The Nigerian presidency is an energizing elixir. It has proven to be very effective in breathing life into dry bones. To old creaky engines, it gives deep cleaning; it replaces worn parts and upgrades the lubrication system. Olusegun Obasanjo went in there and got transformed from an imprisoned stork to a clean-shaven ladies’ egret. The Balogun Owu has since refused to age. Muhammadu Buhari entered the Villa peaky, ill and ailing. He left the place with his engine and chassis reinvented. His successor, super rich Lion of Bourdillon, broke the Internet with gaffes, slips and falls during the 2023 campaigns. He hasn’t yet spent two years in the Villa but he has also had a dramatic TAM (Turn Around Maintenance). The rough idling, vibrations and engine misfires are all gone. His cooling system is now cool and steady. These and many more are what the man celebrated two days ago as he officially turned 73, robust and rounded. He had many nice things said of him by those who seek (or already have) his mercy and favours.

Where life expectancy is less than 50, netting seventy years plus is a boon. William Shakespeare rejects the withering properties of age and cuddles the vibrancy of youth. In his ‘The Passionate Pilgrim’, Shakespeare leaves lines of contrasts on ageing for us to read and ponder. He writes that “crabbed age and youth cannot live together.” And he explains why: “Youth is full of pleasure, age is full of care; Youth like summer morn, age like winter weather; Youth like summer brave, age like winter bare. Youth is full sport, age’s breath is short; Youth is nimble, age is lame; Youth is hot and bold, age is weak and cold; Youth is wild, age is tame.” Shakespeare ends those parallels with a yell of rejection and acceptance: “Age, I do abhor thee; youth, I do adore thee.”

Now, who is old, who is young?

People in the sciences say every person has two ages. They call one chronological age (number of years a person has lived); the other they say is biological, a person’s functional age. The Yoruba have a third category; they call it Atubotan (the after-death years). Short or long, the first is guaranteed for all; the second is a factor of luck and choice; the third is largely determined by how we spend the first two. Very few are blessed with all three.

Less than two minutes from a town called Iragbiji in Osun State is another called Ikirun. It is about ten minutes from my own Eripa. Long gone Oba Lawani Adeyemi was Akinrun of Ikirun. The oba gathered fame across Yorubaland for the audacity of his longevity. He thought it was his right to live long and he loudly claimed it. When courtiers and all who courted his mercy wished him long life, Oba Adeyemi’s standard response was “Ó di dandan” (it is compulsory). At well over 70 years, Adeyemi’s people made him oba in 1945. His enemies thought him already at the departure lounge. They said he would soon vacate the space for them to take. There are legends that say with every rumour of his death came the actual death of the rumour mongers. Soon, no one warned no one again before they stopped wishing the oba dead. As years rolled into decades, the oba’s enemies dried out, the ones still alive became his friends. They had to; Ó di dandan.

Adeyemi stayed put on that throne until 1989 when he bowed out quietly. His people still celebrate the years in his reign not because they were unusually long, but because they were largely positive in the life of the community. He had the years, he was functional. More importantly, he had Atubotan. The oba had many children; he did not spoil them with palace spoils. They do not need unmerited honorary doctorate degrees from backwater universities to remain tall. The oba trained all his children such that the late king continues to live long after his death. His grandson was a Head of Service of the Federation; another is one of the richest in 2025 Ibadan. The rich needed no paternal imposition before he got to the top of his trade. President Tinubu very well knows Crystal Hospital at Akowonjo in Alimoso Local Government area of Lagos, it belongs to one of the eldest of Oba Adeyemi’s children. One of the youngest is a veteran in Osun State House of Assembly.

Where I come from, we rejoice with the joyous which is why I join in congratulating our president on his 73rd birthday. But as he celebrated that occasion with pomp on 29th March – a day to Villa’s sumptuous Sallah, I hope he reflected on what his presidency has meant to the Nigerian outside official powers. Many are stranded on the rough, dusty road to survival. They trace their misery to the leader’s mirth; their poverty to the president’s pleasure. They think their agony is power’s easement. It is not funny.

A democracy that repairs only the leaders is roguish and immoral. Yet, as we tell all these things, wisdom dictates that we march seven steps near the king, and six steps in nuanced back off. In Alex Danchev’s ‘Waltzing with Winston (Churchill),’ we are told that “the loyalties which centre upon number one are enormous. If he trips, he must be sustained. If he makes mistakes, they must be covered. If he sleeps, he must not be wantonly disturbed. (But) if he is no good, he must be pole-axed.” Literally, to pole-axe is to attack, strike, or fell with or as if with a poleaxe. That is the price all who claim “number one” must pay when they are not acting good.  

