democratic principles.”

Also, on Tuesday, the party’s national leadership, through its National Publicity Secretary, Dr. Oginni Olaposi, also rejected the suspension, declaring it “null and void.”

According to Olaposi, the decision was orchestrated by the Kwankwasiyya movement, which no longer holds a formal relationship with the NNPP.

“The memorandum of understanding (MoU) between NNPP and the Kwankwasiyya Movement ended after the 2023 elections. The faction claiming to suspend these lawmakers lacks the authority to do so. We appeal to the people of Kano to disregard their pronouncements,” Olaposi stated.

He also referenced a court ruling that placed the NNPP under the leadership of its Board of Trustees Chairman, Dr. Boniface Aniebonam.

“Kwankwaso and his faction have no legal standing to act on behalf of the party. Their statements are misleading and could cause public unrest in Kano.”

In an interview with DAILY POST on Thursday, Comrade Khatimul Kulkul, Senior Special Reporter to the Kano State Governor from the Ministry of Local and Chieftaincy Affairs, defended the suspension of the lawmakers.

He stated that it was necessary to protect the party from internal crises.

“Internal crises are the most dangerous for a party,” Kulkul said.

“Someone may appear to be with you, but in reality, they are not. Such individuals could be leaking party secrets and agenda to outsiders.”

He explained that the NNPP had come to the realization that the suspended lawmakers and senator were not genuinely aligned with the party’s interests. “If we go into 2027 with them, they will create problems for us. This is why we decided to do away with them now to prepare for the next elections. If we had allowed them to stay, they would have shown their true colors closer to 2027.”

Kulkul also mentioned that despite the defections of prominent figures in the past, the Kwankwasiyya movement has remained strong.

“Aminu Dabo left us, but no matter how prominent Kawu Sumaila thinks he is, he is not at the level of Aminu Dabo, Adamu Yusuf Dangwadima. People who have been with Kwankwasiyya for years. Kawu Sumaila only recently joined and was never originally part of the movement. Many have left before, but that has never stopped us from succeeding.”

He remained confident about the party’s prospects in 2027.

“This will only make us more prepared, and we will put them to shame. The Kwankwasiyya movement will prevail in 2027, just as it has in past elections.

“If you look at the political tide from 2011 until now, there have been crises, deepened politics, inconclusive elections but Kwankwasiyya always prevails because we have a determined leader, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. And we will put them to shame again.”

Political analysts evaluates party’s ‘journey’ to 2027

An exclusive interview with political analyst, Abba Gwale has revealed growing internal crisis within the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano, raising concerns about its readiness for the 2027 general elections.

Speaking on the current state of the party, Gwale highlighted the deepening factional struggle between two opposing camps.

“We all know there’s a faction in the party, one led by Dungurawa, who has the backing of the Kano State government, and the other led by Zarewa. But you know, it’s politics; internal issues are bound to arise, especially as we approach the 2027 general elections,” Gwale said.

He noted that the Dungurawa-led faction recently suspended four federal lawmakers from the party.

According to him, this division could weaken the party’s prospects if left unresolved.

“The party is not in a good position heading into 2027 unless they sit down, amend their differences, and prepare for the politicking ahead,” he added.

Is NNPP still trusted in Kano?

Despite these internal challenges, Gwale believes NNPP still enjoys significant support in Kano, largely due to the influence of the Kwankwasiyya movement and the administration’s infrastructural efforts.

“People still trust the party in Kano because it’s new and hasn’t exhausted the patience people have for it. In terms of infrastructural and human development, the NNPP under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is trying,” he explained.

However, he acknowledged that the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) remains strong, benefiting from federal influence.

“The APC is still active and enjoys the backing of the federal government. Their leaders, including Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin and former governor Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, are doing everything to maintain relevance in the state,” Gwale stated.

Can APC reclaim Kano in 2027?

When asked about APC’s chances of reclaiming power in 2027, Gwale remained cautious, citing the unpredictability of Nigerian politics.

“We cannot predict the outcome directly, but many unfolding events will play a role. The trust in NNPP and Kwankwasiyya still exists. However, the country’s economic situation could affect APC’s chances in many states, not just Kano,” he explained.

Despite the challenges, Gwale said the APC is already strategizing.

“They still have time to woo voters, and they are doing that now. But unseating an incumbent government is not easy. You need public trust and other political factors to align in your favor,” he said.

