The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), empowered by the Statistics Act of 2007, is the official custodian of statistics in Nigeria. Tasked with advising federal, state, and local governments on statistical development, the agency is a vital institution for evidence-based policymaking. However, its recent report on the state of food insecurity and other household challenges in Nigeria raises a critical question: “Has the leadership of the NBS clearly communicated to the federal government, under President Tinubu’s administration, the urgency of the findings that two-thirds of Nigerian households lack money for healthy food?”

If it has, what measures are being taken? If not, the NBS must ensure its findings are not just data points in a report but a clarion call for swift action to alleviate the plight of Nigerians.

The reason for the foregoing views cannot be farfetched as the grim picture painted by the NBS Survey is stark.  In fact, the latest “Nigeria General Household Survey – Panel (GHS-Panel) Wave 5 (2023/2024)” sheds light on the realities faced by Nigerians. The findings are stark.

When the report is looked at from the perspective of food insecurity, it shows that two-thirds of households reported being unable to eat healthy or preferred foods due to a lack of money in the last 30 days, with additional facts that 63.8% of households ate only a few kinds of food because of financial constraints, 60.5% consumed less than they thought they should, and alarmingly, between 2018/19 and 2023/24, the proportion of households worried about not having enough food to eat surged from 36.9% to 62.4%.

Looking at the report from the perspective of energy and infrastructure, NBS Survey says urban areas fare better with 82.2% of households having access to electricity, but only 40.4% of rural households enjoy the same.  Worsening enough is that cooking remains a challenge, with 65% of households using traditional three-stone stoves and 70.2% depending on wood fuel.

Also when looked at from the angle of sanitation and housing, many households lack proper toilet facilities, and informal waste disposal (45.6%) remains common, while 70.4% of households own their homes with rural homeownership (80.1%) far surpassing urban areas (49.1%).

These statistics, though vital, must serve a purpose beyond informing Nigerians of their struggles, they must spur government action.

Beyond Statistics, the Role of the NBS in Advocacy is clearly stated in its constitutional mandate. The NBS cannot function in isolation as a data-gathering entity. Its findings are only as impactful as the actions they inspire. It is concerning if the Bureau’s leadership has not escalated these alarming statistics to the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led administration with the urgency they warrant.

In a nation grappling with rising prices, depleting purchasing power, and widespread poverty, food insecurity cannot be another statistic. The NBS must actively engage federal and state governments, advocating for policy interventions that address these issues head-on. Churning out data that only paints a bleak picture without prompting actionable solutions risks desensitizing the public and policymakers alike.

Given the foregoing view, there is no denying the fact that the government’s responsibility is to act.  However, it is sad to note in this context that President Tinubu’s administration has promised economic reforms, but Nigerians are yet to feel the positive impact. If two-thirds of households cannot afford healthy food, it reflects a systemic failure that demands immediate attention. The government must respond to these findings with policies that tackle:

The findings of the NBS must be seen as more than just information; they are a call to action for the government. The NBS, as the custodian of these statistics, holds the moral responsibility to ensure its reports do not merely add to Nigeria’s narrative of poverty but act as catalysts for change.

The federal government, on its part, must embrace these findings as a foundation for targeted interventions. Policies informed by robust data have the potential to drive real change, but only if they are implemented with urgency and transparency.

Ignoring the NBS’s findings risks deepening Nigeria’s socio-economic crisis. The inability of families to afford healthy food exacerbates malnutrition, stunts children’s development, and fuels a cycle of poverty. Energy poverty limits productivity, while inadequate infrastructure hampers public health and economic growth.

For the NBS, publishing reports is not enough. It must actively advocate for its recommendations and follow up on their implementation. For the Tinubu administration, addressing these issues is not just a political obligation but a moral imperative.

The NBS has a critical role in shaping Nigeria’s development trajectory. If it has not yet communicated the urgency of its findings to the Tinubu administration, it must do so immediately. And if it has, the government must act without delay.

It is unacceptable for the Bureau’s reports to serve merely as warnings to the public while the government remains passive. Statistics are tools for change, and in the face of such glaring challenges, the NBS and the government must work together to ensure these numbers translate into meaningful interventions.

The time to act is now. Nigerians deserve more than bleak statistics, they deserve solutions.

In recent times, Nigeria has witnessed a curious shift in the culture of charity. Rather than the wealthy focusing their philanthropic efforts on those in dire need, we increasingly see acts of “generosity” directed at their fellow elites, entertainers, politicians, and other high-profile individuals who are far from destitute. What once might have been considered benevolence now often appears as a calculated performance, a spectacle crafted for attention, and a glaring contradiction to the very essence of charity.

In its truest sense, charity is an act of giving with the intent to uplift the underprivileged. It seeks to bridge the gap between the haves and the have-nots, a gesture of kindness that addresses pressing societal inequalities. However, recent events in Nigeria paint a different picture.

Consider the viral episodes where celebrities gift luxury cars, expensive watches, or cash to their equally wealthy peers. For instance, a popular Nigerian singer recently surprised another celebrity with a N100 million. Prior to the foregoing case, he was among other celebrities who contributed more than N60 million for a controversial celebrity who was caught in the web of Nigeria’s law, sparking widespread applause on social media. While such gestures might be celebrated within their circles, they raise a fundamental question: How does this help the struggling masses who can barely afford the next meal?

The political class is not left out. Many governors and public officials have taken to awarding lavish gifts to wealthy individuals during public events. At a time when ordinary Nigerians face skyrocketing inflation, unemployment, and economic despair, these ostentatious displays of “charity” seem tone-deaf.

The evolution of social media has exacerbated this trend. Platforms like Instagram and Twitter have become stages for the wealthy to showcase their generosity, not to the underprivileged, but to their equally affluent friends. Each gift is carefully documented, shared, and hyped online, with fans applauding the magnanimity of their idols.

But is it truly charity if it comes with a spectacle? The essence of giving lies in humility and the genuine desire to make a difference. When acts of giving are performed for public applause or to sustain a carefully curated image of affluence and generosity, they lose their authenticity.

Nigeria is currently grappling with one of its most challenging economic periods. It is no more news that Nigeria in a World Bank report was said to have over 133 million Nigerians living in multidimensional poverty. Hunger, lack of access to healthcare, poor education, and unemployment are everyday realities for many. Yet, these pressing issues seldom attract the attention of the wealthy when they choose to “give.”

For instance, the billions of naira that could transform lives in rural areas are instead spent on lavish birthday parties, with luxury hampers handed out to fellow elites as party favors. Imagine the impact if just a fraction of those funds were directed toward building schools, funding healthcare, or setting up skill acquisition centers in underserved communities.

Philanthropy, when done right, has the power to transform societies. A shining example are the works of Aliko Dangote, Theophilus Danjuma, Tony Elumelu, Jim Ovia and Folorunso Alakija  Also philanthropists like Mike Adenuga, Abdul Samad Rabiu, Emeka Offor, Femi Otedola and Mohammed Indimi have done much in terms of charity to be applauded and recognized in a special way.

Contrast the foregoing with the trend today, where charity is no longer about impact but impression. The wealthy must be reminded that their giving should align with the needs of society. What use is a multimillion-naira car to a celebrity already driving a fleet of luxury vehicles when thousands in their community cannot afford basic transportation?

The Nigerian public, too, bears some responsibility for perpetuating this trend. By celebrating these ostentatious displays, society inadvertently encourages the wealthy to continue this cycle of misplaced charity. The applause should go to those who build homes for the homeless, sponsor education for the underprivileged, and create opportunities for economic empowerment.

Public figures like Tony Elumelu and Aliko Dangote, who have established foundations to address critical societal issues, offer examples of meaningful philanthropy. While their efforts may not garner as much social media clout as gifting a Rolex to a celebrity, they leave an indelible mark on society.

The fixation on public displays of wealth masquerading as charity reveals a deeper issue within Nigeria’s elite culture: a disconnect from the realities of the common man. In a nation where the majority struggle to survive, these acts of self-serving “generosity” are not just insensitive; they are a betrayal of the social contract that should bind all Nigerians.

True charity is not about elevating one’s social status or winning applause. It is about uplifting the downtrodden, addressing societal inequities, and building a more inclusive future. Anything short of this is merely an act of showoff, an exercise in vanity masquerading as virtue.