The president preached sacrifice on his birthday but his birthday table showed assorted, sumptuous surplus, everything. His wrongheaded policies he described as “the right thing to do for our nation’s future.” His wife is a pastor, she should blow into his ear the saying that only the living praises the Lord. Can a leader whose subjects wallow in want get blessed with their prayers? Among the Bantu of Eastern, Central and Southern Africa are a people called the Mashona. Anthropologist Denys Shropshire in a 1931 journal article tells us that in that place is a bird called Mukaranga wa Mambo. The storyteller says this bird “begins by making excited, shrill, chattering cries until she is attended to, after which, flying with contented chirps from branch to branch, she brings the traveller to the promised nest of honey.” A starved, marginalised citizenry has neither honey nor applause for unfeeling, feasting rulers.

The vulture is Yoruba’s totem of longevity; a symbol of death and rebirth. The Yoruba say igúnnugún (vulture) would not die unless it is old. But they celebrate more than the years. What a man put in his age is more important than the years. Which is why I find Yoruba’s view of ageing and old age somewhat intriguing. There is an ambivalence here. They despise the ugliness of vulture but they covet vulture’s enduring agedness. They say because the vulture does not die young, they too must live longer than life. But they qualify it: The years must be years of peace and plenty. They covet what they see as vulture’s longevity but not its unsightly totality. They want long life but not ageing with the debilities it connotes. They ask if you’ve ever seen a nestled sick bird. They want life without its co-morbidities.

Nigerians see their government as a colony of vultures. In ageing and eating, the vulture is a bird of patience. It does not nurse the sick back to health. Instead, it waits for the hungry to die; it insists that rotten flesh is good food. Vulture is also a bird of opportunity. Nigeria is a vultures’ field. You ask why? I wonder too and I ask vulture biologists (ornithologists). They tell me that vultures approach dead or dying beings from openings – mouth, eyes, nostrils etc. And, Nigeria has many of such loopholes. Our vultures start the gutting from the guts, they then go to other inner organs for lunch. They move to the muscles and tear at the tissues. For supper, they access smaller spaces for tendons, they chew at other body parts; they clean out the carcass and move on to the next meal. When their earth completes its yearly revolution, they roll out the drums in celebration of their victory over their own people and land.

When vultures surround you, make sure you stay alive, do not die. Nigerians have really tried not to die for the vultures of power to rejoice over them. Now, if food avoids Vulture, what will Vulture eat? The human being called Yoruba says in a proverb that when what is edible is not available, what is not edible becomes edible. Vultures feed on vultures if that is the only available carrion. What you feel in Rivers and Lagos and Kano are hungry vultures circling weak vultures for food.

We celebrate the president at 73. He will live life longer than his presidential tenure. But we must tell him that his government retains its painfulness; the NYSC corps member’s description of his reign as terrible was apt. The town is bitter; the city is unpleasant. 

How then do we take back our country – if we ever had one? I am not the only person asking this question. But I am going to risk adding that if you are not satisfied with where your feet have taken you, the rational direction is to walk for change. Ask those who know the ways of vultures. If you do not want vultures around you, the effective way is to show them that which scares them: The effigy of a dead vulture.

The truck driver who survived the lynching of 16 travellers of Kano State extraction, by a vigilante group in Uromi, Edo State, has recounted the harrowing experience, refuting claims that the incident was tribal-related.

The incident occurred in the early hours of Friday when the travellers, believed to be hunters, were journeying from Port Harcourt, Rivers State, to Kano for the Eid-el-Fitr celebration.

The truck driver, whose name was not revealed in a viral video circulating online, stated that he was transporting Dangote Group’s goods to Obajana in Kogi State when he encountered the hunters at Elele, seeking a ride to the North part of the country.

“I initially refused to give them a ride because it was against my company’s policy. But after driving for about two kilometers, I felt guilty for abandoning them. After all, they are my fellow Northerners from Kano State, so I went back and picked them up,” the driver said.

According to him, the journey was peaceful until they arrived at Uromi, where they were stopped by a vigilante group. The leader of the vigilante allegedly questioned the driver about his cargo and the identity of his passengers. Despite presenting the waybill for the goods, the vigilante commander reportedly expressed suspicion about the hunters, particularly due to their weapons and dogs aboard the truck.

“He said he (Vigilante Leader) didn’t trust them and demanded they come down. As soon as the crowd saw their guns and dogs, they attacked us,” the driver narrated. “The commander told the crowd that we were kidnappers and Boko Haram, and they started beating us mercilessly.”

The driver, alongside two others identified as Haruna, an older man, and a younger man, was reportedly handcuffed by the vigilante commander and taken to a nearby police station. The vigilante informed the police that they had captured suspected kidnappers, leading to their immediate detention.

“By the time he went back to the scene, the mob had already killed 16 people,” the driver revealed, his voice filled with anguish.

