
OTHERS' VIEWS
A lecturer at the Federal University Oye-Ekiti (FUOYE) by the name of Dr. Anthony Agbegbedia is in the eye of the storm of an outrageous sexual harassment scandal not just because of the damning consistency of his preying on female students like a ravening, sex-starved wolf but also because the institution’s vice chancellor, Professor Abayomi Fasina, appears intent to shelter him and grant him free rein to continue to terrorize more vulnerable female students.
Agbegbedia, a lecturer in the Department of Peace and Conflict Studies, has spent years using his position not to educate but to extort, not to mentor students but to disturb the peace of, and inspire conflict in, female students under his tutelage.
His name has become a byword for abuse, entitlement, and unchecked power at FUOYE. He uses his position to raven female students by dangling their academic futures as leverage.
With remarkably irrefutable evidentiary facts, such as the record of his WhatsApp chats with female students, Sahara Reporters and the Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ) have meticulously documented and exposed his consistent demand for sexual favors from female students in exchange for grades.
Yet, the university’s response to Agbegbedia’s widening and deepening dossier of accusations has ranged from tepid warnings to a promotion. Yes, a promotion! If irony could be weaponized, this would be an airstrike.
Agbegbedia’s alleged modus operandi is chillingly straightforward: advance sexually, fail students if they repel, repeat. Several students have recounted to Sahara Reporters and FIJ stories of intimidation, academic sabotage, and relentless pursuit after rebuffing his sexual overtures.
The case of a final-year student by the name of Ramota Olahanloye was what brought Agbegbedia’s unconscionable predation of female students to the forefront of national attention.
He failed the student and delayed her graduation for refusing his advances. She got a passing grade in his courses and eventually qualified to graduate only after her script was remarked by a neutral party in response to her father’s impassioned intervention and righteous rage.
This was not an isolated whisper. It’s only a small, visible part of a disturbing pattern of Agbegbedia’s excesses, which FUOYE has inexplicably ignored.
In the aftermath of being found guilty of sexual harassment by an FUOYE panel, the university administration’s remedy was a mere “warning” for “unethical behavior,” which smacks of both bureaucratic doublespeak and complicity.
Worse still, Agbegbedia was promoted to the rank of Reader (equivalent to associate professor in the American system) amidst this turmoil. One can only wonder what message this sends to other would-be sexual predators.
I won’t mince my words. The university’s decision to elevate him, despite the weight of these allegations, sends the message that academic predators will not only be tolerated but rewarded, as long as they know which strings to pull and know how to be protected by the invisible armor of patronage.
This protection isn’t accidental. Agbegbedia’s impunity stems, at least in part, from his cozy ties to the upper reaches of the institution’s administrative hierarchy, insiders say, and a system rigged to silence victims.
The institution’s claim that it “takes sexual harassment seriously” is belied by its actions.
It is a damning indictment of our system when a man with multiple accusations — bolstered by chats, student testimonies, and even confirmed tampering with examination results — is treated not as a pariah but as a prince.
FUOYE’s regulations unequivocally classify sexual harassment as gross misconduct. According to Section 8.3 of the university's "Revised Regulations for Senior Staff," gross misconduct is defined as "a specific act of very serious wrongdoing and improper behaviour which is inimical to the image of the service and which can be investigated and, if proven, may lead to dismissal." Sexual harassment is explicitly listed as one such act under this section.
The prescribed penalties for gross misconduct, including sexual harassment, are either dismissal or termination of appointment. There is no provision for a warning in such cases.
This aligns with precedent within the same university, where Dr. Desen Mbachaga, a lecturer in the Theatre Arts department, was accused and found guilty of similar misconduct in 2021, which caused his appointment to be terminated.
Agbegbedia's previous record, including a formal warning for embezzling departmental dues belonging to students during his tenure as Head of Department, further underlines the need for strict disciplinary action, as repeated misconduct indicates a pattern of behavior detrimental to the university's integrity.
Moreover, consistent enforcement of disciplinary standards is critical to maintaining the university's credibility. Other Nigerian universities have set strong examples. The dismissal and imprisonment of a professor at Obafemi Awolowo University for sexual harassment, among many other examples, demonstrate the severity with which such offenses are treated nationwide.
This is a challenge for Senator Ndoma-Egba, the incoming Pro-Chancellor of FUOYE, who is known for his strict stance on such matters. I hope he will uphold the integrity of the disciplinary process at Federal University, Oye-Ekiti, as he did at Federal University, Lokoja, where three lecturers were dismissed for similar offenses.
Sexual predation in academia thrives on silence and inertia. Each time a predator like Agbegbedia gets away with his crimes, a precedent is set, which emboldens others to follow suit.
The university, rather than being a sanctuary of learning, becomes a hunting ground for ravenous sexual wolves like him. The repercussions are profound. Students lose faith in their institutions, potential whistleblowers are silenced, and predators grow bolder. They prowl the campus and pounce down on female students with impunity.
FUOYE’s leaders must confront this festering crisis with urgency and integrity. Agbegbedia must be fired—not merely for the sake of the women he has tormented but as a warning to every would-be predator lurking in academia. Anything less than termination is complicity.
The stakes here extend beyond FUOYE. Across Nigeria, lecturers who exploit their power are emboldened by a culture of silence and weak enforcement. For every Agbegbedia exposed, countless others operate in shadows, their crimes obscured by shame, fear, and institutional inertia.
FUOYE has an opportunity—and an obligation—to set an example. Justice for these students isn’t merely about punishing one man; it’s about reclaiming academia as a haven for learning, not a site for sexual predation.
Agbegbedia must be dismissed—not warned, not transferred, not gently reprimanded, but fired. His firing should be accompanied by a public acknowledgment of his misconduct and a transparent account of the investigation’s findings.
To the university’s administrators, I offer this: your reputations are on trial as much as Agbegbedia’s. If you fail to act decisively, history will record your inaction as betrayal. Do not let the ivory tower crumble under the weight of your cowardice.
Finally, the Vice-Chancellor must reflect on his role in this debacle. Leadership is not a refuge for neutrality. If Professor Fasina cannot bring himself to expel a man whose actions have caused untold harm, then perhaps he too is unfit for the position he holds.
“Even the darkest night will end and the sun will rise” - Victor Hugo (in "Le Hus Miserables").
Is Biafra an idea whose time has come? Victor Hugo (26 February, 1802 - 22 May, 1885) says “Nothing else in the world… not all the armies… is so powerful as an idea whose time has come”. Another variant of the same quotation says: “There is one thing stronger than all the armies in the world, and that is an idea whose time has come” (Hugo in "The Future of Man").
How does this work? An idea whose time has come is a “historical moment where the idea or concept (which takes on a spirit of its own) is perfectly received by a cultural movement that surrenders to its utility as dictated by historical necessity” Note that a cultural movement is more powerful, more encompassing and more demanding than a political movement, although it encompasses the latter. An example is Chairman Mao’s Cultural Revolution in China.
When Hugo made his statement, he did not have Biafra in mind. In fact, he was talking of Literature and not even of politics, nationalism or war. He said the time had come to abandon the conventional approach to literature, which he reasoned left it mangled and mutilated. But, today, that statement is more famous with those trying to upturn the existing social order in pursuit of nationalist goals.
Is the resurgence of a sovereign State of Biafra such an idea? I got sufficiently puzzled to ask this question because of recent developments. Everyone who thought the arrest and detention of Simon Ekpa in Finland signalled the end of resurgent Biafra’s deadly activities must have a re-think. The same way it was thought that the rendition of Nnamdi Kanu and his incarceration would silence Biafra - but it did not. Instead, a more vicious Simon Ekpa filled the void.
Now, one lady has come forward to claim to fill the void created by Ekpa. I watched her blab and blurt out gibberish - and they said she was a Dr.! Is it a medical doctorate, an academic Ph. D. or honoris causa? That, however, is a topic for another day but whichever, she did not demonstrate intelligence. She seemed more intent on displaying masculinity or macho than intelligence; and more brawn than brain. But that is not even my worry here today.
My worries include: Who are those behind the push or agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra? Assuming they get Biafra today, will they be willing to leave their investments in Nigeria behind and retreat to what former President Muhammadu Buhari once derogatively described as a tiny dot in the middle of nowhere? Have they counted the cost (Luke 14:28)? Or they think they will still be allowed to roam about and loom large all over Nigeria they would have exited?
They should ask Britain after BREXIT! When they draw the map of their imaginary Biafra Republic, they include people who have been vociferous in denouncing them and their Biafra project. How do they intend to handle that? A clearly defined boundary is one of the indispensable criteria for statehood.
It is necessary to begin to cross the t’s and dot the i’s of the likelihood of an independent Republic of Biafra if they are not to cause monumental havoc to themselves and their immediate neighbours. How will a sovereign State of Biafra respond to neighbours not willing to submit to their authority? Apply diplomacy? Or pacify them by levying war? Which of these two do you think is in Biafra’s DNA?
FEEDBACK
RE: Abike Dabiri versus Kemi Badenoch
"Tan’fe-ani" is the bane of the critics of Kemi Badenoch! Hopefully, Nigeria shall, one day, experience an "accidental leader" who will address her endemic corrupt tendencies - a major factor that propels the “Japa” syndrome in her youths. I pray and hope that Kemi Badenoch succeeds in becoming the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in her bid! -Taiwo Lasisi, President, Ta'awun Political Forum, Lagos.
If corruption is the reason for "japa", then, some of the people involved are even more corrupt because they were still collecting salaries that they did not work for! Also, money stolen from Nigeria is wharehoused overseas! So, those foreign leaders don't have the moral right to call Nigerians fantastically corrupt. I would rather describe the Nigerians as corrupt but the Whites as fantastically corrupt! - Kola Oloye.
I knew Prof. Femi Badejo and his friend, the late Dr. Remi Anifowose, at UNILAG. He has every right as a Nigerian and as an intellectual to his opinion. I am afraid, however, that he is in the minority on this matter. The truth is that there are many Nigerians who are doing far better in all spheres of human endeavor than Kemi. They have not disgraced Nigeria as Kemi has done. It is on record that she grew up in Surulere, Lagos; attended Staff School at UNILAG, and her father was an upper middle class person; so, where was Kemi fetching water from the stream and firewood from the bush? Abike did not just go to the press; it was the press that asked if she had reached out to Kemi. As for Nigeria being fantastically corrupt, all the monies stolen in Nigeria are warehoused in London and other Western countries! - Kayode Abegunde.
