Nobody had expected that Gen. Ibrahim Babagandida would be truthful in all the claims in his autobiography; or that there would not be twist of history in his narrations and recollections. After all, autobiographies in their very nature are typically replete with embellishments and overstatement of personal acts of heroism. In my preview of the book, titled a Journey in Service, published three weeks before its launch on February 20, I had forewarned that the book may not offer much more than we had known on the major issues of his eight-year rule. I noted that because most of those who were part of his government had passed away, ‘’IBB therefore has enough motivation to engage in revisionism and embellishment of his story’’. I wrote: ‘’Babangida has a lot to tell Nigerians and I hope that he would be honest and candid. Coming this late, will IBB’s book be worth the wait? Will he give honest answers to the many puzzles that dogged his administration or is this a mere attempt to burnish his image and rewrite history as he prepares for the final phase of his life? It’s been a generation since Gen. Babangida hurriedly put together a contraption called interim national government and left office after an eight-year deceptive dictatorship. His transition programme was a farce, illusory and wasteful’’.

I have just finished reading the book, and I must confess that I was not prepared for the scale of obfuscations and revisionisms embedded in it, and in no other section is this more obvious than the one on the Dele Giwa assassination. Babngida claims that Giwa was killed as ‘’part of a series of booby traps and acts of destabilization being hatched against (his) administration’’ and it was meant as a ‘’political blow to the young military administration’’. He says the insinuations that the parcel bomb had emanated from ‘’the headquarters of the administration as cheap and foolish’’, asking: ‘’why would an officially planned high-level assassination carry an apparent forwarding address of the killer?’’.

 In other words, IBB is arguing that, if indeed, the military or his government had dispatched the bomb, the parcel would not have borne the coat of arms and the words ‘’From the C-in-C’’. He blames Newswatch management for frustrating police investigation by ‘’recourse to play to the gallery of public sentiment’’, and noted that “the involvement of high-profile lawyer Gani Fawehinmi and the populist slant given to the case by the media poisoned the investigation with political overtones. The investigation into the Giwa murder became part of the tools in the armour of a growing political opposition targeted at discrediting the military over the planned political transition programme and human rights issues’’. 

This is as specious as you can possibly get; and to blame the management of Newswatch, and Gani Fawehinmi (who died many years ago) is to say the least very cruel. Many Nigerians are still convinced that the régime and/or the military authorities were complicit in the murder of Giwa. No civilian individual or organization had the technology, capability and sophistication to deliver a parcel bomb in Nigeria of 1986; and even as I write, the technique of packing explosives into a package; wrapping, sealing and delivering it to the intended receiver, in such a way that it could only explode when opened is a complicated technique available only to military and security authorities. That is why parcel bombs have not been used to settle scores with all the political assassinations we have had since 1999. The idea that Giwa’s murder was all ‘’bobby traps’’ and a ‘’political blow’’ meant to destabilize the régime suggests that Babangida knows more than he’s telling us. As experts often tell us, understanding the motive could be crucial to solving a crime.

In the days leading up to the assassination, Giwa was thoroughly hounded, harassed and hunted by the officials of the military intelligence. He was falsely accused of gun running and other heinous crimes. Afraid for his safety and security, Giwa reported the matter to his lawyer and senior government officials, but the snare had already been set up for him. The parcel was delivered to him a day after a military intelligence officer called Giwa’s home and asked for the address; and Giwa’s wife, Fumi, who took the call, innocently obliged the caller. Curiously, IBB omitted this damning sequence of events in his book.

That the parcel bore the seal of the government was just a clever ploy to deceive the recipient into opening the package. The planners of the plot had known that since Giwa was in regular contact with the President, and had previously received letters from the government; such an insignia on the package would be a convincing reason for him to open it. The aim was to kill him at all cost.

 I have spoken to Ray Ekpu, the editor-in-chief of Newswatch, and he’s promised to issue a statement on IBB’s claims after consulting Dan Agbese; Yakubu Mohammed and their lawyers. I look forward to reading their rejoinder, and Ekpu’s autobiography set for publication next year. I am sure he will tell the Giwa story more truthfully.

Another disturbing aspect of the book is Babangida blaming Sani Abacha for the annulment of the June 12 election. He claims that the election was annulled by forces loyal to Sani Abacha while he, IBB, was in Katsina to visit with the Yara’Adua family that had just lost its patriarch. The government and the military were polarized and split in the middle with some officials opting for the annulment while others were against it. He stated he was afraid for his life and safety and believed that Abacha was ready to lead a coup and assassinate him and/ Abiola. Babangiga concludes that it was Abacha that deceived Abiola into rejecting his offer to be head of the interim government he was setting up.

