Chidimma Adetshina, the first runner-up at the recent Miss Universe pageant, has revealed her next steps, focusing on personal growth and career development.

In an interview with BBC Pidgin, Adetshina revealed she plans to take a break from pageantry to concentrate on her education and burgeoning careers in modeling and acting.

“I want to put pageantry aside for now and focus more on my education and establishing who Chidimma is,” she said.

“I want to delve more into runway modeling, acting, and explore many other areas. There are so many things I would like to try and see where my potential can take me.”

Adetshina’s journey to the Miss Universe stage was not without challenges.

Born to a Nigerian father and Mozambican mother, she faced backlash over her nationality during her participation in the Miss South Africa pageant, ultimately leading to her withdrawal.

Addressing the controversy, Chidimma Adetshina assured her supporters that she would share details once she had a full understanding of the situation.

“People are really interested in the story. And like I said, I haven’t gone home yet, I haven’t heard anything, and I haven’t sat down with a lawyer or anything. So I can’t just talk about things,” she said.

“Once I get everything sorted out, I will definitely open up and give people clarity on the matter.”

Vanguard News

He reincarnated in the form of a cream-coloured, two-storey building in the bosom of the boulder-braided, writers’ commune, in the rocky delight of Abuja’s Mpape district. His happy host, like him an erstwhile member of the tribe of wordmongers was despatched over a phantom putsch one decade before him. But he rolled out a carpet of dry laterite with the steady onset of northerly harmattan, to receive his new guest and kindred spirit. The air was sedate, the biosphere alluring and serene as his name echoed from the signage hoisted in front of the structure. This, henceforth, will be the haven of scribblers from across the globe desiring genuine solitude to commune with their muses in the very intricate venture of creative expression. Not too many of the young writers who enthusiastically witnessed the recent commissioning of the Ken Saro-Wiwa International Writers Residency in Abuja, however, knew enough about the martyr who was so canonised, nor the nexus between Ken Saro-Wiwa and his figurative “host,” Mamman Jiya Vatsa.

As part of the activities commemorating the 43rd International Convention of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (ANA), which was held between Thursday, October 31 and Saturday, November 2, 2024, a newly built edifice christened after Saro-Wiwa was scheduled for inauguration. Ken Saro-Wiwa remains one of Nigeria’s most multitasking and most productive writers of all time. He lived for only 54 years but left behind an authorial legacy which continues to challenge the prolificity of successor writers. Saro-Wiwa was a compelling novelist, an engaging essayist, a consummate poet, an arresting dramatist, and a fearless public scholar.

Regarded as Africa’s very first purpose-built writers village, the expansive hilltop project in Mpape, Abuja, was named after Vatsa, an army general who was a minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) under the regime of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida. Less than seven months into the Babangida milieu on March 5, 1986, Vatsa was executed by firing squad for alleged “treason associated with an abortive coup”. He was 45 at the time.

Importantly, Vatsa was a writer who reportedly published about 20 poetry anthologies, including: Verses for Nigerian State Capitals, (1972); Back Again at Wargate, (1982); Reach for the Skies, (1984), and Tori for Geti Bow leg and other Pidgin Poems, (1985). Vatsa as FCT helmsman, it was, who allocated the generous swathes of hitherto pristine land with scenic views upon which the writers village is sited today. The complex is deservedly named after him in eternal gratitude by the writers fraternity.

Ken Saro-Wiwa was the fourth president of ANA. He succeeded the renowned dramatist and emeritus professor of theatre arts, Femi Osofisan, in 1990, and was a very energetic personality, famous for the tobacco pipe which was permanently seated on his lip, drawing parity with that of Ousmane Sembene, the famous Senegalese frontline African novelist and filmmaker. Saro-Wiwa had a multitasking career which saw him as a university lecturer in his earlier years; an administrator and public servant, and an environmental activist, at various times. He was the leader of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People, (MOSOP) which prosecuted a nonviolent campaign for the protection of Ogoni land and water resources from devastation by oil multinationals.

He backed up this enterprise with regular interventions in the public space as a writer and columnist for a number of authoritative newspapers. He consistently drew attention to the despoliation of the natural resources of his people and wrote regularly for Vanguard and Sunday Times, among other publications. He was a regular, long-staying guest of the gulags of successive military governments, through the administrations of Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha.

In 1994, he was arrested and charged with instigating the murders of four Ogoni leaders, on May 4, 1994, on a day he was indeed barred from accessing Ogoniland. Saro-Wiwa and his eight “accomplices” were executed by hanging at the Port Harcourt prison where they were held and convicted, on November 10, 1995, exactly one month after his 54th birthday on October 10, 1995.

By some uncanny calendrical coincidence, the Ken Saro-Wiwa International Writers Residency was inaugurated in early November 2024, the very same month he was despatched 29 years ago in 1995. Global outrage trailed the killing of Saro-Wiwa and his compatriots, with the Commonwealth suspending Nigeria for three years, among other sanctions. The death of Sani Abacha in June 1998, the subsequent acceleration of processes which returned Nigeria to civilian rule by Abacha’s successor, Abdulsalami Abubakar, and the enthronement of the Fourth Republic in 1999, gradually tempered the world’s coldness towards Nigeria.

At least three dozen book titles are credited to Ken Saro-Wiwa’s name. These include novels, novellas, anthologies of poetry, plays for radio and television, memoirs and diaries, and so on. His works have received requisite international attention such that they have been translated into German, Dutch and French. His authorial oeuvre includes: Tambari, (a novel, 1973); Tambari in Dukana, (a sequel to Tambari, 1986); A Bride for Mr B, (a novella, 1983), and Songs in a Time of War, (poetry, 1985). Ken Saro-Wiwa also wrote Sozaboy: A Novel in Rotten English, (1985); A Forest of Flowers, (1986, short stories); Prisoners of Jebs, (a novel, 1988) and Pita Dumbrok’s Prison, (1991), which like the former is very biting political satire.

On a Darkling Plain: An Account of the Nigerian Civil War, (memoirs, 1989), a war which he witnessed firsthand, is also one of his very gripping works of prose. Saro-Wiwa’s public engagements are aggregated in several volumes of essays notably Nigeria: The Brink of Disaster, (1991); Similia: Essays on Anomic Nigeria, (1991) and Genocide in Nigeria: The Ogoni Tragedy, (1992). Even in his final days, weeks and months of his sojourn on this side of the divide, Saro-Wiwa “remained incredibly productive.”