Abike Dabiri lamenting that Kemi Badenoch did not give her audience lacks diplomatic competence. She should not see Kemi Badenoch as a Nigerian, even though she has Nigerian roots. Otherwise, she would not have been elected as the leader of the Conservative Party. She has so many things to grapple with and top notch in her political agenda now (is not) giving audience to a low-level Nigerian government official. Doesn’t Dabiri realise that Kemi Badenoch is today the opposition leader in the British parliament and, thus, a potential British Prime Minister if her political permutation goes well? Coming to Fani-Kayode, he can not claim, and neither can his roots claim, to love the Yoruba. He was a child during the “Opreation Wet-ẹ̀” in the Western Region to know that his father, wearing a short knicker with a jerry can of petrol in his hand, was the master-mind of “Wet-ẹ̀”, which gave birth to political thuggery in Yoruba land, an evil that has refused to vacate our political space till date. Neither he nor Abike Dabiri can measure up to the political status of Kemi Badenoch. - Pst. Jube Olawole.
This is not complicated at all! Some people evidently underrated Kemi! I am quite certain, and I think it is now obvious, that Kemi has it all worked out in her mind - she has to be a brilliant thinker to be a computer engineer! To boot, and in support of those credentials, she is now Leader of The Opposition and Shadow Prime Minister in Britain, and the first Black African to lead a major party in the United Kingdom. Anyone who thinks she is stupid or irresolute should blame themselves for not being smart! From all the indicators which Kemi is setting off, she is, and she considers herself Yorùbá, like her father, but she is also British and refuses to be 'Nigerian', unlike her father! She has said that for the umpteenth time - and we are all aware of it - that she does not want Britain to become like 'Nigeria'! Is that not clear enough? And what can be bad with that? As a matter of fact, we the indigenous nations who are grossly unfortunate to be roped into the monumental scam known as 'Nigeria' can turn that against the British, its infamous inventors, and ask them to cooperate in the dissolution of the misfortune known as 'Nigeria'. As the official Leader of The British Opposition, even Kemi Badenoch says it! Her mother, who knows her better than anyone else, says she is a chip off the old block in her father, Dr. Femi Adegoke! - Demola Akintoye.
Why do we celebrate excellence in the Diaspora but prefer mediocrity at home? - Emmanuel Chiadi.
Kemi Badenoch was right in her response to Abike Dabiri-Erewa and the others. Could it be the ‘pull her down ’ syndrome or what exactly was the problem with those attacking her? Could they be using her to gain relevance and cheap favour from the government of the day? Why are we making a parody of our existential failure? We are living in sad times! - Ezekiel Odeyemi.
Please take time to help your readers know that whatever name they call the apparatus that Abike Dabiri has carved out for herself is unconstitutional and only possible in a corrupt country called Nigeria. She can use her “good offices” to bag an ambassadorial position to any country of her choice but she should please stop using that aberration organization of hers that has consistently undermined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Anyone with proper self-esteem and (who is) knowledgeable about proper governance will distance themselves from the misnomer arrangement she has put together. - Adewunmi Alabi.
The furore raised by Dr Abati’s commentary has unfortunately, but not unsurprisingly, led to the usual ethnic finger pointing, with very few commentators making any effort to go beyond the emotionalism that beclouded the issue. What T.O.S Benson was reported to have said is a common accusation or stereotype against the Igbos.
I am, of course, assuming that he did not deliberately present ‘alternative facts’ or misspoke and that Dr Abati did not mishear. Based on these assumptions, I would argue that Dr Abati did not really say anything new to warrant some of the personal attacks he received and some of the counter-ethnic insults by his defenders.
Though some commentators have variously claimed that T.O.S Benson’s in-laws actually gifted him a parcel of land contrary to his purported claim, or that he probably harboured some malice, those refutations, on their own, are insufficient to douse the lingering perception that the Igbos do not sell land to foreigners. In the same vein, even a validation of that story would still not be sufficient to conclude that it is a general practice among the Igbos.
One needs a study which would show the number of applications for land allotment from non-Igbos in Igboland and the number that were denied based on the applicant’s ethnicity or ‘otherness’ before one can generalise one way or the other. Such a study, to the best of my knowledge, does not exist. The only pieces of evidence we have in this conversations seem to be isolated examples, hearsays and anecdotal evidence which belong to the realm of grapevine talks.
The truth is that there is in every culture and even subcultures, elements of fear of the foreigner, especially when their population is substantial enough to affect a town’s demography or when such migrants constitute what Amy Chua, the Chinese-American Professor of Law at Yale University, would call “market dominant minorities”. These are a set of migrants who would move into an area and within a short time try to exert disproportionate influence in the local political economy. If some “migrants” are tolerated or spared profiling, it is often because their number and influence in the area are not seen as threats. Have we not all heard of landlords who would not rent to Ijebus, Igbos, Hausas or Muslims?
If I were in a place where T.O.S Benson was said to have made the remark, I would have asked him why he wanted to go to his wife’s state and village to build a house for her and her daughter. This is different from a son-in-law offering to build a family home for his in-laws if he has the means or feels that his parents-in-laws deserve better than what they have. In most patriarchal societies, once a woman is married, she changes her maiden name to that of her husband, and becomes part of her husband’s family and community. This means that in most Igbo communities, a request by T.O.S Benson to buy land to build a house for his wife and daughter would be seen as an anomaly and would be viewed with utmost suspicion, including on whether it was a ploy to cunningly divorce their daughter.
I noticed the same anomaly in 2022 when Betty Anyanwu-Akeredolu, wife of the then governor of Ondo State, Rotimi Akeredolu (now late), who, with the support of her husband, wanted to contest for a senatorial seat in the 2023 elections in her parents’ Imo East Senatorial district rather than in her husband’s senatorial district in Ondo State. In most parts of Igboland, once a woman is married and changed her surname to that of her husband’s, she has become virtually a visitor in her father’s home and community – unless she is divorced.
As we interrogate stereotypes we should also interrogate glorious attributions. These are ego-massaging statements that have been repeated so often that they are now taken as self-evident truths. For instance, during the said night of tributes for Senator Ifeanyi Ubah, Senate President Akpabio repeated one of such glorious attributions about Igbos: they are very entrepreneurial or ‘mercantile’; if you go to any place and do not see an Igboman, pack your things and go home because “there is nothing there”, and wherever the Igbos go, they build homes and help to “develop” the place.
The main problem with the above glorious attributions is that they are often framed in a manner that wrongly suggests that other ethnic groups are less industrious than the Igbos. While it is true that the Igbos are very visible in commerce and are literally to be found in every nook and crevice of this country (and even outside the country), the narrations are often denuded of the historical and cultural explanations for these tendencies. The truth is that with one of the highest population densities in West Africa, many in traditional Igbo society could not survive on farming and therefore took to a number of non-farming vocations such as trading, which naturally took them to other parts of the country. For instance while Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe was born in 1904 in Zungeru, in the present day Niger State, most of his contemporaries in the struggle for independence were born in their ethnic homelands. With time, commerce and living in other parts of the country became part of the Igbos’ ‘achievement-oriented’ culture. This was reinforced by a certain belief that an Igbo person who lives ‘abroad’ (outside the town or community), would be accorded higher respect than the person who lives within the community. Following from this, the Igbos tend to have two homes – one tied to their ancestral communities, and the other tied to where they earn their livelihood. However, since this is not a shared norm among other ethnic groups, we cannot conclude that being visible or dominant in commerce or in living outside one’s ethnic homeland makes the Igbos superior or more industrious than others. In cultural studies, no culture is superior to others, hence we do not talk of hierarchy of cultures but of cultural relativity- each culture serves its members, and there are always elements that are appealing and others that repel in every culture.
The above explains Senator Akpabio’s quip that while the Igbos who come to his state build homes and houses, members of other ethnic groups generally do not. Unlike the Igbos, the traditional Yoruba and many people from the North, with their abundant fertile land, had no need to take to commerce in the same magnitude as the Igbos did and still do, and therefore were less inclined to move outside their enclaves to look for economic opportunities. In addition to land surplus, the Yoruba had very early contact with the Europeans: Lagos was a Crown colony as early as March 1862, meaning that it was governed directly by the government of England at the time. Partly because of this, by 1872, Lagos had already become a cosmopolitan trading centre with a population of over 60,000 as it attracted all and sundry looking for greener pastures, including a number of the freed slaves from America, Caribbean and Britain who were settled in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Many of these were professionals who assimilated into the Yoruba culture of the 18th and 19th centuries and in turn influenced the cultures of the Yoruba not just in Lagos but also in the contiguous areas. Since people are influenced and socialised into the vocation of their forebears, this again partly explains the dominance of the Yoruba in the professions. Similarly, the people from the North, which has abundant fertile land, became dominant in agriculture, and therefore were on average less likely to settle outside their enclaves in the North.
Another glorious attribution that is worth interrogating is that the Yoruba are the most accommodating of all the ethnic groups in the country. I do not know the metrics used for measuring this. If it is because you have more non- Yoruba living in Lagos and its environs, then this cannot be a valid metric because all major cities, including the state capitals, pull people towards them because of the enhanced opportunities they offer. In fact, in almost all the state capitals in this country, non-indigenes outnumber the indigenes without this being an issue. In fact, if the Yoruba are called the most hospitable because they “allow” people to live in Yorubaland, what do we call the original indigenes of Abuja and the indigenes of all the state capitals in the country?
It is important to emphasize that just as talents are not evenly distributed in any federation, there is also ‘ethnic socialisation’’ by people who operate from the other side of the moral divide. For instance when we mention drug dealing, credit card fraud, ‘Yahoo Yahoo’, religious fundamentalism, prostitution abroad or militancy, accusing fingers would be pointing in different ethnic directions. This means that despite what the Internet Warriors would want us to believe, no ethnic group should pretend to occupy the moral high-ground or feel better or worse than others.
Seven, while living in Europe I saw myself as an Africanist, and used my publishing firm and my writings to challenge theories or innuendos that maligned Africa or ruled out development and democratic possibilities for the continent. However, as I get older, I tell people that I am no longer an Africanist but a humanist. This is because with age and experience one realises that every race, ethnic group, community and even kindred, is an embodiment of the good, the bad and the really horrible. As the American writer and historian, James Tuslow Adams, would put it: “There is so much good in the worst of us, and so much bad in the best of us, that it ill behoves any of us to find fault with the rest of us.”
*Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science at Nasarawa State University, Keffi.
Nigeria and South Africa have a prolific history together. Nigeria was in the vanguard of the campaign against apartheid and spearheaded the adoption of the pivotal 1989 UN Declaration on Apartheid and its deleterious corollaries in the country.
Both countries formally established diplomatic relations in February 1994, and this year makes it 30 years since the bilateral nuptials.
In 1999, the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC), a flagship instrument of constructive and strategic engagement between both countries, was forged. It is 25 years of this compact today.
Nigeria and South Africa have maintained robust relations with about 34 agreements and memoranda of understanding currently between both countries — the two largest economies in Africa.
These relations have witnessed even more fecundity with President Bola Tinubu leading the way for broader and stronger African partnerships. President Tinubu has always emphasised collaboration and inclusiveness as critical ingredients to achieving global food security, addressing collective challenges, and driving innovation across a chain of interests for a more stable and prosperous Africa and the world.
In a show of good fellowship, on May 29, 2023, President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa attended the inauguration of President Tinubu. President Tinubu returned the visit during the inauguration of President Ramaphosa for a second term in office in June 2024. This is not only symbolic for cooperation but also for solidarity and comradeship.
The 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission meeting began on November 28 in Cape Town, with senior officials, followed by the ministerial session on December 2, and the presidential session on December 3. The meeting between the two leaders is taking place at the Presidential Office, Tuynhuys, Cape Town.
The areas of cooperation between Nigeria and South Africa are broad and encompass economic, technical, scientific, social spheres, as well as tourism. South Africa is one of Nigeria’s major trading partners, with Nigeria accounting for about 64 percent of the total trade of the Southern African nation with West Africa.
At the meeting, President Tinubu made resounding remarks and recounted the role of Nigeria in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa.
“My enthusiasm for this event is born of the storied and proud history of the Nigeria – South Africa relationship, which has been strong since the end of apartheid and the the birth of true democracy in this great country.
“Nigeria’s contributions to that epic struggle represent noble and outstanding moments in our foreign policy and in the evolution of our role as a leading nation on this continent. We did what we had to do because it was just and because you are our brothers and sisters who deserved freedom and justice, not the discrimination and suppression to which that terrible, unjust and oppressive system subjected this excellent people.
“Nigerians from all walks of life mobilised in unison with the illustrious people of this country out of a firm conviction that apartheid was an evil to be swept away not something that should be countenanced and legitimised through inaction or half measures.
“It was for us a historic responsibility that we discharged with pride and determination. As was expected, our efforts put Nigeria on a collision course with some powerful countries. Nigeria is proud to have shared the burdens of her brothers in South Africa during such critical times.
“This is the essence of the brotherhood we seek for this continent; to stay side by side, shoulder to shoulder for liberation, nondiscrimination and for democratic good governance in support of the best and legitimate aspirations of the people. Just as we stood with you, we shall always bear in remembrance how South Africa was with us at critical moments of our struggle against military rule,” the President said.
The President also emphasised the indubitability of cooperation, stating thus: “We must ensure that the spirit of collaboration and cooperation between our two leading countries in Africa will intensify and deepen under our leadership of our respective nations. This is not a matter of choice but of a destiny that includes a historical responsibility that we owe the African people.”
While highlighting the many memoranda of understanding signed between Nigeria and South Africa, President Tinubu sounded a note of caution, saying: “Let us not count our successes by the number of MoUs and agreements signed. They will be mere papers until we implement them. This is the job of our senior officials and I must implore them to redouble their efforts in this regard.”
The President did not fail to address the concerns in the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa. He said persistent irritants in the relations between both countries must be dealt with appropriately.
President Tinubu also relayed Nigeria’s interest to join South Africa and the African Union in the G20 “so as to strengthen the African voice in the group and globally”.
“As South Africa assumes the presidency of the G20, we urge that the position be leveraged for the development of our continent.
“This high-level strategic partnership between South Africa must become a model of leadership and shared vision that will inspire and take our people into a brighter and greater future of prosperity and development, an Africa That We Want,” the President said.
In his remarks, President Ramaphosa underlined the strong bond between Nigeria and South Africa, called for the strengthening of relations.
“We are two countries united in purpose and vision. We will remain forever grateful to Nigeria for its leading role in the international campaign to end apartheid in South Africa.
“As we mark 30 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations, we see a bright future for our relationship. Our strong bonds of friendship provide a firm foundation for more meaningful economic cooperation. Nigeria is host to a number of South African companies.
“South Africa has always been open for Nigerian business, reflected in a number of investments and operations established in this country. But there is much more we need to do. We need to remove the remaining constraints to greater investment, just as we need to address some of the challenges that companies have experience.
“We are encouraged by the actions being undertaken under your leadership to further strengthen and foster a business environment in Nigeria that offers assurances to investors, including from South Africa. Our government continues with its efforts to improve the ease of doing business in South Africa,” President Ramaphosa said.
The strengthening of relations between Nigeria, South Africa, and other African nations betokens stability, peace, and prosperity for Africa. It is a new order of friendship, collaboration, and progress.
Fredrick Nwabufo is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Engagement
As Nigeria and South Africa hold the 11th session of Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission, in Cape Town, on Tue Dec 3, 2024 it is trite to establish the contours of their relationship and to thank President Tinubu for keeping faith with Africa’s other big brother.
The radar on Nigeria again shifts to South Africa witnessing three weeks of unprecedented shuttle political and economic diplomacy.
President Bola Tinubu’s co-chairmanship of the 11th Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) alongside President Cyril Ramaphosa marks a significant diplomatic step towards fostering stronger bilateral ties.
This meeting, which coincides with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, underscores the importance of high-level engagements between Africa’s two largest economies.
In the wake of three weeks of intense shuttle diplomacy spanning political and economic arenas, Nigeria’s radar is again fixed on South Africa. These engagements underscore a mutual recognition of their intertwined destinies in shaping Africa’s future.
As leaders, policymakers, and stakeholders converge in Cape Town, the air will be laden with both expectation and nostalgia—a poignant reminder of a partnership that has endured triumphs, challenges, and moments of historic significance.
One cannot but recall May 1990, when Nelson Mandela, few months after his release from Robben Island, embarked on a state visit to Lagos. That moment, etched in the annals of African solidarity, rekindled the bond between Nigeria and South Africa, catalyzing a renewed era of collaboration. It was a symbolic bridge, uniting the aspirations of two nations whose struggles and victories have defined the narrative of Africa’s journey toward liberation and unity.
This week, Cape Town becomes the stage for another chapter in this storied relationship. With the BNC serving as a platform for dialogue and cooperation, the two nations are poised to reaffirm their roles as co-architects of a continent driven by shared prosperity, peace, and purpose. Their ability to navigate the currents of history while embracing the opportunities of the future demonstrates that this partnership is, indeed, coming of age.
Established in 1999, the Nigeria-South Africa BNC is a structured platform aimed at enhancing cooperation across political, economic, and social sectors. Over the years, the commission has evolved into a key mechanism for dialogue, addressing shared challenges, and fostering sustainable development.
This year’s session, encompassing eight working groups, highlights both nations’ commitment to addressing mutual priorities: These key priorities include political consultations (ensuring stability in regional and global contexts), consular and migration Issues (addressing concerns such as xenophobia and facilitating smoother relations), banking and finance (exploring avenues for economic integration), defence and security (trackling transnational crimes and terrorism), as well as manufacturing and trade (including strengthening intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, AfCFTA). Also covered are mines and energy (leveraging natural resources for mutual benefit, social sector development (promoting education, healthcare, and culture), and trade and Investment (expanding business opportunities for both nations).
The philosophical underpinnings for the BNC embodies principles of Pan-Africanism, Ubuntu, and liberal institutionalism, emphasizing unity, collective progress, and institutionalized cooperation. As Nelson Mandela aptly stated, “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” This captures the essence of overcoming historical frictions to achieve a united African future.
President Tinubu’s leadership in this context is pivotal, reflecting Nigeria’s strategic role in Africa’s socio-economic and political landscape.
A discussion of the ongoing efforts would be incomplete without referencing philosophical concepts that accentuate its significance.
Rooted in the works of W.E.B. Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius Nyerere, Pan-Africanism emphasizes the solidarity of African nations to combat external domination and promote socio-economic progress. The BNC reflects this ideal by uniting Nigeria and South Africa as pillars of African development. As Kwame Nkrumah once said, “The forces that unite us are intrinsic and greater than the superimposed influences that keep us apart.”. This quote underscores the importance of Nigeria and South Africa overcoming historical challenges, such as xenophobia, to focus on collective progress.
The BNC’s deliberations and MoUs can be seen as an extension of this principle. According to Aristotle, “The good of the people must be the great aim of government.” The Southern African philosophy of Ubuntu, often translated as “I am because we are,” aligns with the spirit of the BNC. It emphasizes interconnectedness, mutual respect, and the collective good. Ubuntu offers a philosophical lens through which Nigeria and South Africa can navigate shared challenges and opportunities. As Desmond Tutu once reflected: “We can only be human together: hence, the essence of collaborative efforts in fostering a united African front.
Beyond these, the Dependency Theory, associated with scholars like Andre Gunder Frank, critiques the global economic system’s perpetuation of underdevelopment in the Global South. By strengthening intra-African trade and reducing reliance on foreign powers, Nigeria and South Africa can challenge these structures through platforms like the BNC. Joseph Stiglitz’s words that “Development is about transforming the lives of people, not just transforming economies,” aligns with the BNC’s goals of translating economic growth into meaningful societal impacts.
The pragmatic effort to address specific issues in trade, security, and development stresses the responsibility of both leaders to focus on concrete outcomes over rhetoric. More importantly, it refects the basic principles of African Renaissance. Championed by scholars like Cheikh Anta Diop and Thabo Mbeki, the African Renaissance envisions a continent reclaiming its rightful place in global affairs through unity, cultural revival, and economic development. The BNC is a practical manifestation of this vision. Certainly, Tinubu and Ramaphosa are evoking the shared identity and destiny of Nigerians and South Africans in fostering an African Renaissance. The BNC serves as a practical example of liberal institutionalism, fostering dialogue and collaboration in a structured manner. As Martin Luther King Jr once stated, “We must learn to live together as brothers or perish together as fools.” This underscores the imperative for sustained collaboration through institutions like the BNC.