By blaming his failure to handover and conclude the eight-year transition on Sani Abacha, IBB appears as a coward who could not rein in on a fearsome fiend. In one breath, he commends Abacha for his loyalty and sparing his life in two instances, and in another, he presents Abacha as an evil, power drunk officer who was desperate to torpedo the transition programme and plunge the country into turmoil in order to take power. If IBB knew this much about him, why was Abacha not retired? It is a reasonable assumption that the two might have entered into a pact to let Abacha take over after IBB had ‘’stepped aside’’.

Babangida’s accounts of the Giwa murder and the annulment of the June 12 election nearly rendered the whole volume distasteful. But it’s a good reading, rich in history, and well researched and written. I suspect that that it was ghost-written by Yemi Ogunbiyi and Chidi Amuta, two of Nigeria’s outstanding journalists, who are well acknowledged by the author for their support. In fact, IBB’s book has a striking similarity in style and language to Ogunbiyi’s memoire, The Road Never Forgets, published in 2022.

DSTV, Nigeria’s leading pay-TV provider, faces increasing scrutiny as analysts question its long-term viability in an era dominated by streaming services.

Experts have raised concerns about the company’s business model, competitiveness, and long-term survival in the face of digital disruption, with many suggesting it must evolve or risk obsolescence.

This was a key topic during a recent episode of Nairametrics’ Drinks and Mics podcast, with industry experts; Tunji Andrews, CEO and Founder of Awabah, Arnold Dublin-Green, Chief Investment Officer at Cordros Capital LTD, Ugodre, Founder of Nairametrics, and Dele Akintola, Chief Commercial Officer of Alerzo.

Tunji Andrews, CEO and Founder of Awabah, stated that the pay-tv provider is losing its grip on consumer loyalty due to a lack of innovation.

Andrews disclosed that DSTV remains dominant in live sports, especially football, but argued that in general entertainment, its stronghold has significantly weakened due to the rise of Netflix, Disney+, and IPTV services.

“The issue right now is that people are not looking at DSTV as value creation because the product itself has not improved in terms of content on the platform,” he said.

“To be honest, the thing that appeared to look like a monopoly for DSTV broke like maybe six, seven years ago. And on the basis of content outside football, you know, movies, people want to get entertained in your house. And then the emergence of things like smart TVs, where you can have all this Netflix and everything on your TV. 

You know, this just basically broke their back. However, they still have the football thing,” he stated.

Shift in subscription habits 

Dele Akintola highlighted how Nigerian consumers engage with DSTV differently than before, subscribing only for specific events like Big Brother Naija or major sports tournaments rather than maintaining year-round subscriptions.

• This pattern, he said, indicates that DSTV is losing its must-have status. Andrews emphasized that DSTV’s struggle stems from its failure to innovate beyond sports content.
• Andrews recalled a period when a competitor temporarily secured Premier League rights in Nigeria, prompting DSTV to bolster its Africa Magic offerings to retain subscribers.

However, he noted that such aggressive content expansion has since stalled.

“There are very few dedicated sports fans willing to pay for DSTV to watch it, I am not talking about the guys in viewing stations,” he said.

Shareholder value 

Akintola weighed in on the financial realities behind the company’s decisions.

He said that DSTV’s pricing decisions are driven by the need to maintain profitability and deliver value to its investors.

“Their job is to create shareholders value and obviously with the way the currency has increased from N400 to whatever it is now, they lost subscribers, cost gone up. So maybe they are making 5% margin, the implication is that as a company that is listed, how do they create shareholder value,” he said

• He argues that, as a business, DSTV must ensure shareholder returns, especially in a challenging economic environment where the Naira has depreciated significantly, leading to higher operational costs.
• He suggests that even though DSTV has increased subscription fees, its profit margins remain relatively low—possibly around 5%—compared to other businesses in Nigeria that enjoy much higher margins, some as high as 65%.

This financial pressure forces DSTV to make difficult pricing decisions to stay competitive and sustainable in the long run.

‘Sell’ or rethink the business model 

As discussions on DStv’s survival in the next 3-5 years unfolded, the experts debated whether investors should hold or sell their shares in the company. The consensus leaned toward selling, with concerns over the viability of its current business model.

• Arnold Dublin-Green was direct in his assessment, advising investors to sell DSTV shares unless the company undergoes significant restructuring.

“Those guys are dying, man. They need to figure it out,” Green said, emphasizing that the traditional pay-TV model is struggling against the rise of on-demand streaming services.

• Tunji Andrews, echoed this sentiment, issuing a “super sell” rating. He pointed out that DSTV’s challenges extend beyond Nigeria, affecting markets in Ghana and other regions outside South Africa.