He, however, categorically dismissed suggestions that the incident was a tribal clash. “This was not a tribal clash. The vigilante are solely responsible for this attack. They are the ones that caused our people to be murdered in cold blood,” he emphasided.

The tragic event has drawn widespread condemnation nationwide, with calls for a thorough investigation to bring the perpetrators to justice.

[Leadership]

There is growing political tension in Bayelsa State, ahead of the April 12 mega rally in support of the Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike.

The organisers are also planning to inaugurate a political group: ‘The new Associates’, Bayelsa chapter.

However, Governor Douye Diri warned against the rally which he said is capable of triggering violence, but George Turnah, the lead organiser, dare the governor, vowing that the rally would go on.

After this development, supporters of the governor also fixed a rally at the same venue, choosing same date and time.

Bayelsa State Governor, Senator Douye Diri had last week during meetings with Bayelsa Elders and Security chiefs alerted that the planned Pro-Wike rally is capable of Igniting crisis in the state due to already tense political climate in the neighbouring Rivers State.

Few days after the governor declared his stance against the pro-Wike rally, his supporters under the auspices of a group ‘Izon Keme-Ama Assembly’ rolled out their own programme for their grand mega rally tagged ‘Assured Prosperity Prosperity Rally In Appreciation of His Excellency Senator Douye Diri’s Unprecedented Achievements in Bayelsa State.”

According to the flyer from the Convener of pro-Diri rally, Tony Nathan Ile, he urged all sons and daughters of Izon both home and abroad to attend the rally.

Some political pundits in the state, urged security agencies not to approve the same venue, date and time for the two groups to hold rally in the state as the supporters of both groups could clash, thereby causing major political crisis.

Police spokesman in Bayelsa State, DSP Musa Muhammad, could not be reach on phone to find out if the police authorities in the state will approve the venue for the both groups for rally on the said date.

Below are publicity materials for both events;

[DailyTrust]

A bill currently on the floor of the House of Representatives, seeking to stop anyone above 60 years from vying for election to the offices of the Nigerian President and State Governor has triggered controversy.

DAILY POST reports that the bill, sponsored by Imo lawmaker, Ikenga Ugochinyere was passed for second reading at the lower legislative chamber on Thursday.

If the bill scales through legislative scrutiny and is signed into law, the majority of the 2027 presidential hopefuls, including President Bola Tinubu, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, and the 2023 presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Mr Peter Obi, will be missing.

This is because they are all over 60 years.

Titled “A Bill for an Act to alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 to review the requirements that qualify a person to be elected as President and Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Governors and Deputy Governor of a State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and for Related Matters”, was one of the 31 proposed legislations which scaled second reading during Thursday’s plenary session.

The bill provides that “A person shall be qualified for election to the office of the President if he has been educated up to at least university level and has earned a Bachelor’s degree in his chosen field of study.

“Section 131 of the Principal Act is amended by inserting a paragraph which reads, “That he is not more than 60 years at the time of vying for the Office of President.

“Section 177(d) of the principal Act is amended by altering the educational requirement that qualifies persons to be elected as governor as follows:

“A person shall be qualified for election to the Office of the President if he has been educated up to at least university level and has earned a Bachelor’s degree in his chosen field of study.

“That he is not more than 60 years old at the time of vying for the office of Governor.”

While the bill was spontaneously accepted by Nigerian youths, who feel they have been marginalized for years, others rejected the move.

Not-Too-Young-To-Run Bill

On May 31, 2018, the then Nigerian President, Muhammadu Buhari signed the Not-Too-Young-To-Run Bill into law, signalling hope for the younger generation, who may be vying for any political office.

The law reduces the age qualification for the office of Nigerian President from 40 to 35; state governor from 35 to 30; senator from 35 to 30 Federal House of Representatives and State House of Assembly membership from 30 to 25.

However, the majority of the elective positions across the country are still occupied by older politicians, fueling the move to enact law that would retire them and pave the way for younger politicians.

Some respondents, who spoke with DAILY POST on the age limit bill, expressed divergent opinions on the matter.

Nigeria needs clinical electoral reform system, not age limit – Osita Okechukwu

Mr. Osita Okechukwu, former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria, VON, and one of the founding brothers of the All Progressives Congress, APC, says rather that the age limit bill, Nigeria needs a clinical electoral reform system.

In a chat with DAILY POST, Osita opined that “age is a non-issue as per our national predicament. Rather the issue is the bandit mindset, whereby we all behave like bandits in all spheres of our life.

“Otherwise, how come we’ve cult members in junior secondary schools? Is it different from we the corrupt old men, whom they refer to as failed generations?

“All we need is a clinical electoral reform system as expressly recommended in the Uwais Report of 2008”.

The APC chieftain appealed to President Bola Tinubu, State Governors and members of the National and State Assemblies to “muster the political will to deepen our democracy and catapult Nigeria to giant status; by amending the constitutional nomination process of INEC and SIEC executives as recommended by Uwais Report interalia.