Constructivism suggests that international relations are shaped by ideas, identities, and shared values rather than mere material factors. Therefore, the symbolic 25th anniversary of the BNC is a reflection of the shared identity and history of Nigeria and South Africa. According to John Maynard Keynes, “The ideas of men, their dreams and visions, are much more powerful than material forces.” The role of shared visions in shaping Nigeria-South Africa relations cannot be over-emphasized.
Shared History
The history of Nigeria-South Africa relationship runs through the period of Anti-Apartheid Solidarity of 1960 – 1965, through Post-Apartheid Engagement that started in 1999. Nigeria was a leading supporter of South Africa’s liberation movement. Between 1960 and 1995, Nigeria committed substantial financial and diplomatic resources to the anti-apartheid struggle, offering refuge and education to South African exiles like Thabo Mbeki.The Bi-National Commission, established in 1999, institutionalized bilateral cooperation. However, relations have faced challenges, including xenophobic attacks in South Africa and trade imbalances.
The current nature of the two countries’ economic relations shows that Nigeria’s oil exports and South Africa’s industrial expertise complement each other. Opportunities under AfCFTA and energy collaboration highlight the untapped potential of this relationship. Looking ahead, it is rather easy to see that with strong historical ties and shared visions, Nigeria and South Africa are well-positioned to lead Africa’s socio-economic transformation.
From Anti-Apartheid Solidarity to Economic Collaboration
The Nigeria-South Africa relationship is a tale of resilience, solidarity, and transformation, deeply rooted in shared historical, political, and economic narratives. As Africa’s largest economies, the two nations have carved distinct yet intertwined paths that highlight their roles as both leaders and collaborators in shaping the continent’s destiny. From Nigeria’s pivotal support during South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle to their evolving economic partnership, this relationship embodies the essence of African unity. Yet, it has not been without its challenges, marked by moments of friction and unresolved tensions.
The forthcoming 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town provides a fitting occasion to reflect on this storied partnership. With the backdrop of the 25th anniversary of the BNC, it is an opportune moment to examine how the two nations have evolved from their shared fight for justice to becoming co-architects of Africa’s economic and political renaissance.
The roots of the Nigeria-South Africa partnership lie in the era of apartheid, where Nigeria emerged as one of the most steadfast allies of the African National Congress (ANC) and other liberation movements in South Africa and Nigeria’s key contributions cover:
• Diplomatic Advocacy: Nigeria was a vocal opponent of apartheid on global platforms such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth, pushing for sanctions and isolating South Africa’s apartheid regime diplomatically.
• Financial and Material Aid: Under initiatives such as the “Mandela Tax,” successive Nigerian governments provided significant financial and logistical support to the ANC. Over the decades, Nigeria is estimated to have spent over $61 billion in its efforts to dismantle apartheid.
• Educational and Cultural Solidarity: Nigeria welcomed South African exiles and offered scholarships to ANC members, including figures like Thabo Mbeki, who studied and lived in Nigeria during apartheid. Nigerian universities served as sanctuaries for intellectual and political development for many South African activists.
• Civil Society Advocacy: Nigerian artists, intellectuals, and activists utilized literature, music, and advocacy to raise global awareness of the atrocities of apartheid and rally international solidarity.
Nigeria-South Africa relations in the post-apartheid era reflects collaboration, along with some measure of frictions. With apartheid dismantled in 1994 and Nelson Mandela’s election as South Africa’s first democratic president, the dynamic between the two nations transitioned from solidarity to collaboration. However, this new era was also punctuated by moments of tension.
Collaborative Achievements
• Institutional Frameworks: The establishment of the Bi-National Commission in 1999 formalized a structured approach to bilateral engagement.
• African Leadership: Both nations played pivotal roles in initiatives such as the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), advancing the African Renaissance.
• Economic Ties: South African corporations such as MTN, Shoprite, and Multichoice became prominent players in Nigeria’s economic landscape, fostering trade and investment.
Sources of Tension
• Xenophobia: Recurrent xenophobic attacks on Nigerians living in South Africa have strained relations, spotlighting socio-economic grievances and perceptions of competition.
• Diplomatic Disputes: Occasional policy disagreements, such as South Africa’s visa denial to Nigerian officials during Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency, have highlighted gaps in mutual understanding.
• Trade Imbalance: While South African businesses thrive in Nigeria, Nigerian firms face significant barriers in South Africa, fueling perceptions of unequal benefits.
Pragmatic mutual exploration of trade and economic potentials has since taken over. As Africa’s two largest economies, Nigeria and South Africa are uniquely positioned to lead the continent’s economic transformation.
Current Dynamics
• Trade Composition: Nigeria primarily exports crude oil and natural gas to South Africa, while South Africa exports machinery, manufactured goods, and processed foods.
• Investment Landscape: South African firms dominate in sectors like telecommunications (MTN), retail (Shoprite), and media (Multichoice).
Opportunities for Growth
• Intra-African Trade: The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents opportunities for deeper trade integration, particularly in technology and industrial goods.
• Energy Partnerships: Nigeria’s energy surplus and South Africa’s demand create possibilities for collaboration in oil, gas, and renewables.
• Shared Regional Leadership: Joint infrastructural and developmental initiatives can drive economic growth across Africa.
A Vision for the Future
Despite historical and contemporary challenges, the Nigeria-South Africa partnership remains a cornerstone of African diplomacy. The 25th anniversary of the Bi-National Commission serves as an opportunity to recalibrate their relationship and unlock its potential for mutual and continental benefits.
As Thabo Mbeki poignantly remarked:
“We share a common destiny as Africans. Only through unity and cooperation can we rise above our challenges and achieve greatness.”
This sentiment captures the essence of Nigeria-South Africa relations—a partnership poised to redefine Africa’s trajectory toward peace, prosperity, and global relevance.
Dare is special adviser to the president (media and public communications).
[OPINION] Funke Akindele’s #EverybodyLovesJenifa: A Testament To Creativity And Relatability - Isaac Asabor
AdminIt is hard to overstate the cultural impact of Funke Akindele’s Jenifa franchise. Since her first appearance in the 2008 movie Jenifa, this iconic character has become more than just a source of entertainment; she is a cultural phenomenon. Jenifa has evolved from a comical village girl with big dreams and broken English to a global sensation, capturing the hearts of audiences across the world. With #EverybodyLovesJenifa set to hit cinemas on December 13th, this is the perfect time to reflect on why Funke Akindele’s films are always such a delight to watch and how her creativity has kept Jenifa relevant for over a decade.
Jenifa is not just a character; she is someone we all know. Whether it is her naive optimism, her unfiltered commentary, or her relentless drive to succeed despite repeated setbacks, Jenifa embodies traits that are both relatable and aspirational. For many Nigerians, she mirrors the challenges of navigating an increasingly complex world while staying true to oneself.
Her “Engrish”, a hilarious mix of English and Yoruba, might be unpolished, but it is through her words that Jenifa’s unique wisdom and humor shine. Phrases like “Mo tigbo tori e!” and “Are you whyning me?” have become part of everyday conversations, transcending age groups and social classes.
What makes Jenifa even more compelling is her ability to find humor in the mundane and her unwavering belief in her dreams, no matter how unrealistic they might seem. She reminds us of the power of self-confidence, even when the odds are stacked against us.
It takes an extraordinary mind to create a character as enduring and dynamic as Jenifa, and that is precisely what Funke Akindele brings to the table. Beyond her acting prowess, Akindele is a master storyteller who understands the nuances of Nigerian society and how to connect with audiences on an emotional level.
Akindele’s films are never just about laughs; they are layered with themes that resonate deeply with her audience. Her works explore societal issues like education, peer pressure, and the hustle culture, all while maintaining a lighthearted and engaging tone.
Take, for instance, the evolution of the Jenifa franchise from a single movie to a full-blown TV series, Jenifa’s Diary. The transition wasn’t just seamless; it was revolutionary. Akindele’s ability to adapt the character to new settings and storylines without losing her essence speaks volumes about her creative depth.
Akindele’s brilliance is not limited to Jenifa. Her body of work is a testament to her versatility and dedication to Nollywood’s growth. From the blockbuster Omo Ghetto: The Saga, which became the highest-grossing Nigerian film of all time, to her diverse roles in dramas and comedies, Akindele has consistently raised the bar for quality in Nollywood.
In Omo Ghetto: The Saga, she brought to life the vibrant world of Lagos street life while weaving in themes of family, loyalty, and redemption. The film struck a chord with audiences because it felt real, despite its exaggerated comedic moments. It is this balance of authenticity and humor that makes Akindele’s films stand out.
The announcement of #EverybodyLovesJenifa has sent waves of excitement across social media. Fans are eager to see what new adventures await Jenifa as she returns to the big screen. What makes this upcoming release even more intriguing is its promise to explore new dimensions of Jenifa’s character while staying true to the qualities that have endeared her to millions.
Akindele has teased that the movie will not only be packed with comedy but also touch on important themes relevant to today’s society. In a time when Nigerians are dealing with economic and social challenges, a film like #EverybodyLovesJenifa offers more than just entertainment; it’s a much-needed escape and a reminder of the resilience that defines us.
One of the reasons Jenifa resonates so deeply is because her story is a mirror of our society. Through her, Akindele has captured the essence of what it means to be Nigerian. From her struggles to her triumphs, Jenifa represents the hustle, the humor, and the hope that define our collective experience.
Her character also sheds light on issues often overlooked in mainstream cinema. Whether it’s the challenges of fitting into urban life, the pressure to conform, or the complexities of navigating relationships, Jenifa’s storylines reflect the realities of many Nigerians.
For instance, her adventures often highlight the humor in cultural differences and the everyday struggles of adapting to a rapidly changing world. It’s this relatability that has kept audiences coming back for more.
A Funke Akindele film is not just a movie; it is an experience. Her ability to create characters that are both larger-than-life and deeply relatable is unmatched. She has a knack for blending humor with meaningful storytelling, ensuring her films are as thought-provoking as they are entertaining.
But beyond the storytelling, Akindele’s films are also visually stunning. From the vibrant costumes to the lively settings, every detail is meticulously crafted to immerse the audience in her world. It’s this attention to detail that makes her work stand out in Nollywood.