The solution lies in redefining what it means to give. Nigerian elites must understand that the greatest impact comes from targeting their resources where they are most needed. Initiatives like creating job opportunities, improving access to education, and investing in healthcare infrastructure have a far-reaching and sustainable impact on society.

Civil society, religious institutions, and media must also play their part in reshaping the narrative. The culture of glorifying empty displays of wealth should be replaced with one that celebrates impactful giving.

In fact, it is imperative for the government to incentivize genuine philanthropic efforts. Tax breaks for donations to credible charities, public acknowledgment of impactful projects, and collaborations with the private sector can encourage more meaningful contributions.

As Nigeria grapples with its many challenges, the role of the wealthy in shaping a better future cannot be overstated. However, that future will not be built through spectacles of gifting among the affluent. True charity lies in uplifting the poor, empowering the powerless, and addressing the pressing needs of society. Anything less is not an act of charity but a carefully staged performance, designed to impress, not to impact.

The question remains: Will Nigeria’s wealthy elite rise to the occasion and redefine their giving culture, or will they continue to squander opportunities to make a real difference? For the sake of the millions living in poverty, one hopes they choose the former.

Names carry deep meanings and stories, often reflecting the essence, history, and aspirations of families and communities. In many African cultures, names are more than mere identifiers; they are a legacy and a prophecy, encapsulating a family’s hope and dreams for their descendants. Against this backdrop, the recent decision by Ijeoma Josephina Otabor, popularly known as Phyna, the winner of Big Brother Naija Season 7, to renounce her surname, “Otabor”, is perplexing and calls for introspection.

Phyna, a household name since her victory in the Big Brother Naija house, has been at the center of discussions after she announced the renunciation of her surname during a live Instagram session. According to her, the decision stems from a need to reclaim her individuality. She described her journey post-Big Brother Naija as transformative yet challenging, weighed down by familial and societal expectations. In her words, “This is about evolution, not rejection,” asserting that the move was not a slight against her family but a step towards self-discovery and inner peace.

As a journalist familiar with Phyna’s hometown, Ekpon, in Edo State, which shares proximity with my hometown, Igbanke, I find this decision deeply concerning. The name “Otabor” is not just any name; it holds significant meaning. In its simplest translation, “Otabor” means “Wealth has come”. This is not a mere linguistic construct but a declaration of abundance, prosperity, and divine favor. By discarding the name, Phyna appears to misunderstand the profound blessings it symbolizes.

Phyna’s life and career trajectory are a testament to the prophetic nature of her name. Before her participation in Big Brother Naija, she was relatively unknown, a commercial model struggling to find her footing in a highly competitive industry. Born on June 2, 1997, in Ekpon, she pursued her career from college and was signed to a modeling agency. However, she had not achieved the level of fame or financial success that she now enjoys.

Everything changed after her remarkable performance in the Big Brother Naija house. On October 2, 2022, she was declared the winner of Season 7, amassing 40.74% of the final votes. This victory secured her a grand prize of ₦100 million, making her only the second female winner in the show’s history, following Mercy Eke’s win three years earlier. Phyna’s name resonated across the nation and beyond, as fans celebrated her vibrant personality, resilience, and authenticity.

The name “Otabor” seems to have lived up to its meaning in Phyna’s life. It heralded wealth, recognition, and opportunities. Her post-BBN journey is lined with endorsement deals and collaborations that have further cemented her place in the entertainment industry. Brands such as Firegin, Spedy Herbals, Rixari Skin Secrets, BeUnique Wears, and Spedy Weightloss have associated with her name, further enhancing her financial and social standing.

Phyna’s decision to renounce her surname raises questions about identity and self-awareness. This is not the first time she has shown signs of being at odds with her heritage. While on the Big Brother Naija show, she famously claimed to be Igbo by tribe, despite hailing from Ekpon, a community firmly rooted in Edo State. Such inconsistencies in her narrative suggest a possible identity struggle, a yearning to redefine herself in ways that might distance her from her origins.

Her assertion that the name “Otabor” has not attracted blessings is both ironic and inaccurate. By every measure, her name has brought her immense blessings, transforming her from a struggling model into one of Nigeria’s most recognized and celebrated personalities. To trivialize this name in public, particularly on social media, diminishes not only her family’s legacy but also the collective pride of her community.

In many African traditions, names are imbued with profound significance. They are seen as a connection between the past, present, and future, serving as a reminder of one’s roots and the aspirations of ancestors. The name “Otabor” carries weight in Edo State, associated with many successful and influential individuals. By renouncing this name, Phyna risks alienating herself from a legacy of prosperity and respect.

Furthermore, the public nature of her renunciation invites unnecessary controversy and scrutiny. For someone in the limelight, every action is magnified. Phyna’s decision has sparked debates online and offline, with many questioning whether she understands the cultural and emotional implications of her actions.

Phyna is undoubtedly in a period of transformation, as she herself acknowledges. However, personal growth and self-discovery do not require one to discard their roots. Instead, they call for a deeper understanding and appreciation of where one comes from. By embracing her heritage, Phyna can redefine herself in ways that honor both her individuality and her lineage.

She should also recognize the influence she wields as a public figure. Many young people look up to her as a role model, drawing inspiration from her journey. Her actions and decisions, therefore, carry a responsibility to inspire pride in cultural heritage and identity.

Phyna’s decision to discard her surname, “Otabor”, is a poignant reminder of the disconnect that can sometimes arise between success and self-awareness. While she frames her decision as a step toward self-discovery, it is important to consider the blessings and opportunities her name has brought her. The name “Otabor”, which translates to “Wealth has come”, has indeed lived up to its meaning in her life, propelling her to fame, fortune, and influence.

If Phyna truly understood the import of her name, she would celebrate it rather than renounce it. Her story is a testament to the power of identity and the blessings that come from embracing one’s roots. As she continues her journey, it is my hope that she will reflect deeply on the legacy she carries and the impact her decisions have on her family, her community, and her fans.

In the complex and often bewildering terrain of Nigerian politics, few personalities have oscillated between extremes as much as Joe Igbokwe. A man once regarded as one of the most steadfast defenders of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Igbokwe’s metamorphosis into one of his harshest critics has raised eyebrows and sparked debates. His journey offers a fascinating case study of political loyalty, personal ambition, and the frailty of alliances forged in the crucible of Nigerian politics.

Joe Igbokwe’s name became synonymous with unflinching loyalty to Tinubu. As the Publicity Secretary of the Lagos State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Igbokwe was among the most vocal advocates of Tinubu’s political ideologies and leadership style. He championed Tinubu’s legacy as a transformative governor of Lagos State and later as a kingmaker whose influence extended across Nigeria.

For years, Igbokwe’s rhetoric served as a shield for Tinubu against critics, portraying the APC leader as the solution to Nigeria’s myriad problems. His fiery defenses often dominated headlines, reinforcing his status as Tinubu’s loyal ally. However, political relationships, especially in a volatile environment like Nigeria’s, often come with an expiry date.

The turning point in Joe Igbokwe’s relationship with Tinubu seemed to coincide with the latter’s rise to the presidency in 2023. Expectations for political appointments, rewards, and the fulfillment of campaign promises gave way to disillusionment when Igbokwe ostensibly perceived himself as being sidelined from Tinubu’s inner circle. This discontent began to reflect in his public statements.

As economic hardship deepened across the country under Tinubu’s administration, Igbokwe’s displeasure became more evident. Headlines like “Why Is Our Currency Weak?’ Tinubu’s Supporter, Igbokwe, Rants Again Amid Hardship” captured his growing dissatisfaction. In this instance, Igbokwe voiced the concerns of millions of Nigerians grappling with the plummeting naira and rising inflation. His critiques extended beyond the economy to policies he believed were exacerbating the country’s struggles.

Another headline, “Hardship: Those who’ll rescue Nigeria not yet born – Joe Igbokwe mocks Tinubu govt” further exemplified his growing disillusionment. In a rare moment of stark candor, Igbokwe seemed to admit despair over Nigeria’s future under Tinubu’s leadership. For a man who once hailed Tinubu as the messiah of Nigerian politics, such statements marked a dramatic shift in perspective.