“Advertise all positions, spelling out requisite Qualifications! Receive Applications/Nominations from the General Public; Shortlist 3 Persons for each position and send to the National Council of State to select one from the Shortlist and forward to the Senate for Confirmation”.

“My submission is that it is only the truly independent INEC and SIEC which will ensure the highest quality and the highest standard of our general elections”, he added.

Ageism can’t stand in Nigerian law – Sowore

The 54-year-old presidential candidate of the African Action Congress, AAC, in the last election, Omoyele Sowore has also rejected the bill, stating that such discrimination won’t stand in Nigerian law.

In a chat with DAILY POST, Sowore expressed pessimism about the progression of the bill, saying it may not see the light of day.

According to Sowore, “I am pretty sure the proposal won’t see the light of the day, I just think these legislators are trying to divert attention away from the scandalous role and the bribery saga involving the rivers state emergency rule.

“Any form of discrimination can’t stand in law, if it is based on age it is known as ageism. The fact that it is generally attractive doesn’t make it acceptable”.

Only the youths can savage Nigeria – Former Rep candidate

In his own view, Terzulum Ukpanya, a former candidate of the Labour Party for the Gboko/Tarka Federal constituency in Benue State said Nigeria may remain underdeveloped if the older politicians remain in power.

He said, “It is only when the Nigerian youths take back their country from these failed old politicians that things will be better.

“The only thing they know is how to acquire wealth for their unborn grandchildren. They have no vision for the country, they only plan for their pockets and that is why we keep seeing these unnecessary fights between them.

“It is so bad that when they get into power, they will want to plant their boys, who will be fraudulently remitting government money go them. This thing has been going on for ages and that is why we are where we are today.

“Their selfish interests have widened the gap between the rich and the poor because they keep acquiring wealth at the expense of the poor people.

“The president of France is just 47 years old. Go there and see what he is doing there. If President Tinubu falls sick today, he will go to a country where a 47-year-old boy is ruling. This is shameful.

“The age limit bill is a very good one but then, even if it is passed, who will sign it? It won’t go anywhere”.

[DailyPost]

Tensions between Nigeria’s central and state governments have long been the fault lines of its federal system; it is like a simmering struggle between authority and autonomy. The 1999 Constitution, though intended as a compass for governance, is riddled with ambiguities—grey areas that have, time and again, become battlegrounds for political and legal duels. Among the most contentious debates is the reach of Section 305(1), which grants the president the power to declare a state of emergency. But does this mandate extend to the unilateral removal of democratically elected state officials?

For years, this question has lingered like an unspoken riddle in the corridors of power, whispered in legal chambers and political gatherings alike. Now, it erupts into the open, thrust into the unforgiving glare of the Supreme Court by seven opposition governors of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Their challenge is more than a legal contest; it is a reckoning—one that may redraw the contours of Nigeria’s federalism, recalibrate executive authority, and probe the very essence of democracy in the nation.

The Supreme Court, under Section 232(1) of the 1999 Constitution, has original jurisdiction in disputes between the Federal Government and state governments. This means it can directly adjudicate conflicts concerning constitutional interpretation. The ongoing case will test the limits of this jurisdiction, mainly whether the Supreme Court can provide clarification in the absence of a specific dispute between a state and the Federal Government. If the Court rules that interpretation alone is insufficient to activate its jurisdiction, it could set a precedent discouraging proactive legal resolutions, potentially allowing constitutional ambiguities to persist until conflicts escalate. However, if the Court determines that a general ambiguity affecting multiple states warrants judicial intervention, it will pave the way for a more dynamic constitutional review process that ensures legal clarity before crises arise.

This kind of legal battle is not unique to Nigeria. In advanced liberal democracies, governors often act as checks on presidential power. For example, during the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. state governors resisted federal directives from President Donald Trump, asserting their constitutional authority over public health measures. Similarly, governors challenged President Jair Bolsonaro’s handling of the pandemic in Brazil, leading to significant legal battles that strengthened jurisprudence. Argentina has also seen multiple instances where state-level leaders acted against federal overreach, reinforcing the principle of decentralized governance. Nigeria’s case aligns with this broader global trend, underscoring how federalism functions as a check on executive authority.

Section 305 of the Constitution grants the president the power to declare a state of emergency, but the criteria remain broad and open to interpretation. Key questions include: What constitutes a “clear and present danger” to justify an emergency declaration? Should there be legislative oversight beyond the National Assembly’s approval? How does Nigeria’s standard compare to international best practices? The governors argue that the Supreme Court should establish precise conditions under which emergency powers can be invoked. The governors want the Supreme Court to define what circumstances justify a state of emergency. In 2004, former President Olusegun Obasanjo declared a state of emergency in Plateau State, leading to the removal of Governor Joshua Dariye. A similar scenario occurred in Ekiti State under President Goodluck Jonathan in 2014. These instances highlight the pressing need for judicial clarification to prevent arbitrary use of emergency powers, which, if unchecked, could be used as a political weapon against opposition-controlled states.