Moreover, Akindele’s commitment to excellence is evident in her choice of collaborators. She consistently works with some of the best talents in the industry, ensuring that every aspect of her films, from acting to cinematography, is top-notch.
In a country where daily life can often feel overwhelming, #EverybodyLovesJenifa is more than just a film; it’s a celebration of resilience and humor. Jenifa’s ability to find joy and laughter in the face of adversity is a lesson for us all, especially in these challenging times.
As we approach the December 13th release date, it is clear that #EverybodyLovesJenifa is not just a film for fans of the franchise; it’s for anyone who needs a reminder that laughter truly is the best medicine.
As Funke Akindele brings Jenifa back to the big screen, it is worth celebrating not just the character but the legacy she represents. Jenifa is a reminder that authenticity and creativity are timeless, and Akindele’s work is proof that great storytelling transcends borders and languages.
So, while we wait for #EverybodyLovesJenifa to grace our screens, let us take a moment to appreciate the genius of Funke Akindele. She has given us more than a character; she has given us a cultural icon.
And that is why, no matter the time or place, Everybody Loves Jenifa.
The recent false alarm about Chief Mike Adenuga Jr.’s death was so influential that legendary musician Ebenezer Obey felt compelled to release a song debunking it. Back in the 1980s, Obey’s hit song Ketekete narrated the story of a horse burdened by its riders to the extent that it was felt that the weight might kill the horse. It is unsurprising that the yoruba phrase ‘efe kpa ketekete’ (translated - you want to kill the horse) became a metaphor that resonated deeply and became an instant classic across yorubaland and beyond.
This time, the focus of Obey’s song was to refute the fake news surrounding Dr. Mike Adenuga Jr., a beloved business magnate, celebrated philanthropist, and Nigeria’s second-richest man based on Forbes list of billionaires.
Before Obey stepped in with his musical clarification, Dele Momodu, a media entrepreneur and afficianado of Adenuga phenomenon, had already addressed the false reports, confirming that the business tycoon was very much alive.
Born on April 29, 1953, Chief Dr. Mike Adenuga, founder of Globacom, is 71 years old. Though not a socialite, he recently hosted traditional and Christian wedding ceremonies for his daughter Afolashade first at his lavish banana lsland residence and later on October 26 at Se-Se’s Groove on Alfred Rewane Road, Ikoyi, Lagos.
It was a rare occasion for Adenuga, who seldom attends or hosts events outside his private banquet hall at home.
In my personal assesment, it is Adenuga’s preference for privacy that likely made him a target for the death hoax. Public figures like Femi Otedola, who are highly visible both on social media and in real-life social gatherings, are less likely to fall victim to such misinformation because he would have been seen in mutiple locations by lots of people before the false news purveyors finish typing the message or before the ink from the pen used in writing the falsehood dries up.
Before diving into Adenuga’s achievements as a businessman, philanthropist, and family man, it is imperative to explore the broader issue of misinformation and disinformation which have become a menace to society in a epidemic proportion. Understanding its drivers, particularly in the era of social media and Artificial Intelligence, is crucial to tackling this growing malaise.
The phenomenon of being falsely declared dead is not new; it is universal and dates back centuries. One notable example is Mark Twain, who in 1897 humorously dismissed a false death report by stating, “The reports of my death are greatly exaggerated.”
Other examples include the “Paul is Dead” rumor about Beatles bassist Paul McCartney in 1969, Mick Jagger being falsely declared dead the same year, and Harrison Ford in 2015, when a fabricated report claimed he had died in a plane crash.
Similarly, in 2014, actor Zach Braff became the target of a hoax, and in 2012, Morgan Freeman was falsely declared dead, prompting his representatives to issue a statement affirming his well-being.
In Adenuga’s case, Dele Momodu quickly debunked the rumors, reaffirming Adenuga’s status as a living icon. Known as “The Spirit of Africa,” Adenuga has earned admiration across the continent, thanks to his philanthropic contributions that have positively impacted millions of lives.
Among the celebrities in a global context who have also been falsely reported dead is professional wrestler and actor Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson. In 2018, a fake news story claimed he had died during a stunt mishap. Johnson responded humorously, tweeting, “I’m not dead; I’m just resting my eyebrows.”
While Mike Adenuga, the founder of Glo Telecom and Consolidated Oil, did not publicly address the rumors of his supposed death, the outpouring of support from his admirers undoubtedly touched him deeply.
These instances underscore the importance of verifying information from credible sources before spreading or believing reports about someone’s death. Fortunately, in today’s digital age, there are many tools to help with fact-checking—unlike in the past, when such resources were scarce.
The global spread of fake news, especially about celebrities, has caused significant distress, and it is unsurprising that Nigeria has witnessed its share of such incidents. For example, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s first Governor-General, was falsely declared dead multiple times before his actual passing in 1996. One of the most notable hoaxes occurred on June 9, 1969, when he was reported dead, and this continued for nearly three decades. Given Azikiwe’s survival for 27 years after such reports, it is possible that Mike Adenuga, also known as “The Bull,” may follow a similar path and live well into his later years, perhaps 100 years, just as Azikiwe did by living for another 27 years and well into the age of 91 after being falsely declared dead.
Other prominent Nigerians have also been targets of fake death rumors. For instance, rumors circulated that former President Muhammadu Buhari had died and been replaced by a Sudanese body double named “Jubril.” Buhari publicly refuted the rumors, affirming that he was still alive. These hoaxes, which spread via platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube, were fueled by certain influential figures who want to gain social media attention and followership. Buhari addressed the issue during a meeting with Nigerians in Poland, calling those behind the rumors “ignorant and irreligious.” He also revealed that some individuals had hoped for his death and attempted to lobby the vice president to take over.
Mohammed Babangida, son of former Nigerian leader Ibrahim Babangida, was also falsely reported dead in 2010. A fabricated report claimed he died in a car crash, but it was quickly debunked. Even General Ibrahim Babangida himself has been falsely declared dead by his detractors, though he remains alive.
In 2013, a false report claimed Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, former Lagos State Governor, had died. Tinubu later released a statement to confirm he was alive and well. Today, he serves as Nigeria’s President.
Similarly, in 2015, General Olusegun Obasanjo was targeted by death rumors, but he later made a public appearance to debunk the story. Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Africa’s richest man, was also falsely reported dead in 2015, prompting him to release a statement to clarify that he was alive.
Even governors have been victims of such rumors, with Rochas Okorocha, former governor of Imo State, being falsely declared dead in 2017. He too made a public appearance to deny the rumors.
These examples emphasize the necessity of verifying information before accepting or sharing news of someone’s death. The persistence of such hoaxes could be attributed to the lack of stringent penalties, making it a growing issue both in Nigeria and globally.
For instance, in response to a tragic incident in Australia, a law was enacted prohibiting children under 16 from using social media, following a suicide linked to online bullying. This law holds both internet service providers and parents accountable. Similarly, Nigeria could consider implementing laws that penalize those spreading fake news and the media platforms that allow such content, helping to curb the spread of false death reports,for instance.
In this context, Chief Mike Adenuga Jr., Nigeria’s second-richest man according to Forbes, has now been added to the list of VIPs who have been falsely reported dead.
In many cultures, being declared dead before one’s actual passing is often linked to various myths and superstitions. Two such beliefs include:
1. Cleansing or Renewal: In certain mythologies, a false death announcement symbolizes a renewal or cleansing of the person’s life force or energy.
2. Trickster Spirits: In other traditions, the false death announcement is attributed to trickster spirits or mischievous entities that deceive the living.
These myths may seem relevant in light of the examples above. Notably, apart from Azikiwe, who lived decades beyond his first false death report, all the other VIPs mentioned—Babangida, Buhari, Tinubu, Aliko Dangote, Rochas Okorocha, and now Mike Adenuga—are still alive and we are thankful to God.
While these superstitions aren’t universally accepted, they offer intriguing insights into human imagination and cultural diversity.
The takeaway from these incidents is the importance of verifying information through reliable sources to prevent spreading misinformation.
In today’s digital age, the main motivation behind fake news is often to drive traffic to the perpetrator’s social media accounts, thereby generating income from platforms like Google and Spotify. This same incentive fuels other bizarre acts, such as posting shocking or inappropriate content like bestiality to attract views.
For media-savvy individuals, there are several ways to identify and stop the spread of fake news. Here are five tips, as recommended by Nigeria Communications Week, referencing Jumia Travels:
1. Check the URL: Fake news sites often clone trusted sources. For example, johndoe.com might be mimicked as johndoe.com.co. Always verify the URL.
2. Verify through multiple sources: Trusted outlets like Reuters, BBC, Bloomberg, or Al Jazeera are reliable for breaking news. If the story isn’t on these platforms, be skeptical.
3. Use fact-checking websites: Websites like FactCheck.org can help confirm the accuracy of news.
4. Check the date: Some fake reports recycle old news to cause confusion. Confirm the date to ensure the story is current.
5. Be cautious of sensationalism: Stories that are excessively alarming, overly emotional, or exaggerated are often fake.
For example, a false report recently claimed that U.S.-based Nigerian real estate developer Stephen Akintayo had been nominated by then-President-elect Donald Trump for Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. Many Nigerians believed this until it was confirmed that Scott Turner was the actual nominee.
To avoid unintentionally spreading fake news, like the false report about Chief Mike Adenuga Jr.’s death, we must remain vigilant and follow the guidelines outlined above.
At 71, Adenuga Jr. remains a prominent business figure in Nigeria and across Africa, where his companies, especially Globacom, have a significant presence. As part of my recent book launch, Leading from the Streets: Media Interventions by a Media Intellectual (1999–2019), we honored Dr. Adenuga with the Leading from the Streets trophy for his transformative impact on Nigerian businesses.
It is worth recalling that Globacom revolutionized Nigeria’s telecommunications industry by introducing the affordable per-second billing system, replacing the expensive per-minute system used by pioneers like MTN and Econet (now Airtel). Companies like Glo, Dangote Refinery, and Air Peace have also shielded Nigerians from the exploitative practices of foreign-owned firms in telecommunications, petrol refining and airliine services.
This is why we continue to advocate for the government to recognize Glo, Dangote Refinery, and Air Peace as vital national assets. Supporting these indigenous companies would help them compete with foreign corporations, just as South Korea’s government-backed global brands, such as Samsung and LG, have thrived in that country’s chaebol business model.