“The situation is not just Nigeria. The situation is Ghana. The situation is across every other country outside South Africa,” he noted.

• He stated that DSTV is essentially an “elevated version of terrestrial TV”, a model that is becoming obsolete.

Dele Akintola stated that unlike streaming platforms like Netflix, Disney+, and Amazon Prime, DSTV relies on a linear broadcasting model that no longer aligns with changing consumer preferences.

“Netflix is charging $25 a month, and they don’t blink at customers. People are willing to pay. But DSTV? They need a complete rethink,” Dele stated.

The conversation also touched on Showmax, DSTV’s streaming service, questioning whether it offers competitive content. While Showmax provides African movies, they argued that top Nollywood films still prefer platforms like Netflix and Amazon Prime for better visibility.

What DSTV needs to do 

The experts concluded that DSTV must redefine its identity for the next decade. They suggested a corporate retreat to reassess its strategy, especially as younger audiences gravitate toward digital platforms.

“DSTV needs a retreat. They need to ask themselves: what are we for the next 10 years?” Dele advised.

Additionally, shifts in consumer behavior—such as the rising popularity of Korean dramas among Nigerian female audiences—highlight the urgency for DSTV to evolve or risk losing relevance.

[Nairametrics]

Senate President Godsill Akpabio, has commended President Bola Tinubi for the bold economic reforms embarked upon by his administration.

Akpabio submitted that despite the initial challenges, the reforms are yielding positive results, and Nigeria is getting better.

Naija News reports the Senate President made the submission on Friday during the signing of the 2025 budget into law by President Tinubu.

Recalling one of the conversations he had with President Tinubu regarding the policy of fuel subsidy removal and the possibility of denying the President a second term ticket, Akpabio disclosed that Tinubu damned the consequences and told him there’s no need for gradual removal as the last administration didn’t include it in the budget.

He said Nigeria and Nigerians are now reaping the rewards of the bold decision.

“By the time you removed the fuel subsidy, which many had failed in over 40 years, I came back to you and asked Mr President, ‘don’t you want re-election in 2027’?”

“You asked ‘why’. I said, ‘how can you do this? Let’s remove it gradually’. You said ‘I met a fuel subsidy that was no longer available. The last administration made a budget and ended fuel subsidy in May’.

“So from June, when you took over, you re-echoed that subsidy is gone, you didn’t elaborate otherwise. So you started, meandered, and today Nigeria is about to float even without petroleum products coming in as income,” Akpabio said.

You Have Done Well With The Budget

Akpabio also commended Tinubu for presenting what he described as the “largest budget” in Nigeria’s history, and also working out a way to finance it.

He assured that the National Assembly carried out due diligence on the appropriation bill before it was passed.

The Senate President also pledged the loyalty of the lawmakers to working with Tinubu in delivering the dividends of democracy to Nigerians.

“Your reforms are working. When you came to the national assembly with a very ambitious budget of N49.7 trillion, little did we know that by working with your team, we would discover other sources of bringing revenue in today.

“We are about to make history by signing the largest budget in Nigeria since independence, N54.7 trillion, so I say congratulations, sir.

“We on this side of the aisle believe strongly that anything that can alleviate the sufferings of Nigerians, any policy that you propose that can alleviate the suffering of Nigerians, be rest assured that the national assembly — both chambers — will go with you. We are behind you because we know that you mean well for this country.

“You gave the budget to us in December; people may think we delayed it, but we went through it line by line, clause by clause to ensure we meet the aspiration not just of your administration but that of the entire nation,” he said.

[NaijaNews]

•Why President Tinubu deserves commendation

PRIOR to Nigeria’s Independence in 1960, agriculture was the mainstay of its economy, even as reflected in the economic activities of the regions there were in the country at that time. Famous stories of the First Republic chronicled how the defunct regions were reliant on revenues from the groundnut pyramids in the North, the cocoa export receipts from the defunct West and the rubber as well as palm oil proceeds from the East.

With the discovery of crude oil in commercial quantities, beginning from Oloibiri in the present-day Bayelsa State in 1956, agriculture, over time, became supplanted by black gold in terms of contributions to national revenue pool. And not only did crude oil receipts ride the wave as far as the total collectable revenue was concerned, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), became the cornerstone entity for the three tiers of government to look up to for salvation in terms of their fiscal projections.

However, those days when the federal, states and local government councils wait zealously for revenue figures from NNPC have not only receded into the past but appear to have gone for good. At the monthly meeting of the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), focus has shifted to the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), the goose that is laying the golden egg for the fiscal stability and wellbeing of the Federation.