A critical aspect of this case is whether the president’s emergency powers extend to suspending or removing elected state officials. The governors contend that the Constitution does not grant such authority. Their argument is grounded in Section 1(2), which establishes Nigeria as a democracy where sovereignty belongs to the people; Section 5(2), which limits executive powers by constitutional provisions; and Section 305, which does not explicitly provide for the removal of elected officials. The Supreme Court’s ruling will set a precedent for the extent of presidential authority during emergencies. It will either reaffirm state autonomy or expand federal executive powers, shaping the balance of power in Nigerian governance. Many legal scholars have argued that the power to remove a democratically elected governor lies with the electorate and, in extreme cases, the legislature—not the president.

The Constitution mandates a two-thirds majority vote in each chamber of the National Assembly to approve a state of emergency. The governors question whether the voice vote method used in recent emergency approvals met this requirement. The Court’s decision will determine whether procedural irregularities can invalidate emergency rule declarations. If the Supreme Court rules that a voice vote is insufficient, it could impose stricter legislative oversight on emergency declarations, ensuring greater accountability and preventing unilateral executive actions from circumventing constitutional processes.

Regardless of the outcome, this case highlights the importance of legal challenges in refining Nigeria’s constitutional framework. Nigeria’s judiciary is responsible for addressing constitutional ambiguities to prevent future conflicts. The Supreme Court had a previous opportunity to clarify constitutional provisions regarding local government elections in Rivers State and more specifically the place of the Electoral Act 2022. However, the ruling did not address critical ambiguities, leaving unresolved questions in electoral jurisprudence. The current case presents another chance for the Court to provide much-needed legal clarity. The judiciary plays a crucial role in resolving ambiguities that could otherwise lead to executive overreach or political instability.

If the Court delivers a well-reasoned judgment, it could serve as a touchstone for future constitutional conflicts, reinforcing the judiciary’s role in shaping Nigeria’s democratic evolution. According to a 2022 survey by Afrobarometer, 73% of Nigerians believe that the judiciary should have more substantial independence to check executive excesses. This reinforces the importance of Supreme Court rulings in maintaining democratic integrity and ensuring that political expediency does not override constitutional safeguards.

This case will establish whether the president’s emergency powers include suspending elected officials. A ruling in favor of the governors could reinforce state autonomy while limiting federal intervention in state affairs. Conversely, a ruling in favor of the president could expand executive powers, setting a precedent for future emergency rule declarations. If the Court upholds broad presidential discretion, state governments may need constitutional amendments to safeguard their authority.

This decision will serve as a benchmark for defining the limits of emergency powers, shaping Nigeria’s governance structure for years to come. In India, the Supreme Court’s ruling in S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994) curtailed the central government’s power to dismiss state governments, establishing a critical precedent for federalism. Nigeria’s Supreme Court has a similar opportunity to develop safeguards against potential executive overreach.

This case could prompt the National Assembly to reconsider the discretionary powers granted to the president through constitutional amendment . Potential reforms could include defining emergency conditions more precisely, requiring judicial review of emergency declarations, and strengthening legislative oversight to prevent executive overreach. Eminent lawyers have argued that the lack of clear constitutional guidelines on emergency powers leaves too much room for executive discretion, which is dangerous for democracy.

The Supreme Court’s ruling will test its ability to separate partisanship from jurisprudence and focus on constitutional text, precedents, and democratic principles. If it prioritises technicalities over substantive legal interpretation, it risks weakening public trust in the judiciary. A 2022 report by the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) on “Tackling Judicial Bribery and Procurement Fraud in Nigeria” found that about 61% of respondents believe that judges in Nigeria are likely to be politically influenced or accept bribes to influence their decisions, highlighting the need for impartial rulings.

The Supreme Court’s decision will be a defining moment for Nigeria’s constitutional democracy. If it upholds the governors’ argument, it will set a strong precedent affirming the independence of state governments, ensuring that executive powers remain within constitutional limits. If it rules in favor of expansive presidential authority, it risks tilting the balance of power.

Legal challenges like this one are essential for deepening Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Testing constitutional provisions ensures that governance is rooted in law rather than arbitrary power. The outcome of this case will have far-reaching implications for federalism, democracy, and the balance of power in Nigeria. Whatever the outcome, this case has forced a crucial legal reckoning, compelling Nigeria to confront the ambiguities in its constitutional framework. The judiciary must rise above partisanship, deliver a judgment that reinforces the rule of law, and safeguard Nigeria’s democratic evolution. A well-reasoned ruling will not only settle the immediate dispute but will shape the nation’s legal and political trajectory for generations to come.