In this light, Dr. Mike Adenuga Jr. is seen as a national asset who must be protected from the damage caused by being falsely declared dead by malicious individuals who do so for amusement or ill intent.
Consdered from the prism of someone who trys to find a way to see positive things even in negative situations, in uncanny and unexpected ways, there may be benefits to being falsely declared dead before one’s time. That is because it is the chance to witness how others would react to one’s passing—whether through mourning, remembrance, or even scorn. So following the death hoax and the outpouring of concern from many Nigerians and Africans, telecommunications and oil magnate Mike Adenuga now understands just how much he is truly valued by others and he has had a glimpse of how (all things remaining equal) , he will be mourned when he passses away at God’s appointed time . This is a significant realization.
Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government (2003–2007), sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.
To continue this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng.
[OPINION] If Nigerian Politicians Truly Lived The Bible, Good Governance Would Have Prevailed Since 1999 - Isaac Asabor
AdminMost Nigerian politicians claim to be Christians, with many invoking the name of God to appeal to Christian voters during electoral campaigns. It is not uncommon for politicians to subtly campaign in churches, especially those with large congregations, with some of the big five churches in Nigeria becoming their primary targets. Yet, when these politicians occupy various political positions, whether through electoral victories or political appointments, they often fail to live up to the values espoused in the Bible. Their actions, or lack thereof, seem to contradict the very principles they profess, raising the question: “If Nigerian politicians truly lived according to biblical teachings, would the nation not have experienced the good governance that has long been promised?”
The Bible offers clear guidance on leadership, integrity, justice, and compassion, values that should shape the actions of anyone in a position of power. However, since the return to democratic rule in 1999, Nigeria has witnessed a leadership crisis marked by corruption, self-interest, and poor governance. Despite many politicians openly professing Christianity, the gap between the biblical principles they espouse and the realities of governance in the country remains stark. This dissonance highlights a fundamental problem: if those in power were to truly live by the Bible, the nation would have undoubtedly experienced a transformation long ago.
The reason for the foregoing expectation from Nigerian politicians in Christendom cannot be farfetched as The Holy Bible is universally acknowledged as a timeless guide to moral and ethical living. With its wealth of wisdom, spiritual teachings, and practical counsel, it has shaped individuals and societies for centuries. In Nigeria, where many politicians openly profess Christianity, the Bible’s principles should ideally translate into their leadership style. Yet, the gap between what the Bible preaches and the realities of governance in Nigeria raises critical questions.
If Nigerian politicians truly internalized and lived by the teachings of the Bible as most of them are wont to claim, particularly ahead of an upcoming election, the nation would have long since experienced a transformation marked by integrity, justice, and compassion, principles at the heart of biblical teachings. Unfortunately, since the return to democratic rule in 1999, corruption, self-interest, and poor governance have been the defining characteristics of the Nigerian political landscape.
The Bible is replete with instructions on leadership, service, and accountability. One of its core messages is that leaders are stewards of God’s people, entrusted with the responsibility to lead with integrity and selflessness. Proverbs 29:2 states, "When the righteous thrive, the people rejoice; when the wicked rule, the people groan."*This verse underscores the direct relationship between the character of leaders and the well-being of their citizens.
Jesus Christ’s teachings, especially in the Gospels, emphasize servant leadership. In Mark 10:43-45, He said, "Whoever wants to become great among you must be your servant, and whoever wants to be first must be slave of all. For even the Son of Man did not come to be served, but to serve." Imagine if Nigerian politicians embraced this model of leadership. Would the nation still grapple with endemic corruption and mismanagement, particularly in the Southern part of the country where Christians are in dominance?
Many Nigerian politicians openly identify as Christians, attending church services and making public declarations of faith. Yet, their actions often betray the core principles of Christianity. The Bible repeatedly warns against greed, dishonesty, and oppression of the poor, vices that plague Nigerian governance.
In 1 Timothy 6:10, Paul warns, *"For the love of money is a root of all kinds of evil." This verse is particularly relevant in Nigeria, where many politicians prioritize personal wealth over public welfare. The country’s resources, meant for the collective good, are often siphoned off into private accounts. Meanwhile, citizens endure hardship, with poverty levels remaining alarmingly high despite the nation’s vast natural wealth.
The Bible places a strong emphasis on justice and equity. Micah 6:8 encapsulates this ideal: "He has shown you, O mortal, what is good. And what does the Lord require of you? To act justly and to love mercy and to walk humbly with your God."
If Nigerian politicians adhered to this principle, the judicial system would not be riddled with corruption, and public policies would prioritize the welfare of the masses. Instead, the country has witnessed a widening gap between the rich and the poor, with those in power using their positions to perpetuate inequality.
The failure to uphold justice has led to a lack of trust in the government. Citizens, particularly the youth, feel disillusioned, as promises of change and development remain unfulfilled. A nation guided by biblical principles would be one where the rule of law prevails, ensuring that all citizens, regardless of their status, are treated fairly.
The Bible calls for compassion and care for the less privileged. In Matthew 25:35-40, Jesus highlights the importance of helping the needy, equating such acts to serving Him. Nigerian politicians often pay lip service to poverty alleviation while implementing policies that exacerbate the suffering of the poor.
The persistent mismanagement of resources meant for public welfare, such as palliatives during crises, reflects a lack of genuine concern for the people. If politicians truly lived by biblical teachings, initiatives aimed at reducing poverty would be executed with transparency and sincerity, leading to tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary Nigerians.
The Bible offers numerous examples of leaders who governed with integrity and faith. King Solomon, renowned for his wisdom, prayed for discernment to lead his people effectively (1 Kings 3:9). Nehemiah, a cupbearer turned governor, demonstrated exceptional dedication to rebuilding Jerusalem, prioritizing the welfare of his people over personal gain.
These leaders understood that their positions were not for self-enrichment but for serving others. Nigerian politicians who claim to follow the Bible would do well to emulate such examples, aligning their actions with the principles of accountability and service.
For Nigeria to experience the good governance envisioned in biblical teachings, there must be a fundamental shift in the mindset and actions of its leaders. Professing faith without corresponding deeds is, as James 2:17 states, *"faith by itself, if it is not accompanied by action, is dead."
Churches and religious institutions also have a role to play. Instead of merely endorsing political figures, they must hold them accountable, reminding them of their spiritual obligations to serve the people with humility and integrity.
Citizens, too, must demand accountability from their leaders, using their votes and voices to support those who demonstrate a commitment to biblical values in governance.
If Nigerian politicians truly lived by the teachings of the Bible, the country would have experienced good governance since the advent of democracy in 1999. The Bible’s principles of justice, integrity, and compassion provide a clear roadmap for ethical leadership.
The disconnect between profession and practice among many of Nigeria’s leaders underscores the need for introspection and genuine transformation. Until leaders align their actions with their professed faith, the promise of good governance will remain elusive. However, with a renewed commitment to living out biblical values, Nigeria can begin to realize its potential as a nation characterized by fairness, prosperity, and hope.
[OPINION] Defending Constitutional Supremacy: A clarion call to Senate President Akpabio and Speaker Abbas - Clifford Ogbeide
AdminIn any democratic society, the Constitution reigns supreme, serving as the cornerstone for governance, accountability, and the protection of civil liberties. Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution (as amended) is unambiguous in its directives: public officeholders must adhere strictly to its provisions to safeguard the integrity of our democratic institutions. Today, Chief Godswill Obot Akpabio, President of the Senate, and Tajudeen Abbas, Speaker of the House of Representatives, stand at a pivotal juncture, where their fidelity to constitutional principles is under scrutiny.
Governor Monday Okpebholo and Deputy Governor Dennis Idahosa of Edo State must vacate their legislative seats in the National Assembly as required by Section 68(1)(d) of the Constitution. Their continued occupancy of these positions constitutes not only a constitutional violation but a direct affront to Nigeria’s democratic ideals. This matter is a litmus test of the commitment of our legislative leaders to uphold the rule of law and justice.
Key Constitutional Issues
1. Violation of Section 68(1)(d):
Section 68(1)(d) of the 1999 Constitution mandates that any National Assembly member who assumes an executive office—whether as Governor, Deputy Governor, Minister, or Commissioner—must vacate their legislative seat. This provision is unequivocal. It exists to prevent the simultaneous holding of legislative and executive powers, thereby mitigating conflicts of interest. The continued presence of Okpebholo and Idahosa in the Senate and House of Representatives is a flagrant breach of this constitutional mandate.
2. Obligation of Leadership Under Section 68(2):
Section 68(2) imposes a clear duty on the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House to declare such seats vacant upon receiving satisfactory evidence of an executive appointment. This is not a matter of discretion; it is a constitutional imperative. Chief Akpabio and Speaker Abbas are constitutionally bound to act decisively. Their failure to do so erodes the credibility of the National Assembly as a guardian of constitutional governance.
Safeguarding Democratic Integrity
3. Erosion of Representation:
Democracy thrives on accountability and representation. By refusing to resign, Okpebholo and Idahosa deny their constituencies rightful representation, thereby undermining the democratic foundations of the National Assembly. This is not merely a legal infraction—it is an affront to Nigeria’s democratic ethos, weakening public trust in the institutions designed to serve them.
4. Immediate Call for Bye-Elections:
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) must act promptly to conduct bye-elections for these now-vacant seats. Such elections are essential to restoring both the legitimacy and functionality of the legislative body. The ongoing retention of these positions by ineligible individuals establishes a dangerous precedent that must be addressed immediately to prevent further erosion of the rule of law.
Implications for Democratic Governance
This situation transcends the specific case of Edo State and speaks to the broader imperative of upholding the Constitution as the ultimate arbiter in governance. If this breach is allowed to persist, it risks entrenching a culture of impunity, where elected officials believe they can flout constitutional mandates without consequence. Nigeria’s democracy is resilient but not invulnerable. Its strength lies in the unwavering adherence to the rule of law by those entrusted with leadership.
6. Global Scrutiny and Accountability:
As Africa’s largest democracy, Nigeria is under international observation. The world is watching how this constitutional impasse is resolved. Chief Akpabio and Speaker Abbas, the choice before you are clear: honor your constitutional duty, declare these seats vacant, and permit INEC to organize bye-elections for the constituents of Esan Central and Ovia Federal Constituencies.