One of his most biting criticisms as headlined in one of the newspapers came in the form of a plea: “Joe Igbokwe begs Tinubu to lower electricity tariff after spending ₦20k in a day.” Here, Igbokwe transitioned from critic to advocate for change, highlighting the unbearable cost of living faced by average Nigerians, including himself. His frustration with the electricity tariff struck a chord with citizens who have long lamented the inefficiency and expense of Nigeria’s power sector.

Recently, headlines like “Seyi Tinubu not fit to rule Lagos – Joe Igbokwe” signaled a shift in his tone. The once-loyal supporter was now questioning Tinubu’s leadership and the influence of his family in Lagos politics. This criticism of Seyi Tinubu, the president’s son and a prominent figure in Lagos politics, struck a nerve, as it touched on the nepotism that many Nigerians perceive as pervasive in their political system.

In fact, not a few Nigerians, particularly Lagosians, have been taken aback by Joe Igbokwe’s sudden turn against the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Known for his unwavering loyalty to Tinubu over the years, Igbokwe’s recent criticism of the government has left many bewildered. His sharp comments on the administration’s policies, which he once fervently defended, have sparked widespread discussions across social and traditional media. For a man who stood as one of Tinubu’s staunchest supporters, this shift feels almost surreal, prompting questions about what might have triggered his apparent change of heart. Many Nigerians are grappling with disbelief, wondering if his dissatisfaction stems from personal grievances or a genuine concern for the nation.

The suddenness of Igbokwe’s apparent disloyalty has left both his admirers and critics speculating. His criticism is perceived by some as a betrayal of the loyalty that defined his public persona, while others argue it could signal an awakening to the realities of governance. However, the dramatic nature of his departure from Tinubu’s camp has raised eyebrows, as it contrasts sharply with his past vehement defense of the same administration. Whether his actions are borne out of principle or strategy, Nigerians remain divided, with many questioning what this development means for Tinubu’s broader political base and the loyalty of his allies.

Against the foregoing backdrop, the familiar question on the lips of not a few political observers sounds like, “What drives the Shift?” In answering the foregoing question, it is expedient to guesstimate that several factors could explain Igbokwe’s transformation from staunch supporter to ardent critic.

First is that his criticism could have arisen from unmet expectations. This is as loyalty in Nigerian politics is often transactional. Igbokwe’s criticism could stem from the perception that his loyalty to Tinubu was not adequately rewarded with political appointments or recognition.

In a similar vein, it could have arisen from genuine disappointment, even as his comments might also reflect genuine frustration with the Tinubu administration’s inability to address pressing issues such as economic instability and rising hardship.

Also, it could have emanated from political relevance.  Simply put, by publicly criticizing Tinubu, Igbokwe could be attempting to carve out a new political identity or relevance, especially in a political climate where dissenting voices often attract attention.

However, the school of thought conjecturing that personal resentment might have been right as it is common in Nigerian politics that personal grievances and perceived slights can evolve into public feuds. Igbokwe may feel betrayed by the very system he once defended so ardently.

In fact, the political establishment has not taken kindly to Igbokwe’s newfound stance. Tinubu’s loyalists have dismissed his criticisms as the rants of a disgruntled politician, while opposition voices have amplified his statements to underscore the alleged failings of the administration.

Public reactions have been equally divided. For some Nigerians, Igbokwe’s outbursts reflect the frustrations of many who feel let down by the Tinubu administration. Others, however, see his criticisms as insincere and opportunistic, questioning why he defended the same policies and leadership style when it suited his interests.

Joe Igbokwe’s shift from loyal supporter to vocal critic highlights several truths about Nigerian politics. First, it underscores the transactional nature of political loyalty, where support is often contingent on personal gain. Second, it reveals the fragile nature of political alliances, which can crumble when individual ambitions are thwarted. Lastly, it highlights the gap between the expectations of political allies and the realities of governance, particularly in a country as complex as Nigeria.

The story of Joe Igbokwe is one of political loyalty tested by the harsh realities of power dynamics. His transformation from Tinubu’s staunch advocate to one of his most vocal critics is not just about one man’s political journey; it is a reflection of the broader issues at play in Nigeria’s political landscape.

For Tinubu, the lesson is clear: loyalty, no matter how fierce, cannot be taken for granted. For Igbokwe, his new role as a critic may bring opportunities for reinvention, but it also comes with challenges, as he must navigate the skepticism of those who see his shift as a betrayal rather than a principled stance.

In the end, Joe Igbokwe’s metamorphosis is a cautionary tale for politicians and supporters alike, reminding us that in the unpredictable world of Nigerian politics, yesterday’s allies can easily become today’s adversaries.

In a society where traditional roles and economic inequalities often place women at a disadvantage, the importance of financial independence cannot be overstated. Nigerian music icon Tiwa Savage recently shared a powerful anecdote that drives this point home. During an interview, she revealed how she once returned a Range Rover gifted to her for her birthday because she was not interested in the giver and did not want to be indebted to him. Her decision underscores the critical role financial stability plays in enabling women to make decisions that align with their values and protect their dignity.

For women, financial independence is not just a luxury; it is a necessity. It offers freedom, respect, and the ability to live life on one’s own terms. Yet, many women still find themselves dependent on others, often at the expense of their self-worth and autonomy. This article explores why every woman should strive for financial independence, the pathways to achieve it, and how society can support this vital goal.

At its core, financial independence means having the resources to support oneself without relying on others. It is a tool for empowerment that allows women to make decisions free from coercion or undue influence.

Tiwa Savage’s story is a case in point. Her ability to return a high-value gift without hesitation was rooted in her own financial stability. Had she been reliant on others, she might have felt pressured to accept the gift and endure unwanted advances or obligations. Financial independence enables women to set and enforce boundaries, preserving their self-respect and peace of mind.

Beyond personal relationships, financial autonomy also empowers women to leave toxic environments, be it at home or in the workplace. It ensures they can walk away from situations that compromise their well-being without fearing financial ruin.

In fact, financial independence matters because it engenders freedom to choose.  When women have their own income, they can make decisions based on their needs and aspirations rather than out of desperation or dependency. This extends to everything from career choices to personal relationships.

In a similar vein, it breaks cycles of abuse.  Many women remain in abusive relationships because they lack the financial means to leave. Given the foregoing situation, it is not out of place to opine that financial independence provides an escape route and the confidence to build a better life.

Also in a similar vein, it empowers the next generation. The foregoing can be clarified by opining that financially independent women are role models for their children, especially daughters. They teach the next generation the importance of self-reliance and hard work.

In fact, it reduces gender inequality. When women contribute equally to household or societal income, it challenges outdated gender norms and promotes equality.

It also builds confidence. The ability to earn and manage one’s own money boosts self-esteem, giving women the confidence to assert themselves in various spheres of life.

Without a doubt, it creates the pathways to financial independence. Achieving financial independence requires effort, planning, and determination.

Given the benefits that are inherent in women being financially independent, it is germane to say that some practical steps women can take cut across pursuing gainful employment, embarking on education and training, networking and mentorship.

One of the most direct paths to financial independence is finding a stable job. Women should seek opportunities that align with their skills and interests, whether in the corporate world, public sector, or non-governmental organizations.

In today’s competitive job market, acquiring relevant qualifications and skills is essential. This may involve formal education, vocational training, or online certifications.

Building professional networks and seeking mentors can open doors to job opportunities and career advancement.

In a similar vein, it is expedient for everywoman to start a business. For women with an entrepreneurial spirit, starting a business can be a fulfilling way to achieve financial independence. The foregoing can be achieved by identifying a niche.   Successful businesses often address specific needs or gaps in the market. Women should consider their passions and expertise when identifying a business idea.

Also, to become financially independent, it is advisable for everywoman to access resources. Many organizations and governments offer grants, loans, and training programs tailored to women entrepreneurs.

In a similar vein, there is the need to embrace technology. In fact, leveraging digital tools and platforms can help women reach wider audiences and streamline business operations.

Added to the foregoing tips is that any woman who wants to be financially independent must invest wisely.  This is as earning money is just the first step; managing it effectively is equally important. Therefore, women should learn about saving, budgeting, and investing to grow their wealth over time.

Also not to be ignored is financial literacy.  Understanding concepts like compound interest, stocks, and mutual funds can help women make informed investment decisions.

In addition, women who want to be financially independent must seek professional advice. Financial advisors can provide personalized guidance on wealth management and long-term planning.