Kenya has emerged as the largest importer of second-hand clothes in Africa, earning the unfortunate distinction of being an easy dumping ground for used apparel while struggling to revive its collapsed textile industry.

According to the latest trade data compiled by the United States-based Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), Kenya imported second-hand clothes and textiles worth Sh38.5 billion ($298 million) in 2023, making Kenya the continent’s leading buyer of mitumba, the Kiswahili term for second-hand clothing, surpassing Nigeria at number four.

The imports represent a 12.45 per cent increase from Sh34.28 billion ($265 million) in 2022, as shipments of used garments continue to flood the Kenyan market, meeting the growing demand for affordable clothing.

In 2023, Ghana ranked as the second-largest importer of second-hand clothes, with imports valued at Sh30.4 billion. South Africa followed at Sh29.4 billion, with Uganda at Sh27.2 billion, and Nigeria at Sh27 billion.

According to the report, Kenyan mitumba traders import various categories of second-hand clothes, including underwear, dresses, shirts, trousers, jackets, and shoes. Additionally, other used textiles such as bedding, towels, curtains, fabric scraps, and industrial rags also enter the country.

“I think we have not been intentional about growing the textile sector,” Tobias Alando, Chief Executive Officer of the Kenya Association of Manufacturers, stated.

An analysis of MIT’s Observatory of Economic Complexity indicates that in 2022, Kenya’s imports of second-hand clothes and textiles were nearly equal to Nigeria’s at Sh34.5 billion ($265 million), with South Africa ranking third at Sh33.76 billion ($261 million).

In 2021, South Africa was the leading importer of used clothes and textiles, though the country restricts such imports, except for specific purposes such as manufacturing industrial wiping rags or donating to registered charities.

Despite Nigeria’s official ban on the importation of used clothes, analysts note that they continue to be smuggled into the country from neighbouring regions.

Some officials in Kenya’s Ministry of Trade, speaking anonymously, suggest that a large portion of Kenya’s mitumba imports may be destined for neighbouring countries. “They are crossing the borders,” said one official.

Kenya’s situation is further complicated by its reliance on the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), a policy that grants eligible African nations duty-free access to the US market. To maintain AGOA privileges, particularly for textiles, Kenya must permit the importation of mitumba, a significant portion of which originates from the United States.

[Vanguard]

March has been a celebratory month as President Bola Tinubu turned 73. As the celebrations began, Nigerian Shiites were simultaneously being shot for marching on the streets. March 2025 has also seen an escalation in the unending Fubara-Wike drama. It has now soaked in the executive, legislative and judicial arms, including the Supreme Court.

Equally, the Nathasha-Akpabio tango, which began in the ballroom of the Nigerian Senate, has taken international stage.

It has also been the month when some perceptive Nigerians in organising a posthumous birthday for radical intellectual, Professor Nuhu Omeiza Yaqub, analysed the country’s past and suggested ways forward.

President Tinubu was on Friday, March 28, the eve of his birthday, at the National Mosque, Abuja for Jumat prayers. The faithful were also with him. The country was in a joyous mood as ministers and governors, legislators, political appointees and the hopeful were in a near-stampede to congratulate the President and, perhaps, assure him that there is ‘no shaking’.

Simultaneously, less than a 10-minute drive away, the Shiites were marking their international Qudus or Wufus. This Day of Ashura is designated a day of mourning the martyred. For over four decades now, they have dedicated this day as an annual international march for a two-state solution to the Palestinian issue.

So, if, in a democracy, the Shiites march, exercising their fundamental right to freedom of religion, movement and assembly, how does it constitute a security threat for which the army and police annually open fire on the children, women and men in the procession?

All that is required by the Police Act is for the police to provide protection for those marching or demonstrating, and for the general populace.

It appears that the annual murder of Shiites in Nigeria is beyond a so-called security reason. If the Shiites march, let them march! Are they marching with your legs? It is their religious belief; so the annual slaughter will not stop them from marching, and they have a fundamental human right to do so.

President Tinubu does not need to inherit the enemies of former President Muhammadu Buhari. The Shiites in Nigeria are not our enemies. If anything, they are our fellow citizens and government has the constitutional duty to protect all Nigerians irrespective of belief. Also, as Nigerians we have the right to be briefed by government on how many Shiites were killed this Friday, how many injured and if there are still some being detained. We need an enquiry into this crime and how it can be prevented in future.

My final take on this is that we must make far less use of the army. Its intrusion in normal civil life is becoming pervasive and must be checked.

On Thursday, March 27, 2025, Nigerians were also on the march in the endless ritual of constitutional amendments. On that day, the House of Representatives passed 31 Bills after second reading. For me, the most attractive was one that seeks to review the requirements of those contesting the presidential and gubernatorial elections. It seeks to stop anyone above 60 years from contesting those positions. I laughed. 