Posthumously, his family, foreign concerns and nongovernmental organisations continued to call up manuscripts from his personal library to publish new works by him. A personal diary he kept while he was in incarceration before his eventual annihilation was published with the title A Month and a Day: A Detention Diary, in 1995. Over 20 years after his demise, some of his essays were assembled as Silence Would be Treason: Last Writings of Ken Saro-Wiwa, and published by Daraja Press in Ottawa, Canada, in 2018.

The Ken Saro-Wiwa International Writers Residency is one of the first major physical projects delivered by the leadership of Usman Oladipo Akanbi. Fortuitously, Akanbi’s deputy, Obari Gomba, winner of the 2023 NLNG Prize for Drama, is from Saro-Wiwa’s Ogoni country. He must have felt gratified by the honour done his countryman, whose trajectory he followed as a much younger writer. The eventual breaking of the ice, the decisive commencement of the physical development of the hitherto forlorn and controversial expansive hectarage of ANA property was consummated under the leadership of Denja Abdullahi in 2017. Obi Asika, director-general of the National Council for Arts and Culture, (NCAC), commissioned the Ken Saro-Wiwa International Writers Residency.

The ceremony was witnessed by an impressive array of writers, headlined by Emeritus Professors Osofisan and Olu Obafemi, both former presidents of ANA, as well as Nuhu Yaqub, OFR. Yaqub holds the distinction of being the only Nigerian scholar thus far to have served as vice-chancellor in two federal universities, those of Abuja and Sokoto. Other literary greats at the event and the main convention included: Professors Shamshudeen Amali, OFR, former Vice Chancellor, University of Ilorin; Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo; May Ifeoma Nwoye and Sunnie Ododo, all Fellows of the Nigerian Academy of Letters, (FNAL) and the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA).

There were also Professors Joe Ushie, a member of the ANA Board of Trustees; Emeka Aniagolu; Udenta Udenta; Maria Ajima; Al Bishak; Mabel Evwierhoma; Razinat Mohammed; Vicky Sylvester Molemodile and Mahfouz Adedimeji. Immediate past ANA President, Camillus Ukah, Emeritus diplomat and writer Ambassador Albert Omotayo, featured at the Convention. Canada-based writer, scholar and Professor, Nduka Otiono who served as general secretary of the association under the leadership of Olu Obafemi, was admitted into the College of Fellows of the body. Chairman of the Abuja Chapter of ANA, Arc Chukwudi Eze, was the resident host with a compelling responsibility to stay through all events.

Olusunle, PhD, fellow of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (FANA), teaches creative writing at the University of Abuja

• Theme: “CHANGE: Imaginings Alternatives”

SUNDAY November 17, as the curtain fell on the 26th Lagos Book & Art Festival (LABAF) in the plenary room of the week-long festival, the Committee for Relevant Art, CORA, promoter of the festival announced the date and theme for the 27th edition. 

This is in keeping to tradition of the festival since it was born in 1999 in the cusp of Nigeria’s transition from military rule to civilian governance. The date and theme for next year’s festival is always unveiled in the closing glee - usually a poetry concert - of the outgoing edition.

Toyin Akinosho, CORA Secretary-general, in making the announcement on Sunday, stated that LABAF 27.0 will hold November 10-16, 2025 on the theme: is “CHANGE: Imaginings Alternatives.”

Before the full room audience which included Chairman CORA Board of Trustees, Chief Kayode Aderinokun, members of the CORA Volunteers Corps, CVC, and other guests, Akinosho revealed why the theme was chosen. He reminded that the past few editions had been critical of the systems that run affairs of Nigeria, and the continent; thus, the next edition would be making vital contribution to national discourse by offering a platform for people to explore possible alternatives to what currently operates. 

According to Akinosho, LABAF 26.0’s theme "BREAKOUT: Hope Is a Stubborn Thing" examined the grievances and deterioration in major sectors in Nigeria; “aside from the issues of ethnicity and bad governance, hope becomes a coping mechanism and survival technique for everyone.” Akinosho also revisited the themes of LABAF 24.0 and 25.0, relating how such addressed the worrisome developments in  the social and political fabrics of Nigeria, and by extension, Africa.

Explaining further the theme for 2025 LABAF, Akinosho stated: “While the just concluded festival is on Hope as a stubborn thing, we’re wondering whether the way the world is going, the eruptions that are happening all over the place and the state of things do not make people to begin to think about the idea of change. The idea of change is not just “change” as it is but “imagining alternatives”, whether at a personal level, or at the national level, or at the global level. For instance, whether the present government will be thinking in terms of how to change its own narrative of governance or whether the Democratic Party in America could begin to respond to aspirations or imagining alternatives.”

The CORA Secretary-general added that “The books that speak to imagination about alternatives will be major books of the festival.”

As the audience celebrated the unveiling of LABAF 27.0, and it’s even more controversial theme, with loud screams, lavish photo sessions and generous congratulations, Chairman of CORA’s Board of Trustees, Chief Aderinokun was ushered to stage by the anchor, Samuel Oriakhi Osaze, LABAF’s associate producer, to formally bring the festival to an end. Aderinokun, a father figure to CORA, and staunch supporter to  LABAF, appreciated all participants at the festival, the CORA Board and most especially, the volunteers, who he referred to as “my young friends.”

Speaking in the plenary room, 1st floor of Kongi’s Harvest Art Gallery, Aderinokun reiterated that CORA is passionate about the future of the country and the progress of the continent, “that is why we gather intellectuals in diverse fields of human endeavours, creatives  and other well-meaning  Nigerians to contribute ideas on how to effect change and impact positively on the life of our beloved country and, welfare of its people.”

Paying special tributes to the 27-members of the CORA Volunteer Corps (CVC), Aderinokun stated that “we are unofficially handing over to the younger generation. We are so impressed by what you did in this past exercise and I hope that you keep it up.”

Jubilation erupted amongst the CVC and the audience, and with this, the curtain fell on LABAF 26.0.

LABAF 2025’s theme was also unveiled via a giant screen on the Main-Stage of the Festival venue, Freedom Park, which hosted the very last act of the week-long 73-events festival, Freedom Vibes, staged by CORA partner-organisation, Unchained Vibes Africa, UVA.  

Program chair of CORA, and Director of LABAF, Jahman Anikulapo, was called onto the big shimmering stage, and urged the full house of mostly youth guests, to “lock down the date in your calendar, and don’t make the error of putting your own culture project in same week – as it happened this year.”  