In a similar vein, women who are ready to become financially independent, must cultivate multiple streams of income.  This is as relying on a single source of income can be risky. Women should explore side hustles or passive income opportunities, such as freelance work, online tutoring, or rental income.

Besides, there is the need to master how to overcome barriers.  While the benefits of financial independence are clear, women often face significant obstacles on this journey, including societal expectations, limited access to education, and workplace discrimination. Addressing these challenges requires a collective effort. And these include supportive policies. Governments must implement policies that promote gender equality, such as equal pay laws, maternity leave, and affordable childcare.

Close to the foregoing is community support. Women need encouragement from their families and communities to pursue careers or businesses without fear of judgment or backlash.

Without a doubt, there is the need for women who are willing to become financially independent to challenge stereotypes. On the other hand, society must move away from outdated beliefs that a woman’s primary role is in the home.

Without a doubt, every woman has the potential to achieve financial independence, but it requires a proactive approach. Women must take ownership of their financial journey by setting clear goals and staying disciplined, surround themselves with supportive people who uplift and inspire them and never stop learning and adapting to new challenges and opportunities.

On the other hand, it is also crucial for society to recognize and support women’s aspirations. Employers must create inclusive workplaces, governments must provide equal opportunities, and families must champion the importance of independence for daughters, sisters, and wives.

In fact, Tiwa Savage’s decision to return a Range Rover she did not need or want is a powerful testament to the value of financial independence. It reminds us that when women control their finances, they control their choices and, ultimately, their destinies.

In a world where economic empowerment is key to breaking barriers and achieving equality, every woman must strive to be gainfully employed, manage her finances wisely, or build a thriving business. Financial independence is not just about survival; it is about thriving, inspiring, and living with dignity and confidence. As women take bold steps toward this goal, society must stand behind them, paving the way for a future where no woman is ever a pushover.

The title of this lecture, “Experiential Learning: Building the Wealth of the Nation”, has been carefully chosen and was largely inspired by the strong correlation between education and development. It is fitting that a lot of the people gathered here are students.

What future do our young people dream of? It is probable that the desire to emigrate is a priority dream for most. The word “japa” is a major part of the Nigerian reality. It has come to define the aspirations of our youth.

The reasons, of course, are fairly predictable. Let’s just say that there haven’t been as much economic opportunities – or jobs – as there are people in desperate need of gainful employment.

You may be familiar with my exemplary story of two young men – Emeka and Ikechukwu. Buffeted by life’s harsh realities, Emeka opted for the familiar but perilous exodus via the Mediterranean in search of presumably greener pastures, but his quest ended tragically like many others. Ikechukwu chose to apply his inventive acuity to meet the necessities around him. This anecdote calls attention to the social debacle that “japa” represents.

Our young people must not merely think outside the box – they have to blow up the box and imagine new possibilities. Rather than wait for jobs, our youth must create jobs! This begs the question: how skilled, innovative, and globally competitive are our university graduates?

Why do Nigerian universities seldom feature on the global ranking list of world’s best universities? Why have they seemed perennially unable to become the ideas factory which universities ought to be? Why are our universities not producing inventive graduates like Ikechukwu?

The answers to these questions lie in many inconvenient truths, amongst which is the fact that the learning in our schools, from Basic to Tertiary, has for years not imbued our young people with productive skills and competencies. This is a root cause of our underdevelopment.

All through history, knowledge has always been the prime lever for progress, from the Stone Age to the Industrial Revolution – and it will be no less so as the world gets in the grip of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

What role will Enugu youth play in the story of this emerging Fourth Industrial Revolution? What role will Enugu State universities play in preparing our youth to be part of the narrative of a new world order?

Edward Paice warns us in his book that sub-Saharan Africa is generating the greatest proportion of youth in the world, even as the populations of other continents are shrinking.

Our present task is to turn our young and populous demography into advantageous human capital.

That way, we can create new narratives! And I’m happy to tell you that we are already doing that! Let me share a true story, about Precious, a 13-year-old girl from Owo. Like many children in our communities, Precious has dreams that stretch far beyond the walls of her father’s house and her traditional classroom.

But for years, her potential was locked behind a system that taught her to memorize rather than to innovate, to repeat rather than to question. Like millions of children in Nigeria, Precious was in school, but had limited chance to acquire quality and transformative education.

The Enugu Smart Green School changed Precious’ story. Today, Precious is no longer bound by the limitations of a conventional education system. As a student at the Enugu Smart Green School, Precious learns by solving real-world problems that matter to her community.

Her classroom is not just a place of learning—it is a hub of creativity, innovation, and action. At the Enugu Smart Green School, Owo, Precious worked with her peers and teachers to develop a water purification system that now supplies drinking water to the school. At the Enugu Smart Green School Owo, Precious worked with her peers and teachers to develop a model for a Smart Farm that now supplies eggs to 846 schoolchildren, three days per week.

This transformation is part of a larger vision—to create an Experiential Learning ecosystem that connects every level of education, from primary schools to vocational schools and universities, to a dynamic pipeline of workforce development, innovation, and sustainability.

In a globalized world, competition is by no means local, and the meritocracy of ideas is the underlining philosophy that holds sway. To produce globally competitive youth, who can remain here in Enugu and yet, “japa” their skills globally, our education ecosystem must immediately shift from rote learning to Experiential Learning!

Education must be tailored to meet the exigencies of present needs and aspire to solve future challenges. Education is fundamentally, the cornerstone of our progress, the bedrock upon which our future stands.

History is replete with many compelling cases for the embrace of innovation. Many years ago, making phone calls was a harrowing experience that usually entailed waiting in a long queue. Of course, getting to the front of the queue is no guarantee of a successful phone call. There might not be a dialing tone – despite the long wait. But with the emergence of GSM technology, those stories now exist as distant memories from a bygone age. With mobile phones, we now have the world in our pockets.

The point is that innovation is the fuel of development. But development is never wished into existence. It thrives in an atmosphere of deep respect for learning and pursuit of knowledge to improve the human condition.

It is no coincidence the countries that invest the most in building a qualitative and experiential education ecosystem are the world’s leading economies – United States of America, China, and European Union countries like Germany and Netherlands, are well-known examples.

So, why are we not fully leveraging the solutions that a wholesome education offers to launch our society onto a new trajectory that fosters growth in critical sectors?

Education has long been seen as a pathway to job opportunities, but today, it must also be for us, a pathway to innovation and economic leapfrog. For this to happen, Enugu must lead in Experiential Learning in Africa. Our students at all levels — from early childhood to tertiary education — must be equipped with the tools to not only adapt to the future but to shape it!

Experiential Learning ensures that education is deeply connected to the challenges and opportunities of the real world. It fosters critical thinking, creativity, and collaboration. It empowers students to see themselves not as passive learners but as active problem-solvers.

As an ecosystem, a flexible and scalable model that can be applied across wide-ranging contexts—from Smart Green Schools and Vocational Schools to Universities, Experiential Learning is bigger than an educational model. It is a strategy for workforce development, innovation, and sustainability.

We should think of Experiential Learning as an engine that will enable our education system to drive workforce development and productivity. We should see it as the missing link between education, industrialization, and GDP growth.

By embedding Experiential Learning into our education ecosystem, from Basic to Tertiary education, we are creating a seamless pipeline where students progress from foundational learning to practical innovation.

Imagine a university student working on a project to design renewable energy solutions for rural communities. Imagine a student in a Science and Technical Vocational School developing skills in precision agriculture to boost food security. These are not hypothetical scenarios; they are the outcomes of an Experiential Learning ecosystem that we are already building here in Enugu State.

If kids like Precious could achieve Experiential Learning in our Smart Green Schools, why would our universities not deliver Experiential Learning to our youth?

Our Experiential Learning model aligns education with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), equipping students with skills to tackle critical challenges such as: Energy: Training students to innovate in renewable energy technologies; Agriculture: Equipping them with skills for sustainable farming practices and ICT and Technology: Building capacities in robotics, AI, and digital entrepreneurship.

Moreover, we have been very intentional and bold in our commitment to Experiential Learning. As you know, we have commenced construction of our pilot Center for Experiential Learning and Innovation (CELI) at the Enugu State College of Education Technical.

It is our vision that every Tertiary Institution in Enugu State will possess such a center which, in addition to equipping teachers and professors with the pedagogical skills to deliver experiential education to our children, will also serve as a bridge between education and industry.