If by any miracle such an amendment is passed, we are in for another melodrama. Eighty-year-old politicians would start producing birth certificates or sworn age declarations that purport them to be 55! This is more so in a country where birth and death records are not readily available.

So, why not concentrate on enforcing existing requirements that can be better verified? For instance, the constitutional provision that such aspirants should possess a minimum high school leaving certificate?

It reminds me of the case of former President Buhari who in contesting the 2015 election could not produce a school leaving certificate or any such documentary evidence. He claimed that the Nigerian Army had custody of his certificate. The Army denied it. What is instructive is that for the eight years he was President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, he could not produce the certificate he claimed he had deposited with the army.

The Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan saga is one of the wonders of the Nigerian polity. She was said to have refused to change her seat. She, in turn, accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment. How these two matters constituted “gross misconduct” for which over 250,000 otherwise busy constituents would go queue to sign a recall petition is baffling except that it might be one those scams in our politics.

 There was the joke that the Senator had externalised the issue by taking it to the floor of the United Nations Inter-Parliamentary Union. Really? Do the people making this claim not realise that in a highly digitalised world, the altercation right from the Senate was already internationalised?

At the Prof Yaqub colloquium held on March 4, 2025 to repair the broken joints of the country, Professor Emmanuel Osodeke, President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, said the universities can make meaningful interventions in all aspects provided they are made eternally healthy. He submitted that: “It is only by priotising knowledge solution through effective and development-focused university education that Nigeria can get back to its path of sustainable development.”

A father of Political Science in Nigeria, Professor Adele Jinadu, said Africa needs an Afro-centric approach to governance and development based on five types of freedom: political freedoms, economic facilities, social opportunities, transparency guarantees and protective security. The road to Europe, he argued, would not lead to salvation for the continent.

Senator Ita Solomon Enang, Presidential Adviser, National Assembly Matters, Emeritus, pointed out to developing countries that Trumpism is the best thing that has activated their economies and potentials: an opportunity to progress from self-governing countries to truly independent ones.

Femi Falana, human rights lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, submitted that the judiciary should have conscience and uphold social justice not technicalities.

Ambassador Joe Keshi, President of the Association of Retired Career Ambassadors of Nigeria, ARCAN, spoke on the need to employ diplomacy as a tool in solving Africa’s crises of democracy and development. He pointed out that the crises are international in nature, so the solution has to be national and international.

Dr Usman Oladipo Akanbi, President of the Association of Nigerian Authors, ANA, in assessing Professor Yaqub who, apart from being a leading political scientist and former Vice Chancellor in the Universities of Abuja and Sokoto State, was also engaged in the Arts, spoke about the public intellectual. He pointed out that in this new generation, the public intellectual rather than recede into academic obscurity, can evolve with the times and still contribute to upholding social justice by remaining true to the ideals of his status.

Obviously, Nigerians have a long way to tread.

Arsenal will play Tottenham in a pre-season friendly in Hong Kong, the first North London derby to be held outside the United Kingdom, the clubs said Monday, while Liverpool will meet AC Milan.

The London rivals will play at the southern Chinese city’s new 50,000-capacity Kai Tak Stadium on July 31.

“Playing against Tottenham Hotspur in the magnificent new Kai Tak Stadium will be a great experience for both teams and supporters, and will be a very important part of our pre-season preparations ahead of the new season,” said Arsenal’s managing director Richard Garlick.

Liverpool will play Serie A giants Milan on July 26 at the same stadium.

It will be a replay of the classic 2005 Champions League final, which the Reds won on penalties after being 3-0 down at half-time.

Arne Slot’s Liverpool are likely to head to Hong Kong as Premier League champions — they are currently 12 points clear with nine games left.

Liverpool will also travel to Japan for the first time during pre-season, the club said, without giving dates.

Hong Kong this month officially opened a major $3.85 billion sports park with futuristic Kai Tak Stadium the centrepiece of it.

The stadium saw its first major event at the weekend when it hosted the Hong Kong Rugby Sevens with more than 110,000 spectators attending over three days.

It is all part of efforts to restore the city’s image, which took a battering after political protests and a Beijing-imposed national security law.

Visitor numbers to Hong Kong also plummeted during almost three years of strict Covid curbs and have only recently begun to recover.

AFP

On March 31, 2015, precisely a decade ago, a brief telephone conversation altered Nigeria’s political landscape and reinforced its democratic values. The days leading to the 2015 general election were intense, with political permutations, strong rhetoric, predictions, doomsday prophesies, and pockets of unrest. Most political observers believed the election would either balkanise or strengthen the country, depending on the outcome. The international community had its eyes fixed on Nigeria. Everyone waited with bated breath. 