Anikulapo also asked the full house of enthusiastic guests to spend time ruminating on the theme, and be free to suggest “ideas about books, visual arts, theatrical, film and other contents that could lead to the full exploration of the theme: CHANGE: Imagining alternatives.”

About LABAF:

 Started in 1999, the Festival, though a literary feast of ideas and life in outlook, has over the years, metamorphosed to being a Campaign for LITERACY devoted to heightening interest of the populace to be active participants in the knowledge economy that currently rules transactions in global political, economic and cultural affairs. The Festival is focused on three thematic elements: EDUCATION. ENLIGHTENMENT. EMPOWERMENT.

Specifically for young people, the Festival also stages

• Green Festival - devoted to students in Junior and Senior Secondary schools
• CORA Youth Creative Club -- which yearly congregate youths and young adults from different parts of the countries for mentoring and training in their natural talents and acquired skills

The Festival’s main programme iterations include:

• Book Readings & Reviews
• Conversation around ideas contained in the books of the festival – relevant to the theme of the festival
• Book & Visual Arts Exhibitions
• Workshops and Mentoring Sessions for young people
• Performances in Poetry, Drama, Music, Dance etc
• Arthouse celebrations of eminent artistes and culture workers who have registered their names and footprints in the cause of nation building – the idea is to set them up as role models for both old and young people – to inspire hope, motivate them for to aspire to greater accomplishments in their chosen careers or vocation

About CORA

The Committee for Relevant Art, CORA, is a not-for-profit advocate for the arts, culture and creative sector of the economy. We believe that we can stimulate the increase of the Human Capital resources of the country through emphasis on metal capacitation via programming ideas that spotlight: Education. Enlightenment. Empowerment. To realise this objective, we rely solely on the support of eminent institution, organisations and missions such as the diplomatic office of countries that have invested in, and produced great intellectuals and philosophers such as yours.

Sgd: Mercy Timilehin Kelani

f: LABAF Communications

That Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission and Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, scion of stormy petrel of Ibadan’s 1950s politics, Adegoke “Penkelemesi” Adelabu, could conspire to place University College Hospital, or “Oritamefa,’ in financially suffocating Band A premium electricity market segment is a wicked act against the minister’s fellow Ibadan citizens.

It shows that NERC, the minister, and the government they serve have no human feelings. Anyone who puts “Oritamefa” in disgraceful and dire straits and compromises its services to the Ibadan community has done the same grade of psychological damage that those who rested Kingsway Stores did to the Baby Boomer generation of Nigeria.

UCH, to those who may not know, is a folksy rock star institution to the Ibadan, nay, the old Western Nigeria, of a period spanning the closing years of the colonial era, the First Republic, the Second Republic, and the first of the misguided military regimes in Nigeria’s chequered political history.

UCH, the oldest university teaching hospital in Nigeria, established in 1952, was initially quartered at the Eleyele fort of the West Africa Frontier Force that fought in Burma during the Second World War. Construction of its current site, started in 1953, was completed on November 20, 1957.

With hospital beds estimated at 1,000 and nearly 7,000 workers, UCH, host of the older University of Ibadan College of Medicine that was established in 1948, is reputed to have been the preferred hospital of Saudi Arabia’s ruling house in the 1960s and 1970s. Now that the old landmarks have collapsed, the Saudi royals will never subject their health to the care of UCH.

It must be stated, as many times as it is necessary, that the failure of Nigeria’s electricity sector is largely from the national grid, owned and operated 100 per cent by the Transmission Company of Nigeria, which is, in turn, owned 100 per cent by the Federal Government of Nigeria on behalf of the mythical public interest.

Reports indicate that the damn thing has broken down more than 10 times in 2024 alone and more than 100 times, from the days of the government of President Muhammadu Buhari, Sai Gaskiya, and Seriki Integrity, that was swept into office in 2015 through the auspices of a special-purpose political vehicle called the All Progressives Congress.

The problem of the national grid doesn’t look as if it is going to go away very soon when you consider the bumbling and rambling that Coach Fanny Amun would have described as “wobbling and fumbling” of the managers of Nigeria’s electricity sector.

A viral amateur video shows some UCH patients, after enduring seventeen days without electricity, protesting, from their wards to the offices of the staff, to demand, in Yoruba, “E tan ina fun wa. Ee fun wa ni ina, ee fun wa l’omi. UCH, e ma pa wa. E lo san owo ina. Aa kii se eranko.”

If roughly translated into English, it would be: “Give us light. You didn’t give us light; you didn’t even give us water. UCH (management), do not kill us. Go and pay your outstanding electricity bill. We are not animals!

An overwhelmed, but unidentified, officer tried to assuage the protesting patients who switched off the lights (probably provided by generators) in his office, apparently to “democratise” the absence of electricity. He lapsed into a mix of Yoruba and English.

He went: “Now, nwon a lo wa solution sii. But, oro ina, o ti koja agbara ibi yi. Ki NEPA maa mu bill N88, N99 million! Ki awa na ba ara wa so ooto oro. Eni to ye ka pariwo si, oun ni awon Abuja ti nwon so pe nwon maa fun wa ni 50 per cent, ti nwon de se. Se o ti ye nyin bayi? So, e lo calm down.”

Translation: “They’ll go find a solution. But the matter is beyond this place. Imagine NEPA (the name of the government-owned electricity company before partial privatisation of the electricity sector), bringing N88, N99 million monthly electricity bill.

“Let’s also tell ourselves the truth. The one that deserves a protest is Abuja (the Federal Government), which undertook to pay 50 per cent of our electricity bill but failed to do so. Do you understand my explanation? Now, go and calm down.”

After the kerfuffle, Oladayo Olabampe, Chairman, Joint Action Committee of UCH trade unions, gave a Television Continental anchor person a more elaborate explanation of what led to the protest by the “sick” patients, if you will permit the redundancy.

It is just a way of borrowing the double superlative literary device of William Shakespeare, who coined the expression “the most unkindest cut,” to drive home the point that even so-called loyalist and closest friend, Brutus, plunged his dagger into the chest of Julius Caesar.

Olabampe explained: “The reason we find ourselves in this situation is… when you manufacture a product that (the elite) don’t consume… The problem we have with the sector is that… our governments do not patronise our hospital… and so we are left in the hands of manipulators (like Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company) who bring power bills that they like.