The Center for Experiential Learning and Innovation connects students and teachers to the tools and partnerships that they need to develop technological competencies, innovate and pilot real-world solutions, and drive economic growth and sustainable development.

For us, it is a no-brainer. Our universities must adapt and harness Experiential Learning to change our story. We owe this much to our young people. Give them a chance!

It is time to change the development narrative. For too long, we have looked outward for solutions to our challenges. But the truth is clear: those who are closest to the challenges are best poised to lead the solutions.

And truth be told; Experiential Learning is our oldest traditional system of education – much akin to the Apprenticeship system established by our forefathers – whereby knowledge is transmitted through practice, and knowledge thus gained, fostered innovation and growth.

As a former colony, this country inherited a design of education rooted in rote learning and mimicry. We gained political independence. The time is overdue to emancipate our education system. Like the Sankofa, we must look to our cherished heritage to forge a formidable future of innovation, progress, and prosperity.

This is not an impossible task. We have proof. Our smart teachers, like Ogbu Esther, who specializes in Robotics at the Enugu Smart Green School Owo, are already demonstrating the type of leadership we need by guiding students to address local needs. Our students, like Precious, are proving that age is no barrier to innovation. And our communities are showing that with the right support, they can be powerful agents of change.

We are not just talking about improving education; this is about empowering people to lead their own development. It is about moving away from a narrative of dependency and towards a future of self-reliance and innovation.

This is a challenge to the government, and universities, as much as it is to our students and our youth for whom “japa” constitute the single most compelling aspiration.

We must prepare our youth for changing tides, lest they be lost in a tide. ”Japa” may be a consequence of longstanding sociological stagnation. And the quest for social mobility is a natural human trait. Yet, all the great inventions the world has seen over the years had arisen, not from a sense of sufficiency, but to fill an abject want. Necessity, it is said, is the mother of invention. As a state, we have necessities, and we have human capital.

Developing our human capital has been the highest preoccupation of our present government. The degree to which we meet this task is measurable by our investment in ensuring access to quality education and healthcare.

As I have often emphasized, nations seldom rise above the standard of their public education. And the wealth of a nation depends upon the health of its people. Both education and health define the quality of the human capital – the truest measure of every nation’s true wealth.

So, why is it that infrastructural development often tends to be implemented at a pace that is disproportionate to investment in intangible resources such as education?

The reason is fairly easy to infer. The sheer physicality of road infrastructure means that they yield outcomes that are instant, whereas the results arising from investment in education are not immediately discernible. The plaudits are thus immediate. So, governments – not all, I dare say – invest in quick fixes like physical infrastructure, to the detriment of sectors such as education and health.

Instructively, the most impactful policies are not necessarily those that create the biggest buzz. But they offer the clearest indices of human development.

Nothing transforms lives and paves a path to a promising future like quality education. It is the reason why one-third of Enugu State’s total annual budget went into funding education. This translates to roughly twice UNESCO’s recommended benchmark of 15% – 20%. What this means is that for every 100 Naira spent, 33 Naira goes to the education budget.

This funding has enabled us to implement both infrastructural and pedagogical overhaul of our education system.

Our will has enabled us to begin a transition from a system where pupils seemed, to all intents and purposes, to be merely going through the motions of learning, to an ecosystem of Experiential Learning.

Through our Basic Education Smart Green Schools, we have introduced the “cut-off point”, whereby we target children from age 3, and begin to inculcate in them social habits, health habits, fine motor skills, and problem-solving competencies, introducing them to an experiential education system that helps them to navigate our rapidly evolving technological knowledge-driven world.

After three years of Early Childhood Education, having completed Nursery 1-3, our children complete Basic 1-9. During their twelve-year academic study in the Enugu Smart Green Schools, our children learn with interactive digital whiteboards, tablets, and computers; they are immersed in Robotics, Artificial Intelligence, Virtual/Augmented Reality, and Internet of Things.

They practice technology and scientific experiments in well-equipped modern laboratories. They collaborate with Civil Society Organizations and Industry Partners to curate Innovation Challenges and solve community problems aligned with Sustainable Development Goals.

I dare say that the quality of our Smart Green School compares with the best schools anywhere in the world.

Upon graduating from the Smart Green Schools, about one-quarter of our children will proceed to Technical and Vocational Schools focusing on key competencies like Industrial and Information Technology, Building and Fabrication Engineering, as well as Industrial Agriculture, with the objective to become respected and skilled professionals, highly valued for their expertise.

We have commenced the construction of 8 Science, Technical, and Vocational Schools across Enugu State. This includes the Government Technical College (GTC), Enugu. We intend to restore the former glory of this school established in 1948.

The remainder 75% of graduates from the Smart Green Schools will proceed to Smart Senior Secondary Schools, where they would continue with Experiential Learning, in preparation for Scientific, Arts, and Professional Studies in any of our Tertiary Institutions.

As you can see, our children will come through a pipeline of Experiential Learning. Our universities must not only be ready for them, but should lead research, development, and innovation in Experiential Learning.

As a matter of fact, we hereby announce as a policy that all state-owned tertiary institutions in Enugu State must henceforth deliver Experiential Learning to our children. We want to see this change reflected in planning, budget, curriculum reform, assessment and promotions, as well as research.

We must not forget that as Africans, we had been discounted in the Narratives and Histories of the making of this world order, and we must now embrace Disruptive Innovation to ensure that we write the next chapter in the Narrative of a new world system.

With a population of over 200 million and a median age of 18 years, Nigeria has the 6th largest population of youth in the world. About 70 percent of the population is under 30, and almost half is under the age of 15.

Among our teeming youth are some Emekas who continue to look to “japa” as salvation. But more and more, we are seeing numerous Ikechukwus, who are applying their intuitive intellect to thrive here at home.

For us, the youth bulge presents numerous opportunities. The inherent potential in our youth bulge can be glimpsed in the fact that a largely young population best guarantees a steady supply stream for our state’s workforce. Our most pressing task now is to ensure that the youth bulge oils the wheels of productivity.

The solution goes back to the core of this lecture – experiential education!

It also would entail the adoption of a new orientation in our university system that upends the current trend where students only work on projects during their final year. This is too perfunctory and performative.

From the First Year, students should be dealing with compelling social and economic real-life issues as part of their academic requirements for the award of degrees. That way, students become solution-providers, and the universities will truly become hubs of creativity that they were conceived to be.

Given the very disproportionate ratio of students that universities are graduating annually to available jobs, the question has been asked if we have somehow over-idealized education. The answer is an emphatic NO.

All through our history, the benefits of education have always been self-evident. In our colonial experience, it was a weapon of liberation perfectly wielded in the fight for independence.

It equally proved a convenient tool of development as premiers of Nigeria’s defunct regions committed substantial funds towards their citizens’ education.

To a large extent, the varying levels of advancement attained by the regions in the pre – and post-independence Nigeria were reflective of the amount of resources that each region had deployed to the education sector.

So, education will always remain an enduring legacy. The challenge, however, lies in developing an educational ecosystem that reflects the demands of the changing times. Today, it is the knowledge economy that reigns supreme. The indicators literally stare us in the face.

Coal was the single most important element of the Industrial Revolution. But few weeks ago, the United Kingdom – the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution – shut down the last of its coal-fired power stations.

Let’s think about that. If that doesn’t serve as an instructive lesson, nothing else will.

An education system that fosters disruptive innovation is the solution we need to achieve a leap out of a cycle of underdevelopment. The existential crisis is all around us. Look at the folly of our-near total and decades-long dependence on export of natural resources and agricultural produce. This has made our nation acutely vulnerable to the vagaries of the international market.

Consider this: From being the prime contributor to Nigeria’s economy for decades, oil has fallen off its “glorious” perch. Instructively, the ICT sector has been gaining ascendancy in the last ten years. In 2023, for instance, ICT contribution to Nigeria’s GDP was 16.7 percent. The figure for 2024 looks likely to rise, given the sector’s 19.8 percent second-quarter contribution.

On a similar note, Artificial Intelligence (AI) is projected to contribute up to $15 trillion to the global economy by 2030.

So, what would be the next economic turn and how do we prepare for it? As we invest in education, we must be conscious of nurturing an educational curriculum that caters to our pressing development needs, while at the same time, prepares us to feature prominently in the narrative of the next global economic turning point.