For those who may not know, the ‘cake’ shared monthly by the Federation is baked by four major entities: NNPC, FIRS, the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), formerly known as Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) and the Nigeria Custom Service (NCS).

Of the body of ‘bakers,’ FIRS under Zacch Adedeji has emerged the cream of the crop, singlehandedly and aggregately accounting for close to 70 percent of the total revenues collected and shared by the three tiers of government at FAAC meetings in 2024.

Out of N2.068 trillion that accrued to the Federation Accounts in January 2024, tax collected by FIRS accounted for more than 50 percent with the agency’s contribution totalling N1.275 trillion. The other three revenue-remitting bodies jointly raked in the balance. While oil receipts from NNPC brought N115billion, NUPRC grossed N469.8billion, just as the Nigeria Custom Service remitted N207 billion.

The contribution of FIRS to the pool grew in February by N300billion from what it brought to the account in January. From the N2.3trillion that accumulated into the account, takings by FIRS amounted to N1.491 trillion, a collection figure that was more than 50 percent of the total revenue for the month. In fact, NNPC’s contribution to the pool was just N92billion. NUPRC and NCS contributed N487billion and N254billion, respectively.

In March, FIRS contributed N1.061trillion out of N1.867 trillion in the pool and in April, the Federation Account got N1.187 trillion from FIRS out of the N2.192trillion revenue accrual. For May, out of the N2.324trillion shared by the three tiers of government, FIRS alone contributed N1.571trillion.

The last month in the first half of 2024 finished on a strong note for the Federation in terms of the size of the ‘cake’ available for sharing among the three tiers of government. Of the N3.5 trillion accrual in the Federation Account for the month, FIRS accounted for N2.841 trillion. Contributions from NNPC for the month was N8.3 billion with NUPRC and NCS remitting N402.5 billion N264 billion, respectively.

The upward trajectory of FIRS contribution to the Federation Account continued at the beginning of the second half of the year. It accounted for N2.295 trillion out of N3.508 trillion remitted into the Federation Account for July, representing 65.4 percent of the total haul. For August, FIRS figure for FAAC was N1.87 trillion out of the N2.7 trillion in the pool. In September, October, November, and December the agency’s contributions were N1.45trillion (out of N2.4trilion), N1.74trillion (out of N2.9) and N1.56trillion (out of N2.8trillion) and N1.41trillion (out of NN2.2trillion), respectively.

The significance of FIRS contributions displacing oil receipts and turning tax revenue into the country’s new ‘crude oil’ has been well situated by the Accountant General of the Federation, Dr (Mrs) Oluwatoyin Madein. At an event in Abuja, she declared: “Tax revenue, as of today, is the highest source of revenue accruing to the Federation. Therefore, at FAAC meetings, we eagerly await the numbers coming from FIRS because the performance of the agency keeps on increasing and this brings succour to all tiers of government.”

Putting FIRS contribution to FAAC revenue pool in 2024 in context, we will see how it has helped the three tiers of government to plan, project and experience fiscal stability. There is nothing like fiscal discipline except you have accurate revenue prediction. If you say you want to spend N10, that means you must assurance that the N10 will come from somewhere. This commendable collection performance is in tandem with Adedeji’s vision of making taxation the pivot of national development.

What did FIRS do differently?

The impressive revenue collection posted by FIRS is not a product of happenstance. It is the outcome of a well-thought-out strategy and process re-engineering that formed the bedrock of a cocktail of administrative and process reforms embarked upon by the agency under Adedeji. One of his key refrains is that if FIRS is going to succeed in its critical national mandate of domestic revenue mobilisation, taxpayers must beat the centre of all policies and initiatives of the agency.

The FIRS chairman summarised the restructuring and re-orientation that powered the huge revenue collection and turned it to a customer-centric agency thus: “We restructured our operations at FIRS in such a way that we are now effectively carrying out our duty of assessing, collecting and accounting for taxes. We used to have functional types of taxes, but we have since identified that the only customers we have are the taxpayers. We have, therefore, improved the way we relate with our customers by rearranging our operations based on our customers, using their turnover as the basis to categorise them into large, medium, and emerging tax groups. 

“We did this to develop expertise in what we do. Secondly, to provide them with a one-stop shop for their activities. If you are in a large tax group, you only need to go to one office to pay all forms of taxes, including conducting audit and other activities. You do not need to move from one office to another again.

“We are here to serve the taxpayers. The taxpayers are not armed robbers or criminals that we will be chasing about. FIRS is also not a law enforcement organisation. We are partners in progress. The taxpayers are the trees in our vineyard. The only thing we can do is to ensure they are well watered and well pruned so they can bear good fruits for us to have big harvest.