“Imagine power (bill) running into… N99 million… Where are we going to get such money from? When they were bringing N40, N50 (million) before they started the upgraded power bills, we were not able to sustain it.

“While we were battling with that, they said they put us in Band A, and that made the bill skyrocket. From N50, N40 million, we come to N80, N88, N99 million (monthly electricity bill). There is no way we can cope.”

If relatives of Minister Adelabu, who still remain in his native Ibadan hometown for the obvious reason that not every one of them will be able to live the luxurious life of a minister with him in Abuja, were among the wailing patients of the UCH, one wonders if he would not have been overwhelmed by the pathos and found an immediate solution to the problem.

He probably has no way to empathise with these poor patients and their scared relatives because his Abuja residence and office, the premises of his NERC and that of IBEDC, and the Aso Rock Villa residence of his principal, the President, and ministries, departments, and agencies of government have generators, euphemistically referred to as “off-grid sources of electricity!”

Well, if you have not noticed, “Oritamefa,” which means a crossroad of six roads, is an apt metaphor for the choices that must be made for Nigeria’s comatose healthcare delivery system. As it is with “oritamefa,” so it is with Nigeria’s healthcare delivery system.

By the way, what and who is responsible for the appearance of allocations for construction and equipping of intensive care units and amenity centres in Ijero Ekiti, Efon Alaye, and Aramoko, all in Ekiti State Central Senatorial Zone of Senate Majority Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, in the budgetary provisions of University College Hospital, Ibadan?

If medical doctors, Prof. Ali Pate, Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, and Dr. Tunji Alausa, Minister of Education, can find a common ground to “resuscitate” “Oritamefa,” they could find a solution that runs through both the healthcare and the education sectors of Nigeria.

And the three attributes of Nigerian workers—energy, skills, and time—would have been further enhanced.

As Nigerians woke up today, November 20, 2024, the airwaves and social media are abuzz with warm tributes and fond memories of a man whose name has become synonymous with a calm demeanor and democratic tolerance, former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. On this special day, this writer and all his readers and well-wishers across the globe celebrate a leader whose prophecy about his presidency and its significance resonates even louder today.  

Goodluck Jonathan once famously remarked: “You will miss me when I leave office.” At the time, many dismissed this as a self-serving statement. However, nearly a decade since he left office, his words now seem almost prophetic. For many Nigerians grappling with the socio-economic realities of today, his tenure increasingly feels like a bygone era of relative economic stability, freedom of expression, and national unity.  

Today, as Dr. Jonathan celebrates his 66th birthday, the fondness for his time in office is palpable. Nigerians remember a president who, despite his imperfections, prioritized the welfare of the people and made difficult decisions to preserve the country’s fragile unity.  

Jonathan’s tenure (2010–2015) was not without challenges, but it was marked by strides in key areas of national development. Among his administration’s most notable accomplishments were education reform, agricultural transformation, and infrastructural development, freedom of expression, and concession of power.    

In fact, the establishment of 12 new federal universities remains one of Jonathan’s lasting legacies. By increasing access to higher education, he expanded opportunities for young Nigerians and reduced the pressure on existing institutions.  

In a similar vein, under Jonathan’s leadership, Nigeria witnessed significant improvements in agriculture through the Agricultural Transformation Agenda (ATA). The initiative reduced the country’s reliance on food imports and empowered farmers with better resources.  

His administration made notable investments in power generation and infrastructure. Projects like the reconstruction of major roads and airports symbolized progress in addressing Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit.  

Besides, Jonathan’s tolerance for dissent was remarkable. Despite criticisms from opposition parties, media outlets, and even ordinary Nigerians, he upheld democratic principles, allowing freedom of speech to thrive.  

Without a doubt, his legacy that deeply resonated in this writer’s subconscious is that of his concession of power particularly as it engendered a smooth and peaceful transition of government. In fact, the hallmark of Jonathan’s leadership was his decision to concede defeat in the 2015 presidential election. This singular act not only averted potential chaos but also cemented Nigeria’s democracy in the eyes of the global community. His words, “My ambition is not worth the blood of any Nigerian, “remain etched in the country’s political history.  

The nostalgia for Jonathan’s presidency grows stronger against the backdrop of Nigeria’s current economic and political challenges. Spiraling inflation, insecurity, and a general sense of disillusionment have left many Nigerians yearning for the leadership style of the man they once took for granted.  

His ability to unify the country, even during trying times, stands in stark contrast to the divisions and tensions that characterize contemporary politics. As Nigerians reflect on the state of the nation today, many cannot help but compare it to the relative stability of Jonathan’s era.  

Beyond politics, Jonathan has continued to embody the qualities of a statesman. As an envoy and mediator for the African Union and ECOWAS, he has worked tirelessly to promote peace and democracy across the continent. His interventions in crises in Mali, Gambia, and other countries underscore his commitment to fostering harmony in Africa.  

Jonathan’s quiet but impactful post-presidency life serves as an example to current and aspiring leaders. He demonstrates that leadership does not end with the expiration of a term in office, it is a lifelong commitment to service and nation-building.  

On this occasion of your 66th birthday, I say: Happy Birthday, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan! Nigerians remember you fondly, not only for what you accomplished but for the grace and humility with which you led. Your tenure taught us the importance of dialogue over division, compassion over conflict, and nationhood over narrow interests.  

As you celebrate another year of life, we want you to know that your legacy endures. Many Nigerians now see the wisdom in your words: “You will miss me when I leave office.” Today, more than ever, we understand the weight of that statement and the truth it carries.  

For this writer, and not a few Nigerians, Jonathan’s birthday is not just a time to celebrate; it is also a moment for introspection. It is an opportunity to ask critical questions about the kind of leadership we need to navigate our current challenges and build a better future.  

Goodluck Jonathan may no longer be in office, but his legacy reminds us that leadership is ultimately about service, sacrifice, and an unwavering commitment to the people.  

Once again, I say: Happy Birthday, Dr. Jonathan. You are missed, appreciated, and celebrated. May your new year be filled with good health, joy, and continued impact as a global Statesman.

A few weeks ago, President Bola Tinubu ordered the immediate termination of the treason charge against 119 protesters standing trial for treason arising from the August 1-8, 2024 protests against bad governance and hardship in the country. Consequently, the Attorney-general of the Federation, Mr. Lateef Fagbemi SAN applied for the withdrawal of the charges. Since there was no objection from the defence counsel, the case was struck out by Justice Obioma Egwatu. It is pertinent to review the attempted criminalization of peaceful protests in Nigeria by a governments that is completely intolerant of criticism in a democratic society.