As history shows, to achieve progress, we must challenge the status quo. We are now at a watershed moment in our history. To turn the page, to achieve quantum development, we must now rend the fabrics of complacency and do the unusual and the unexpected. Experiential learning gives us the window of opportunity. And our universities must drive the revolution.

Ladies and gentlemen, tomorrow is no longer something we wait for—it is here. The challenges we face today, from climate change to unemployment, demand immediate action, and the boldness to think outside the box. The solutions lie in you—your ideas, your resilience, and your capacity to innovate.

With the Smart Green Schools, and an ecosystem of Experiential Learning, Enugu State will prove that education can be a catalyst for sustainable development.

We are building not just schools but a new model for development, one that positions education at the heart of economic growth and sustainability.

Let us not miss this moment. Let us invest in our teachers, our students, and our communities. Let us commit to a vision where every child, no matter where they are born, has the opportunity to lead and innovate.

Enugu is setting a bold example—not just for Nigeria but for the world. We are showing that education, when rooted in action, can unlock the true wealth of a nation.

Indeed, tomorrow is here!

*Being 1st Enugu State University of Science and Technology Distinguished Lecture Series delivered by Governor Mbah on Tuesday.

Given the guardian angel role he has taken upon himself to play in the affairs of Nigeria (since he left office), and a prior not too good disposition towards incumbent President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, there was a sense of inevitability about the present altercation between former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Tinubu. 

What is of significance to the Nigerian public is that, objectively speaking, there is hardly any detached observer of the Nigerian situation (presented with the same evidence as Obasanjo) who can come to different conclusions. 

We cannot, in all honesty, find the critical assessment and surveillance rendered by the former President as lacking in objectivity and merit. What is it that Obasanjo said that has not been repeatedly tendered by unbiased interrogators of the Tinubu presidency? 

Obasanjo was not speaking as Yoruba and would take umbrage at being classified as such but several Yoruba commentators have expressed the concern that there appears to be a growing conspiracy of silence (by the Yoruba) on the obligation to call out Tinubu on the critical inadequacies of his government.

Moreso, when the Yoruba were always at the vanguard of holding previous governments to account.

Said Babafemi Ojudu “Now, I pose this question to my Yoruba brothers, many of whom shared the struggle with me: What has changed? Is it because we now have a Yoruba president that dissent must cease, and those who oppose the current order must be labelled as dangerous troublemakers and foreign invaders?”. 

But beyond the governance aspect of Tinubu’s presidency, there is also the political dimension. In this regard, If you were his political adviser, how would you counsel him to manage Obasanjo and his other predecessors?. 

Many moons back I once occupied the position of the same description. So I might as well ask myself the same question. 

My recommendation is that on getting to the presidential villa, he should, metaphorically, knock on the doors of all his predecessors and greet them ‘ẹ ku iwaju o’ (I acknowledge and greet you as my predecessors) even if he is not on all fours with everyone of them. 

Even if you think the worst of Obasanjo 

there is a pertinent Yoruba realpolitik that counsels “Ẹ ba je kafi obi fun osika, ko fi enu ara re wure (let us prevail on the wicked to lead the prayers so he will be compelled to wish us well). 

It would cost the president next to nothing to initiate a three minute goodwill telephone call with each of his predecessors. You would then have, in a manner of speaking, fulfill all righteousness and put the ball in their courts to acknowledge and respond in kind. 

Where Nigeria is concerned, Obasanjo is a tough customer to please. In the same breadth and being human, the probability is that he would pull his punches and criticise you tongue-in-cheek, in the customary honeymoon interlude. 

Despite an earlier indication to heed this counsel, the President ultimately chose to call the bluff of all who believe his political purposes are better served by warming up to a personality with capacity to do damage.

My position is that a newly elected President is obliged to honour his predecessors with at least a courtesy telephone call once he resumes office. This is good etiquette, moreso in the context of Yoruba culture where the younger party is expected to defer to the older. 

I was surprised to see that an acclaimed master of political pragmatism could not transcend personal reservations in such a situation of realpolitik. Partisan differences, notwithstanding, when one has attained to his ultimate ambition, it is in the enlightened self interest of the oga-at-the-top to cultivate stoic consciousness and the doctrine of no permanent foe.

The big elephant in the room is that for nearly all the Presidents Nigeria has had, it is difficult to speak objectively about any of them without it looking like a deliberate and hostile take down of their government. 

And If there was anything worse than the obasanjo take down of the President at the Yale university, it was the response from the Presidency. Amongst other infantile diatribes from the Bayo Onanuga riposte was this stand alone embarrassment. 

“The current economic crisis the All Progressives Congress administrations have been battling since 2015 is the product of the poor choices in economic management made by Obasanjo and the two successors from his party. Obasanjo prides his government on paying the $15 billion debt owed to the Paris Club. Still, it was not a wise decision as it was done when the country’s critical economic infrastructure across sectors was in shambles”. 

In a few months from now it will be ten years since the APC assumed the reins of the Nigerian Presidency. If the abysmal record of General Muhammadu Buhari is the standard to which Tinubu holds itself, this will be the worst indictment of his eighteen months stewardship. 

For that matter, in the course of once addressing himself to the nation, the President made this oblique reference to his predecessor, “after darkness comes the glorious dawn”. 

It is a measure of the gross incompetence and escapism of the ten years old APC government that they are still seeking extenuation for their failure in this pathetic blame game. 

There is this Yoruba aphorism that if you take all of ten years to threaten that you are going to go mad, then for how long will you be able to practice the insanity. 

Right in the thick of the rough and tumble with Obasanjo, came another evidence of the capacity of this government to self-destruct. 

In addition to an already bloated assemblage of a media task force comprising two special advisers and about seven senior special assistants and special assistants, Daniel Bwala was appointed another special adviser on publicity. It was a recipe for cacophony and so it quickly manifested in public altercation between Bwala and Onanuga. 

How does this self-abnegating 

display of incoherence, chaos and mindlessness speak well of the Tinubu presidency. Should anyone be in doubt about this tower of babel, the first assignment Mr Daniel Bwala, took upon himself was to initiate a turf war and thereby provoke Onanuga to a Bolekaja skirmish in the marketplace.

This follows in the tradition of the philosophy of governance (by spiritual revelation and impulse) that the President himself enunciated at his inaugural ceremony where he declared that “oil subsidy is gone”. According to the president, this policy pronouncement was a product of nothing more than ‘a spirit of courage that momentarily 

washed over him. 

This is the culture of the illogic of the pronouncement of policies and appointments before thinking them through. For instance, as we speak, nobody has been able to articulate the rationale behind the national Anthem fiasco. What is the thinking that necessitated the switch and the emergency nature of the passage into law.?

Since he assumed office as President I have not made any effort to see him but the grapevine has it that it is easier for the camel to pass through the eye of the needful than make a succees of any contemplation to visit the president.

Explanations of this Inaccessibility will be found in the limitations his alleged poor health has imposed on him. Such limitations invariably breed power vacuum which will be filled by cabals whose agendas are often than not at variance with public service. 

Notable among those who took this position was Pat Utomi ‘I would not be seeking public office at his (Tinubu) age,.. I told my children to confine me if I’m running around after 70’.

‘it’s a personal principle, I’m not saying it should apply to everybody. But our country has suffered so much from having idle leaders’. 

‘Tinubu is not fit. You can see he is ailing. Let’s not lie to ourselves. Let him go through a medical (checkup) like they do in the US,”

This Umaru Yar’adua syndrome wrought a devastating effect on the Mohammadu Buhari government, where anything that could go wrong, went wrong. Apparently, there is a linkage between the peripatetic nature of Buhari and increasingly that of his successor. 

This is at a huge cost to Nigeria not just in terms of the medical bills incurred but more importantly, the governance void that a country suffers when the president is frequently missing in action 

As the 2027 general elections looms so are we looking at a consequential worsening of the socioeconomic situation of Nigeria. If Tinubu is going to seek reelection, he would begin the race next year and this distraction would further impair his capacity to grapple governance. 

Generally, incumbents are most vulnerable when seeking reelection, especially, in the manifestation of corruption and abuse of office. Given the implausible prospect of an economic turnaround from its dire straits in the near future, the worse it all gets for Tinubu and Nigeria. 