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had ruled the country since the return of democracy in 1999, and the opposition, All Progressives Congress (APC), which had come out stronger through a merger, had gathered momentum through its “change” mantra. The APC went into the election with Muhammadu Buhari as its running mate to challenge the incumbent president, Goodluck Jonathan, of the PDP.

The atmosphere was charged. However, Nigerians went to the polls on March 28 and voted. Sooner, the results started trickling in.

The majority of the results from the presidential election had been announced, with Buhari leading by nearly three million votes. In a gesture that surprised many, while the final results had not been declared by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Jonathan called Buhari, his rival, to congratulate him.

JONATHAN: NOBODY’S AMBITION IS WORTH THE BLOOD OF ANY NIGERIAN

Jonathan’s simple words, “Congratulations, your excellency”, ushered in a historic moment.

This historic moment was not just about the transfer of political authority; the call marked the first time in Nigeria’s history that a sitting president had willingly and publicly acknowledged electoral defeat by reaching out directly to his opponent, ending 16 years of one-party dominance by the PDP.

Guided by his stance that his ambition is not worth the life of any Nigerian, Jonathan made the call against advice from his circle, many of whom wanted him to contest the results.

“By the time they were announcing Borno state, it was already clear that President Buhari as he later became, was leading with about 3 million votes. It was at that point that the drama began in the villa,” Reuben Abati, Jonathan’s spokesperson, told the BBC.

Abati said the security agencies had warned about the potential of a breakdown of order in the country.

“The people from the Nigerian Delta were saying the president should stand firm. Some other people, mainly the minister and the attorney general of the federation, Mohammed Adoke, were saying, ‘look, the president should apply wisdom,’ and at the end of the day, the president reiterated the position he has always held that nobody’s ambition is worth the blood of any Nigerian because there was palpable threat of violence,” he said.

“…then he placed a call to the control room, and he said, ‘Please get me President Buhari on the line.'”

Abati said the call almost did not happen over connection issues.

Buhari polled a total of 15,424,921 votes while Jonathan secured 12,853,162 votes.

A month later, when he met with some new ambassadors, Jonathan said he took the decision because “as for me, as a matter of principle, it is always the nation first”.

“You need to have a nation before you can have an ambition. It should always be the nation first. You don’t have to scuttle national progress for personal ambition,” Jonathan said.

“Since I assumed duty, I have been involved in quelling political crisis in some African countries, and I know what they passed through and what some are still going through. If you scuttle a system for personal ambition, it becomes a collective tragedy.”

BUHARI: JONATHAN’S PHONE CALL LEFT ME DUMBFOUNDED

In May 2016, Buhari told journalists that he was shocked that Jonathan would give up the presidential seat so easily, given his political trajectory.

“Of course, there was dead silence on my end because I did not expect it. I was shocked,” Buhari said.

“I did not expect it because after 16 years, the man was a deputy governor, governor, vice-president and was president for six years.

“For him to have conceded defeat even before the result was announced by INEC, I think it was quite generous and gracious of him.”

The phone call is reproduced below.

Buhari: Hello, Your Excellency

Jonathan: Your Excellency, how are you?

Buhari: I’m all right.

Jonathan: Congratulations.

Buhari: Thank you very much, your Excellency.

Jonathan: Yeah. So, how are things?

Buhari: Well, I’d congratulate you more because you….

Jonathan: …some of these days to come so that we can sort out how to plan the transitional period.

Buhari: Alright, Your Excellency. Thank you very much

Jonathan: Okay, congratulations.

Buhari: My respects, Your Excellency. Thank you.

[TheCable]

Singer and songwriter Waje has shared valuable insights from her music career, cautioning that talent alone is insufficient for success.

Speaking at Funke Akindele’s Creative Blueprint Masterclass, Waje emphasised the importance of business knowledge in the music industry.

Waje admitted that she initially believed her vocal talent would guarantee success, but she soon learned that understanding the business side was crucial.

She explained that artists must view their music as a product and their audience as a market.

Waje urged artists to adapt to the evolving music landscape, where creativity must be balanced with business acumen.

She advised focusing on branding, audience engagement, and long-term financial sustainability to build a lasting career.

Waje said: “When I started as a musician, I absolutely thought my voice was enough, but experience taught me that there were many other things I had to equip myself with. In the music business, your music is your product, and your audience is your market. Without a clear business approach, you could be leaving money and opportunities on the table.

“The world has changed, and so has the way people consume music. As an artist, it’s not enough to rely solely on raw talent—you must also understand and engage with the business side of things. You are your brand, so how are you cultivating that to ensure you’re earning money?

“You have to start making sure that you’re crossing your T’s and dotting your I’s with your brand and the people who form your audience.

“As great as music is, how sustainable is it? Be smart enough to know that as you’re being creative, you’re also a smart creative—investing in other fields”.

[TheNation]