Commenting on recent political shifts, Gwale pointed out a significant change on how the opposition is being treated in Kano.

“The state government now allows the opposition to operate freely, something they didn’t enjoy when they were in opposition,” he observed.

However, he warned that the defection of government officials to the opposition is a worrying sign for NNPP.

“When people in government, despite all the benefits of being in power, start leaving for the opposition, then something is not working as it should. We are seeing special advisers resigning and joining the opposition. this is alarming, and they need to address it before it’s too late,” he cautioned.

Auwal Sumaila, a resident in Hotoro revealed to this reporter that the suspension of Kawu Sumaila and other lawmakers will surely affect the NNPP.

“Most people are in the party because of Kawu. So, when he leaves, he is leaving with his people for sure. I will follow him to whatever party he leaves for,” he said.

Recall that the APC National Chairman, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, revealed that more key figures from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) will soon defect to the ruling party on Sunday during an empowerment program.

According to him, the APC’s policies and governance approach were attracting opposition members.

Also, at the empowerment program, Rep. Alhassan Ado Doguwa, Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Petroleum Resources (Upstream), pledged that the NNPP will be defeated in Kano before 1 p.m on election day in 2027.

[Daily Post]

Cristiano Ronaldo’s Al Nassr travel to Iran in the Asian Champions League next week with his side one of three from Saudi Arabia in the last 16 of the region’s top club competition.

Saudi teams dominated the tournament’s West zone league stage, with four-time Asian champions Al Hilal leading Al Ahli and Al Nassr in the top three in the final table.

Saudi Arabia has shaken up football by spending heavily on stars from Europe, starting with Ronaldo’s move in late 2022, and the desert nation will host the World Cup in 2034.

Al Hilal, the last side from Saudi Arabia to win the Champions League, in 2021, topped the league stage on goal difference from Al Ahli with both unbeaten in eight matches.

Al Nassr finished five points clear of fourth-placed Al Sadd of Qatar and Ronaldo’s side take on Iran’s Esteghlal over two legs, the first in Tehran on Monday. 

Former Real Madrid and Manchester United star Ronaldo scored six goals in the league stage and is still going strong at the age of 40.

A first Asian crown would add to a bulging trophy haul that already includes five UEFA Champions League titles.

The Portuguese has been joined at Al Nassr by Colombian striker Jhon Duran, although the big-money signing from Aston Villa was sent off during a Saudi league game last week.

The red card infuriated Ronaldo, who lashed out at the referee and booted the ball into the stands before continuing to remonstrate with the officials.

Coach Stefano Pioli will need his players to keep their heads against Esteghlal, who Al Nassr beat 1-0 in the league stage thanks to a late goal from former Manchester City defender Aymeric Laporte.

“We must try to improve every day as we have not yet reached the level where we can compare ourselves with the first level of world football,” Pioli said.

Al Hilal can no longer call on the services of Brazil’s Neymar but they will still start as heavy favourites in their last-16 tie against Uzbekistan’s Pakhtakor.

Al Ahli meanwhile saw their front three of England’s Ivan Toney, Brazil’s Roberto Firmino and Algeria’s Riyad Mahrez all enjoy goal-scoring form in the league stage.

German coach Matthias Jaissle will need them keep it going in the last 16 against Qatar’s Al Rayyan.

“We achieved a historic record in this edition without losing, and this is not easy,” he said. “We have the support of the fans and we look forward to winning this tournament.”

Japanese sides led the way in the East zone’s league phase, with last season’s runners-up Yokohama F-Marinos topping the table ahead of compatriots Kawasaki Frontale.

Yokohama, now coached by Gareth Southgate’s former England assistant Steve Holland, play China’s Shanghai Port in the last 16.

Kawasaki face Shanghai Shenhua while a third Japanese team, the domestic champions Vissel Kobe, take on South Korea’s Gwangju.

At least one non-Japanese team is guaranteed to advance in the East zone, with Malaysia’s Johor Darul Ta’zim meeting Thailand’s Buriram United.

Johor’s Argentine coach Hector Bidoglio has been impressed with his team’s performances so far.

“Before the start of the competition we set our target to qualify for the next stage,” he said after they booked their place with a 5-2 win over South Korea’s Pohang Steelers.

[TheNation]