He will be running against the backdrop of the bitterness of the most critical constituency that brought him to office without the compensation of an equivalent replacement. 

He has deeply offended the far North by serving them the bitter taste of the medicine that his predecessor liberally served others, rampant nepotism and parochialism in favour of his Moslem North redoubt. 

In a similar manner, Tinubu has brazenly cultivated the habit of prioritising and overcompensating his Yoruba constituency. 

In the prevailing dispensation of economic depression and alienation of the far North he has his task cut out for him. 

When this push comes to shove, any attempt to rationalise and foist a rigged election is guaranteed to foment a gigantic crisis 

Good night, Asabi

With all the enveloping despair and hopelessness at the Nigerian front compounded by the disastrous relection of Donald Trump as American President, I thought the cup of iniquity was full and overflowing. How tragically wrong was I?

There followed a swift escalation of the rainfall to a massive downpour. 

Asabi was my junior sister. Her regular name was Jumoke but when we were young, my grandmother called her no other name than the pet name she gave her, Asabi. I grew up liking the name so much that I inherited its usage.

Since the tragic news broke out on Monday I now woke up dreading I will never hear from her again. What makes her passage doubly tragic was the inexplicable human errors that worked together to terminate rather than save her precious life. I pray that God will fill the vacuum that has been created in the lives of her children, Tunde, Isaiah and Elizabeth.

It is now time for me to say sayonara, fare thee well.

Yesterday the National Defense College (NDC) stood still for AVM Iyamu (rtd). The topic of his informed presentation was “Climate Change: A Threat to Global Security. He moved from his topic of global security to bring out the impact of Climate Change on regional and national security all over the world. Then he pointed out that Nigeria needs creativity, audacity and fresh ideas to address the disruptions caused by Climate Change. He predicates this last submission on the fact that the climate options laid out in the nation’s Policy document cannot adequately address the immediate pain point of citizens.

The speaker drew from the studies by international organizations and advanced nations to show that Climate Change is the greatest threat multiplier to global security and stability. He pointed out the implications of the human displacements and migration in the Sahel; and how this will contribute to a decline in Foreign Direct Investment. His reason for this view is simple: these are some of the facts, and factors that contribute to border skirmishes, arms proliferation and armed conflicts.

There is need for nations committing funds to tackling carbon emission through the introduction of alternative energy sources other than fossil fuel, emphasizing the importance of the NATO strategy for reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. As he called on Nigeria’s National Disaster Management plan to take the next step to seriousness by considering flooding a grave National Security concern and working out mechanism for ensuring that there is punishment and convictions for whosoever willfully pollutes and/or degrades our environment. He also urged the National Assembly to make appropriate laws to prevent work avoidance by enforcing agencies.

And the Commandant of NDC was no less versed on Climate Change issues. His remarks, in fact, laid an indispensable foundation for the delivery of Iyamu. He touched on all the core issues of Climate Change, environmental sustainability and much more. Then, the clincher: The entire institution depends on, and uses, solar energy. That makes NDC an organization that others need to study in order to understand how it is possible to use renewable energy for everything. Here was a knowledgeable Commandant who not only has his wits about him, but lives out every utterance about sensitivity to the dangers of Climate Change, as well as the larger picture of global economics and politics surrounding it all.

Honorable Ukeje, being a politician and an “indigene” of the National Assembly, due to her many electoral victories that saw her returning several times as a legislator, took up the matter of global politics and the need for Africa not to carry on the way it is doing at the moment. She urged African states to be wary of the agreements and protocols they append their signatures to. “Those who have done, and who are still doing, more harm to the environment and who are therefore more responsible for Climate change than Africa, should just stop trying to hoodwink the rest of us”, she said

It was a harvest of great ideas, and also plausible solutions to some conceptual and attitudinal missteps by African nations that struggle to be seen to be up and about with “international best practices” when they simply do not belong to the league the banners of which they are attempting to fly.

All behind the scene, liaising with everyone and everything that made the event a success was Air Commodore Ayodele Famuyiwa. The man is efficiency, tact and close marking of every component of the event walking on two legs.

And the NDC event brought to mind a conversation on the dire implications of Climate Change for the planned Onitsha inland port, which was mentioned and discussed on this page under the title: “Onitsha Port and Other Matters”. The matter had come up at a private gathering. the issue then was that “the ‘port’ was formally commissioned by late Dr Alex Ekwueme, Vice President to late Alhaji Shehu Shagari, but it never really functioned in real terms”.

The article in question, back then, said: “What needs to be re-evaluated, perhaps, fully is its feasibility from the angle of security of goods and route; as well as its viability from the angle of the simple required maritime ecosystem. One major overlooked, and largely unacknowledged, problem is the probability of not ever really getting enough water for the primary business of a port. You need water for a river port and the Onitsha end of the river Niger does not have enough. Dredging is a good idea, but it will give you a bigger ditch and wipe out the means of livelihood of water dependent local economies”.

The above observation had created an uproar back then, with some people even hinting that the article in question was sponsored by enemies of Ndigbo. While admitting “The confirmed practice elsewhere, of “gating” and later discharging the water to secure enough depth, the challenges that come to mind regarding the proposed Onitsha River Port are: (1) How the river dams along the Niger, Benue and their many tributaries have reduced available water at Onitsha by over 68%; (2) Possibly unrealistic projections about the prospects of the project; (3) The credibility of some of the existing Environmental Impact Assessment (AIE) reports, especially against the background of Climate Change and other environmental factors; (4) Direct politicization of the economic value of a river port in Onitsha, as against Port Harcourt and Calabar”.

The article also warned against “(1) the game plans of individuals who wish to upgrade their relevance by fighting to secure vital “federal project for Ndigbo”, while sometimes knowing that it will either not work or that it will not bring the alleged benefits, and, also; (2) The questionable security along the inland waterways, especially with active presence of militants, the Egbesu Boys, and freelance oil bunkers, creek-dependent mischief makers and others. Will the vessels really make their way through the creeks, while vehicles on our roads in broad daylight and even trains are unsafe?”

Those looking forward to a vibrant port in Onitsha were asked to think of a “water plan” to make the dream plan a reality”. The dams built across the rivers Niger and Benue, and their tributaries, over the years have reduced the overall water volume.

Dwelling on human impact factors and general Climate Change issues, the article goes on: “The confluence of some cold rivers with warmer ones have been permanently altered worldwide, while some flowing waters have been made to stagnate and create saturated water that wiped out fresh water aquatic life. Some rivers are now fragments of their former selves and others have dried up completely, as can be seen when you drive from Enugu, through Anyigba, to Abuja”.

It continues: “Massive fish populations were killed on the Snake River, Idaho, in the US by dam construction; leading to the decimation of salmon species, among others. An Idaho State Senator, Frank Church, who originally supported dam building later rose in defense of natural waterways and spoke against dams. It was the same Frank Church who, after he saw the damage to the environment, eventually wrote the Wild and Scientific Rivers Act, passed in 1968.

No one can deny historic significance of the Suez Canal and its economic value to this day, but the general global concern today about the fate of streams, rivers and other natural waterways comes from the realization that long-term damage is being done to ecosystems, following the unsustainable violation of natural habitats by damming. The negative impacts on the global food web and even the climate are staring us in the face everywhere.

Available global evidence shows that one of the main reasons freshwater fish numbers have declined all over the world, leading to a loss of 80% of fresh water wild life since 1970, is the damming of rivers. Let us recall the verdict of the World Commission on Dams, in 2000: that dams had displaced between 40 – 80 million people, making it the single human activity with the greatest capacity to create Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs).

Let those who are threatening to build a river port in Onitsha remember that there is also a scaling up of plans to build more dams across waterways that discharge into the Niger trough. Let them also not forget that this is happening years after the US came upfront on a campaign to “decommission” many dams. Recorded successes in this regard, with measurable positive environmental impact, include removal of the dam on the Elwha river in Washington State. One year after the last dam was removed in 2014, the Chinook species of fish, which had not been seen there for more than 100 years reappeared.