Right of citizens to protest

The fundamental rights of Nigerian citizens to assemble and protest against unpopular policies of governments are guaranteed by Section 39 and 40 of the Constitution as well as Articles 9 and 10 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act, 2004. In the case of the Inspector General of Police v All Nigeria Peoples Party (2008) 22 WRN 65, the Court of Appeal declared police permit for rallies illegal and unconstitutional and directed the National Assembly to amend the Public Order Act to facilitate the enjoyment of the fundamental right to peaceful protests by aggrieved citizens.

While the National Assembly ignored the directive of the Court of Appeal, the police and other security forces intensified the infringement of the right of Nigerians to protest against governments and other public authorities. However, the right to protest by Nigerians was statutorily protected in the 2015 Amendment of the Electoral Act 2010. Furthermore, section 83(4) of the Police Establishment Act 2020 has imposed a duty on the Nigeria Police Force to provide adequate security for protesters during rallies, meetings and protests.

Breach of the right to protest against bad governance

In a brazen violation of the right of Nigerians to assemble and freely voice out their views on bad governance and rising cost of living in the country, the Federal Government and several state governments embarked on a campaign of calumny against the organisers of the August 2024 protests. When the vicious campaign did not achieve its dubious objective, the Federal Government threatened to deal ruthlessly with the organisers of the protest. Out of sheer desperation, the Lagos and Ogun states governments as well as the federal capital territory administration surreptitiously secured ex parte orders to stop the protest.

For having the temerity to participate in the protest, the police and the armed forces shot at many unarmed protesters. At the end of the protest, not less than 22 protesters were killed. Thus, the deliberate refusal of the police to provide adequate security for the protesters and the unwarranted killing of some of the protesters led to the violence that marred the peaceful protests in some states.

However, before the protest was called off, President Bola Tinubu said that the Federal Government had heard the protesters loud and clear and would enter into dialogue with the leaders. Notwithstanding the presidential declaration, the police turned round to commence the prosecution of the over 2,000 protesters that were arrested in several states.

Criminalization of protest

Even though charges were filed against a number of protesters in some state capitals, the Nigeria Police Force decided to arraign 130 protesters including 29 minors on 10 counts, including treason, incitement to mutiny by urging the military to remove President Bola Tinubu and other related charges before the Abuja judicial division of the Federal High Court. Notwithstanding that section 2(4) of the Terrorism Prevention Act 2022 states that a protest, demonstration or stoppage of work is not a terrorist act, the police sought and obtained an ex parte order to detain the suspects for 60 days for the purpose of investigating them for alleged involvement in terrorism.

Alhough the police had secured an order to detain the suspects for 60 days, they were held for 92 days before they were arraigned in the Federal High Court. Among the suspects were 29 children who were malnourished and dehydrated during their arraignment. Owing to hunger and exhaustion in the congested court room, four minor defendants collapsed and they were rushed to a hospital.  

Illegal arraignment of children in the Federal High Court

In 2001, Nigeria ratified the United Nations Child’s Rights Convention and enacted the Child’s Rights Act in 2003. We have confirmed that the 36 states of the federation have adopted and enacted the legislation. Thus, under the Child’s Rights Law applicable in each State, child offenders under the age of 18 years cannot be charged in the Federal High Court or State High Court but in the Family Court.

The Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr. Lateef Fagbemi SAN, was reported to have said that the minors were properly charged before the Federal High Court because the Constitution makes it clear that the Federal High Court has jurisdiction in matters related to treason and related offenses. With respect,  the Federal High Court does not have exclusive jurisdiction to try  treason and related offences.

Even if there was a reasonable suspicion that the minors committed treason they ought to have been  arraigned  in a Family Court pursuant to section 149 of the Child’s Rights Act. But contrary to the Child’s Rights Act applicable in the Federal Capital Territory, the minors were charged with treason at the Federal High Court after they had been detained in the midst of hardened criminal suspects in the anti robbery detention facility in Abuja. Even though they pleaded not guilty to the charge, the arraignment of the minors is illegal in every material particular.

Phoney evidence to prove treason charge

It is trite that under the Penal Code and Criminal Code, treason is committed by anyone who levies war against the state to intimidate the President or a State Governor or who conspires to levy war against the state. The charge of treason filed by the police did not allege that the suspects raised any war or conspired to levy war against the President and State Governors.  The main offence allegedly committed by the suspects arrested is that they displayed the Russian flag during the protest. A tailor who was sewing the flag was arrested by the police.

The police Prosecutor ought to have known that it is not a criminal offence to waive a foreign flag in Nigeria. Hence, the flags of the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany and other European countries are hoisted by the majority of hotels in Nigeria while churches hoist the flag of Israel based on the erroneous belief that it is a Christian country.

Seven Polish students were arrested for taking photographs during the protest. They were going to be charged with espionage to give the impression that the protests were instigated by foreign interest groups. The students have since been released when it was confirmed that they are taking part in an exchange programme at the Bayero University, Kano.  

As if such embarrassment was not enough, Comrade Michael Adaramoye was charged with treason because he answers to the sobriquet “Lenin”. Comrades Elejo Opaluwa and Mosiu Abolaji were equally charged with treason for belonging to a socialist organisation that supported the protest. Povey was charged with treason because he sells socialist books in a bookshop at the Secretariat of the Nigerian Labour Congress.

In a total abuse of prosecutorial powers the police had wanted to prove the grave charge of treason evidence with two fire extinguishers, two prepaid meters, 76 Russian flags and the statements of the defendants. During the investigation the police claimed that it had evidence of

the billions of Naira with which a  British national, Andrew Wynne (a.k.a. Andrew Povich) had funded the protest. Even though Mr. Whyne was declared wanted and charged for treason in absentia, the proof of evidence does not refer to the billions of Naira allegedly spent by him on the protest.

Trivialisation of treason in Nigeria

It is often forgotten that after the military conquest of Nigeria, the British colonial regime imposed the Criminal Code and Penal Code on the southern and northern protectorates respectively.  The offences of treason and treasonable felony were set out in both Codes. But the imperial regime never charged any of the “natives” with treason or treasonable felony for calling for an end to colonialism. Even when  the Zikists called for a revolution in the course of a 1948 lecture they were only charged with sedition, tried, convicted and sentenced to three  years imprisonment.