A Moment of Constitutional Reckoning:
History will judge the actions taken in this critical moment. Will you choose to uphold the Constitution and serve as stewards of justice, or will you allow the rule of law to be compromised under your leadership? The people of Nigeria, democracy itself, and the global community demand decisive action.
The time to act is now.
Fellow Compatriot,
Clifford Ogbeide
Public Policy Analyst
Lake District, Alberta, Canada
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“…This is what the LORD, the God of your ancestor David, says: I have heard your prayer and seen your tears. I will heal you, and three days from now you will get out of bed and go to the Temple of the LORD.” 2 Kings 20:5
The healing and deliverance power of God is on you now! Stop crying! I thought you would have been dancing by now. Read the above verse again. Hezekiah’s case was an exceptional divine intervention in the bible - as yours will soon become. Now, people have in the past bluntly refused to bow to death. Some have either postponed or totally cancelled the experience. True. Elijah was taken to haven alive. Enoch just disappeared and nobody saw him again till today. Jesus was buried, the grave vomited him and he ascended into haven like a rocket. Melchizedek just appeared and later disappeared. Nobody knows his origin and ending. Yes, it is appointed unto man to die once, but what we are saying here is that Christians should not die untimely, suddenly, shamefully and without fulfilling all that God has for them. That is it!
Even when God told King Hezekiah that he should prepare to die, the man ‘refused’. Wow! Truly, there is nothing your relationship with God cannot achieve. With God all things are possible! The king was very sick and Prophet Isaiah was sent to go and deliver the “death bomb” to him, but before the man of God would leave the palace, within minutes, God sent him back to go and cancel the first message, “tell him that he will not die again!” My God! As you read this message, I cancel whatever first negative message that you had received. I say that you will not die now! You will not be destroyed and shamed! There are people that God cannot ignore in this life. True. You are coming out of that situation in the mighty name of Jesus! Let’s just read the story. It is very interesting:
“About that time Hezekiah became deathly ill, and the Prophet Isaiah son of Amoz went to visit him. He gave the king this message: ‘this is what the LORD says: Set your affairs in order, for you are going to die. You will not recover from this illness.’ When Hezekiah heard this, he turned his face to the wall and prayed to the LORD, ‘Remember, O LORD, how I have always tried to be faithful to you and do what is pleasing in your sight.’ Then he broke down and wept bitterly. But before Isaiah had left the middle courtyard, this message came to him from the LORD: GO BACK to Hezekiah…”
2Kings 20:1-10
Since he assumed office as Nigeria’s Minister of the Interior on August 21, 2023, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo has been promoted as a whizkid and a strategic planner who would introduce innovations in the ministry. At just 42, he ranks among the youngest ministers and one of the hot-heads that would stand out within the administration of President Bola Tinubu. Fittingly, the ministry of the Interior in which he supervises five key parastatals – among them the Security and Civil Defence Corps; the Nigerian Correctional Services; the Immigration Service and the Federal Fire Services – is one of the most challenging.
He didn’t disappoint in making promises to introduce reforms that are necessary to drive his vision. Of all the five agencies, he focused especially on the Nigerian Immigration Service (NIS) and promised to excel where previous administrations failed. The Passport Office in the NIS is easily among the most embarrassing public service agencies in the country, with infamous records in snail-speed issuance of international passports. The personnel not only lack courtesy in attending to Nigerians, home and abroad, many believe they corruptly undermine whatever system is put in place to make their work seamless.
So, shortly after assumption of office, he had promised to introduce automation in the Passport issuance process and to dismantle all bottlenecks that hinder speedy issuance of Nigerian passports. He received plaudits for that.
One year after the reforms, how has he fared?
Considering the promises he made and the huge expectation by the public, he has not impressed. Apart from clearing the backlog of over 200,000 pending passport applications within two weeks of assuming office and increasing the costs of the passport booklets on the claim of improved security features, not much has come by way of any innovation. The agency moved the cost from N35,000 to N50,000 for the 32-page booklet with 5 year validity and from N70,000 to N100,000 for the 64-page booklet with 10 year validity.
On the crucial aspect of speeding up the process of passport issuance, the so-called reform failed spectacularly. Rather than the 2 week limit for issuance of passports which he announced gleefully earlier in the year, applicants still spend between 5 to 7 weeks to get their documents issued or renewed. Same with the policy for contactless renewal of passports introduced since March 2024 but which has not been achieved as applicants for new passports as well as renewals still appear physically at the offices for their biometrics to be captured.
The failed promise to get the passports delivered to applicants’ homes has added a scandalous dimension to what has become Tunji-Ojo’s failed promises at the Nigerian Immigration Service. Not only are the thousands of passport applicants deceived into opting for ‘home delivery’ in the online passport application portals and are made to pay the charges, the service – in most cases – is not being rendered.
While an indigenous supply chain company, the Greater Washington Express (GWX), with head office in Ikeja Lagos, was engaged for the project and deployed to the Immigration offices in Lagos, Port Harcourt, Kano, Enugu and the headquarters in Abuja, the company has not engaged in any large-scale passport delivery services in any of the locations. The cooperation of the NIS staff, crucial for the success of the policy, has not been forthcoming.
After waiting for weeks for their passports to be delivered, to no avail, applicants who paid the N5,000 charges would get to the passport offices only to discover that while they stayed at home waiting for the delivery bikes, their passports had been produced and stockpiled in the Passport Office for weeks. So, why is this so? Enquiries at the Abuja NIS Headquarters gives the picture of what has flawed the service across the country. It reveals a disturbing scenario in which the process was being sabotaged by Immigration staff who deride the GWX arrangement as a process introduced by the Minister without proper consultation. Somehow, they have refused to flow with it.
A visit to the GWX office at the NIS headquarter was revealing: last week, a staff repeatedly told applicants who had came to collect his passports personally, that “there is nothing we can do on our own if the Immigration staff refuse to give us the list of the applicants who subscribe to the service as well as their passports and addresses for delivery.” Such altercations have become commonplace between the frustrated applicants, Immigration officials and staff of GWX. It paints a sorry picture of whatever reforms are being implemented.
Amazingly, the home delivery policy, like the contactless renewal policy, and all such policies that are meant to reduce the crowd that troop to the Passport Office daily, usually meet stiff opposition from staff of the Immigration Service. The reason is obvious to most Nigerians who know that the passport racket in which most Immigration officers engage, thrives on the crowd of desperate applicants that throng the Office. Cutting off the applicants becomes for them a ‘bad market.’
Indeed, the sabotage and mutual contempt between officials of the NIS and the GWX is deep, and it has been frustrating to thousands of Nigerians who are seemingly scammed of their hard-earned money. In November, total deliveries by GWX in Abuja account for less than 10% of the passports that are listed for home delivery, a feat that was achieved only through high-level interventions.
The question is: are the minister and the Comptroller-General of Immigratiom, Kemi Nandap ignorant of all these? While the cold war rages, is the GWX, whose staff doze through the working hours in their section of the NIS offices, being paid for services they are not rendering?
It is either the policy is not designed to work, or the Minister has not done enough in getting the Immigration staff to buy into it. Or both. Whatever the case, it is scandalous that in spite of the failure of the service, the agency continues to retain the subscription for it in the passport application portal. Worse still, the NIS which receives the payments has not deemed it necessary to refund applicants for the services they paid for, but which is not being rendered.
Sheddy Ozoene, Editor-In-Chief of People&Politics, is the Vice President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors.
An epic poet describes the Fulani hunter as “shepherd of wild animals.” The hunter is also the one “who knows the calm and wild forest, with its many dangerous paths…..” When a man so described describes you as a target, you had better go sew a dress of steel. If you are from the South-West and you can read, read this: “Our next target now is this geo-political zone. The south-west geo-political zone. You know we are good at getting the target. We will do all that is possible to bring them into the fold.” That is from Abdullahi Ganduje, immediate past governor of Kano State and incumbent national chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC). He made the solemn pledge in Akure, the Ondo State capital, after his party’s governorship election victory in that state two weeks ago.
Now, which fold was Ganduje talking about? And who are the “we” that are “good at getting the target”? Ganduje is smart. He chose his words deliberately and carefully. The strongman from Kano has significantly stepped back from his earlier obsession with capturing Oyo and Osun states. He now targets the entire zone. For whom? It can’t be for the APC – the party already has two-thirds of the zone. In Adebayo Faleti’s ‘Ogun Awitele’ (Foretold War), a band of thieves sent a handwritten letter to a village head: “We are coming to rob your people in seven days’ time.” The tone of the letter rattled the Baale and his chiefs. If you are sure of the efficacy of your amulets, you swear by them. The leader of the band of thieves signed his name as Ajiboogunsoro (he-who-wakes-up-to-converse-with-charms). A significant takeaway from that moment of fear and anxiety is the village head’s charge to his security chiefs to always know that no matter how powerful the boastful invaders are, “you should always remember that you are hunters, they are thieves (ode ni yín, olè ni wón)”. What Ganduje, the big man, said is evocative of a deja vu. There is something in Nigeria’s political history that suggests today’s mission as an echo of a daring, fateful yesterday.
But, whatever the man might be saying, I suggest he and his “we” take time to watch closely the Eyo masquerade of Lagos and listen attentively to their songs. The Eyo seductively mock their challengers with a folk song composed for colonialism on the futility of its land-grabbing propensity. They sing: “The white man took Oluwole; Lagos did not utter a word. With ease, the white man took Marina; again Lagos was silent. Now, they want to take Isale Eko. They think we are dumb.” The Eyo actually use the Hausa word, Kurumo (deaf and dumb). The Kano man, Ganduje, understands perfectly the imagery of the speechless who is at the same time dead in hearing. I am very sure that no one ever takes the South-West as a zone of the invalid, deaf and dumb.