After the last dam was removed from the River Elwha, for instance, river fish populations flourished. In a world where Brazil’s environmental agency suspended the licensing process for the Sao Luiz Tapajos dam, the second largest hydroelectric dam in the country, we have no official attitude on dams. In a world where the World Bank recently suspended financial support for the Inga 3 dam on the River Congo, and where Chile’s largest power generator, Endesa, stopped six hydropower projects, we have no position on dams. Even the Chinese stopped their plans to construct a series of dams across the country`s last free-flowing rivers, the Nujiang. The Peruvian authorities also suspended the construction of several dams across the Marañón River at about the same time that Geute Conservation Sur, an organization dedicated to the defense of ecosystems with high conservation value, is providing legal analysis to develop a new law for river protection in Chile.

The concern about water and free waterways is such that the world is focusing on transboundary cooperation between nations for conscious and deliberate management of the ecosystem and water volume throughout the length of major rivers. The conflict between China and Thailand over development on the Lancang/Mekong River says a lot about what is going on all over the world in connection with waterways today.

To think that the government of New Zealand has gone so far as to “recognize” the Whanganui River by giving it the same constitutional rights as a person? This was done as a way of showing that free-flowing rivers have great impact on food security, water access, biodiversity conservation and propagation of the overall global ecology”.

But, let us get back to the issues that sparked this recourse to a conversation about the questionable viability of Onitsha inland port. Climate Change as increasing desertification, rising water levels and much more, has grave security implications for all. The pretense about its being “none of our business” has lasted long enough. It is time for a rude self-awakening. Is Climate Change not partly, if not largely, responsible for some dimensions of the farmer/herder conflicts all over Africa?

Programme: CITY TALKS WITH REUBEN ABATI

Time: 12:00Noon

Guest: Marcel Okeke
(Economist & Public Affairs Analyst)

Topic: Budget: Balancing Growth and Debt Dependency

Date: 23rd November, 2024

Join Zoom Meeting
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Meeting ID: 928 7714 1732
Passcode: 600206

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s unparalleled appointment of three official, cabinet-level spokesmen—in addition to 9 other senior media aides— symptomizes an insidious governmental malaise. It shows a government that is obsessed with public relations at the expense of public welfare, propaganda at the expense of progress, and mind management at the expense of meaningful management.

On November 14, Daniel Bwala, the former mouthpiece for PDP’s Atiku Abubakar during the last presidential campaign, was inaugurated as Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Media and Public Communication. This move added him to a line-up that already included Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, who had been informally recognized as the senior spokesperson after Ajuri Ngelale’s dramatic exit, and Sunday Dare, Special Adviser to the President on Public Communication and National Orientation.

Yet, on his very first day, October 18, Bwala brazenly declared himself “the spokesman for the president” to State House correspondents, proclaiming that he was the direct successor to Ngelale. His Twitter declaration further cemented his self-anointment: “Resumed officially as the Special Adviser, Media and Public Communications/Spokesperson (State House).”

Since Onanuga had effectively functioned as the spokesman for the president after Ngelale was forced out of the Presidential Villa, it seemed like Tinubu had no confidence in Onanuga and chose to upstage him by bringing in Bwala. 

That puzzled me. I wondered what reputational, symbolic, or political capital Bwala had to earn such an edge. Here’s a man who is deeply resented by Tinubu supporters for his erstwhile caustic attacks on the president and APC during the last election, who is reviled by the opposition for his perceived treachery and mercenariness, and who is disdained by people who couldn't care less about both Tinubu and the opposition. Such a person is more of a reputational liability than an asset for persuasion.

So, it came as no surprise when I read a swift news release from Bayo Onanuga disclaiming Bwala’s self-description as “the spokesperson” for the president. TheCable of November 19 reported that Tinubu was “furious on learning of Bwala’s manoeuvre and immediately instructed Onanuga to issue a clarification.”

The “clarification” says Bwala is now Special Adviser Policy Communication and Sunday Dare is now Special Adviser, Media and Public Communications. “These appointments, along with the existing role of Special Adviser, Information and Strategy, underscore that there is no single individual spokesperson for the Presidency. Instead, all the three Special Advisers will collectively serve as spokespersons for the government,” the statement said.

Tinubu has by far the largest media team in Nigeria’s history—just like he has the largest cabinet in Nigeria’s history. Yet his government has inflicted the most hardship on Nigeria and demands the greatest sacrifice from Nigerians whom he has already stripped of basic welfare and dignity.

Despite this elaborate roster of media professionals, Tinubu’s government stands as a paradox: the most expansive communication team in Nigerian history, yet the most tone-deaf administration in addressing the agonies of ordinary Nigerians. Like his record-breaking cabinet size, his communication machinery seems less about functionality and more about optics—a poorly orchestrated façade against the backdrop of deepening national suffering.

Historically, Nigerian presidents have managed with far leaner communication teams. President Olusegun Obasanjo had a relatively modest media and communications team. His first spokesperson was Doyin Okupe, who was designated as Special Assistant on Media and Publicity from 1999 to 2000. 

He was succeeded by Tunji Oseni whose designation was changed to Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity and served in that role from 2000 to 2003. He was replaced by Remi Oyo from 2003 until 2007. 

Apart from these official spokespeople, Obasanjo appointed Dr. Stanley Macebuh as Senior Special Assistant on Public Communications. After firing him, he replaced him with Emmanuel Arinze. 

He also appointed Femi Fani-Kayode as Special Assistant on Public Affairs and replaced him with Uba Sani after elevating him to a minister. In other words, Obasanjo never had more than three media/communications people at any one time, and he always had just one official spokesperson.

 Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s had Olusegun Adeniyi as his one and only media person/spokesperson. He is also on record as the first president to elevate the position to a cabinet-level position by redesignating as a “Special Adviser” position. 

Goodluck Jonathan sustained this tradition. When Ima Niboro was his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity from 2010 to 2011, he had no other media/communications person. And when Reuben Abati took over from Niboro from 2011 to 2015, he was the only spokesperson and media/communications person for the president. 

The slide into a propagandocracy began with Muhammadu Buhari, who doubled down on PR appointments. While Femi Adesina served as his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu operated as Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity. Buhari’s entourage also included social media mavens, photographers, and digital content creators—an unprecedented escalation in spin management.

There was Tolu Ogunlesi (Special Assistant, Digital & New Media); Lauretta Onochie (Personal Assistant, Social Media); Bashir Ahmad (Personal Assistant, New media); Sha’aban Sharada (Personal Assistant, Broadcast Media); Naziru Muhammed (Personal Assistant, TV Documentary); Sunday Aghaeze (Personal Assistant, Photography); and Bayo Omoboriowo (Personal Assistant/ President’s Photographer).

But Tinubu has taken this expansion to absurd heights. Apart from three cabinet-level official spokespersons, you also have Tunde Rahman (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Media); Abdulaziz Abdulaziz (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Print Media); O’tega Ogra (Senior Special Assistant (Digital/New Media); Tope Ajayi – Senior Special Assistant (Media & Public Affairs); Segun Dada (Special Assistant — Social Media); Nosa Asemota – Special Assistant (Visual Communication); Mr Fredrick Nwabufo (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Public Engagement); Mrs Linda Nwabuwa Akhigbe (Senior Special Assistant to the President — Strategic Communications); and Mr Aliyu Audu (Special Assistant to the President — Public Affairs).

Such bloated extravagance sends a disconcerting message about the administration’s priorities during a time of profound economic hardship.

In a March 4, 2017, column titled “Propagandocracy and the Buhari Media Center,” I pointed out that the size of a government’s propaganda apparatus is often inversely proportional to its confidence in its own legitimacy. Tinubu’s indulgence in this over-the-top PR operation signals two troubling realities: insecurity and incoherence.

The insecurity stems from an acute awareness of its own fragility—an administration desperate to control the narrative because it knows it has failed to deliver on substantive governance. The incoherence arises from the cacophony of voices in this unwieldy structure, breeding contradictions, turf wars, and conflicting messages. How can a government unable to synchronize its internal communication hope to connect with its citizens?

At its core, Tinubu’s sprawling PR machine is emblematic of an administration focused on perception management rather than problem-solving. This gluttonous obsession with propaganda, in the midst of soaring inflation, subsidy removals, and austerity measures, is an affront to struggling Nigerians.

Leadership demands more than just the appearance of competence; it demands action. Until Tinubu shifts his focus from multiplying spokespersons to delivering substantive governance, his legacy risks being that of a leader who built a fortress of spin while the people languished outside its gates