But the first civilian regime charged J.S. Tarka and his political lieutenants with treason.  They were discharged and acquited. Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his political associates were charged with treasonable felony, convicted and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. Since then, the country has witnessed a complete trivialisation of treason in the hands of civilian and military wings of the Nigerian ruling class.

The Ibrahim Babangida military junta went to the ridiculous extent of charging five of us with treasonable felony for calling for an end to military rule. Of course, the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi SAN and I, turned the case into the trial of General Babangida and his armed colleagues who had sacked the elected Shehu Shagari administration on  December 31,  1983. The junta had no choice but to abandon the frivolous charge.

Babangida’s comrade-in-arms, General Sani Abacha, made a complete mockery of the law by charging every imaginary enemy with treason. For declaring himself President on the basis of the June 12, 1993 presidential election won by him, Bashorun M.K.O Abiola was charged with treasonable felony. Shortly thereafter, General Abacha authorised that Senator Ahmed Bola Tinubu (now President and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces) and 5 other Senators be charged with treasonable felony for demanding  the validation of the results of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election. 4 journalists who exposed the 1995 phantom coup were charged with being “accessories after the fact of treason.”

Ironically, President Bola Tinubu who had fled the country to escape the death penalty under a murderous dictator has allowed the police to charge protesters including minors with treason for challenging the untold economic hardship arising from the religious implementation of neoliberal economic policies dictated by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. But for the abrupt termination of the treason charge because of the global condemnation of the trial of child protesters for treason, the regime would have prayed the Federal High Court to convict and sentence 130 Nigerians for exercising their fundamental rights to assemble peacefully and express themselves via the August 2024 protest.

Conclusion

From the foregoing, it is crystal clear that the Federal Government set out to use the case of the 130 protesters to discourage Nigerian people from protesting against the harsh living conditions. Since the plan has since boomeranged the Federal Government should be advised to appreciate that charging protesters with terrorism, treason, treasonable felony and allied offences will not cow Nigerians to submission.  

Instead of exposing the country to avoidable shame by charging protesters with a crime punishable by death, the police should  be directed to comply with the law by providing adequate security for protesters. That is the only means of ensuring that protests are conducted in a peaceful and civilised manner within the ambit of the law.

….signs wage agreement with labour leaders 

Ekiti State Governor, Mr Biodun Oyebanji on Tuesday approved a new minimum wage of N70,000 for workers in the state effective December 1. 

The approval follows the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) by the state Government and leaders of Organised labour in the state. 

According to the MoU, the new minimum wage will cover all strata of Ekiti workers, as well as pensioners. 

The wage agreement was signed on behalf of the state government by the Head of Service, Dr Folakemi Olomojobi; while leaders of the labour centres in the state signed on behalf of workers. 

Dr Olomojobi said Governor Oyebanji approved the template the way it was presented by the committee based on the Governor’s commitment to prioritising workers’ welfare and wellbeing. 

While describing Governor Oyebanji as a “worker - friendly Governor” who desires the best for workers in the state, the Head of Service used the opportunity to express her appreciation to the labour leaders for their understanding, patience and dexterity in achieving the best for the workers. 

She also thanked Ekiti workers for waiting patiently for the outcome of the decision of the committee and for their unwavering trust in the state government that it will give them the best deal.

She called on workers to reciprocate the government gesture by enhancing their service delivery through their commitment to the success of the administration.

“Today is another landmark in the history of Ekiti State as we come together to sign the new minimum wage for Ekiti State Public servants. I want to first appreciate our Governor, who on the 31st August, 2024 put together the committee to negotiate Ekiti state public service minimum wage. This committee has taken not less than eight weeks to meet to deliberate on the minimum wage for Ekiti state.

“I want to emphasize that this was a very painstaking process, it was a process that brought to bear the funds available to Ekiti. In the midst of this, Mr Governor bent forward and backward to accommodate our yearnings, and today we have agreed on the minimum wage to be paid in Ekiti State. 

“In the past few weeks, we have also put together the consequential adjustment and I am happy to announce that the Governor of Ekiti State is bringing out the best for every public worker in the state.

“I have had the privilege of looking at what is done across the nation and I congratulate Ekiti state workers for having the best deal. Today we will be endorsing the consequential adjustment, across the state, local government areas, across every parastatals and MDAs in the state. The pensioners are not left out”, The Head of Service stated.

In their separate remarks, Chairmen of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) in the state, Comrade Kolapo Olatunde; Trade Union Congress (TUC), Comrade Sola Adigun and Joint Negotiating Council (JNC), Comrade Femi Ajoloko commended Governor Oyebanji for his efforts at giving the best to Ekiti workers.

The Labour leaders also noted that the new minimum wage cut across all strata of Ekiti workforce including the pensioners, adding that when the table is compared with those of other states, Governor Oyebanji has given the best.

Also at the brief event were the Commissioner for Information, Rt. Hon. Taiwo Olatunbosun, Permanent Secretaries of Ministry of Finance and Office of Establishment, Training and Service Delivery.

It is recalled that Governor Oyebanji had since assuming office as the Chief Executive of the state on October 16, 2022 demonstrated strong commitment to workers welfare and wellbeing, in addition to creating economic opportunities for those in the informal sector. 

Aside regular payment of salaries and pensions ( usually paid around 22nd of every month), the Governor has also ensured regular payment of deductions to appropriate channels. 

In the wake of the subsidy removal last year, Governor Oyebanji also introduced a special wage award of N15,000 to workers and N10,000 to pensioners to cushion the effect of the subsidy removal and the attendant economic challenges . 

The wage award, which was initially planned for six months, has since being paid along with salaries and pensions to workers and pensioners, thereby making Ekiti one of the few states paying wage award to workers and pensioners till date. 

In a bold attempt to defray outstanding gratuities owed by previous administrations, Governor Oyebanji had in the last two months doled out a total N4.5 billion to pay pensioners. 

The new minimum wage reflects the commitment of the Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji administration to ensure the state workforce is supported and motivated for a more effective service delivery.

The Federal Government of Nigeria, through the Ministry of Power, has disclosed plans to source $10 billion from the private sector to provide regular electricity across Nigeria within the next five to 10 years.

This formed the crux of the deliberation when Jobson Oseodion Ewalefoh, director-general of the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC) paid a courtesy visit to Adebayo A. Adelabu, minister of Power, on Tuesday in Abuja, a statement said.