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is a former governor of Kano State. He has been the boss (and friend) of Ganduje from the beginning of time. In a speech he delivered at the convocation ceremony of Skyline University, Kano, two weeks ago, Kwankwaso claimed that “Lagos” was working hard to enslave the whole North. He said: “Today, we can see very clearly that there is a lot of efforts from the Lagos axis to colonize this part of the country.” Kwankwaso is an old war horse and a rambunctious power-player. You ignore him at your peril, and to your sorrow
You remember a gentleman called Festus Odimegwu, a former Managing Director of the Nigerian Breweries Plc who was made the chairman of the National Population Commission (NPC) by President Goodluck Jonathan? In October, 2013, because Odimegwu said “No census has been credible in Nigeria since 1816”, Kwankwaso stormed the Villa and asked President Jonathan to sack the man as NPC chairman. Kwankwaso told State House correspondents after meeting Jonathan: “I also raised the issue of the chairman of the National Population Commission, NPC, headed by one Festus Odimegwu. We are not happy about that appointment, and (we) think that it was a mistake. He (Odimegwu) had only worked in the alcoholic industry all his life. And my guess is that he’s taking a lot of his products and that is why we feel that his appointment is a mistake because he cannot be the chairman of NPC and at the same time attack what his predecessors have done.” With “automatic alacrity”, Jonathan obeyed Kwakwanso and asked Odimegwu to go on October 17, 2013. That is how you feel the power of power.
Ganduje was direct in naming his target: the South-West. Kwankwanso went poetic; Lagos was (is) his metaphor for the West. The man who wants to be president of Nigeria also spoke on tax collection. He said: “Today, we are aware that the Lagos young men are working so hard to impose taxes and take away our taxes from Kano and this part of the country to Lagos.” Who are Kwakwanso’s “Lagos young men”? And what VAT is Kwakwanso fighting over? VAT from confiscated products of “the alcoholic industry”? Or from the leveled groundnut pyramids of Kano?
Kwakwanso spoke about colonialism; Ganduje spoke about “getting the target.” Those two deserve more than anyone’s passing attention. Between them, Kano has been a captive cripple since 1999. Ibrahim Shekarau who acted during an interlude was Kwankwaso’s permanent secretary. The incumbent governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, is Kwakwanso’s son-in-law. Check the figures: How many poor people did they meet in Kano in 1999, how many do they have now? In his ‘The Psychology of Science: A Reconnaissance,’ Abraham Maslow wrote in 1966: “If the only tool you have is a hammer, it is tempting to treat everything as if it were a nail.” Some describe what Maslow propounded as the ‘law of the instrument’. Others say it is the ‘law of the hammer’. Yet, some other analysts prefer to christen it ‘Maslow’s hammer’ or ‘the golden hammer.’ For persons whose idea of leadership is all about slave raiding, zone targeting and capturing, their choice of mission will always employ the rhetoric of slavery.
While Ganduje and Kwakwanso are doing their own their ways, the third Kano man, Shekarau, has been busy setting up a group he calls League of Northern Democrats (LND). At a meeting with the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) in Kaduna some days ago, a more nuanced Shekarau spoke on why he is doing what he is doing: “This marks the beginning of what we hope will be a transformative coalition for Northern Nigeria to confront its challenges…The challenges facing our region – poverty, insecurity, illiteracy, religious intolerance, disunity, and diminishing political influence – are indeed serious. The North is today in an ugly situation…” There is a fitting quote here attributed to Albert Einstein: “We cannot solve our problems with the same thinking we used when we created them.” Those who disfigured the face of beautiful northern Nigeria cannot now beautify it. You know what happened when the monkey insisted she wanted to beautify her child’s ugly face? She pushed the eyeballs deeper into the sockets. Monkey’s fingers are not structured to beautify anything. Take a look at them.
So, when I heard Ganduje say that his target was the South-West, I wondered why it is not his “target” that Kano’s groundnut pyramids are restored. And, when Kwakwanso said ‘Lagos’ was determined to colonise his “part of the country”, you should wonder why his rhetoric was all about power and not how to make his part of the country as safe and prosperous as the part where Lagos belongs. And Shekarau spoke about the North’s “diminishing political influence.” If I would counsel him, I would suggest that what the North of 2024 needs to regain its mojo is for its leaders to make the region safe by educating their young, and empowering and feeding their poor without enslaving them.
I call Kwankwaso, Ganduje and Shekarau the three musketeers of Kano. A soldier armed with a musket is a musketeer. In French history, we read of the Musketeers of the Guard (Mousquetaires de la garde) or the King’s Musketeers (Mousquetaires du roi). They existed to fight the king’s battles. Their exploits of guile, of swordsmanship and chivalry later spilt over to the plains of popular culture. Because of them, we have books and films with ‘The Three Musketeers’ (Les Trois Mousquetaires) as titles. The story of Kano since 1999 has been an intricate story of war and romance among those three musketeers who shared the years equally among them. They are not done with that city state, and with their North. They are not even done with the whole country. That is what you get when an elite band targets, captures and enslaves an enclave. Get your popcorn. They appear gearing up for war – with “Lagos”. And a good fight is coming.
In the roaring 1970s, the nationalist fervent was at a feverish pitch in the country and, the Pan- Africanist and independence fires were tearing through Mozambique, Angola, Guinea Bissau, Cape Verde, Zimbabwe and Western Sahara. Also, there was fire in Soweto.
Our politics was positively influenced by people like Samora Machel, Ruth First, Nelson and Winnie Mandela, Robert Mugabe, Amilcar Cabral and Mwalimu Nyerere. Writers such as Wole Soyinka, Ngugi Wa’Thiongo, Peter Abrahams, Nadine Gordimer and Okot P’Bitek held our literary skies.
The music of Jimmy Cliff, Bob Marley, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti and Max Romeo was telling the youths to rebel against the oppressive system and remake the world. It was in the furnace of those volcanic eruptions some of Nigeria’s finest youths were baked. For them, there were no compromises to be made; it was struggle until victory. They embraced danger like lovers and saw no future without qualitative change.
They were married to revolutionary change till-death-do-them- part. Those fearless youths welcomed my generation to the campuses, nurtured and cultured us. It was in Ife I ran into the troika from Kano-Zaria: Yahaya Hashim, Abdulrauf Mustapha and Jibrin Ibrahim, popularly called Jibo. They had graduated in the mid-1970s and were building alliances to change the country and transform Africa.
It was as a member of the youth corps in Kano I first met Abdulkadir Isah Uguda, an intense mind who lived every second for revolutionary change. That was in 1982 and already, he was a veteran carrying the scars of struggles. This included his 1964 prosecution when he was a ten-year old Primary Three pupil. He was charged with furthering the aims of the opposition Northern Elements Progressive Union, NEPU.
He had also been expelled from the Kaduna Polytechnic and had his scholarship cancelled. His expulsion along with 14 other students followed national protests by the National Association of Technological Students, NATS, against somersaults in polytechnic education policies. This included changing the two-tier system of Ordinary National Diploma, OND, followed by one year industrial attachment and two years of Higher National Diploma, to a single three-year programme followed by industrial attachment. The students argued this was a deliberate lowering of polytechnic education standards.
The detained students, rather than be charged in the normal courts, were taken before Alkali courts where they were certain to be thrown into prison as lawyers did not appear in those Islamic courts. In fact, some of the students had already been sent to prison before their arraignment! When the 1979 Constitution was promulgated, radical lawyer, Gani Fawehinmi, represented by Mr Femi Lanlehin, went to court and got the students freed.
Abdulkadir’s scholarship was not restored because the Kano State Scholarship Board which interviewed him said he did not convince it that he would no longer participate in student union politics. He joined the Immigration Services and became a member of the Customs, Excise and Immigration Staff Union, CEIMSU. He also became the Assistant Secretary of the Borno State Council of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC. Abdulkadir was later elected the National Vice President of the CEIMSU. As a national labour leader, he opposed the privatisation programme and rejected collaboration with the military rulers.
There were clashes between the CEIMSU led by Secretary General Bernard Odulana, and Interior Affairs Minister, Colonel John Shagaya. This eventually led to the proscription of the union. This was where Abdulkadir, despite being an officer of the para-military corps, rose to campaign against the proscription, thereby endangering his career. He fought the NLC leadership of Paschal Bafyau for collaborating with the military to proscribe the union. He told me: “It was the NLC that carried out the folding up of CEIMSU without even contacting the leaders who were contesting the obnoxious action…the ILO’s move to intervene was subverted by the NLC.” Today, even after retiring from service and, 35 years after the CEIMSU’s proscription, Abdulkadir continues to nudge the NLC and ILO to fight for the union’s de-proscription.
Jibrin ‘Jibo’ Ibrahim has spent his life building societal organisations and mentoring people for a better world. As a student in the Ahmadu Bello University, ABU, he helped to develop the radical students Movement for Progressive Nigeria, MPN, into a fighting force for change. Although the members were repeatedly expelled by the authoritarian university administrators and he himself, endangered, he never gave up. He also helped to build a similar organisation at the national level called the Patriotic Youth Movement of Nigeria, PYMN. The PYMN was instrumental to the establishment of the National Association of Nigerian Students, NANS, in 1980 and running it into the mid-1990s.
Jibo also helped to establish the Youths Solidarity Against Apartheid, YUSSAN. A firm advocate of women rights and equality, he was one of the founders of the Women In Nigeria, WIN, in 1982. Intensely intellectual, Jibo, a professor and advocate of the downtrodden, puts his prodigious knowledge at the service of the people by simplifying and making it available through his weekly columns. He is known for his religious-like advocacy and defence of fundamental human rights and expansion of the democratic space. This has seen him build and develop civil society organisations. He was the Executive Director of the Centre for Democracy and Development, CDD, and chair of the West African Civil Society Forum, WACSOF.
He is the leader of the social movements in Abuja and, when necessary, leads them in protests as he did in January 2012. One of the major reasons why Jibo attracts the young and is widely respected even in government circles is that he has a listening ear, is highly tolerant of other views and focuses on solutions rather than mere criticism.
Jibo is an example of a person who not just paid back, but gave far more than he was given. He had come to the School of Basic Studies and ABU at 18, never having heard of different cultures of progress, radicalism or Marxism. Those experiences and the fact that his generation had a good and high quality education irrespective of their social background, moulded his life. Since then, it has been how this has changed him and his comrades; transformed them and, how it has shaped the struggles they have undertaken.
Some of us stand on the broad shoulders of these fearless, selfless and principled fighters for a better universe and a New World Order. Abdulkadir Isah Uguda turned 70 on Monday, November 11, 2024 and Jibrin ‘Jibo’ Ibrahim reached this milestone 19 days later, precisely on Saturday, November 30, 2024. Nations that have such people are blessed. May Africa never run short of such people of vision and conviction.