Because of the streamlining of tax processes, the removal of hurdles in the way of tax payment as well placing a high premium on transparency and accountability, a total number of 182, 724 new taxpayers, representing 25.3% increase, voluntarily enrolled on the agency’s tax administration platform called Tax Pro-Max in 2024. It is the single biggest leap in the number of firms in the tax net in recent history of the tax agency. This not only underscores the level of trust reposed in the new processes emplaced at the agency. It also lends credence to Adedeji’s sharp vision of making the agency one of the world’s most efficient and trusted revenue authorities.

The president, Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI), Mr Gabriel Idahosa, testified to the unusual transformation witnessed at FIRS. Idahosa commended the agency for conducting reforms that align with the needs of businesses, particularly singling out the increasing use of technology in tax administration as well as the shift in mental geography of tax officers from being mere tax collectors to “actively providing services that enhance business operations.” 

One key import of the unprecedented growth in tax revenue for the Federation is that the non-oil sector account for about 75% of the total haul. This clearly signposts the commitment of the President Bola Tinubu-led administration to truly diversify the economy from its mono-product, crude oil. According to Adedeji, all accolades for the impressive tax collection by FIRS should go to President Tinubu. Of a truth, two key policies by the President, namely the removal of fuel subsidy and unification of the exchange rate gave fillip to the record tax revenue collection by FIRS. The negative consequences of not setting these economic fundamentals at the time President Tinubu did would have unbearable for an economy that was already in ICU before President Tinubu assumed office.

Despite the laudable achievements of the agency since assumption of office in September 2023, Adedeji is not resting on his oars. He believes the success recorded so far is just a beginning with his key fiscal focus being on growing Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio to 18% in the next three years. This, he believes, is achievable without putting additional burden on the taxpayers but by making the pie bigger to collect more revenue for government at all levels to be able to meet their obligations to the citizenry.

For him, there is irreducible minimum if the upward tax revenue trajectory must continue. “We can play with everything, but what we cannot afford to play with, if we are going to succeed, are data and merit,” he once said.

It needs to be said that prior to Adedeji’s leadership, the agency’s contribution to FAAC had been growing. However, the coming of Adedeji has moved the quantum significantly higher through a potpourri of internal administrative and process reforms he introduced, leading to simplifying of tax payment.

For 2025, FIRS is targeting to collect N25.2 trillion in tax revenue and this means more money for the three tiers of government to meet their needs. This is another reason why there should be no opposition to the tax reform bills currently before the National Assembly. If FIRS could post these huge records in a shortly time, breaking its own records and setting higher target and goals, a tax system that is modernised and fit for purpose can only add impetus to the task of domestic revenue mobilisation given to FIRS.

For those asking the question: where does tax revenue by FIRS go? The answer is this: every month that the federal, states and local government councils gather in Abuja for FAAC meeting and money shared accordingly, about 70% of that money comes from the tax revenue FIRS collects from taxpayers.

For perceptive observers, President Tinubu deserves to be hailed for the huge jump in shareable FAAC allocations which continue the upward swing since his assumption of office. All the states now collect almost three times of what they used to get as FAAC allocation prior to the coming of the Tinubu administration. Every month, managers of the three tiers smile to the banks, thanks to the President’s courageous leadership.

• Adekanmbi is the Special Adviser on Media to the executive chairman, Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS)

AMID her continued reign as Nollywood’s box office queen, Funke Akindele has laid bare the driving force behind her success, attributing her journey to God’s grace.

Speaking at the Media Independent Practitioners Association of Nigeria (MIPAN) 2025 event, the award-winning filmmaker made it clear that no individual can take credit for her stardom.

According to her, it was only by God’s will that she became the force she is today in Nollywood.

“I am who I am today because of God. Nobody made me a star, only God did. When I started, I had so many challenges, but I kept pushing. The idea for Jenifa came to me at a time when I needed to reinvent myself, and I trusted God’s direction. I wrote my scripts, put in the work, and kept believing that my time would come,” Akindele shared.

The actress further reflected on the obstacles she has had to overcome to maintain her relevance in the industry.

“This journey has not been easy, but I have learnt to stay focused and keep evolving. The audience changes, trends come and go, but I remain determined. I was told to keep milking the Jenifa brand, and yes, I did, but I also expanded my craft. God keeps giving me the strength to push through, and I will continue to do so.”

Beyond her personal journey, Akindele delved into the evolving landscape of audience engagement and content marketing in Nigeria, stressing the importance of adaptability in staying relevant in the competitive film industry.

Akindele also spoke about the importance of resilience and innovation in Nollywood, especially in a time when the entertainment industry is constantly evolving.