The duo agreed that, given the funding and technical requirements needed to advance the power sector in Nigeria, it had become imperative to seek private sector input through Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) in co-financing and providing expertise to ensure optimal power infrastructure performance.

Speaking during the meeting, the DG of the PPP of the regulatory body acknowledged the challenges in the sector were hydra-headed and went beyond funding alone, noting that with such inter-agency collaboration and partnership with the private sector, the limitations could be addressed.

Reacting to a comment by the minister, the DG said that through its regulatory processes, the ICRC can midwife private sector investment of part of the $10 billion in the power sector to provide regular electricity, attract more foreign direct investment to other sectors, and ultimately grow the economy.

“Revamping the power sector requires planning, it involves investments and it takes time. So, we need to collaborate to solve the issues in this sector.

“The investment required in power is very huge and government cannot fund it alone, so we have to leverage on the financing capacity of the private sector. That is why the ICRC was set up to regulate this leverage.

“The Commission is poised to regulating the processes of attracting investment to the power sector.”

In addition, Ewalefoh said that in a bid to accelerate PPP investment as directed by President Bola Tinubu, the Commission had issued a 6-point policy direction that streamlined the process of service delivery.

The DG stressed that whereas the processes had been streamlined to accelerate project delivery and encourage investors to adopt PPP, the Commission was not relenting or compromising on its stringent regulatory function to forestall contingent liabilities or unnecessary delays by companies lacking the requisite capacity.

In view of the above, the ICRC’s helmsman added that the Commission was now insisting on inserting conditions precedent to all PPP agreements such that any preferred bidder that defaults will have their agreement automatically nullified by reason of their default.

In his response, the minister commended the DG for the initiative to visit the ministry with the proposal of advancing investment in the power sector through PPPs.

“For us to achieve 24-hour power supply across Nigeria in the next five to 10 years, there is a minimum funding requirement of about $10 billion in the next 10 years. The government cannot afford that when there are other critical sectors in need of funding.

“Can the government do it alone? No, which is why we have to look for or marshal private sector funds while still retaining government interest and ownership. That is where ICRC comes in. We need to do this in collaboration with the private sector and the best way is through concession,” he added.

[BusinessDay]

In a democracy, trust in the electoral process is the bedrock upon which all other elements of governance rest. Without a credible, independent, and transparent electoral system, the foundation of democracy crumbles, leaving citizens disillusioned and governance compromised. This is precisely the context in which Nigeria finds itself today, as calls for electoral reforms and leadership changes at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) intensify. At the forefront of these calls is former President Olusegun Obasanjo, whose recent recommendations for a leadership overhaul of INEC have sparked widespread discussion.

Against the backdrop of the foregoing, it is expedient to recall that former President Olusegun Obasanjo, during the Chinua Achebe Leadership Forum at Yale University, called for urgent reforms in Nigeria’s electoral system. He emphasized the need to appoint new, credible leaders for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) with shorter tenures to reduce corruption and rebuild public trust.

In his keynote address titled “Leadership Failure and State Capture in Nigeria,” Obasanjo criticized the 2023 general elections, labeling them a “travesty.” He advocated for rigorous vetting of INEC officials to ensure non-partisan appointments and stressed that the INEC chairperson must be independent, transparent, and above reproach.

Obasanjo also recommended implementing strict financial regulations for political campaigns to enhance transparency. He emphasized protecting the electoral process from both local and foreign interference and called for securing the technology infrastructure used in elections to prevent manipulation.

The former president accused INEC of intentionally failing to utilize the bimodal voter accreditation system (BVAS) and election viewing portal (IReV) during the 2023 elections, which he argued contributed to widespread irregularities. Obasanjo suggested that these technologies, which had previously been lauded for their potential to ensure transparency, were deliberately sidelined, undermining the credibility of the election.

Given the state of Nigeria’s current political landscape, it is essential to examine why Obasanjo’s call deserves serious consideration and how a change in the leadership of INEC could potentially re-establish public trust in the electoral system.

Former President Obasanjo, known for his outspokenness on matters of national interest, has consistently advocated for credible elections as the only route to sustainable democracy in Nigeria. In his recent remarks, he expressed deep concern over the performance of INEC under its current leadership, pointing to a series of lapses in the 2023 general elections. The discrepancies, delays, and widespread allegations of electoral malpractice have left many Nigerians questioning the integrity of the electoral body. Obasanjo’s call for a change in INEC’s leadership is not just a critique but a plea for urgent reforms to safeguard Nigeria’s fragile democracy.

Nigeria’s electoral body, like any institution, thrives on trust and competence. Unfortunately, recent elections have shown that INEC is struggling to maintain these virtues. The 2023 elections, which were supposed to be a showcase of improved technology and efficiency, were instead marred by controversies surrounding the use of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the electronic transmission of results. Reports of technical glitches, coupled with allegations of voter suppression and ballot box snatching, further eroded confidence in the process.

In a country where elections have historically been contentious, the failure of INEC to ensure transparency and fairness only deepens the already pervasive distrust among citizens. When an institution as critical as INEC appears compromised or incompetent, it undermines the very essence of democracy, leaving citizens with little faith in the electoral outcomes.

A leadership change at INEC could serve as the first step toward rebuilding public trust. Obasanjo’s call for new leadership is not merely a demand for change for the sake of change but rather a call for a fresh approach to election management. The current leadership, under Professor Mahmood Yakubu, has faced numerous criticisms over its inability to deliver on its promises of free, fair, and credible elections. While there may have been significant improvements in voter registration and the deployment of technology, these efforts are meaningless if they do not translate into credible electoral outcomes.

Replacing the leadership with individuals who have proven integrity and competence could breathe new life into INEC, restoring public confidence and ensuring that future elections are not just a formality but a genuine expression of the people’s will.

In established democracies, the integrity of electoral bodies is non-negotiable. Nations like Ghana, South Africa, and India have managed to build electoral systems that inspire confidence by prioritizing competence and transparency. Leadership in these countries’ electoral commissions is not only about technical expertise but also about a commitment to fairness and accountability.

Nigeria can draw lessons from these examples. A change in INEC’s leadership, coupled with reforms to strengthen the institution’s independence and transparency, could set the stage for a more credible electoral process. The goal should be to establish an INEC that is insulated from political pressures, one that upholds the sanctity of the ballot box as sacrosanct.