She noted that remaining at the top requires more than just talent—it takes discipline, consistency, and the ability to adapt to changing audience preferences.

According to her, filmmakers must be ready to embrace new storytelling techniques and market trends while staying true to their artistic vision.

Reflecting on her journey, the actress expressed gratitude for the support she has received over the years, acknowledging that success in the industry is not a solo effort. While she credited God for her rise, she also appreciated the fans who have stood by her and the colleagues who believed in her vision.

[Nigerian Tribune]

Reno Omokri, a former aide of ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, has narrated an unpleasant experience with Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan.

In a statement on Saturday, Omokri explained how an issue between him and an acquittance of Natasha triggered the allegation.

He said he was able to prove his innocence because of the evidence presented that he was not in Nigeria at the time which his accuser claimed that the incident happened.

“I have been inundated with calls from almost all major media outlets in Nigeria to interview me about the issues involving the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio, and Senator Natasha Akpoti. These media organisations wanted my take, seeing that I was once accused by Senator Natasha Akpoti of the exact grave allegations that she is now accusing the Senate President of.”

“Against my will, I have been trending on various social media platforms, and for the sake of my family, it would be best to put this matter to rest. Rather than speak with multiple media outlets, perhaps I can ease the pressure on me by putting out this statement.’

“I do not know if what Senator Natasha Akpoti accused the Senate President of is true, as I was not physically present when the alleged events took place. However, I can testify that Senator Natasha Akpoti once had an altercation with me on social media over a post where a woman made advances at me and I rejected her and stated that my wife is a beauty queen and is more than enough for me.

“Apparently the woman is or was a friend of Senator Akpoti. And after I had scorned her friend’s advances, Senator Akpoti accused me of sexually harassing her at Aso Rock Presidential Villa, during a reception held for the visiting Kenyan President, Uhuru Kenyatta, when he visited Nigeria between May 4 and May 7 2014.

“Unfortunately for Senator Akpoti, during those dates, I was sent to the United States of America as President Jonathan’s special envoy. I met and was photographed with multiple U.S. officials, including State Department officials, in Washington, D.C.

“I then published a First Class British Airways ticket and my passport (which was a different class of passport from the regular Nigerian passport and requires a special kind of stamp), proving that I was not in Nigeria on the dates Senator Akpoti alleged I sexually harassed her.

“After I published that evidence, Miss Natasha Akpoti, as she then was, deleted every trace of her allegations against me and the video she had made insulting me, my wife and my newborn daughter.”

Omokri said he was contemplating on the next step to take as a result of the damage done to his person but there was an intervention that led to out-of-court settlement.

“As I was pondering the next steps to take, a very influential and respectable man from my ethnic nationality, reached out to a prominent Christian clergyman, who mediated between him and I. The gentleman greeted me in my mother tongue, Itsekiri, and was most gentlemanly and expressed regrets over the incident, and I was prevailed on by the clergyman to reach an out-of-court settlement.

“Thereafter, I dropped the matter since my name had been cleared, and the out-of-court settlement was adequate.

“That is the extent of my encounter with Senator Natasha Akpoti. I hope the media can now leave me alone, as I am reluctant to grant any interviews or get entangled in this matter, seeing as I have the highest respect for the man who reached out to me to settle the matter.

“As for the Senate, I have the highest respect and confidence in that institution and its leadership and believe that the right thing to do would be to institute a Senate investigation by the appropriate committee to determine the veracity of the present allegations.”

The development comes amid the sexual harassment allegation against Nigeria’s number three citizen by Natasha.

[DailyTrust]

Some retired generals have stated that the Nigerian military cannot prevent residents in some troubled areas from paying levies and ransoms to bandits, despite ongoing counterterrorism efforts.

The retired officers expressed doubts about the ability of the military to stop the residents from meeting the bandits’ demands amid fears of attacks.

Since banditry became an organised crime involving mass abductions, village raids, and extortion in northern Nigeria, residents of farming communities in the region have been forced to pay heavy levies, ransoms, and taxes to various bandit and terror groups.

The levies ranged from N20m to as high as N200m, with bandit kingpins threatening to attack and wreak havoc on farms and homes if their demands are not met.

In July 2024, residents of the Toro community in the Ukum Local Government Area of Benue State were forced to sell their farm produce to raise N20m levy imposed on them by bandits. The people had to contribute N50,000 each to avoid being attacked.

The people of Moriki town in the Zurmi Local Government Area of Zamfara State also struggled to raise N30m levy imposed on them by the notorious bandit kingpin, Bello Turji, in September last year.

Earlier in January 2025, another notorious bandit leader, Dantsito, threatened to attack communities in the Tsafe LGA of Zamfara State if they failed to pay him N200m levy within two weeks.