While Obasanjo’s call is significant, it should not be seen as a partisan move but rather as a call to action for all stakeholders. The Nigerian government, civil society organizations, and international partners must work together to address the structural weaknesses within INEC. This should include a thorough review of the 2023 elections, with a focus on identifying what went wrong and implementing recommendations to prevent future failures.

Furthermore, Nigeria’s political class must recognize that democracy is not merely about winning elections but about ensuring that the process is free, fair, and credible. Until the leadership of INEC is strengthened, the country risks descending further into electoral chaos, with the potential for violence and civil unrest.

Obasanjo’s call for a leadership change at INEC is not a witch hunt but a necessary step toward restoring trust in Nigeria’s electoral process. The expediency of such a change cannot be overstated, as it is crucial for the survival of democracy in the country. Without an electoral system that citizens believe in, the legitimacy of any government that emerges will always be in question.

The time for rhetoric is over; what Nigeria needs now are decisive actions to strengthen its democracy. A change in INEC’s leadership, along with comprehensive reforms, is a step in the right direction. Only then can Nigeria hope to restore faith in its democratic institutions and ensure that the will of the people is genuinely reflected in the outcomes of its elections.

As I flip through the delicate, yellowed pages of Nigerian newspapers from the early 1970s, I am struck by a profound sense of déjà vu. Despite the decades that separate those publications from today’s headlines, the themes are hauntingly familiar. Reports of economic hardship, social crises, political instability, and calls for reform fill the pages, as if frozen in time. The frustrations, hopes, and voices of Nigerians from decades past could easily have been written today, underscoring a troubling reality: our challenges have not only persisted but, in many cases, worsened over the years.

This discovery raises an uncomfortable question: have our leaders, many of whom have circulated within Nigeria’s power structures since the return to democracy in 1999, learned nothing from history? And if they have, are they not ashamed that the same headlines, the same unfulfilled promises, continue to haunt this nation? To say the least, this recurring cycle of empty words and failed actions paints a picture of leadership that has left Nigeria perpetually on the brink of change, yet always falling short.

The newspapers I have read, published over fifty years ago, reveal a Nigeria struggling with issues that still define our reality today. Back then, headlines like “Economic Hardships Rock the Nation,” “Unemployment Rates Soar,” and “Infrastructure Crisis: Power Outages Leave Millions in Darkness” appeared in print, resonating with the same urgency we see today. Even back then, columnists and analysts were calling for bold leadership, economic reform, and a commitment to infrastructure development. They warned against reliance on oil alone, urging diversification and investment in long-term growth.

Yet here we are, facing these very same issues, compounded by time. The promises of change, of transformation, ring as hollow today as they did then. Are Nigeria’s leaders not troubled by this glaring lack of progress? Are they not embarrassed that the nation they govern still stands on such shaky ground?

Since 1999, Nigeria’s leadership has largely remained in the hands of a small, revolving group of individuals. Politicians who once served as governors are now senators; former ministers reappear as gubernatorial candidates. This recycling of leadership has left little room for new ideas or innovation, resulting in a stagnant political system where self-preservation and personal gain take precedence over national progress.

Every election cycle brings the same well-worn campaign slogans and recycled promises: job creation, anti-corruption efforts, and infrastructure development. And yet, over two decades later, we continue to wait. This lack of progress is not just a failure of policy but a failure of leadership. The same people who have overseen Nigeria’s decline still hold positions of power. Have they no sense of responsibility, or shame, for the worsening state of the nation?

The economic conditions described in those old newspapers remain painfully relevant today. Inflation has made basic goods and services unaffordable for the average Nigerian, plunging millions into poverty. Despite Nigeria’s wealth in resources, citizens continue to struggle to afford essentials such as food, healthcare, and education.

While ordinary Nigerians grapple with these economic challenges, our leaders remain largely insulated from these hardships. They live in comfort, shielded from the struggles of everyday life, and seemingly disconnected from the realities of their constituents. How is it that they can witness the hardship that pervades the nation, yet feel no compulsion to change course? Do they not feel the weight of responsibility, knowing that their decisions, or lack thereof, directly contribute to this suffering?

One of the most glaring examples of Nigeria’s stagnation is its crumbling infrastructure. Old newspapers detail stories of power outages, broken roads, and failing healthcare facilities—problems that persist, if not worsen, with each passing year. Despite countless infrastructure projects announced by successive governments, the reality remains bleak. Many rural communities still lack access to electricity, clean water, and reliable healthcare. The country’s road networks, vital for economic development, are neglected, making travel difficult and sometimes deadly.

The failure to improve infrastructure is a clear indictment of our leaders’ priorities. How can they bear witness to such decay without feeling a deep sense of shame? For decades, they have allocated funds, drawn up projects, and launched initiatives, yet the results are nowhere to be seen. The nation’s leaders, who frequently travel abroad and experience the benefits of well-developed infrastructure, should surely understand what Nigeria lacks. And yet, their commitment to these issues remains elusive.

Nigeria’s stagnation cannot be attributed solely to its leaders. Issues such as corruption, a lack of accountability, and bureaucratic inefficiencies all play a part. Yet, these are problems that can be tackled, if there is a genuine will to do so. Many countries have faced similar challenges and, through decisive leadership and accountability, have managed to transform themselves. So why does Nigeria remain stuck?

Our leaders must confront their role in perpetuating these issues. Are they truly satisfied with a nation where unemployment is high, healthcare is a luxury, and corruption remains rampant? Are they content with leaving behind a legacy of unfulfilled promises? If they are, it is indeed a shameful mark on their record.

It is time for Nigeria’s leaders to reflect deeply on the legacy they are leaving. Leadership is not a title or a status to be flaunted; it is a privilege that demands action, accountability, and a commitment to the common good. If they cannot or will not address the issues that hold Nigeria back, then they have no business holding office. Nigeria does not need more empty words or superficial gestures. It needs leaders with a vision, leaders willing to put the nation above personal gain.

Our leaders must confront the question of whether they are proud of the Nigeria they have shaped. Are they content with a country where millions suffer while a select few prosper? If not, then they must begin to make the hard choices required to change our trajectory. It is not enough to make promises if there is no genuine effort to fulfill them.

At the same time, citizens also bear a responsibility to hold their leaders accountable. Nigeria’s journey toward progress will require courage, unity, and an unwavering determination to demand better from those in power. We cannot allow history to keep repeating itself without consequence.

As I close these old newspapers and contemplate the familiar struggles captured within their pages, I am left with one question for our leaders: “Are you not ashamed?”