Last week, a member of the Sokoto State House of Assembly representing Sabon Birni Constituency, Aminu Boza, said Turji imposed a N25m levy on some villages in the state.

According to the Gobir Development Association, a group of professionals in the local government, residents of the council areas had paid over N160bn in levies and ransom to bandits.

However, the Defence Headquarters has repeatedly urged northern residents not to succumb to bandits’ threats and financial demands.

Speaking with Saturday PUNCH, a former Commandant of Army Signals and Chief of Defence Training and Planning, Gen. Ishola Williams (retd.), noted that the people’s deep-seated distrust in the military would continually push them to comply with bandits’ demands.

He said there was a need to restore the people’s confidence in the capacity of the military to protect residents.

“People don’t trust the military anymore. If the people knew that by refusing to pay the levy, the military would take action against those demanding it, no one would waste their money. So, it is an issue of trust.

“Secondly, there must be some people within the affected communities who are also benefiting from the levies and ransoms paid by the people to the bandits. That is why community policing is very important.”

Similarly, a former Commander of the 1 Division of the Nigerian Army, Brig. Gen. John Sura (retd.), said residents of remote communities in the northern region would always struggle to heed the military’s advice of not paying levies due to a lack of consistent security presence to deter bandit attacks.

“If someone stronger than you threatens to kill you unless you give him something, you will typically have no choice but to comply,” he said.

Sura maintained that the military couldn’t be everywhere, saying, “Their presence is usually concentrated at local government headquarters or stationed at major road junctions leading into towns. But these villages are often far away—sometimes five to 10 kilometers. So how do you expect the military to respond swiftly?

“It is, therefore, expected that residents will seek ways to defend themselves, primarily through local security forces like the Forest Guard in Benue State. That was the approach some communities in Bauchi adopted. They inflicted such heavy losses on the bandits that they never returned.

“However, in the absence of such security measures, people have little choice but to pay ransoms and levies to ensure their survival and peace.”

Another retired general, who requested anonymity, cited the military’s inadequate manpower as a major factor contributing to their inability to provide adequate security.

He said, “The security agencies can make announcements and say, ‘Don’t fear them (bandits),’ but you know why you fear them—because they are right there on your streets. That’s how difficult this war is.

“Do you know the size of our military population? You can’t have such a limited number and expect the military to be everywhere. For instance, in Sokoto, where people pay such levies, the military isn’t there. They only come for operations and then leave. But the bandits remain with the people constantly.

“So, if the bandits are forcing people to pay levies, who do you think they will obey? Those who come and go, or the ones who stay, armed and in control?” It is the same with the police. Do you have policemen in every local government? You may have a police station in each one, but that doesn’t mean there are officers in all the villages.

“If criminals attack these villages and harass the people, the people will fear the criminals because they see them every day.”

[Punch]

Across the globe, democracy has become the most popular system of government because under it, persons in power are elected by the people to represent them in government thus establishing that the people own the government and that power belongs to the people. No matter how benevolent a dictator may be, it is unreasonable for anyone to impose himself on a people as their ruler – a point clearly against military rule in Nigeria.

But over the years, many people have been misled into believing that democracy is the same as civilian rule. In reality however, the two concepts are not coterminous because many persons under a civilian government do behave like military rulers who hardly subscribe to the democratic tenets of freedom, equality, due process and the rule of law.

Today in Nigeria, not every citizen shares the enthusiasm of the political class that the worst form of democracy is better than the best form of dictatorship. Many people are indeed unhappy with our current democracy in which actors work against the due process of law. In the last couple of days, many events clearly confirm this assertion. A good example is the unending defection of elected office holders from one political party to the other. To start with, it is untidy to see a trend towards a one-party state where lawmakers elected under the platform of an opposition party decamp to the ruling party at federal and state levels.  Yet, the law deprecates the act and requires that those affected should lose their seats – a rule no one obeys.

In a democracy, defectors would not be seen using legal technicalities, to get judicial backing with an argument such as that their parties had been broken into ‘irreconcilable’ factions, hence they needed to seek more viable platforms. Whereas the argument helps political jobbers to get off the hook, the trend does not strengthen democracy because there is no political party in Nigeria without rancour. A dispute among members of a party only calls for resolution, not defection as the voters never endorsed the new parties which such erstwhile representatives now desire. This is better appreciated when it is remembered that Nigerian law says it is parties that win votes.

How rational is it that a person wins an election on the platform of party X and for personal reasons moves the mandate to party Y?  Indeed, how does one explain the fact whereby some federal legislators defected from the so-called factitious Labour Party at the federal level while some other opposition lawmakers defected to the same Labour Party in Abia state only because the party controls the majority in the state House of Assembly? The truth therefore is that Nigerian politicians have no strong political principles that can keep them in their original parties; they are consistently involved in mercantile political carpet crossing thereby whittling down democracy. The trend is certainly a threat to true democracy and good governance in Nigeria.

As far back as 2018, Professor Attahiru Jega, former electoral commission boss had revealed that the political class is more responsible for the inability of Nigeria’s democracy to grow. This is easy to see in what is playing out at the Lagos State House of Assembly. It is true that legislators are empowered by law to elect or remove a speaker for the House but why did the Lagos state legislators choose to timidly remove speaker Mudashiru Obasa while the House was officially on recess? Was the official procedure for reconvening the House duly followed? The clerk of the House, Olalekan Onafeko known to be a strong loyalist of Obasa was also summarily removed. Being a public servant who is subject to rules of discipline that are different from those of politicians, why was he removed along with Obasa?

 As we argued two weeks ago, by electing a new speaker from the same zone as the current governor, the legislators tilted power to one direction of the state thereby ignoring the need to ensure the balance of political offices across the state.  If Obasa was involved in misappropriation of funds is his removal the prescribed punishment for such a criminal offence? When will Obasa who has been so accused be prosecuted or given a chance to defend himself? It is shocking that some people expected Obasa not to fight back. He has since done so by mobilizing the instrument of coercion to reinstate himself against the wishes of his legislator colleagues. Those who are unable to comprehend Obasa’s ‘intransigence’ have only failed to realize that Obasa is able to act as he wishes because our democracy is yet to be institutionalized.

Last week, members of the All-Progressives Congress APC in Osun state invaded the local government secretariats in the state and expelled the Peoples Democratic Party councillors and chairmen from office. According to the APC, their action was informed by their own interpretation of a court ruling in their favour against their opponents. Before the invasion, Governor Ademola Adeleke abandoned dancing briefly to raise an alarm about the coming disaster. It is either he was ignored, or no one heard his alarm to prevent the unfortunate tragedy. Painfully, the invasion led to the death of some Osun citizens with casualty figures that have more than one version. But must Nigerians die so that some of their fellow citizens can assume office in a self-acclaimed democratic country where some leaders say their political ambition is not worth anyone’s blood?

While still counting the dead, the same Osun state was busy with another major political event – local government elections in the state. Rather than tarry a while and honour the dead, an Ilesha High court gave the state ‘independent’ electoral commission under the leadership of Barrister Hashim Abioye the nod some 24 hours earlier to continue with the elections. The two main challenges raised by Chairman Abioye concerning the elections were: first, that the commission’s office in Osogbo was sealed off by personnel of the Nigeria Police and second that due to the harassment and arrests of his officials by police personnel his commission was unable to conduct polls in some polling units. These challenges notwithstanding, the ruling PDP as expected ‘won’ the elections in all the 30 local government areas and 332 wards in the state.

The election could never have gone otherwise because local government elections in Nigeria are usually ‘swept’ by the ruling party. No matter the ruling party in any state, the results would have taken the same pattern because although our electoral bodies are supposed to be neutral umpires, they are usually made up of friends, families and political associates of the ruling party who often ignore rules and the due process of law. This visibly played out in Benue state the other week when Governor Hyacinth Alia and his House of Assembly members served as accusers, prosecutors and judges in a case in which the two arms of government wanted to remove the state’s Chief Judge (CJ), Justice Maurice Ikpambase.   

The governor reportedly wrote a petition against the CJ to the State House of Assembly which was immediately approved by a majority of legislators without following due process. It is strange that despite several precedents in states such as Kwara, Abia, Rivers, Plateau and Ekiti states, Benue politicians did not know that without the concurrence of the National Judicial Council NJC, no one is allowed to remove a CJ or indeed, any judge from office. It would appear that the political class in Benue relied essentially on a political solution rather than established rules and guidelines. They didn’t stop there. They also suspended 13 of their colleagues who dissociated themselves from the plot to remove the state’s Chief Judge.

Interestingly, almost every year our legislators find cause to suspend one or more of their members without remembering that each of such suspensions has always been quashed by the courts. The stand of the Judiciary makes sense because considering that a legislature consists of representatives from all areas, should anyone be empowered to undermine some areas by suspending their representatives? Besides, since the majority had their way why couldn’t the minority have their say? Instead of answering the question, it appears easier to plead with our political class to desist from actions that stultify our democracy. As the famous social scientist, Professor McKenzie once warned, “if the rules limiting the struggle for power are not observed more or less faithfully, the game will disappear amid the wreckage of the whole system.”